The Potency of Rituals in Effecting Stability in Communities An Examination

of Paulrsquos Interventions in 1 Cor 1117-34

by

Samuel Mpereh

A Thesis submitted to the University of St Michaelrsquos College

and the Biblical Department of the Toronto School of Theology

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for

the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Theology

awarded by the University of St Michaelrsquos College

copy Copyright by Samuel Mpereh 2016

ii

The Potency of Rituals in Effecting Stability in Communities An Examination of

Paulrsquos Interventions in 1 Cor 11 17-34

Samuel Mpereh

Doctor of Philosophy in Theology

University of St Michaelrsquos College

2016

Abstract

The study examines the effects that Paulrsquos instructions (1 Cor 1117-34) about the celebration of the

δεῖπνον in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία might have had on the members of the ἐκκλησία It argues that Paulrsquos

instructions helped to create a new ritual meal practice in Corinth which in turn would have helped to establish

a stronger shared identity for the community

Many studies have attempted to reconstruct the historical situations that prompted the letter to the

Corinthian assembly In contrast this examination examines the potential effects of the text by applying both

social and ritual theory to the passage through Harvey Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity Moreover

the issue of the identity of the ἐκκλησία is addressed by Roy A Rappaportrsquos model of selfndashreferential and

canonical messages The dissertation argues that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not yet shaped into a

specifically Christian ritual in Corinth at the time of the letter and that the ritual theories of Whitehouse and

Rappaport help to show the potential effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in 1 Corinthians 11 According to

Whitehouse religions tend to be stable in one of two contrasting forms known as imagistic and doctrinal modes

of religiosity Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthians exploit several of the characteristics of the doctrinal mode

thus providing the conditions for ritual stability In turn Rappaportrsquos theory of ritual communication shows how

Paulrsquos instructions about the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provide the ingredients for a clearer communication of an

enduring or ldquocanonicalrdquo identity to participants Thus whatever occasion(s) created the divisions in Corinth

Paulrsquos instructions provided a means to an alternative shared identity for the ἐκκλησία

iii

Acknowledgements

ldquoAnd he said to me It is done I am the Alpha and Omega the beginning and the endrdquo (Rev 216a)

To God be the glory for great things He has done I honor God Most High for his perfect faithfulness

and for granting me the wisdom knowledge understanding and grace to write this dissertation

I am eternally indebted to Dr Colleen Shantz and Dr Ann L Jervis (my thesis directors) for their

expertise the invaluable comments and suggestions they made throughout the project Their words of

encouragement and the directions they gave me boosted my morale to write the dissertation In addition to my

thesis directors I am very grateful to other members of my supervisory committee and the examiners for my

comprehensive examinations ndash Dr J S Kloppenborg Revrsquod Dr Dorcas Gordon and Dr Scott Lewis I

express my profound gratitude to the Dean members of Faculty Staff and students of the Faculty of Theology

University of St Michaelrsquos College for their support companionship and the creation of an atmosphere

conducive to studies I sincerely thank all the Faculty members of Toronto School of Theology for the learning

skills I acquired from them

I register my heartfelt thanks to the hierarchy of The Methodist Church Ghana the United Church of

Canada and the people called Methodists for their prayer support and koinōnia I record the agapē demonstrated

by my beloved wife Mrs Dina Mpereh and our three sons Samuel Abraham Benjamin Mpereh and members

of my family for their consent for further study prayers and moral support

iv

Table of Contents

Abstract ii

Acknowledgements iii

Table of Contents iv

List of Tables vi

Abbreviations vii

Primary Sources vii

Secondary Sources ix

Introduction 1

1 The State of the Question 6

11 Views about Divisions in General 7

12 Conflict over Specific Issues 12

121 Litigation as a Source of Conflict in the ἐκκλησία 12

122 Meat Sacrifices as a Source of Division 13

123 Disorder during Public Worship 15

1 3 The Meal as a Source of Division 16

1 4 A New Set of Questions 23

2 The State of the Meal at Corinth 25

21 The General Pattern of Formal Meals 26

211 The Mode of reclining 28

212 The Structure of the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον 29

213 An Excursus on Jewish Meals 33

2 2 Comparison between the Meal Practices of GrecondashRoman Associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία 36

2 2 1 External evidence 37

2 2 2 Social Mobility Internal Evidence about Voluntary associations 44

2 3 Physical Setting 47

2 31 The State of the Meal in Corinth already a specifically Christian Ritual 52

24 Conclusion 54

3 Two Ritual Models for Analysis of Paulrsquos Comments 56

3 1 The Difficulty of Definition 57

3 1 2 Approaches to the Study of Rituals 60

3 2 A Closer Examination of Ritual Function 63

3 2 1 The appearance of New Rituals 67

3 3 Models of Harvey Whitehouse and R A Rappaport 69

v

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication 76

34 Conclusion 78

4 Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective 80

41 A New Model 80

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode 83

43 Conclusion 94

5 Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims 96

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον 96

5 2 Unity and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον 103

53 Implications greater group unity 106

5 4 Summary and Conclusion 107

Bibliography 109

APPENDIX 122

vi

List of Tables

Table Page

1 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity 72

2 Sociopolitical features summarized 75

vii

ABBREVIATIONS

PRIMARY SOURCES

AGRW Ascough R S PA Harland and J S Kloppenborg ed Associations in the Greco-

Roman World A Sourcebook Waco 2012

Aristotle

Eth nic Ethica nichomachea Nichomachean Ethics

Aristophanes

Wasps

Ath Athenaios

Deip Deipnosophitae Deipnosophists

Ber Berakot

Chrysostom

Hom1 Cor Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

CIL Corpus inscriptionum latinarum Consilio et Auctoritate Academiae Litterarum

Regiae Borussicae editum (17 vols Berlin Reimer 1863ndash1989)

1 Clem 1 Clement

I Delos Roussel Pierre and Marcel Launey ed Inscriptions de Deacutelos Deacutecrets posteacuterieurs agrave

166 avJ-C (nos1497ndash1524 ) Deacutedicaces posteacuterieures agrave 166avJ-C (nos1525 ndash

2219) Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettresParis Librairie Ancienne Honoreacute

Champion 1937

GThom Gospel of Thomas

GRA Kloppenborg John S Philip A Harland and Richard SAscough Greco-Roman

Associations Texts Translations and Commentary BZNW 181Berlin Walter de

Gruyter 2011 ndashVol 1 Attica Central Greece Macedonia Thrace (2011)

Hom Homer

Il The Iliad

Od The Odyssey

IG Inscriptiones gracae Bonnae A Marcus and E Weber 1913

Jos Asen Joseph and Aseneth

Justin

1 Apol First Apology

Lucian

Dial Deo Dialogi Deorum

Lex Lexiphanes

Symp Symposium

Mart Martial

viii

Epig Epigrammata (Epigrams)

Ovid

Fast Fasti

PG Migne J-P ed Patrologiae cursus completus (series Graeca) Paris 1857 ff

Plato

Symp Symposium

Pliny the Younger

Ep Epistulae

Plut Plutarch

De Tuen De Tuenda Sanitate Praecepta

Quaest conv Quaestiones convivales

Sept sap conv Septem sapientium convivium

P Lond PLond edKenyon F G and H I Bell Greek Papyri in the British Museum 7

vols London 1893ndash1974

PMich Michigan Papyri V Papyri from Tebtunis part 2 ed Elinor Mullett Husselman

Arthur ER Boak and William F Edgerton (Ann Arbor University of Michigan

Press 1944) nos 226ndash356

PRE Realencyclopaumldie fuumlr Protestantische Theologie und Kirche

SEG Supplementum epigraphicum graecum Leiden E J Brill 1923 ndash

Sen Seneca

Ad Luc Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales

SIG Dittenberger Wihelm ed Sylloge inscriptionum graecarum 3rd ed 4 vols Leipzig

S Hirzel 1915ndash24

Xen Xenophon

Symp Symposium

ix

SECONDARY SOURCES

BR Biblical Research

CSSCA Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology

CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CSHJ Chicago Studies in the History of Judaism

CTR Chriswell Theological Review

EASA European Association of Social Anthropologists

ET The Expository Times

GNT Good News Translation

HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament

HTR Harvard Theological Review

IKZ Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift

JAC Jahrbuch fuumlr Antike und Christentum

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature

JHP Journal of Historical Pragmatics

JJS Journal of Jewish Studies

JRitSt Journal for Ritual Studies

JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament

JSNT Sup Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series

JTS Journal of Theological Studies

LQ Lutheran Quarterly

MKNT Meyerrsquos Kommentar zum Neuen Testament

NICNT The New International Commentary on the New Testament

NovT Novum Testamentum

NTS New Testament Studies

RA Revue Archeacuteologique

RTR Reformed Theological Review

SBL Society of Biblical Literature

SCM Student Christian Movement

SHR Studies in the History of Religions

SPCK Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge

TANZ Texte und Arbeiten zum neutestamentlichen Zeitalter

TZTh Tuumlbinger Zeitschrift fuumlr Theologie

TynBul Tyndale Bulletin

ZNW Zeitschrift fuumlr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der aumllteren Kirche

ZWT Zeitschrift fuumlr wissenschaftliche Theologie

1

Introduction

The Corinthian case of conflict at table is analogous to the GrecondashRoman world in general and

voluntary associations in particular Various interpretations have been given by scholars concerning what Paul

intended to convey in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Disunity is particularly evident in eating the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1118ndash

21) Paul tells the members of the ἐκκλησία that when they come together it is not for the better but for the

worse (1117) He claims that there are divisions among them (v 18) and that the collective meal has been

fragmented into individual meals where one eats while another is hungry and another is drunk (v 21) In fact in

Paulrsquos view their thinking and behavior are so seriously disordered that many are weak and feeble and a number

of them have died (v 30) In evaluating these circumstances many have described the behavior of some of the

members as inappropriate1 In Paulrsquos opinion the state of affairs in the ἐκκλησία required his interventions

around the meal to correct the problem of disunity2

My interest is to attempt to answer the question How might Paulrsquos comments about the δεῖπνον help to

generate greater unity in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The ritual structure of the supper provides a distinctive

opportunity for Paul to try to end the fractiousness I will argue that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not

yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in Corinth and that the ritual theories of Roy A Rappaport3 and

Harvey Whitehouse4 (described in Chapter 3) help to demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal

meal might give Paul a particular kind of leverage in strengthening the identity of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and

thus ending some of the divisions

Generally speaking ritual is an important aspect of Christian communities Rituals are performed at

birth baptism marriage festivals etc The present study addresses the concern that little detailed attention has

been turned to the ritual setting of the passage under review and the potency of rituals to shape collective

experience and thus strengthen unity To gain insight into how the development of the ritual ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

ndash and its use would have strengthened the community there is the need not only to critically engage with the

works of biblical scholars but ritual theorists as well G D Fee suggests that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

abusing the meal and Annette Weissenrieder also writes that they neglected the ldquoLast Supperrdquo5 Contrary to

these views I will make a case that it can be established that instead of abusing or neglecting a ritual that was

1 For example G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians (NICNT rev ed Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 2014) 587 regards it as ldquototally unacceptable behaviorrdquo

2 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharistrdquo Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 4836ndash49 at 36 G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 531 Geert Hallbaumlck ldquoSacred Meal and Social Meeting Paulrsquos Argument

in 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic and Roman

World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998) 167

3 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity CSSCA 110 (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1999)

4 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission (Walnut Creek CA

AltaMira Press 2004)

5 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 15 531ndash545 and Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in

1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo in Contested Spaces Houses and Temples in Roman Antiquity and the

New Testament Ed Balch David L and Annette Weissenrieder (Tubingen Mohr Siebeck 2012) respectively

2

distinctive to the Christndashgroup the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing a GrecondashRoman

association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special In order to assess this hypothesis I

will apply two models of ritualndashnamely Harvey Whitehousersquos ldquodoctrinal moderdquo and Roy Rappaportrsquos selfndash

referential and canonical modes ndash to the text to evaluate the ways in which Paul is formalizing the structure and

meaning of the supper and hence the shared identity and experience of the ἐκκλησία

The current study has manifold advantages First and foremost the research contributes to scholarship

by demonstrating how the ritual Paul is helping to create ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash being in its embryonic stage

shaped the community through action The present study sheds light on the teething problems of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία in particular and the formation of early Christianity in general The study demonstrates the

significance of Paulrsquos interventions by means of a ritual namely the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον beyond rhetorical

persuasions and aims at demonstrating the potency of rituals to shaping collective experience with the overall

effect of strengthening unity The investigation gives insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in helping to create a

ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a self-referential and canonical

identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth It also explores patronageclientele system which helps to

understand the social statuses of the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe study investigates ritual models to

gain understanding of handling conflicts in the Corinthian community and Paulrsquos ways of intervention It is thus

valuable for acquiring principles necessary for attaining unity conflictndashresolution and stability in communities

Chapter 1 of the study briefly outlines the range of scholarly views about divisions in general

indicating specific cases of disunity at the meal The chapter reviews the history of scholarship about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and divisions within the ἐκκλησία and also examines the relationship between the general

conflict in the ἐκκλησία and the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in particular In examining the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the

chapter considers other kinds of division for example litigation as a source of conflict It further explores the

subject of meat sacrifices as a source of division The focus here is on the strong and weak regarding the eating

of meat and the discussion is extended to the historical setting of Corinth In addition to this is an investigation

into the disorder that takes place during worship The chapter also examines the meal as a source of division In

an attempt to evaluate the socioeconomic dimensions of the meal norms of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the

discussion shifts to examining the physical setting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The shift thus prepares the

ground for a discussion that seeks a path for ritual setting

In ascertaining the social status of the members of the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι the chapter surveys three

phases of scholarly opinion What I designate the first phase represents the older viewpoint spearheaded by

Adolf Deissmann that the early Christians were among the people of the lower strata of the Roman Empire

Scholars in the category of what I term the second phase for example Abraham J Malherbe express the view

that the social standing of the early of the Christndashgroups may be higher than what Deissmann presumed and that

there may be an emerging consensus regarding the social standing of the members of the Corrinthian ἐκκλησία

In more recent times Gerd Theissen has advanced the concept of social stratification in the ἐκκλησία and he

assigns the σχίσματα to the grouping of the wellndashtondashdo Christians and the less privileged in the assembly

Scholars in the category of what I label the third phase for example J J Meggitt and S Friesen soften the

3

viewpoints of scholars in both the first and second phases The review covers views of scholars who consider

the σχίσματα to be sociondashpolitical theological or ideological and others who assign the σχίσματα to personal

allegiances or other isolated cases

Chapter 2 deals with the state of the meal at Corinth The chapter examines the general pattern of the

GrecondashRoman meals and establishes that a common meal typology typifies meal practices in the GrecondashRoman

Mediterranean milieu irrespective of the background ndash whether Jewish or nonndashJewish The chapter explores the

GrecondashRoman meal practices including the custom of reclining the structure of the δεῖπνον and συμποσίον and

then makes an excursus on Jewish meals Chapter 2 expands the discussion to embark on a comparative study

of meal practices in the sociondashcultural setting between voluntary associations and Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

rationale for the comparison is to identify the features that are similar to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the

voluntary associations In the comparison the features that are identified as similar include social stratification

social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character Even though all the features identified are

active in 1 Corinthians they are in a state of fluctuation The chapter argues that perhaps the Corinthian δεῖπνον

is an ordinary meal of the kind we see in voluntary associations Furthermore the chapter establishes that the

Corinthian δεῖπνον is not yet developed into a distinctively Christian ritual at the time of writing the epistle For

the purposes of analysis the chapter seeks evidence postndashdating 1 Corinthians as well as exploring social

mobility as internal evidence about voluntary associations This prepares the stage for further probing into

whether the meal in Corinth is already a specifically Christian ritual or not The discussion is extended further

by reviewing more recent views expressed by Weissenrieder and Richard Last on the setting for supper and

George May that the communal meal is not yet a ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians Weissenriederrsquos work

provides the evidence in favor of the Corinthian δεῖπνον correlating with the voluntary associations

Chapter 3 highlights pioneers of ritual studies and investigates the approaches to the study of rituals It

explores the functions of ritual in the following arears first communication by the use of symbols Second it

surveys how rituals help in effecting stability and infusing innovation It further examines the social collective

functions of ritual and how it contributes to social solidarity The second half of the chapter examines new view

of rituals The chapter further introduces the two ritual models that I use in the analysis of Paulrsquos intervention in

1 Cor 1117ndash34 There are some features of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that are recurrent in other rituals Comparative

data from other disciplines (specifically anthropology) might help us to examine how the ritual models help to

analyze a ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον being in its embryonic stage G A Klingbeil rightly observes that

among the Christian ritual practices ldquothe celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper seems to have had the most potential

for integrating the diverse members into a more unified lsquobodyrsquohelliprdquo6 After introducing Whitehousersquos model of

modes of religiosity especially the doctrinal mode and Rappaportrsquos model of rituals as means of

communication and giving the criteria for selecting their models chapter 3 applies the models to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία The chapter further demonstrates first in respect to Whitehousersquos model how rituals produce stability

within a particular kind of community Whitehouse helps to show how rituals take on stable forms that are

6 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible (Winona Lake Ind Eisenbrauns

2007) 222

4

related to and reinforcing of specific community structures Second in a similar vein Rappaportrsquos model

assesses the ways that ritual can transfer or communicate messages apart from words Rappaportrsquos model shows

how ritual conveys meaning largely by symbolic means In applying Rappaportrsquos model the distinction is drawn

between canonical and selfndashreferential messages

An understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association is significant for the study

For a legitimate historicalndashcritical examination chapter 3 pays particular attention to voluntary associations in

the GrecondashRoman world It employs comparative data of the voluntary associations especially the collegia and

thiasoi to ascertain the different meal practices and compare and contrast them with that of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία This becomes crucial taking cognizance of the fact that Christndashgroups were subject to the same social

dynamics that prevailed in other institutions

Chapter 4 is an exegetical study of 1 Cor1117ndash34 It involves an inndashdepth analysis in order to

elucidate the meaning of the passage under review It demonstrates how Paulrsquos comments in 1 Cor 1117ndash34

might strengthen the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and communicate canonical and self-referential

meanings After establishing in chapter 3 the essence for the application of the ritual models of Whitehouse and

Rappaport chapter 4 applies these models analytically to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 In terms of taxonomy the

terminology κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is sui generis in the entire NT The chapter therefore harnesses the available

ritual resources in the passage

Part of the claim of chapter 4 is that rituals operate not just as concepts but that they feature very well

with groups and relationships The chapter therefore identifies the characteristics of both imagistic and doctrinal

types of religious groups and relates them to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The chapter discovers the sociondashpolitical

features of Whitehousersquos modes of religion that are applicable to the Corinthian situation and investigates the

band of traits that in Paulrsquos estimation might contribute towards the development of the ἐκκλησία It further

argues that what Paul is trying to achieve in the ἐκκλησία is to introduce a ritual in its nascent form The ritual

approach by Ronald L Grimes of demonstrating how rituals emerge is adopted to develop this viewpoint The

application of ritual models to the passage under review might help give insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in

helping to create a ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a selfndash

referential and canonical identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth If this hypothesis proves correct then

the dissertation will show the importance of Paulrsquos interventions beyond rhetorical persuasion

Chapter 5 considers the new meaning Paul gives to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον For example Paul by use of

the following expressions Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου τραπέζης κυρίου and ποτήριον κυρίου conveys

the Christological dimension of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paulrsquos use of σῶμα leads to the introduction of ἀγάπη

which I describe as a unity ethic Paul devotes a chapter to ἀγάπη (1 Cor 13) and the overall effect of his

instructions could be that the members of the ἐκκλησία would attain somatic unity The chapter then provides a

summary of the implications of how Paulrsquos new meanings might help create greater unity in Corinth

In conclusion it is noteworthy to make introductory comments on a word that I have used namely

μεριμνῶσις which is derived from μεριμνῶσιν Μεριμνῶσιν is the 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω which means ldquoto care forrdquo Paul enjoins the members of the ἐκκλησία with these words ἀλλήλων

5

μεριμνῶσιν (1 Cor 1225) One of Paulrsquos interventions in writing συνερχόμενοι εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε

(1 Cor 1133b) could be his desire for egalitarianism for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία It is plausible that Paul in

applying the analogy of σῶμα was motivated by the need of the members of the ἐκκλησία to care for one

another

6

1

The State of the Question

πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν καὶ μέρος τι πιστεύω

(1 Cor 1118)

For first of all when you assemble in the ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you and I partly

believe it

(1 Cor 1118)

In 1 Corinthians Paul is concerned that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία should exhibit greater

unity than they currently do Even a cursory reading of the letter suggests that there is instability in the

ἐκκλησία Paul mentions σχίσματα in 110 and ἔριδες in 111 Disunity shows up in multiple places in 1

Corinthians There were those who claim to belong to Paul some to Apollos others to Cephas and still others to

Christ There were cases of litigation where some members were having πρᾶγμα against other members of the

ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) Moreover there were differences of opinion concerning the use of meat sacrificed to idols

(8ndash10) disorder about worship practices (14) and the specific case of disunity at the celebration of the meal in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 11 After having received a report that there were contentions among them

Paul made a passionate appeal that there be no divisions (1 Cor 110ndash11 1117 ff 1225 cf 33) Σχίσματα still

persisted when the Christndashgroup came together for their shared meal (1 Cor 1118)1

The chapter summarizes existing scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on their

meal practices There are other scholars who have attempted to handle some of the problems related to meals in

1 Corinthians However D E Smithrsquos dissertation for example concentrates mainly on the social meal in the

GrecondashRoman world Moreover P Coutsoumpos embarks on a sociondashhistorical study on 1 Cor 8 10 and 112

Although the dissertations of Smith and Coutsoumpos deliberate on some of the issues in the current research

especially GrecondashRoman meals there are significant divergences from my dissertation My dissertation is

distinct from other scholarly works on the passage under review in that it will examine the ritual setting of the

passage It will further demonstrate that it was Paul who was generating the beginnings of a ritual structure

distinct from the ordinary meal practices of voluntary associations for example

1 Some critics are of the view that the members of the ἐκκλησία were abusing the Lordrsquos Supper Cf G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 587 comments ldquoPaul now takes up a second abuse of Christian worship

(cf 112ndash 16) lsquodivisionsrsquo at the Lordrsquos Supper (v18) predicated along sociological lines (v22)rdquo R F Collins

First Corinthians Sacra Pagina Series vol7 (Collegeville The Liturgical Press 1999) 421 In a similar vein

C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (New

York Crossroad 1987) 74 notes ldquoSuch divisions associated with the common meal would be viewed as tragic

by Paul who saw the meal as the catalyst for Christian fellowship (1016ndash17) B B Blue ldquoThe House Church

at Corinth Famine Food Supply and the Present Distressrdquo CTR 5 (1991) 221ndash39 at 234ndash37 identifies the

problem as one related to famine making reference to 1 Cor 726

2 Dennis E Smith ldquoSocial Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Christian Meal in 1

Corinthians in Comparison with Graeco-Roman Mealsrdquo (Unpublished Thesis Harvard University Cambridge

Massachusetts 1980) P Coutsoumpos Paul and the Lordrsquos Supper A Socio-Historical Investigation (New

York Peter Lang 2005)

7

11 Views about Divisions in General

Before proceeding to analysis of Paulrsquos instructions about the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I begin with a review

of scholarship about a generalized social conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Some scholars have argued that

the kind of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία was ideological3 C K Barrett a chief proponent of this view infers that

Apollos could have attracted ldquoa following of his ownrdquo the fact that he was an ἀνὴρ λόγιος (Acts 1824)rdquo4

Moreover he could have been a factor in ldquothe Corinthian development of thought about γνῶσις λόγος and

σοφίαrdquo which were subjects that Paul handles in 1 Cor 1ndash45 The Cephas group Barrett writes had adopted a

Jewish Christian ldquonomisticrdquo attitude that involved a position on litigation that forbade appeal to secular courts

the total rejection of ldquosacrificial mealsrdquo and issues on the Lordrsquos Supper6

Commentators of early twentiethndashcentury regularly held the view that there were various segments of

the Christian community who rallied around the leaders namely Paul Apollos Cephas and Christ (1 Cor 112)

Some scholars especially C F G Heinrici and Johannes Weiss argue that (1) Paul introduces Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ

so as to reduce the other three citations ad absurdum or (2) the phrase is Paulrsquos own declaration but not a fourth

slogan7 They base their argument on 1 Cor 322 1 Clement and Patrologica Graeca with the reason that the

phrase was Paulrsquos own gloss on the divisions8 Some scholars argue for the existence of a Christndashparty based on

the parallelism in the phrasing of the slogans H Conzelmann responds to the hypothesis of Heinrici and Weiss

that the adoption of their interpretation on the addition of Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ would make it to be difficult to

establish a link between verses 12 and 13

Other critics basing their argument on 1 Cor 112 argue that there were two or more parties related to

the leaders mentioned in 112 Chrysostom equally disputed the existence of such a Christndashparty He opines that

the mentioning of four names in 112 is not an indication that different groups rallied around Paul Apollos and

Cephas Paul by mentioning his name first was giving esteem to the others He thus arranged the names in

ascendancy (κατὰ αῦξησιν)9 Ferdinand Christian Baur contends that the divisions that existed among the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were as a result of diverging theologies Pauline Christianity which was represented by the

Pauline and Apollosian parties and Jewish Christianity which was represented by the Petrine and Christndash

3 Cf Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body (New Haven Yale University Press 1995) xvii maintains that

even though the Corinthian ἐκκλησία lacked persons from the ldquohighest levels of Greco-Roman culturerdquo

socioeconomic positions were available and that ldquoprompted theological conflictshellipthat ldquostemmed from conflicts

over ideologyrdquo

4 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo in Essays on Paul (London SPCK 1982) 4

5 Ibid 4 See further 5ndash14

6 Ibid 4 referencing T W Mansonrsquos argument (Studies in the Gospels and Epistles ed Matthew Black

Manchester Manchester University Press 1962) 197ndash208 at 198

7 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1975)

33

8 ldquoOf a truth he charged you in the Spirit concerning himself and Cephas and Apollos because that even then ye

had made partiesrdquo 1 Clem 47 3 J-P Migne PG (1857ndash1912) 1308

9 John Chrysostom Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

8

parties10

Peter Lampe argues that Paul covertly reproaches the members of the Corinthian community by means

of a rhetorical σχημα in 118ndash216 and that the mention of Apollos and Cephas is a clue to all the comments

made by Paul in that section Lampe asserts that Paul does not make a direct allusion to party strife in 118ndash

216 He further states that in these verses Paul assigns the source of legitimate theological knowledge to Godrsquos

spirit In effect the theological statements have divine rather than human origin This therefore does not give

room for boasting Paul thus employs the rhetorical σχημα without hurting the feelings of the two condash

missionaries however it allows Paul to equally deal with the ldquoparty disorderrdquo11

Marion L Soards comments

that ldquo[a]ttempts to identify the distinct theological perspectives of those who would claim affiliation with one or

the other of those named by Paul here are not persuasive and are necessarily speculativerdquo12

Benjamin Fiore regards the source of the Corinthian communityrsquos divisiveness as also being at the root

of specific problems in chapter 5ndash15 According to him Paul uses two exhortationndashformulae to address the facts

of σχίσματα as well as confront them He identifies the rhetorical device of λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος13

as the

technique employed by Paul in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 in addressing both problems of factionalism and possession of

faulty knowledge and wisdom He however finds the device most effective for the resolution of the

factionalism Paul by calling attention to his covert allusion in 46 thus negates the covertness of the rhetorical

form He in effect abandons the secrecy of allusion so as to direct the members of the community towards the

salvation secured in the crucified Christ for them14

During the second half of the twentieth century another group of scholars attributed the tensions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία to some kind of gnosticism Making use of the Gospel of Thomas the authors settled on

some similarities between Christianity and the document The logion which is similar to the enigmatic comment

by Paul in 1 Cor 29 is ldquoJesus said lsquoI shall give you what no eye has seen what no ear has heard what no hand

has touched what has not arisen in the human heartrsquo rdquo15

Likewise in 1 Corinthians there are some slogans that

some critics suggest that Paul cites back to the members of the Corinthian community Some scholars argue that

these slogans are clues that Paulrsquos opponents in Corinth were gnostics16

For example W Schmithals attribute

the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία to gnostic opponents In an attempt to overcome the chronological problem

10

F C Baur ldquoDie Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde der Gegensatz des Paulinischen und

Petrinischen Christentums in der Aumlltesten Kirche der Apostel Petrus in Romrdquo TZTh 4 (1831) 61ff

11 P Lampe ldquoTheological Wisdom and the lsquoWord about the Crossrsquo The Rhetorical Scheme in 1 Corinthians 1ndash

4rdquo Interpretation 44 (1990)117ndash31 esp 127ndash31

12 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

13 λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος means a ldquofigured speech (word)rdquo It is a rhetoric device used to communicate a

message in a frank manner making oblique references without unjustifiably causing offence to the recipients

14 Benjamin Fiore ldquoCovert Allusionrdquo in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 CBQ 47 (1985) 85ndash102 esp 86ndash88 93ndash94 100ndash

101

15 GThom 17

16 Examples are 612 cf 1023 613 possibly 71 81 and 84 In the nineteenth century F C Baur ldquoDie

Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde 61ndash206 contends that Paulrsquos opponents were Judaizers

9

involved some scholars suggest that the opponents were ldquoprotondashGnosticsrdquo17

Recent scholarship has challenged such approaches based on ldquomirrorndashreadingrdquo to interpret the causes

of divisions within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία18

W Baird states the effect of such reconstructions as follows

ldquoThis method of lsquomirror readingrsquo has imposed on the interpretation of the epistles an oppressive rigidity A

fresh reading of 1 Corinthians is needed ndash a reading open to a more flexible analysis of the conflict within the

Corinthian congregationrdquo19

Willem C van Unnik who is of a similar view considers it as a wrong historical

method in New Testament scholarship in recent times

to reconstruct the unknown ideas of the Christians there by reverting Paulrsquos words to the opposite and

by thinking that everything the apostle wrote was prompted by the necessity of contradicting very

explicitly ideas that were held by these enthusiasts in the Corinthian ecclesia and which were leading

the sheep astray20

We need to question the coherence of ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo as a movement Even though philosophic

and other movements sprang up and generated into ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo less than a century after Paulrsquos day

there is little evidence to establish Christian gnosticism before the second century21

Furthermore the proposal

of Schmithals did not account for the evidence in verses 22 33 and 34 of 1 Corinthians 11 in which Paul

explicitly indicates that the behavior of the members of the ἐκκλησία constituted despising the ἐκκλησία of God

and shaming the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo Moreover in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul alludes to the entire assembly This is

confirmed by his use of the second person plural in general terms eg συνέρχεσθε συνερχομένων ὑμῶν (vv17

18 cf v20)

Still other commentators hold the view that the primary source of conflict was not within the

community but rather between Paul and one unified ἐκκλησία G D Fee admits that the Corinthian church was

experiencing internal strife Notwithstanding he argues that the greater problem of ldquodivisionrdquo was between Paul

as a leader and some persons in the ldquocommunity who were leading the church as a whole into an antindashPauline

view of thingsrdquo22

Fee contends that it is doubtful that the ldquodivisionsrdquo described in chapter 11 could be a

reflection of the same reality as that expressed in 112 He assigns the following reasons for his position (1)

17

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 57ndash59 asserts that Paul opposes only

gnosticism1

18 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation An Exegetical Investigation of the Language

and Paul and Composition of 1 Corinthians (Louisville Ky WestminsterJohn Knox Press 1993) 54ndash55 C

S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2005) 8

19 W Baird lsquoldquoOne against the Otherrsquo Intra-Church Conflict in 1 Corinthiansrdquo in The Conversation Continues

Studies in Paul and John in Honor of J Louis Martyn ed R T Fortna and B R Gaventa (Nashville

Abingdon Press 1990) 119

20 Willem C van Unnik ldquoThe Meaning of 1 Corinthians 1231rdquoNov T 35 (1993) 142ndash159 at 144

21 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3 See also W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the

Letters to the Corinthians trans John E Steely (Nashville Abingdon Press 1971) Edwin M Yamauchi Pre-

Christian Gnosticism A Survey of the Proposed Evidences (2d ed Grand Rapids Mich Baker Book House

1983) G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 12 states ldquoNone of the essential phenomena of

Gnosticism is present in this letter except the dualism itself which can be explained on other groundsrdquo

22 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 5ndash6

10

there is an additional dimension of the former divisions While they are characterized by ldquoquarrelsrdquo and

ldquojealousyrdquo the divisions in chapter 11 are spelled out wholly along sociological lines (vv 21ndash 22 33ndash34) (2)

In 112 the contention is around four names and it definitely carries antindashPauline sentiment In chapter 11 only

two groups ndash the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo and the ldquohavesrdquo ndash are involved without any dispute with Paul on the issue (3)

The language Paul uses συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ hellip σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν (1118) implies that the

ldquodivisionsrdquo particularly have to do with their gatherings and not merely to false loyalties to their leaders or to

ldquowisdomrdquo Finally (4) the additional words in the verse ndash ldquoI partly believe itrdquo ndash fit well in the context of

chapter 11 but it is hardly the case in 110ndash42123

It is Paulrsquos way of authenticating the report of his informants

ldquobut also of bridging the sociological gap between them and the wealthy who are guilty of the misdeedsrdquo24

In contrast Margaret M Mitchell is of the view that general disunity was central to Paulrsquos argument

ldquoBecause he returns to this ecclesiological concern in 1133ndash34 we conclude that the disunity of the church is

the main topic of this argument to which the tradition (1123ndash 26) is a responserdquo25

By use of rhetorical

criticism Mitchell demonstrates that 1 Corinthians is a single letter which contains a ldquodeliberative argumentrdquo by

which Paul implores ldquothe community to become reunifiedrdquo26

Annette Weissenrieder agrees stating that it is

likely that the words of praise which Paul uses in 112 can be understood as ldquocaptatio benevolentiaerdquo27

They

amount ldquocataphorically to the antithetical speech act in 1117 and 22 in which Paul explicitly does not praise

the community and points to the Last Supper which has been neglectedrdquo28

In discussing the views about divisions in general it is noteworthy that some scholars for example

John K Chow and Andrew D Clarke have more recently discredited the role of ideology in the divisions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία They attribute the tensions in the ἐκκλησία to personal allegiances Clarke examines the

nature of the leadership structure and dynamics of first century Roman Corinth and compares that to the style of

leadership reflected in 1 Cor 1ndash6 He cites evidence from 1 Corinthians about secular views and style of

leadership The examples include leaders who are involved in litigation in law courts and the incestuous man in

1 Cor 5 Clarke maintains that the conflict in Corinth did not stem from personal policy or manifesto but

patronage For him the personal attachment to certain personalities was an integral part of the system of social

relationship He identifies three different kinds of relationships and insists that they were analogous to the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία With the clientele system clients gained mutual support from the patrons Sophists and

orators also had faithful followers while in the political realm the disputes had their source from the personal

23

Ibid 595

24 Ibid 596

25 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 263 (emphasis original)

26 Ibid 13

27 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 65 See also G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 552 who comments as follows ldquothey serve in a more general way as a

kind of captatio benevolentiae to introduce this entire section regarding their gatherings for worship (chaps 11ndash

14)helliprdquo Cf H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 182 who considers the

captatio as a literary device

28 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 65

11

interests of a particular group Clarke describes the kind of leadership that prevailed as secular and was

characterized by the desire for prestige and oratory Paul was not in favor of this kind of leadership In contrast

with the secular type of leadership he outlines his own perception of nonndashstatus type of leadership and

principles of leadership29

Chow also examines some of the behavioral problems prevalent in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία through the

lens of the phenomenon of patronage His analysis focuses on a kind of network specifically patronndashclient ties

He surmises that those who opposed Paul could be the powerful patrons in the ἐκκλησία He thus examines

signals that could serve as a link between the powerful patrons and some of the tensions in the ἐκκλησία He

like Clarke opines that the incestuous man in 1 Cor 51ndash13 was a powerful patron For Chow the act of taking

fellow members to law courts was to show superiority over other members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) He cites

Rom 161ndash2 in relation to Phoebe as a διάκονος and προστάτις as an example of patronal relations in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In referencing E A Judge and W Sanday and A C Headlam30

he buys the notion of

regarding προστάτις as ldquopatronessrdquo31

He further examines the relationship between Apollos and the members of

the ἐκκλησίαThe members of the ἐκκλησία exhibited unusual attitudes towards Paul and Apollos A case in

point is the paying of a visit to Corinth (1 Cor 1612)32

The attitudes did not only indicate the division in the

church but were also signals of the preference of Apollos to Paul Chow indicates for example that Paulrsquos

refusal of a gift and Apollosrsquo acceptance of financial support could be another signal of the Corinthians

preferring him to Paul (1 Cor 46) Chow concludes that if this was the case then Apollos could be a friend or

client to some of the wealthy members of the ἐκκλησία and that patronal ties would already be in vogue in the

ἐκκλησία

J S Kloppenborg admits the efforts of both Chow and Clarke in seeking an interpretation of the

conflict in Corinth in the light of the social and historical background However he declines Chowrsquos position

for powerful patrons as overstated For example Kloppenborg indicates that it is unlikely that the incestuous

man is powerful According to him if he were a patron and therefore hosted Christian meetings it would not

seem right for Paul to have given the directive ldquoDrive out the wicked man among yourdquo (1 Cor 513)

Kloppenborg suggests that the organizational model that seems most appropriate in capturing the situation in

Corinth is not that of a household directed by a paterfamilias bur rather it is that of a network of collegia

domestica with individual patrons or a cult that has devotees of different families and other family members

The means of comprehending the nature of the conflict in 1 Cor 112 and 11 18 according to him involves

29

Andrew D Clarke Secular and Christian Leadership in Corinth A Social-Historical and Exegetical Study of

1 Corinthians 1ndash6 2d ed (Milton Keynes Paternoster 2006)

30 E A Judge ldquoCultural Conformity and Innovation in Paul Some clues from Contemporary Documentsrdquo The

Tyndale Biblical Archaeology Lecture 1983 TB 36 (1984) 3ndash24 W Sanday and A C Headlam The Epistle

to the Romans (Edinburgh T amp T Clark 5th ed 1902) 418

31 John K Chow Patronage and Power A Study of Social Networks in Corinth (JSNT Sup 75 Sheffield

England JSOT Press 1992) 101

32 Ibid 103 indicates that the problem does not seem to be between Paul and Apollos but rather Paul and some

members of the ἐκκλησία Paul deems Apollos as a brother (1 Cor 39) and co-worker (1 Cor 1612)

12

perceiving ldquoa context in which factionalism and conflict become public ndash that is a context in which various

subgroups appear togetherrdquo33

12 Conflict over Specific Issues

In 1 Corinthians Paul addresses specific subjects and responds to particular cases In some instances

his response is based on a report or communication he has received for example 110ff 51ff 71ff In other

cases he writes in general terms for example 21ff 31ff 41ff Paul therefore seems to have addressed specific

issues rather than responding to specific groups in the argumentation of the epistle Consequently the

perception of 1 Corinthians contingent on divisions in the community was debunked in late twentiethndashcentury

exegesis Recent scholarship now interprets the divisions to be generalized social conflict that is it takes form

in different kinds of disputes rather than organized coherently around specific leaders and their charisma34

At

this point I move from arguments that see the source of division described in the opening of the letter to

explore specific causes of dispute

121 Litigation as a Source of Conflict in the ἐκκλησία

One case of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία involves litigation in which the lawsuits centered on

βιωτικὰ (1 Cor 61ndash11)35

G D Fee in commenting on the passage draws attention to the sociological aspect of

the problem He is of the view that the content in the following paragraph of the passage emphasising

ldquothieveryrdquo gives the clue that the issue relates to ldquomaterial possessionsrdquo36

Alan Mitchell identifies two groups

involved in the conflict in chapter 6 namely the members of the community who had status in the Grecondash

Roman society and those who did not have He opines that Paul understands the ldquolitigiousnessrdquo of some of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as being part of a larger problem of social division of the ἐκκλησίαι in

Corinth37

He suggests that the ldquohigher status peoplerdquo were summoning the ldquolower status peoplerdquo before the

courts and that members of the latter group were those who were offended Bruce W Winter shares a similar

view and states that the use of κριτήριον ἐλάχιστον in 1 Cor 62 makes it likely to consider the case at stake to be

a breach of a civil law rather than criminal38

G Theissen remarks that the administration of justice could favor

those who were of the upper class and they could have the advantage when it comes to interpreting the law

33

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo in

Redescribing Paul and the Corinthians (ed Ron Cameron and M P Miller SBL Early Christianity and its

Literature Atlanta Society of Biblical Literature 2011) 187ndash218 at 209 (Emphasis original)

34 Cf R F Collins First Corinthians 16

35 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 258 n 200 ldquoa recurring word in the Greek world for the

matters of everyday liferdquo G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth trans and

ed J H Schutz (Philadelphia Fortress 1982) 97 ldquoprobably affairs of property or incomerdquo

36 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 251

37 Alan C Mitchell ldquoRich and Poor in the Courts of Corinth Litigiousness and Status in 1 Corinthians 61ndash11rdquo

NTS 39 (1993) 562ndash86 at 562

38 See B W Winter ldquoCivil Litigation in Secular Corinth and the Church The Forensic Background to 1

Corinthians 61 ndash 8rdquo NTS 37 (1991) 559ndash572 for the forensic background of litigation in the first century

13

especially in the matter of paying for good attorneys Moreover it is unlikely that those who do not possess

property would pursue litigation39

122 Meat Sacrifices as a Source of Division

Scholarship focused on the issue of meat sacrifices locates the conflict in the fractiousness between the

ldquoweakrdquo and the ldquostrongrdquo40

Gail R Oday considers the second set in the opening triad of 1 Cor 126

(strongweak ) as what ldquoconstitutes the heart of Paulrsquos argument in chapters 8ndash10 where the growing breach

between strong and weak Christians threatens the unity of the churchrdquo41

Gerd Theissen asserts that the conflict

between the two sociondasheconomic groups ndash the socially weak and strong explains the disagreement over the

consumption of meat in 1 Cor 8 and 10 In evaluating the causes of conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Theissen by sociological analysis shows that Paulrsquos use of strong and weak is associated with status Paul

introduces ldquoa specific sociological categoryrdquo by linking of εὐγενεῖς with σοφοὶ and δυνατοί42

In 410 Paul

establishes the contrast between the weak and strong The idea is reiterated in 922 in relation to the sacrifice of

meat to idols where Paul identifies himself with the weak Theissen theorizes that the ldquosocially weak of 126ndash27

are identical with those who are weak in the face of consecrated meatrdquo43

He argues that the only way to assess

this hypothesis is to unearth status specifics in the behavioral patterns of the weak and strong by identifying

traits that ldquocan be correlated with wealth occupation and education and thus to a higher or lower social

statusrdquo44

Theissen indicates that if a conflict occurred between different groups in the ἐκκλησία as a result of the

eating of meat it could hardly be attributed to the behavior of members of the ἐκκλησία of ldquolower social

statusrdquo45

He points out that the term δυνατοί that Paul uses for the ldquoinfluentialrdquo is the same that he uses in Rom

151 The incident here is to him comparable to what pertains in 1117ff Paulrsquos solution is the application of

ldquolove patriarchalismrdquo (Liebespatriarchalismus) that ldquoallows social inequities to continue but transfers them with

a spirit of concern of respect and of personal solicituderdquo46

39

G Theissen ldquoSocial Stratification in the Corinthian Communityrdquo in The Social Setting of Pauline

Christianity 69ndash119 at 97

40 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 182 states ldquoFor the weak Christian (the Christian who possesses a

weak syneidesis) unprotected by gnosis idol meat pollutes the syneidesis ndash that is the bodyrdquo

41 Gail R Oday ldquoJeremiah 922ndash23 and 1 Corinthians 126ndash31 A Study in Intertextualityrdquo JBL 109 (1990)

259ndash67 at 265 identifies three terms namely wisdom strongweak and noble lowly birth

42 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 70ndash73

43 G Theissen ldquoThe Strong and the Weak in Corinth A Sociological Analysis of a Theological Quarrelrdquo in The

Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash143 at 125

44 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 125

45 Ibid 126ndash7 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 75 concurs with Theissen in his analysis ldquoHighlighting

the social implications of eating meat in the Greco-Roman city enables Theissen to suggest convincingly that

those Corinthian Christians opposed to eating meat offered to idols were probably of lower status whereas

those who defended the practice by using arguments and slogans learned from popular moral philosophy were

of higher statusrdquo

46 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

14

Justin J Meggitt admits that Theissenrsquos hypothesis has advanced the position of the ldquoNew

Consensusrdquo47

However Meggitt rejects Theissenrsquos reconstruction and also regards the assigning of the conflict

to two clearly defined groups ndash strong and weak ndash by Theissen to be ldquoproblematicrdquo48

Meggitt contends that

whereas Paul uses ἀσθενὴς as a group words such as δυνατός ἰσχυρός and κράτος are not found in chapters 8

or 10 but have been introduced by Theissen49

It is noteworthy that Paul does not mention the term strong in 1

Cor 8 The terminology strong as used by commentators is an adaptation from Rom 14ndash1550

Theissen

nevertheless responds to Meggittrsquos argument that Paul uses the corresponding term in Romans 15 with regard to

the opposition between ldquoδυνατοίrdquo and ldquoἀδύνατοιrdquo51

A different claim about the weak and strong depends instead upon the ability to afford meat The

strong are those of high social standing who could procure meat at the markets and also hold on to their position

because of their ldquognosisrdquo52

The eating of idolndashmeats was extended to banquets in pagan temples where it was

usual to serve such meat and those who claimed to have knowledge maintained that the conscience of the weak

should be builtndashup (οἰκοδομηθήσεται) to the level of eating idolndashmeats without scruples (810)53

The

environment of the Asklepion and its adjacent resort of Lerna with its dining facilities and spring could enhance

such gatherings54

The occasion for eating idolndashmeats could as well be extended to homes Plutarch records an

incident in which diners were served with a cock that was slaughtered as a sacrifice to Heracles55

J Murphyndash

47

J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo 107 ldquoNew Consensusrdquo is a title used by Abraham J Malherbe

Social Aspects of Christianity 2d ed (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 The new consensus has been widely

articulated for the Pauline epistles by G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on

Corinth and Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle Paul 2nd ed

(New Haven Yale University Press 2003)

48 Ibid 107

49 Ibid 108ndash109 ἀσθενὴς can be found at 1 Cor 87 9ndash12 922

50 See Gregory W Dawes ldquoThe danger of idolatry First Corinthians 87ndash13rdquo CBQ 58 (1996) 82ndash98 esp 86ndash

88

51 G Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Community Further Remarks on J J Meggitt Paul Poverty

and Survivalrdquo JSNT 25 (2003) 371ndash91 at 381 n 26 However Paul alludes only to those who are ldquoweak in

their faithrdquo in 141 and continues with those who have ldquofaithrdquo and who are ldquoweakrdquo (142) The same treatment

may be applicable to 1 Corinthian

52 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash44 esp 121 and 132 Idem

ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 389 ldquoThe lsquostrongrsquo based their liberty to eat sacrificial meat on

their lsquoknowledgersquo (γνῶσις) Meat sold at the macella would usually be offered to some deity before sale

53 See J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology Good News Studies 6 (Wilmington

Del Glazier 1983) 79

54 Carl Roebuck Corinth XIV The Asklepeion and Lerna (Princeton The American School of Classical Studies

at Athens 1951) 1ndash2 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology (3d ed rev and exp

Collegeville Minnesota The Liturgical Press 2002) 35 129 186ndash89 Ben Witherington Conflict and

Community in Corinth A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 1995) 15

55 Plutarch Quastiones Conviviales 6101 (696 E) Ἀριστίωνος εὐημέρει παρὰ τοῖς δειπνοῦσι μάγειρος ὡς τά τrsquo

ἄλλα χαριέντως ὀψοποιήσας καὶ τὸν ἄρτι τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τεθυμένον ἀλεκτρυόνα παραθεὶς ἁπαλὸν ὥσπερ χθιζόν

νεαρὸν ὄντα καὶ πρόσφατον εἰπόντος οὖν τοῦ Ἀ ρ ι σ τ ί ω ν ο ς ὅτι τοῦτο γίνεται ταχέως εἰ σφαγεὶς εὐθὺς ἀπὸ

συκῆς κρεμασθείη ldquo[Aristionrsquos cook spent the day cheerfully with the dinner guests not only because of his

15

OrsquoConnor mentions that while there is no evidence that the incident recorded by Plutarch happened in Corinth

ldquothe situation is that evoked by Paul in 1 Cor 1027ndash30 where a guest is offered meat sacrificed to idolsrdquo56

123 Disorder during Public Worship

There are also differences of opinion concerning the disorder about public worship practices in the

ἐκκλησία (Chapter 14) These include the import of charismatic gifts closely associated with pneumatic

practices (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20) Some have argued that the nature of the division in the

correspondence of 1 Cor 12ndash14 concerns status Dale B Martinrsquos thesis on σῶμα and its relation to status is

instructive Martin argues that in 1 Cor 12ndash14 Paul adopts a ldquostatusndashreversal strategyrdquo57

Martin proposes a

kind of σῶμα typified by the reversal of ldquostatus indicatorsrdquo58

Greater honor is accorded to members of the

ἐκκλησία of lower status and less esteem is conferred on those having high social standing For example the gift

of tongues that is recognized by at least one group at Corinth as a status indicator is ldquorepeatedly relativizedrdquo It

is placed at the last position at 1228 in a list ldquothat is explicitly hierarchicalrdquo59

Paulrsquos rhetoric in the placement

of the apostle at the first position and the gift of tonguesndashspeaking at last position is consistent By worldly

standards the apostles were of lowest status however they are placed first on the list Conversely the gift of

tongues that the strong at Corinth regard as a ldquohighndashstatusrdquo indicator is placed last Paul is then able to reverse

the ldquonormal valuationsrdquo as he shifts the location for ldquostatus attributionrdquo from the world to the ἐκκλησία60

Martin finds further support in the fact that Paul adopts the same ldquorhetorical strategyrdquo in the ldquobody

analogy and the mindspirit dichotomyrdquo61

He upholds the ldquostatus significancerdquo that pertains in the ἐκκλησία and

calls for a sacrifice on the part of the strong for the weak62

He therefore identifies with the strong and appeals

to them to make sacrifices for the benefit of the weak Even though Paul maintains that he speaks in tongues

more than any of the members of the ἐκκλησία he prefers to speak in few words that are intelligible In adopting

this strategy Martin observes that ldquothe human body becomes a microcosm for the macrocosm of the social

bodyrdquo63

Paulrsquos strategy involves the surrendering of the bodyrsquos ldquohigher elementsrdquo to the ldquolower elementsrdquo In

effect the higherndashstatus members of the ἐκκλησία are to surrender to the members of lower status so that the

great skills but because he set before them a cock just offered as a sacrifice to Hercules as tender as if it had

been slaughtered a day before Aristion said that a cock comes into a new state quickly if as soon as it is

slaughtered it is hung on a fig tree] My translation

56 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 106

56 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν hellip(1 Cor 1118) [For

first of all when you assemble in (the) ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you] My translation

57 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 102

58 Ibid

59 Ibid

60 Ibid 103

61 Ibid

62 Ibid

63 Ibid

16

ἐκκλησία by application the body of Christ might be void of schism (1225 cf 110)64

The foregoing discussion has been on various kinds of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

categories of divisiveness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be summarized into sociondashpolitical theological or

ideological65

statusndashbased as well as ideas about a single cause or specific isolated problems Martin argues that

all the categories of divisiveness that I have identified are results of a basic conflict that can be attributed to the

composition of the body He identifies two parts of the body namely the ancient hierarchical structure of the

body and how it is vulnerable to pollution He cites examples from the GrecondashRoman context and relates them

to the structure of the body in GrecondashRoman concept He achieves this by focusing on the bodyndashrelated matters

mentioned in 1 Corinthians Martin sees the theories about the divisions in 1 Corinthians as a general pattern in

the epistle He argues that the quest for sociondasheconomic positions triggered theological conflicts He thus

maintains that all the theological differences stemmed from conflicts between different groups in the ἐκκλησία

in relation to the respective ldquoideological constructions of the bodyrdquo66

1 3 The Meal as a Source of Division

After reviewing the divisions in general terms I now focus specifically on the meal as a cause of

division As mentioned it has long been recognized that the practice of the δεῖπνον as described in 1 Cor

1117ndash34 is another occasion for division in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In contemporary scholarship various

theories have been propounded concerning the problem at the Lordrsquos Table in Corinth in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Three

main positions in the scholarship may be identified First there are some critics who are of the view that the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were turning the sacred meal into an ordinary common meal Paul

therefore had to write to ldquoreinstituterdquo the sacred meal (ie ritual practice)67

The second category of scholars

involves those who dwell on the theological meaning of the δεῖπνον68

A subndashset of the theological category are

commentators who attribute the problem to gnosticism (ie theological philosophical)69

The third category of

scholars seeks a solution to the problem from a sociondasheconomic dimension (ie statusndashbased)70

Within this

64

Ibid

65 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 205 Here I adopt the distinction made by J S Kloppenborg

66 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body xv

67 Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief MKNT 9 Aufl (Gottingen Vandenhoeck u Ruprecht 1910)

283 Hans Lietzmann An die Korinther III HNT (ed W G Kummel Tubingen 1949) 256

68 See Ernst Kaumlsemann Essays on New Testament Themes (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1982) esp 108ndash135

T Engberg-Pedersen ldquoProclaiming the Lordrsquos Death 1 Cor 1117ndash34 and the Forms of Paulrsquos Theological

Argumentrdquo in Pauline Theology vol 2 1 and 2 Corinthians ed David M Hay (Minneapolis Fortress 1993)

116

69 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 U

Wilckens Weisheit und Torheit eine exegetisch-religions-geschichtliche Untersuchung zu 1 Kor und 2

(Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1959) Robert Jewett Paulrsquos Anthropological Terms A Study of their Use in Conflict

Settings (Leiden Brill 1971)

70 S C Barton ldquoPaulrsquos Sense of Place An Anthropological Approach to Community Formation in Corinthrdquo

NTS 32 (1986) 225ndash46

17

category there are critics who attribute the conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to internal social

stratification71

It is valuable to examine some types of meals that the early disciples shared that may have been

precursors to the meal in Corinth Hans Lietzmann writing on the Lordrsquos Supper identifies two primal types of

meals According to Lietzmann the first type is the meal taken by the first disciples in Jerusalem It is likened

to the Jewish ḥaburah as they partook in the common meal The second type is what is found in Paulrsquos epistles

and can be traced to an old tradition recorded in Markrsquos Gospel Whereas the first type can be described as the

continuation of daily ldquotable fellowshiprdquo (κοινωνία) the second cannot However as stated by Lietzmann the

second type is connected with the last of such meals that the disciples had with their Master The Lordrsquos Supper

thus serves as a memorial of Christrsquos death ldquoThe meal is regarded as an analogue to the Hellenistic meals held

as memorials to great men founders of religious communitiesrdquo72

Lietzmann by framing a conjectural

reconstruction designates the first type ldquoJerusalem typerdquo and the second one ldquoPauline typerdquo73

With regard to the

first category of scholars who hold the view that members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were reverting to a

common meal Lietzmann states ldquoIf the Corinthians had gone over to the Jerusalem practice they had certainly

given up the idea of partaking of the body of Christ the blessed bread was no longer lsquoσῶμαrsquo to them and they

partook of it as ordinary foodrdquo74

In contrast G Bornkamm describes the Corinthians as ldquorobust sacramentalistsrdquo and is of the view that

the Corinthians had not neglected the sacramental Lordrsquos Supper75

On the contrary following H von Soden

Bornkamm states that ldquothey so completely regarded this as the main thing that the preceding meal became a

thing which one could shape according to his own likes and for his own enjoymentrdquo76

In effect the Corinthians

gave due significance to the sacramental act that was celebrated at the end of the worship to the extent that ldquothe

common meal was made a matter of indifferencerdquo77

Scholars in a subndashset of the first category attribute the problem in Corinth to gnosticism W

Schmithals presents a version of the point made by scholars in the second category He argues that the gnostics

were trying to observe the Lordrsquos Supper in an irreverent manner and turn it into profane feast He attributes the

source of the problem to spiritualizing gnostics who purposefully opted for a profane meal instead of

participating in the external elements as though they symbolized Christ78

H Conzelmann holds on to an

71

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 69ndash70

72 H Lietzmann Mass and the Lordrsquos Supper (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 205 See also Karl G Goetz Der

Upsprung des kirchlichen Abendmahls blosse Mahlegemeinschaft von Jesus und seinen Juumlngern oder eine

besondere Handlung und Worte von Jesus (Basel Druck von F Reinhardt 1929) 27 R Otto Kingdom of

God and Son of Man (London Lutterworth Press 1938) 278ndash80 esp 278 n1

73 Ibid 206

74 Ibid 208 See also Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief 283 285 292

75 G Bornkamm Early Christian Experience (London Student Christian Movement Press 1969) 147

76 Ibid 128

77 Ibid 147

78 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 esp 255

18

opposite view and agrees with H von Soden that the Corinthians perceive of the magical effect of the

sacrament which has intensified their individualism ldquoeachrdquo enjoying his ldquoown supperrdquo79

It is worth considering the views of some scholars on the purpose of Paulrsquos comments in the passage

under review Gordon D Fee commenting on 1123ndash26 states that by the ldquomealrdquo the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία ldquoproclaimrdquo Christrsquos death until Christrsquos return that is ldquothey declare the good news of their salvation

that makes them all onerdquo80

Paul repeats ldquoDo this in remembrance of merdquo and adds ldquoas often as you drinkrdquo

According to Fee the added words imply ldquoa frequently repeated action suggesting that from the beginning the

Last Supper was for Christians not an annual Christian Passover but a regularly repeated meal in ldquohonor of the

Lordrdquo hence the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo81

C H Talbert in comparing 1 Cor 101ndash14 and 1117ndash34 is of the view that

the problem in 1117ndash34 stems from underrealized eschatology and it may be due to the interference of the

religious significance of the meal by the social conventions He points out that Pauline statements about the

Lordrsquos Supper are ldquoconditioned by the contexts in which they are utteredrdquo The message of 1117ndash34 then is

ldquothe Supperrsquos purpose is lsquofor my remembrancersquo and must be partaken of with full sensitivity to its social

ramificationrdquo82

There have been responses to the view that attributes the Corinthian problem to theological reasons P

Lampe writes that the sacraments do not occupy a dominant place in Pauline thought Moreover Paul in

practice does not regard baptizing as his major role (1 Cor 116ndash17)83

D E Garland also mentions that the

problem in Corinth was caused neither by their ldquotheological confusion about sacramental facets of the Lordrsquos

Supper nor by a conflict over Eucharistic theologyrdquo84

Garlandrsquos response generates a rhetorical question What

then 85

In short we need alternative reconstructions that are more persuasive and convincing than the aforendash

stated ones Moreover there is the need to find out what Paul is trying to accomplish A pivotal question is Do

we know what theology pertained to the meal My response is that there is not yet a stable theology attached to

the meal at the time of the writing of the epistle Other related questions are Is it a theology for its own sake or

a theology in service of a particular form of a community P Lampe points out that we need not interpret all the

characteristics of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoin terms of a particular theological backgroundrdquo86

The members

were still affiliated with the GrecondashRoman culture of which they were part prior to their baptism Here I agree

with Lampe that ldquo[o]nly slowly did they realize that the church was a new cultural setting where new customs

79

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 194

80 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 613

81 Ibid 614 (emphasis original)

82 C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians 80

83 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 48 (1994) 36ndash49 at 36

84 D E Garland 1 Corinthians (Michigan Baker Academic 2003) 533

85 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

86 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 (Emphasis original)

19

and habits needed to be developed in some areasrdquo87

Paulrsquos instructions to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία for example on the need to wait for one another instead of taking meals before others (1121 cf

1133) point to the need for a change in their culinary habits His comments in 1117ndash34 are part of this

transformation process88

The third category of scholars argues that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία exhibited an ldquointernal stratificationrdquo

displaying the differences between the rich and the poor89

and thus creating a social problem90

These scholars

suggest that the rich ldquodevouredrdquo their ldquoown mealrdquo instead of sharing with the poor Furthering this point some

also argue that class distinctions were manifested in the quantity and quality of food consumed91

The wealthy

had in abundance and thus were accused of gluttony and drunkenness while the poor had little or nothing to

present Consequently they were left hungry and did not enjoy ldquodecent mealsrdquo92

The older viewpoint (what I designate ldquophase onerdquo) regarding this situation was that members of the

Christndashgroup were among the ldquopoorrdquo of the Roman Empire For example Adolf Deissmann described members

of Paulrsquos assemblies as those of the lower strata93

In some instances earlier social approaches charted a

ldquoRomanticist notionrdquo of the early Christian poor94

This view was tempered in more recent models as reflected

in the works of E A Judge A J Malherbe W A Meeks and Gerd Theissen They are representative of a

87

Ibid

88 Some critics translate προλαμβάνειν as ldquoto take or do something in advance or beforehandrdquo having in mind

its temporal sense Έκδέχομαι in verse 33 which also has temporal connotation is thus translated ldquowait forrdquo

See P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 3

states ldquobegin prematurelyrdquo An alternative meaning is ldquoto devourrdquo (their own meal) See also B W Winter

ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo RTR 37 (1978) 73ndash82 at 75 Winter further

argues that ἐκδέχομαι may be translated as ldquoreceiverdquo in the context of hospitality 79 J A Fitzmyer First

Corinthians A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (The Anchor Yale Bible 32 Yale Yale

University Press 2008) 434 ndash 35 opts for the first nuance In referencing Mark 148 he states that

ldquoProlambanei means lsquotakes in advance ofrsquo (others)rdquo Regarding the second meaning he asserts ldquoSome maintain

that prolambanei does not mean lsquotake in advance but merely lsquoconsumersquo or lsquodevourrsquo Such meanings however

are questionable especially in this context with v 33 despite numerous attempts so to understand itrdquo

89 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 96 E A Judge The Social

Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century Some Prolegomena to the Study of New Testament Ideas

of Social Obligation (London Tyndale Press 1960) 60ndash62 J J Meggitt ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT

25 (2003) 371ndash91 Steven J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo

JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

90 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 5 D

E Garland 1 Corinthians states that ldquothe problem is simply this when they eat the Lordrsquos Supper they divide

along socio-economic linesrdquo 533

91 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activity An Analysis of 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174

92 I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1980) 109

93 Adolf Deissmann Paul A Study in Social and Religious History trans William E Wilson (Gloucester

Mass Smith 1972) 241-43 The word Deisssmann uses is Schicht S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo

326 translates Schicht as ldquostratumrdquoand Klasse as ldquoclassrdquo

94 See for example Shirley J Case The Social Origins of Christianity (New York Cooper Square Publishers

1975 reprint of 1923 ed)

20

scholarly consensus (what I designate ldquophase twordquo) during the second half of the twentieth century about the

socio-economic perspective of the problem in Corinth A J Malherbe observed that the ldquosocial status of early

Christians may be higher than Deissmann had supposed hellip and that lsquoa new consensusrsquo may be emergingrdquo95

Another traditional interest in the study of the sociondasheconomic aspects of the Corinthian meal practice

is the physical setting of the gathering I thus make a shift to the historical setting of Corinth The mode of

meeting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with regard to the organization and procedure coupled with the manner in

which the members participated in the Lordrsquos Supper has engaged the attention of scholars There are pieces of

evidence within the political ἐκκλησίαι of GrecondashRoman world which might illuminate what took place in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ancient Mediterranean world banquets took place in varied spaces Some scholars

are of the view that banquets could take place at homes For example Jerome MurphyndashOrsquoConnor a

representative of the second phase considers the triclinium to be the meeting place for the house congregation96

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor basing his evidence on architectural structure of a classic Roman villa points out the

disparity that social class portrayed in the GrecondashRoman social context On invitation to banquets the hostrsquos

ldquoclosest friends hellipwho would have been of the same social class and from whom he might expect the same

courtesy on a future occasionrdquo would recline in the triclinium while the rest would be compelled to sit ldquoin the

atrium where conditions were greatly inferiorrdquo97

James N Davidson buttresses the fact of the disparity in

social class by arguing from Petroniusrsquos narrative of Trimalchiorsquos feast that ldquoin the Roman context the banquet

becomes a theatre of wealth and property of social distinction or social climbingrdquo98

G Linton finds evidence for house churches in some cities that were loosely connected Corinth for

instance had a total number of ldquosix churchesrdquo that met in the homes of the following people Aquila and

Priscilla (Acts 182ndash4) Titius Justus (Acts 187) Crispus (Acts 188 Chloe (1 Cor 111) Stephanas (1 Cor

116) and Gaius (Rom 1623)99

Floyd V Filson notes that the tendency for party strife in the apostolic era

could be attributed to the existence of several house churches in one city He however states that house

churches contributed to the development of the early church He draws attention to the importance and function

95

Abraham J Malherbe Social Aspects of Christianity (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 W A Meeks The

First Urban Christians E A Judge The Social Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century G

Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth

96 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 178ndash185 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl

im Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo

ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

97 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 183 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl im

Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucisrdquo 183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe

Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

98 J N Davidson Courtesans amp Fishcakes The Consuming Passions of Classical Athens (London Harper

Collins 1997) 311

99 G Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo StonendashCampbell Journal 8 (2005) 229ndash

244) at 233 However in n17 he cites Bradley Blue ldquoActs and the House Church ldquoBradley Bluerdquo in The Book

of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting (ed David W J Gill and Conrad Gempf vol 2 of the The Book of Acts in

Its First Century Setting ed B W Winter (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1994) 174ndash75 that it is likely that Gaius

was the praelignomen of Titius Justus cited in Acts 187 If this were so then the number of house churches in

Corinth would be five

21

of house churches for an understanding of the polity of the church and the physical state in which the early

Christians lived and also gathered100

In recent discussions Gerd Theissen has developed this notion of social status of early Christians

stressing its related subject of social stratification Theissen identifies two groups ldquothose who lack food the

μὴ ἔχοντες and those who can make provision for their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He however does not rule

out the possibility of a more ldquoindividualistic interpretationrdquo as the words ἕκαστος and ἴδιον can connote101

He

submits that it is likely that those members of the ἐκκλησία who enjoy a private meal have a high social status

not only on the basis that they in contrast with other members can provide meals for themselves and for others

he also suggests the probability that the phrase gives a hint of house ownership102

Thus he concludes that ldquothe

conflict over the Lordrsquos Supper is a conflict between poor and rich Christiansrdquo103

He also proposes that the

wealthy Christians consumed in both greater quantity and quality of food than the poor104

Theissen regards

Paulrsquos response to the questions of status and ldquofeeling of rejectionrdquo which could threaten the ἐκκλησία as an

endeavor to promote ldquolove-patriarchalismrdquo which is Paulrsquos dominant ethic105

Robert Jewett points out that typical of the profile of the house church model is a patron who is in

charge of affairs whereas the lower class members are ldquorecipients of hisher largesserdquo Alluding to the house

church model he mentions that Theissenrsquos ldquopatriarchalism of loverdquo is probably a ldquobyndashproduct of this modelrdquo106

Bruce Winter considers the household as an essential social unit of the first century While Theissen identifies

the social context of Corinth as comprising the rich and the poor Winter insists that we need to be cautious in

dividing society in the first century into the rich and the poor if we really consider the social context of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία107

Anthony C Thiselton observes that the establishment of the possible role played by the

hostndashpatron may call into question G D Feersquos contention that the splits (σχίσματα 1118) of the present section

are different in nature from those of 110108

C S Keener intimates that ldquo[s]ociological models must be used

heuristically hence adapted according to ancient Mediterranean evidence but social history focuses on many

questions that prove paramount in 1 Corinthians especially the conflict between lowndashand highndashstatus

membersrdquo109

100

F V Filson ldquoThe Significance of Early House Churchesrdquo JBL 58 (1939) 105ndash12 at 105ndash6

101 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activityrdquo 148

102 Ibid 150

103 Ibid 151

104 Ibid155

105 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

106 R Jewett ldquoTenement Churches and Communal Meals in the Early Church The Implications of a Form ndash

Critical Analysis of 2 Thessalonians 310rdquo BR 38 (1983) 23ndash43 at 23 See also 32ff

107 B W Winter ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo 73ndash82 esp 81

108 A C Thiselton The First Epistle to the Corinthians A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids

Mich WB Eerdmans Carlisle Paternoster Press 2000) 850

109 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

22

Tempering these claims recent studies (what I designate ldquophase threerdquo) have added further complexity

to the economic realities within the Corinthian community110

J J Meggitt examines the economic reality that

characterized the churches associated with Paul He contends that the economy of the Roman Empire was

ldquoessentially prendashindustrialrdquo and that it was the kind that could hardly support ldquoa mid-range economic grouprdquo111

Placing the economic system in a wider context he considers it to be stagnant and at its lowest ebb112

He also

finds it inappropriate to ldquouncriticallyrdquo flip through primary sources and use them as assumptions to establish

what in reality might have regulated Paulrsquos association with his companions113

He rather opts for the works of

historians and the use of their methodologies In writing on Paulrsquos background he does not see how πολίτης

informs us about ldquoPaulrsquos economic historyrdquo114

In appealing to epigraphic sources he writes that Paulrsquos use of

εὐγενής in conjunction with other words in 1 Cor 126 do not specifically inform us about the ldquosocial

constituencyrdquo of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoexcept that a small number were more fortunate than the othersrdquo115

Meggitt states that it is impossible to determine the extent of the privilege the small number enjoyed What is a

bit puzzling in Meggittrsquos argument is that he denies the interpretation of 1 Cor 1122 that οἱ ἔχοντες are more

socially privileged than οἱ μὴ ἔχοντες In summation Meggitt consistently rejects that the problems at the

communal meals in Corinth can be interpreted in wealth and status terms He expresses his conflict with the sondash

called New Consensus and contends that the reconstructions of both phases one and two are not only

ldquodependent upon anachronistic and inappropriate interpretations of the first centuryrdquo but also that the pieces of

evidence to support their interpretation ldquocannot stand up to close scrutinyrdquo116

Theissen concedes that some of

Meggittrsquos arguments need to be taken seriously He therefore had to rework some of his arguments on that

basis He moreover admits that his interpretation does not explain all of the conflicts117

Another scholar who has also challenged the viewpoint of the scholars of both phases one and two is

110

Critics who do not concur to this view include J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival (TampT Clark 1998)

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo 323ndash361 and A Lindemann Der Erste Korintherbrief (HNT 9I

Tuumlbingen Mohr 2000)

111 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 7

112 Ibid ldquo The economy remained weak and rudimentary with little or no growthrdquo 42

113 Ibid The phenomenon Meggitt mentions is ldquofriendshiprdquo and he cites the example of P Marshall Enmity in

Corinth Social Conventions in Paulrsquos Relations with the Corinthians (Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1987 p x) 12

He opines that we can make far reaching impact if we use ldquothe imperatives and techniques of lsquoHistory from

Belowrsquo and Popular Culturerdquo 18

114 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 83

115 Ibid 105ndash6

116 Ibid 75ndash154 at 99 Meggitt expresses his conflict with the so called New Consensus For responses to

Meggitt see Gerd Theissen ldquoThe Social Structure of Pauline Communities Critical Remarks on J J Meggitt

ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 65ndash84 idem ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo

Dale B Martin ldquoReview Essay J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 51ndash64 For further

reconstruction of economic conditions see Steven J Friesen ldquoThe Wrong Erastus Ideology Archaeology and

Exegesisrdquo in Corinth in Context Comparative Studies on Religion and Society (ed S J Friesen et al Leiden

Brill 2010) 231ndash56

117 Gerd Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 391

23

Steven J Friesen He is of the view that the notion of old or new consensus is inapplicable to the state of affairs

in the Roman Empire In comparing the work of Adolf Deissmann with the works of scholars of the late

twentieth century he sees a shift in the interpretation of society based on ldquoclassrdquo to one that is based on ldquosocial

statusrdquo He considers such a definition of social status to be inappropriate and rather suggests one that is based

on measuring the economic resources of the Roman Empire He proposes seven categories ranging from ldquobelow

subsistence levelrdquo to ldquoimperial elitesrdquo instead of the binary classification of ldquorichpoorrdquo 118

Friesen observes

that the basic category of analysis has become ldquothe social status of individualsrdquo as defined by Meeks119

Friesen

refutes this concept as an unmeasurable one for three reasons First the relationship that exists between the ten

variables by which social status is determined is not clearly defined Second there is no indication of the nature

of a socialndashstatus profile in the Roman Empire in the absence of ldquocomparable datardquo Third we lack information

about even one of the cited variables about persons in Paulrsquos ἐκκλησίαι120

1 4 A New Set of Questions

From the foregoing it becomes evident that rhetorical and sociondashhistorical studies have contributed to

the understanding of Paulrsquos instructions in the passage under review Nonetheless there is room to explore

further because we do not have a satisfactory answer yet for the fractiousness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Given

the shortcomings exhibited in the attempts by these studies to resolve the issues at stake make it compelling for

a new approach This dissertation will examine Paulrsquos instructions in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 through a ritual lens

Several scholars have handled the passage I am surveying in a rhetorical fashion121

C S Keener

rightly states that ldquoBecause letters were not speeches and even later rhetorical handbooks treat them differently

rhetorical outlines of Paulrsquos letters (as if they were handbook model speeches) are suspectrdquo122

The passage

under review is one that has generated scholarly discussions but little detailed attention has been turned to its

ritual setting and also the potency of rituals to shape collective experience and thus foster greater unity in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία Richard Demaris rightly observes that in recent times as discussed above the social and

historical background has been a major focus of interest for New Testament scholars Even though the

exploration of ritual is an integral part of this ldquofocus on the communities behind the written text yet to date

118

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

at 323 The seven categories are PS1 ndash Imperial elites PS2 ndash Regional or provincial elites PS3 ndash Municipal

elites PS 4 ndash Moderate surplus resources PS5 ndash Stable near subsistence level PS6 ndash At subsistence level and

PS7 ndash Below subsistence level See Figure 1 Poverty scale for the Roman Empire at 341 for the full details

The shift is from ldquoan industrial capitalistrdquo to ldquoa consumer capitalist interpretationrdquo

119 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 53ndash55

120 S J Friesen indicates that even though Mary is mentioned in Rom 16 6 that information on her gender as

ldquofemalerdquo cannot be used to determine her social status

121 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation Wilhelm Wuellner ldquoWhere is Rhetorical

Criticism Taking Usrdquo CBQ 49 (1987) 448ndash63 esp 458ndash63 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo 1ndash27

Michael Buumlnker Briefformular und Rhetorische Disposition im 1 Korintherbrief (Goumlttingen Vandenhoeck amp

Ruprecht 1984) S M Pogoloff Logos and Sophia The Rhetorical Situation of 1 Corinthians SBL

Dissertation Series 134 ed DL Petersen and P Perkins (Georgia Scholars Press 1992) esp 237 ff

122 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

24

there has been comparatively little work done in this areardquo123

While there are sociondashhistorical studies pertaining

to the social setting of the house church and the disparity in wealth distribution in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία few

if any work with ritual

The existing examinations of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveal that varying explanations have

been given Instead of doing a kind of mirror reading of 1 Cor 11 to determine what is wrong with the

Corinthian beliefs and behavior I will look at how Paulrsquos rituallyndashoriented interventions would build greater

strength in the community whatever the source of their division I will therefore examine the effect Paulrsquos

directions would have upon the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will demonstrate in detail in chapter 4 how Paulrsquos

intervention can be seen as a remedy to the Corinthian problem I will argue that for Paul to ensure that the

instructions given could materialize he needed a strategy that might help improve their relationship and

promote greater stability The antidote to the Corinthian problem as this dissertation purports to demonstrate

might be the introduction of a ritual viz κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I will therefore advance an argument in the next

chapter that the δεῖπνον practiced in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an ordinary meal of the sort that we encounter

in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman world

123

Richard E DeMaris The New Testament in its Ritual World (New York Routledge 2008) 2

25

2

The State of the Meal at Corinth

In fact the man of sense who comes to dinner does not betake himself there just to fill himself up as though he

were a sort of pot but to take some part be it serious or humorous and to listen and to talk regarding this or

that topic as the occasion suggests it to the company if their association together is to be pleasant

ndash Plutarch Moralia

In the previous chapter I reviewed current scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία on their meal practices and the various kinds of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία In this chapter I will focus

on the general pattern of GrecondashRoman meals make an excursus on meals and shift to the pattern of meals of

voluntary associations in particular and compare and contrast that with the state of the meal in Corinth This

strategy acclaims itself for the following reasons It will set up the case for what a ritual is and provide me the

context and occasion to demonstrate what ritual looks like in chapter 3 It will also help me to determine

whether the Corinthian δεῖπνον is like other meals or not Moreover it will help me to embark on a ritual

analysis of the passage under review in chapter 4 I thus argue that the Corinthian δεῖπνον is an ordinary meal of

the sort we see in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu and that in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34 Paul

by mentioning κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might be launching a ritual that is separate and distinct from the Corinthian

δεῖπνον

In the first section I will focus on the two parts of the GrecondashRoman meals and the table fellowships at

Jewish banquets respectively1 The second section undertakes a comparative study of the meal practices of

GrecondashRoman associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία The findings from the study will form the data for a

comparative analysis with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The voluntary associations I will use for the comparative

analysis include the collegia or thiasoi2 The third section of the chapter further reviews more recent studies by

1 A banquet is a social institution and associated with it are meals and drinks It is a dual-purpose occasion

which features the δεῖπνον ldquosupperrdquo ie the meal proper and the συμπόσιον ie the drinking party See

Katherine M D Dunbabin The Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality (Cambridge University Press 2003)

4 who opts for the word as a ldquogeneric term for the festive consumption of food and drink in Roman societyrdquo

Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early

Christian Culture (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2012) 6 συμπόσιον literally means ldquodrinking

togetherrdquo The institution may be traced to the ldquoarchaic period from the eighth to sixth centuries B C Erdquo

2 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 209 see esp

194ndash96 Richard S Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg Associations in the Greco-Roman

World A Sourcebook (Waco Texas Baylor University 2012) 5 Other ldquorecurring association self-designations

or names for association membersrdquo used in the dissertation include collegium (association) koinon

(associationrdquo) eranos (club) orgeōnes (sacrificing associates) cf W S Ferguson ldquoThe Attic OrgeonesrdquoHTR

37 (1944) 61ndash174 at 128 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity A Guide to Graeco

Roman Religions trans Brian McNeil (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2003) 44 The members of the oldest

Athenian associations were called ὀργεῶνες Collegium is the commonest term in the Latin sources used to

describe all kinds of Roman associations See Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity

46 See also B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo Dictionary of New Testament Background (ed Craig A Evans

and Stanley E Porter Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 2000) 136 Voluntary associations were

designated ldquothiasoi or eranistai (Gk) and (collegia) in Latinrdquo Cf Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the

Professional Associations in the Roman East Dutch Monographs on Ancient History and Archaeology 17

26

Annette Weissenrieder with regard to the physical setting of the meal in Corinth Finally I will explore the state

of the meal in Corinth As a means of facilitating the probing I will examine the view expressed by George

May that the synoptic Gospels do not suggest the institution of a ritual that is to be repeated after Jesusrsquo

crucifixion The main contribution of the present chapter to my argument is that all the features that we see in

the current Corinthian practice can be accounted for on the basis of normal GrecondashRoman meals

The nutritional aspect of food is indisputable however while food is taken for nutritional purposes and

building the body physically its social significance cannot be underestimated Mary Douglas observes that

ldquofood always has a social dimension of the utmost importancerdquo3 In the social universe ldquoeach meal is a

structured social event which structures others in its own imagerdquo4 Gerard Rouwhorst referencing social and

cultural anthropologists intimates that meals and meal customs are significant markers for social identity

ldquo[E]very meal ndash especially when taken together by more than one person ndash encodes significant messages about

social and hierarchical patterns prevailing in the grouprdquo5 Dennis E Smith is of the view that a meal conveys a

ldquosymbolic languagerdquo that can be regarded as being peculiar to a specific society6 Apparently the notion of

sharing a meal together as strengthening social bonds is a universal symbol However the mode and extent of

communication varies ldquofrom culture to culturerdquo7

21 The General Pattern of Formal Meals

In this section I will examine the general pattern of meals in the GrecondashRoman world in specific

terms the Greek meal namely δεῖπνονσυμπόσιον (the Roman equivalents are cœnaconvivium or comissatio)

and make an excursus into Jewish banquet The Greek meal is relevant to the present study because it bears on

whether the use of the bread and cup were already separate I will apply the paradigm of the GrecondashRoman

meal formulated by D E Smith and Matthias Klinghardt to a spectrum of literature and social settings of the 1st

century B C E to the 4th

century C E The common thesis of Smith and Klinghardt ldquowas thoroughly

investigated in the SBL Consultation (2002ndash2004) and adopted by the SBL Seminar (2005ndash 2010) itself as

(Amsterdam J C Gieben 1997) 8 Associations were characteristic of Greek way of life Orgeōnes ldquowas the

oldest name for private associationsrdquo ldquothiasotai denotes associations of worshippers while it is likely that

eranistai might have been ldquoof a more social characterrdquo

3 Mary Douglas ldquoFood as a System of Communicationrdquo in In the Active Voice (London Routledge amp Kegan

Paul 2011) 82

4 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 esp 65ndash 69 at 69

5 Gerard Rouwhorst ldquoTable Community In Early Christianity in A Holy People Jewish and Christian

Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (ed Marcel Poorthuis and Joshua Schwartz Jewish and Christian

Perspectives 12 (Leiden Boston Brill 2006) 69ndash84 at 69 referencing Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo

Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 idem Implicit Meanings Selected Essays in Anthropology (2nd ed London New

York Routledge1999) 231ndash51

6 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist the Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 14

7 Ibid

27

foundationalrdquo8 I will follow the main features that can be designated as the typology of the Hellenistic meal as

proposed by Smith and Klinghardt and that are relevant to the present research They comprise

1 the custom of reclining

2 the structure of the δεῖπνον

3 the transition between the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον with ceremonial libation

4 the συμπόσιον characterized by drinking conversation and or entertainment

5 leadership especially the appointment of a συμποσίαρχος

6 membershipguests9 In addition I would add

7 physical setting of meals

In the ancient Mediterranean culture the common meal was one of the most significant social

institutions The partaking of a common meal usually was the core activity for the gathering of people whether

it was religious or social occasion10

Matthias Klinghardt and Dennis E Smith in their theses proposed that

there is a common meal tradition that characterised the meal practices in the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean

whether they be gentile Jewish or Christian11

D E Smith suggests that even though the meal customs as

observed in different social settings in the Mediterranean world portrayed minor differences ldquothe evidence

suggests that meals took similar forms and shared similar meanings and interpretations across a broad range of

the ancient worldrdquo12

Klinghardt concurs with D E Smith and contends that there is ldquono difference between

Hellenisticndashpagan and Jewish community meals helliprdquo and that ldquoit is not advisable to separate the consideration of

private and association mealtimesrdquo13

Essentially there is a shift from the proposal of different types of meals to a common meal paradigm

that was practiced in ldquothe Mediterranean world of the first century BCE to the fourth century CErdquo14

There is

8 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm The Work of the Society of Biblical Literaturersquos Seminar on

Meals in the GrecondashRoman Worldrdquo in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum ed Matthias

Klinghardt and Hal E Taussig TANZ 56 (Tuumlbingen Francke 2012) 25ndash40 at 28ndash29

9 Cf Ibid esp 28ndash30

10 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist states ldquowhen any group of people in the ancient Mediterranean

world met for social or religious purposes their gatherings tended to be centered on a common meal or

banquetrdquo1ndash 2 See also Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven Conn Yale

University Press 2003) 44 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo in Meals in the Early

Christian World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed Dennis E Smith and Hal

E Taussig (New York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) 14

11 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft Soziologie und Liturgie fruumlhchristlicher

Mahlfeiern (Tuumlbingen Francke Verlag 1996) D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist

12 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

13 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 24f Cited by Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a

New Paradigm 30

14 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroductionrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian World Social Formation Experimentation

and Conflict at the Table 2 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9 14 Linked with this

paradigm is the typology of the communal meal The typology is distinct from that of previous scholarship that

associated itself with the ldquolsquoreligionsgeschichtliche Schulersquo which identified with many different lsquotypesrsquo of

mealsrdquo The ritual structure of the common meal in the ancient Mediterranean life had a similar pattern in

28

therefore the need for us to adequately capture the essence of ldquothe larger phenomenon of the banquet as a social

institutionrdquo if we are to understand the respective cases of ldquoformalized meals in the GrecondashRoman world such

as Greek philosophical banquets or Jewish festival meals or early Christian community mealsrdquo15

211 The Mode of reclining

Greek meal practices matured during the classical period (the sixth and fifth centuries B C E)16

While many of the meal practices were preserved from the Homeric era some changes nevertheless took place

in the structure of the meal and reflected a basic change in the overall nature of the meals For example one of

the means through which the common meal tradition can be discovered is by observing the form of the custom

of reclining that the several peoples of Mediterranean world adopted at formal meals Prior to adopting the norm

of reclining there was the tradition that Greeks Romans and Jews sat at meals17

There is the probability that

the practice of reclining originated in the Eastern Mediterranean world and that the Greeks adopted the custom

from the Assyrians and observed it as early as the sixth century18

JeanndashMarie Dentzer establishes close

resemblances between the oriental iconography of Greek banquets and reliefs of Assyrian kings for example

TiglathndashPilesser III and Ashurbanipal19

D E Smith acknowledges that Dentzerrsquos study has revealed that the

custom of reclining was not adopted merely for the sake of a change of posture but as a change of ldquosocial coderdquo

ndash one of ldquoadopting a fully developed social institution namely the GrecondashRoman banquetrdquo20

Dentzerrsquos study

thus discloses a point of symbolism or coding The norm of reclining was to create awareness of prestige

accorded to persons in society

ldquodifferent cultures and timesrdquo Solutions based on ldquosimilar basic valuesrdquo were equally found to address the

problems it generated Idem Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft See also Gerd Theissen The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians D

E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist idem ldquoMeals and Moralityrdquo in Paulrsquos World Society of Biblical

Literature Seminar Papers SBL 1981 319 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the

New Testament and Liturgy Today (London SCM Press 1990) Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und

Mahlgemeinschaft Idem ldquoThe Typology of the Greco-Roman Banquetrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian

World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed D E Smith and Hal E Taussig (New

York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) The Spartans call their communal meals syssitia meaning ldquocommunal citizen

dining groupsrdquo Cf Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-

Roman and Early Christian Culture 5

15 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

16 Ibid 19

17 Ath Deip 115ndash19ndash25 29ndash33 In Homer the posture for meals was sitting ndash εὐωχοῦνται δὲ παρ᾽ Ὁμήρῳ

καθήμενοι 1 20 cf Hom Od 332ndash39 and 3429 where the word ἕδρα is used Iliad 9200 218 24473 See

also the use of ἵζω at 9218 and 24472 See Gerda Bruns ldquoKuumlchenwesen und Mahlzeitenrdquo in Archaeologia

Homerica II Kap Q (Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht 1970) 49ndash50

18 Jean-Marie Dentzer ldquoAux Origines de Lrsquoiconographie du Banquet Coucheacuterdquo RA (1971) 215ndash258 idem Le

Motif du Banquet Coucheacute dans le Proche-Orient et le Monde Grec du VIIe au IVe Siegravecle avant J-C Rome

Eacutecole Franccedilaise de Rome Palais Farnese 1982 There was cultural assimilation circa the eighth century and

this tendency did not only affect the posture for formal meals but attracted other meal conventions 227

19 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo discusses Dentzerrsquos work esp 215ndash17 221 223

228ndash229 236 244 250ndash58

20 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 18

29

212 The Structure of the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον

The Greek practice was to organize a dualndashpurpose banquet and this twofold structure of the

communal meal helps in illuminating our conception of the Christian meals during the first two centuries of the

Common Era The first session was the δεῖπνον which constituted the major meal of the day The second

session συμπόσιον was devoted to drinking in the midst of entertainment21

The Greek δεῖπνον the main and

last meal became the most important meal of the day Greek culture had some influence on the customs of the

Romans and the Romans in turn acquired new culinary habits22

The Romans followed the Greek tradition of

three meals in a day ndash the ientaculum (also iantaculum) or breakfast the prandium or midday meal and the

cœna or evening meal

Peter Lampe in applying historicalndashcontextual exegesis uses GrecondashRoman dinner party of the first

century to shed light on the cultural context of the Gentile Christians in Corinth He makes a distinction

between the sondashcalled ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and the ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo Dinner takes place during the ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and

after a break spicy dishes seafood and bread are served in addition to sweet desserts and fruits during the

symposium at ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo23

The symposium was celebrated at both private and public levels It is

debatable whether the συμπόσιον had any formal relation with the δεῖπνον or it took place independently The

sources reveal two viewpoints The first is that the συμπόσιον appears to assume independence from the

δεῖπνον In the symposium literature there are records of drinking and philosophical discourses for example in

the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon Moreover there are instances where clients were invited solely for the

21

Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10 expands the terms δεῖπνον or συσσίτον in

Greek sources and cena (cœna) in Latin Cena was the name given by the Romans to the main meal (evening

meal) Roman meals were taken in courses (fercula) There were three divisions namely prima cœna altera

cœna and tertia cœna See Mart Epig 4 8 1ndash2 Cf Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of

Pericles (trans Peter Green 1st American ed New York Macmillan 1966) 167ndash81) at 173 opts for two

successive stages of every formal dinner for all religious brotherhood or any other association (thiasos) Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus The Search for the Authentic Deeds of Jesus (San

Francisco HarperSan Francisco 1998) 352 The second part was ldquothe drinking partyrdquo that follows the meal

22 See Katherine M D Dunbabin Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality 4 states ldquothe Greek traditionhellip had

a profound impact upon the iconography of Roman arthelliprdquo

23 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor1117ndash34)rdquo

Affirmation 4 (1991)1ndash15 esp 2ndash3 Idem ldquoDas Korinthische Herrenmahl im Schnittpunkt Hellenistisch-

Roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und Paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1 Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 at 186ndash

87 who mentions a break between primae und secundae mensae as part of the format Cenaδεῖπνον) primae

mensae Pause -Uumlbergang Secundae mensaeDesserts und Trinken See Athenaeus Deipnosophists 1450 The

ancients usually served desserts Ephippus in his Ephebi lists the various dishes served for dessert groats and a

cask of rich palm wine cakes and other sweetmeats cheese cakes and eggs Comparatively sweetmeats and

cheesecakes were integral part of the dessert course Both sweetmeats and cheesecakes are mentioned by Alexis

in his Philiscus while Ephippus mentions sweetmeats and cakes of sesame in his Cydon among others Other

scholars who share a similar viewpoint of Lampe include Carolyn Osiek and David L Balch Families in the

New Testament World Households and House Churches (The Family Religion and Culture Louisville

Westminster John Knox 1997) 200ndash203 Bradley B Blue ldquoThe House Church at Corinth and the Lordrsquos

Supperrdquo 233ndash34 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 26 Henk J de Jonge ldquoThe Early History of the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo in Religious Identity and the

Invention of Tradition Papers Read at a NOSTER Conference in Conference in Soesterberg January 4ndash6 1999

(ed Jan Willem van Henten amp Anton Houtepen Assen Royal Van Gorcum 2001) 209ndash37 at 209ndash10 Gregory

Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo 243

30

συμπόσιον24

The second viewpoint is that a formal meal could hardly be taken without drinking Hence despite

the general distinction neither the likelihood of drinking during the δεῖπνον nor the eating of food during the

συμπόσιον should be ruled out25

Special rituals were performed and they were indicative of a transition ndash the end of one phase (δεῖπνον)

and the beginning of second phase the συμπόσιον Furthermore the evidence becomes clearer when a

comparison is made with the transition between the Roman cœna and the comissatio The rituals started with

the removal of the tables followed by the bringing in of the wine bowl for the purpose of mixing the wine26

Ritual libation27

and singing a paeligan or hymn served as an interlude between the eating of meals and the

drinking session There were other times songs were sung to suit the occasion Plato succinctly captures this

aspect of the banquet μετὰ ταῦτα ἔφη κατακλινέντος τοῦ Σωκράτους καὶ δειπνήσαντος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων σπονδάς

τε σφᾶς ποιήσασθαι καὶ ᾁσαντας τὸν θεὸν καὶ τἆλλα τὰ νομιζόμενα τρέπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν πότον 28

The beginning of the συμπόσιον was marked by the election of a συμποσίαρχος (symposiarch or a

presiding officer) from among the guests29

The συμποσίαρχος had the responsibility of determining the

proportion of wine to water in the krateacuter and to decide the amount of wine each guest has to drink30

Another

important decision to be made was how the time was to be spent Moreover it was his duty to determine the

kind of entertainment to be held Aristotle in his Treatise on Drunkenness uses the term δεύτεραι τραπέζαι The

expression ldquoδεύτεραι τραπέζαιrdquo is appropriate since it is served after the meal proper as the second part of the

meal A conscious effort was made to ensure that enough room is left in the bodies of the guests not only for the

meal and the dessert but for a drinking spree31

The method of drinking was also considered This becomes

evident in Platorsquos Symposium

τὸν οὖν Παυσανίαν ἔφη λόγου τοιούτου τινὸς κατάρχειν εἶεν ἄνδρες φάναι τίνα τρόπον ῥᾷστα

πιόμεθα ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι τῷ ὄντι πάνυ χαλεπῶς ἔχω ὑπὸ τοῦ χθὲς πότου καὶ δέομαι ἀναψυχῆς

24

Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles notes ldquoSome guests might only have been

invited for the symposium proper and these would arrive when dinner was overrdquo 175

25 Ibid ldquoBut it should not be supposed that the first half of the proceedings excluded drink while the second

half per contra excluded solid food far from itrdquo173

26 There was no fixed amount of water to wine Commonly there could be five parts of water to two parts wine

or three parts of water to a part of winerdquo See Ath Deip10426d Cf D E Smith From Symposium to

Eucharist 32

27 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 352 Each (phase) ldquocourse began with a

benediction or libation over the food and wine a custom that was adapted in different ways by Greeks Romans

and Jewshellipcf Mark 8 6 1422ndash25)rdquo

28 Plato Symposium 176 α ldquoAfter these things he said when Socrates had reclined and dined with the others

they poured libation and sang a chant to the god and so forth as custom demands till they took to drinkingrdquo

My translation

29 See Platorsquos Symposium 213 ε The guests of Agathon reached the consensus to drink volitionally without the

appointment of a συμποσίαρχος When Alcibiades came to the scene he appointed himself συμποσίαρχος in

order that they could drink to their satisfaction

30 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the Time of Pericles 175

31 Plut De Tuen 4

31

τινοςndashοἶμαι δὲ καὶ ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλούς παρῆστε γὰρ χθέςndash32

The δεῖπνον was characterized by leisure in consonance with the posture of reclining Associated with

the δεῖπνον was an entertainment scheduled for the whole evening Not only did the δεῖπνον become the one

formal meal of the day but also potentially ldquothe social highlight of the day as wellrdquo33

The institution of the

evening meal as a banquet offered them the opportunity to spend three or more hours Entertainment played a

vital role at banquets and took place in several ways Music was performed to serve therapeutic as well as

psychological purposes for those given in to drunkenness and gluttony It was valued as a means of curbing

emotional disturbances and puts vitality into the lives of the guests34

Another kind of entertainment was the performance of drama using mythological stories at the

banquets of religious associations The statutes of the Iobakchoi a Bacchic club provide an example of this

form of entertainment In their case deities and other mythological characters are given specific ldquorolesrdquo to be

performed at the banquet D E Smith explains that such kinds of entertainment serve as a ldquospecial lsquoreligiousrsquo

function analogous to what we might identify as a lsquoliturgicalrsquo functionrdquo35

A subject that developed in the

philosophical tradition of the symposium was one in which philosophers would engage in wise and learned

conversation during the session for entertainment36

Conversation during the partaking of a meal was very

important Questions were proposed by the company for discussions after dinner37

Importance was accorded to

philosophical conversation On one occasion a flute player was dismissed in order that philosophical

conversation could take place This decision was recorded in Platorsquos Symposium

ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν φάναι τὸν Ἐρυξίμαχον τοῦτο μὲν δέδοκται πίνειν ὅσον ἂν ἕκαστος βούληται ἐπάναγκες

δὲ μηδὲν εἶναι τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο εἰσηγοῦμαι τὴν μὲν ἄρτι εἰσελθοῦσαν αὐλητρίδα χαίρειν ἐᾶν αὐλοῦσαν

ἑαυτῇ ἢ ἂν βούληται ταῖς γυναιξὶ ταῖς ἔνδον ἡμᾶς δὲ διὰ λόγων ἀλλήλοις συνεῖναι τὸ τήμερον38

32

Plato Symp 176 α β ldquoThen Pausanias began a conversation after this manner lsquoWell gentlemen what way

of drinking will be best for us I therefore on one hand declare to you that am altogether in a very poor state

by yesterdayrsquos drinking bout I request for some refreshment on the other hand for most of you for you were

present yesterday hellip therefore contemplate on which way of drinking will be best for usrdquo My translation

33 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Meal in 1 Corinthians in

Comparison with Graeco-Roman Meals 6

34 Ath Deip 424 Entertainment took place in several ways It included dance music comedy the

performance and discussion of poetry

35 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 27

36 See Ath Deip 5 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 The kind of

conversation was ldquoenlightened conversation on philosophical topics as their symposium entertainmentrdquo and it

followed the format in the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon

37 Plutarch describes them as ldquoPlatonic Questionsrdquo Moralia 13999 c

38 Plato Symp 176 ε ldquoTherefore since it has been resolvedrdquo said Eryximachus ldquothat we are to drink as much as

each desires with no compulsion on any I take the lead after this that the flutendashgirl who entered just now be

dismissed let her play the flute to herself or if she wishes to the women within but let us understand one

another through conversation todayrdquo Translation mine

32

Conversation and toasts took place as the cup handled by a cupbearer went round39

However during the

Roman period wine was usually served during both the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον Closely linked to entertainment

is the number of guests The guests who participated in the Greek symposium ndash δεῖπνον ndash could be 36 or more

Matthias Klinghardt assumes a lower limit of thirty ndash five persons who partook in the meal40

καὶ γὰρ συμποσίου

μέγεθος ἱκανόν ἐστιν ἄχρι οὗ συμπόσιον 6 ἐθέλει μένειν ἐὰν δ᾽ ὑπερβάλῃ διὰ πλῆθος ὡς μηκέτι προσήγορον

ἑαυτῷ μηδὲ συμπαθὲς εἶναι ταῖς φιλοφροσύναις μηδὲ γνώριμον οὐδὲ συμπόσιόν ἐστι 41

The table served as a site that marked honor Associated with the number of guests is the seating

arrangement of guests Usually the host would offer positions to the guests Plutarch handles the question in

Table Talk as to whether an entertainer should take his seat with others or that each person should find a place

for himself His brother Timon who invited people from all walks of life desired that the guests would choose

places for themselves A stranger came after the glasses had gone round When he stared around those who

were already seated he refused to sit with them Other guests entreated him to sit but he responded that there

was no befitting place left for him After supper Plutarchrsquos grandfather Lamprias commented that if Timon had

followed his instructions and given the invited guests their proper places they would not be regarded as

unskillful in such matters42

Timon commented on the tendency to deprive many in order to honor one The

discussion led into a dispute about the honor accorded to places since it varies from one locality to another It

raised another question ldquoOn what account is the place at table called consular regarded honorablerdquo43

Plutarch

did not find it difficult to make distinctions among guests For him persons were to be given places at banquets

according to their quality44

Lamprias on the other hand emphasized conversation and fraternity and the

common good for all at table but not to ldquolook after everymanrsquos quality but their agreement and harmony with

one anotherrdquo45

In Plutarchrsquos imaginative account of Septem Sapientium Convivium he vividly describes the custom of

ranking at table One guest regarded the place that was assigned to him as being disreputable He felt ignored

and degraded Moreover he compared himself with other guests who were Aeolians and those from the islands

whom he thought were set above the one (Thrasybulus) who delegated him (the guest) to represent him at the

dinner Thales comments that it is not worth finding out who has been placed above others Rather what was

essential was for them to promote friendship with whoever has been placed with them ὡς ὅ γε τόπῳ κλισίας

39

Lucian Symp 14ndash15

40 M Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 325

41 Plut Table Talk 551 cf 678 d ldquoFor there is a certain number that is apropos for a symposium and still

remains a symposium but if it exceeds that so that by reason of that number you can no longer affectionately

address each other or even know one another then it ceases to be symposium at allrdquo

42 Plut Quaest conv 12 2

43 In Persia the proper place of honor for the king is in the midst of his people in Rome the place called

consular is the lowermost of the middle bed while the Greeks regard the upper most of the middle bed to be the

chief

44 Plut Table Talk (Quaest conv) 1

45 Ibid 1 2 It is noteworthy that Lamprias was sitting on a low bed

33

δυσχεραίνων δυσχεραίνει τῷ συγκλίτῃ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ κεκληκότι καὶ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἀπεχθάνεται46

On inquiring

about the place that the guest refused to sit Thales sat at the very place with other guests47

Lucian also recounts

the prestige that is accorded guests

δέον δὲ ἤδη κατακλίνεσθαι ἁπάντων σχεδὸν παρόντων ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν εἰσιόντων αἱ γυναῖκες ὅλον τὸν

κλιντῆρα ἐκεῖνον ἐπέλαβον οὐκ ὀλίγαι οὖσαι καὶ ἐν αὐταῖς ἡ νύμφη πάνυ ἀκριβῶς ἐγκεκαλυμμένη ὑπὸ

τῶν γυναικῶν περιεχομένη ἐς δὲ τὸ ἀντίθυρον ἡ ἄλλη πληθύς ὡς ἕκαστος ἀξίας εἶχε κατ᾽ ἀντικρὺ δὲ

τῶν γυναικῶν πρῶτος ὁ Εὔκριτος εἶτα Ἀρισταίνετος48

An important aspect of GrecondashRoman banquets is the involvement and role of patrons According to Paul

Veyne the associations (collegia) had noble patrons The main purpose of the collegia was to organize

banquets The power the patrons exerted was manifested in the decision they took with regard to the kind of

menu of the feast which they sponsored49

J S Kloppenborg confirms the sponsorship offered by the patrons

ldquoThe collegium whether domestic professional or cultic also afforded the elite an opportunity to display

largesse in the form of benefactions given to collegiardquo50

213 An Excursus on Jewish Meals

I now probe whether or not Jewish meals relate to questions at Corinth To be able to achieve this I

will seek answers to the question Does a specific kind of Jewish meal lie behind the Lordrsquos Supper The

Passover is regarded as a special meal in Jewish practice The debate on the relationship between the Last

Supper and the Jewish Passover has been a longndashstanding one Scholars have debated whether the Last Supper

was a Paschal meal or not There are pieces of evidence from both the Synoptic and the Johannine accounts that

suggest that the Last Supper was a Passover meal (Mark 141ndash2 12ndash16 cf Matt 262ndash517ndash18 Luke 221ndash16

John 1321ndash30) The Passover meal was commonly celebrated in the night of Nisan (ie prior to Nisan 15 by

our reckoning of time)51

The Johannine account (John 1828 cf 19 14 31 and 42) implies that beginning of

46

Plut Sept sap conv 149 β ldquoas in every case the one who objects to a place at table is not objecting to the

neighbor but rather to the host and incurs hatred for bothrdquo My translation

47 Ibid 149 F

48 Lucian Symp 8 9α ldquoAnd by the time it was needful to recline for nearly everyone was there On the right

on entering the women occupied the whole couch as they were not a few of them with the bride among them

altogether accurately veiled and surrounded by the women And out of the back door came the rest of the

retinue according to the worth each had Right opposite the women the first was Eucritus and then

Aristaenetusrdquo My translation

49 Paul Veyne ldquoThe Roman Empire ldquo in A History of Private Life 5 vols ed Philippe Ariegraves and Georges Duby

(Cambridge Mass Belknap Press of Harvard University Press) 1987ndash1991 vol 1 5ndash207 at 92 states that

ldquothe economic power that the household exerted over its peasants bound by sharecropping contracts was

coupled with a kind of moral authorityrdquo For a thorough description of the collegia see John S

KloppenborgldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquoin Voluntary

Associations in the Graeco-Roman World ed John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson (London New

York Routledge) 1996 16ndash30

50John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 27

51 It can be inferred from Mark 1412 that the Last Supper was a Passover meal and the day that Jesus was

arrested condemned and crucified was Nisan 15th

reckoning that day from sundown to sundown

34

Nisan 15th

was the sundown of Friday52

Johnrsquos account includes the details that the Jews did not enter the

palace in order not to defile themselves so as to be able to eat the Passover (John 1828) and Jesusrsquo crucifixion

took place on the day of Preparation (John 1914 cf 1931)Thus the fourth gospel indicates that Jesus ate the

supper with his disciples before the Passover Feast (John 131 2)53

The impression John creates then is that the

Last Supper was not a Passover meal Presumably John wanted to project a theological truth that Jesus is the

accredited Paschal Lamb (cf 129 1936) Scholars who hold this view embrace the Synoptic tradition They

reckon Johnrsquos perception of Jesus himself as the Lamb of the Passover (John 129 cf 1914)

There is a close relationship between Rabbinic Jewish and earliest Christian meals As already

mentioned from the earlier sections there was a common meal tradition in the Mediterranean region during this

period that was adapted to various groups including Rabbinic and Christian groups The format for a Jewish

meal was similar to that of a meal taken at a formal gathering54

Even though rabbinic literature is usually

applied in determining the standard forms of Judaism in the earlier periods especially the late Hellenistic and

early Roman periods there is no scholarly consensus to which extent it can be applicable Nonetheless Dennis

Smith advocates the application of rabbinic literature as a ldquobookendrdquo for the latest stage of the study on meals

thus maintaining the continuous influence of GrecondashRoman banquet tradition55

It is worth mentioning the similarities with the exception of some particular religious elements

between the Jewish ldquofestive mealrdquo of the Tannaitic period and the contemporary GrecondashRoman festive meal

For example the timing for prayers in both meals was similar however the content was not the same The Jews

were associated with the GrecondashRoman world in their culinary habits as well as other spheres of life ldquobut yet

not fully integratedrdquo56

The Tannaitic literature provides different shades of the form or liturgy of the Jewish

52

C E B Cranfield The Gospel According to Saint Mark (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1979)

413 observes that ldquothe meal was eaten between sundown and midnight on the 15th

Nisan i e early on the 15th

since the Jewish day began at sunsetrdquo F C Burkitt ldquoThe Last Supper and the Paschal Mealrdquo JTS 17 (1916ndash

17) 291ndash297 at 292 notes that prior to regarding the agreement between Matthew Mark and Luke as a single

tradition that was replicated any other alternative view appeared like a ldquominority protestrdquo There was that

tendency that the consensus fidelium could be ldquoinvoked for a theory of a Paschal mealrdquo E Schweizer The

Lordrsquos Supper According to the New Testament trans James M Davis (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1969) 5 is

of the view that by Paulrsquos time the participation in the bread and wine had moved to the end of the meal See G

Bornkamm Early Christian Experience 129 who shares a similar view Hermann L Strack and Paul

Billerbeck Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch 2 812ndash53 (Muumlnchen C H Beck

1922) See I H Marshall Last Supper and Lords Supper for a similar view 57ndash75 Hermann L Strack and

Paul Billerbeck proposed that two calendars each a day out of step with the other were in vogue and were used

by the Pharisees and Sadducees respectively According to A Jaubert John could have followed the solar

calendar of the Qumran community rather than the templersquos lunar calendar Other scholars argue that it was not

likely that Jesusrsquo crucifixion took place on the feast of the Passover On this basis therefore the evening before

the act simply was not the beginning of the Passover See for example H Lietzmann Mass and Lordrsquos Supper

A Study in the History of the Liturgy (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 173 rejects the Paschal theory of the Supper as

hardly containing ldquothe least vestige of probabilityrdquo

53 Cf I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1981) 57ndash75

54 Cf D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 178

55 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 144ndash145

56 Gordon J Bahr ldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo Nov T 12 (1970) 181ndash202 at 181

35

festive meal The following example from the Tosefta illustrates the point that Jewish meals parallel Grecondash

Roman banquet in form

What is the order of the meal The guests enter [the house] and sit on the benches and on the chairs

until all have entered They all enter and they [servants] give them water for their hands Each one

washes one hand They [servants] bring them the appetizers each one says the benediction for himself

They [guests] go up [to the dining room] and they recline and they [servants] give them [water] for

their hands although they have [already] washed one hand they [now] wash both hands They

[servants] mix for them the cup although they have said a benediction over the first [cup] they say a

benediction [also] over the second They [servants] bring them the dessert although they said a

benediction over the first one they [now] say a benediction over the second and one says the

benediction for all of them He who comes after the third course has no right to enter57

Moreover there is a close similarity between the Seder meals and GrecondashRoman table manners and culinary

habits Some features which are similar to the Seder meal and GrecondashRoman meal practices include the

washing of hands the hors drsquooeuvre the wine served before during and after the meal and the reclining on beds

or couches at dinner58

Furthermore there are parallels between meals held within Judaism and the Grecondash Roman milieu at

large during the GrecondashRoman period Previously some scholars such as J BrumbergndashKraus and Bruce

Chilton J Neuser proposed a link between GrecondashRoman meals and the development of the Passover seder in

the GrecondashRoman59

However Susan Marks BrumbergndashKraus and Jordan Rosenblum have demonstrated that

ldquoby and large Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman era participated inrdquo the Klinghardt Smith paradigm 60

For

example Susan Markrsquos 61

research investigates Jewish weddings in the GrecondashRoman period and the late

antiquity She demonstrates that the meals at such weddings were associated with the Grecondash Roman meal

typology Similarly Jordan D Rosenblum referencing Shaye J D Cohen62

explores ldquothe commensal practices

that erect the tannaitic boundary in the mindrdquo63

He draws from both tannaitic and nearly contemporary (Greek

Roman and Christian) sources and shows the relationship between early Rabbinic handling of food and the

57

t Berakot 4 8 98 Cf Gordon J BahrldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo 182 Bahrrsquos

translation adapted by the candidate It is worth noting that Luke mentions 2 cups in his account (Luke 2217ndash

20)

58 S Stein ldquoThe Influence of Symposia Literature on the Literary Form of the Pesah Haggadahrdquo JJS 8 (1957)

13ndash 44

59 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36 See J Brumberg-Kraus ldquoldquoNot by Bread Alonehelliprdquo The

Ritualization of Food and Table Talk in the Passover Seder and in the Last Supperrdquo Semeia 86 (1999) 165ndash91

Bruce Chilton and Neuser Judaism in the New Testament Practices and Beliefs (London New York

Routledge 1995)

60 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

61 Susan Marks ldquoJewish Weddings in the Greco-Roman Period A Reconsideration of Received Ritualrdquo

(January 1 2003) Online at httprepositoryupennedudissertationsAA13087427

62 Shaye J D Cohen The Beginnings of Jewishness Boundaries Varieties Uncertainties (Berkeley University

of California Press 1999) 341 ldquoBetween Us and Them is a line a boundary drawn not in the sand or stone but

in the mindrdquo

63 Jordan D Rosenblum Food and Identity in Early Rabbinic Judaism (New York Cambridge University

Press 2010) 10

36

GrecondashRoman meal code64

On this premise Hal E Taussig states that ldquoone of the strongest contributionsrdquo the

SBL Seminar has made recently is the shift in understanding of Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman period 65

As

Klinghardt rightly points out the sacramental aspects of a token meal appeared during the third century C E

The Christian meals ldquowere not lsquosacramental mealsrsquo in token form but real mealsrdquo66

In conclusion the discussion on Greek Roman and Jewish meals reveals that there is an expected form

and some meaning or symbolism pertaining to the meals There is a ritual structure common to Greek Roman

and Jewish meals and that to some extent suggest that all collective meals are ritualized (a point that I will

expand in chapter 3)

2 2 Comparison between the Meal Practices of GrecondashRoman Associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία

At this juncture I make a shift from the general description of formal meals to associations in

particular The section seeks an understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association of the

GrecondashRoman world I will cite some features prominent in GrecondashRoman banquets and compare and contrast

them with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will examine the Corinthian meal practices through the lenses of the

banqueting customs of the voluntary associations I will seek answers to the questions What are the parameters

that constitute the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to be analogous to an association To what extent did the meal practices

of the GrecondashRoman world influence the meal practices in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Originally in the Greek polis reclining was the preserve of nobility but it became decentralized and an

act enjoyed by free men The third century witnessed the waning of the political significance of the polis and the

involvement of citizens in political affairs leading to the ldquodepoliticization of the mealrdquo67

Gradually the banquet

became open to women and to slaves and it absorbed the social functions of the polis primarily in the

voluntary associations that represented public life The significance of this development can hardly be

overestimated the central event in the many associations coming into being in early Hellenism as well as in

early Principate was the communal banquet meal68

Festive meals were a common feature of the voluntary associations of all kinds in the GrecondashRoman

milieu B W R Pearson is of the view that ldquothe most frequent activity of associations whatever their particular

stripe was social gatheringrdquo69

A festive meal was commonly celebrated on ldquothe feast of the god or of the

foundation annually once a month or even more frequently depending on the aims and statues of the

associationrdquo70

One feature that is common to the first century and the present is the tendency towards the

64

It is noteworthy that the primary source for his research is the tannaitic corpus

65 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

66 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10

67 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9ndash10

68 Ibid 10

69 B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo 136

70 Ibid 44

37

establishment of associations There was a proliferation of associations for multiple purposes in the early

Roman Empire These included trade guilds dramatic guilds clubs and societies of all kinds71

Kloppenborg

observes that it is problematic to categorize collegia by their sondashcalled main activities or their functions which

may be interndashrelated He maintains that it is expedient to classify the associations based on their membership

rather than functions He identifies three major bases of membership namely those connected with a household

(collegia domestica) those formed in relation to a common trade (professional) and collegium built around the

cult of a deity (religious) which he describes as most inclusive of voluntary associations The taxonomy is thus

based on profile of the members rather than the purpose of the association72

With the decline of the Greek πόλις voluntary associations bloomed during the Hellenistic and Roman

periods People in the society found solace in associations operating with ldquostructures on a more personal

scalerdquo73

The ldquoPauline movementrdquo as part of its social organization worked out structures including

ldquobelongingrdquo74

In addition to these structures the members of the associations participated in several rituals one

of which was the partaking in a ldquocommon mealrdquo75

2 2 1 External evidence

For an effective analysis it is important to resort to external evidence that has a parallel to Corinthian

practice Establishing this kind of evidence is relevant to assert that what I am arguing is an ordinary Grecondash

Roman meal For legal reasons Jewish groups within the Roman Empire were known as collegia The

synagogues were among other ldquolongndashestablished groupsrdquo that were exempted when Julius Caesar issued a

decree banning all collegia from operation76

Pliny the Younger in writing to the emperor Trajan employed two

terms namely superstitio ldquosuperstitionrdquo and hetaeria ldquopolitical clubrdquo to describe Christians77

Pliny mentions a

71

Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches Eight Lectures delivered before the

University of Oxford in the year 1880 on the Foundation of the Late John Bampton (New York B Franklin

1972) 26

72 John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 20ndash27 For further discussion on the categorization of

associations see idem ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and Method Towards A New

Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd (ed Bradley H McLean JSNT

Sup 86 JSOT Press 1993) 212ndash238 at 237 is of the view that Pauline ἐκκλησίαι like collegia ldquocan be fitted into

the spectrum of formal designations organization and membership profiles of Greek and Roman voluntary

associationsrdquo W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 77ndash80 observes both similarities and differences

between the Christian group and typical voluntary associations See also Philip A Harland Associations

Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 2 9 28ndash29 B L Mack ldquoRereading the Christ Mythrdquo writes ldquoThe Corinthians were apparently

meeting together as an association of non-native persons in the recently repopulated city of Corinthrdquo52

73 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 43 See also Robert L Wilken The

Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35

74 Ibid See Meekrsquos comprehensive discussion of the language of belonging and boundaries 84ndash110 Cf

Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35ndash36

75 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 31 n 13 Cf J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin

Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 237

76 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 35

77 hetaeria derived from the Greek word ἑταιρας (ἑταιρία) that has been transliterated into Latin It is

38

custom (mos) that Christians practiced that involved separating themselves and reassembling to partake of food

(quibus) He regarded the Christian Supper to be in the same category as that of the hetaeriai Christians

however abandoned this practice when Pliny forbade such meals in BithyniandashPontus in early second century

after Trajan had issued an edict banning the hetaeriai78

Kloppenborg deducing from Plinyrsquos statement

expresses the view that it is an indication that both ldquothe Christians involved saw themselves as constituting an

association and that this judgement was shared by Plinyrdquo79

Christians were seen by outsiders as being part of

mystery religions One possible way of clarifying this notion ldquowas to call themselves an ἐκκλησίαrdquo a means of

intensifying social integration80

Almost all associations seemed to have a religious flavor Edwin Hatch agrees with the notion that

Christian churches were analogous with voluntary associations With the Greek associations the common meal

was inferred by its regular provision for sacrifice at their meetings while with Roman associations it was

stipulated in the extant bylaws81

Meeks mentions the partaking in ldquocommon mealsrdquo as one of the significant

similarities between the Pauline groups and the private associations82

Kloppenborg basing his observation on

Edwin Hatchrsquos comments about how cultic associations thrived irrespective of political pressures notes that as

Christian mission expanded it did not have to create the ldquonotion of a religious society distinct from the family

and the polis or staterdquo 83

Kloppenborg argues that ldquothere was a broad spectrum of forms of collegia broad

enough that most of the particularities seen in Pauline churches could fit comfortably within that spectrumrdquo84

Likewise P Richardson maintains that synagogues started as collegia in diaspora setting and early synagogues

(pre 70 synagogues) were in all details analogous to collegia85

Aristotle in his Ethica Nichomachea states that αἱ δὲ κοινωνίαι πᾶσαι μορίοις ἐοίκασι τῆς

πολιτικῆς86

Aristotle further mentions that ἔνιαι δὲ τῶν κοινωνιῶν δι᾽ ἡδονὴν δοκοῦσι γίνεσθαι θιασωτῶν καὶ

commonly known as political club or association Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them

34 indicates that ldquoAlthough the term hetaeria highlights the political aspects of these associations most clubs

were not political as Trajan recognizedrdquo

78 Pliny the Younger Ep 10 96 7

79 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo228 Peter Richardson Building Jewish in the

Roman East (Waco Baylor University Press 2004) 187 Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw

Them 44ndash 47

80 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 54 Cf Edwin Hatch The Organization of

the Early Christian Churches 30 mentions that from the perspective of an outsider the Christians were in the

ldquosame categoryrdquo with the association

81 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 16ndash54 esp 31 n13

82 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 78

83 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 213

84 Ibid esp 231ndash38

85 P Richardson ldquoEarly Synagogues as Collegia in the Diaspora and Palestinerdquo in Voluntary Associations in

the Graeco-Roman World 90ndash109

86 Aristotle Eth Nic 8 9 4 (1160α) ldquoBut all associations are as parts of the Staterdquo My translation

39

ἐρανιστῶν αὗται γὰρ θυσίας ἕνεκα καὶ συνουσίας87

From Aristotlersquos statement two kinds of associations

(κοινωνίαι) can be identified namely religious guild (θιασος) and dining club (ἐρανος) While it is likely that the

terms were used interchangeably the clubs as religious clubs offered sacrifices and promoted companionship at

the social level

Association banquets provide analogies that contribute in shedding light on the behavior of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the physical setting and the ritual structure of the Corinthian meal

Furthermore certain parameters enhanced the banquet tradition of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

Certain features of the meal practices of GrecondashRoman associations bear comparison with the evidence of 1

Corinthians 11 social stratification social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character

1 Social Stratification

The social structure of the GrecondashRoman world was displayed at the gathering for meals In the

associations seating arrangement was one of the ldquoindicators of statusrdquo 88

In professional associations the

arrangement of tables underscored hierarchy and rank and penalties were imposed on those who attempted to

take the seat of others89

In the Roman period such positions became well defined90

Lucian mentions

Alcidamas the Cynic who went to a banquet as an uninvited diner Aristaenetus after commending him asked

him to sit on a chair because there were virtually no other important places for reclining Alcidamas retorted

that it was γυναικεῖον καὶ μαλθακὸν (womanish and weak) to sit on a chair or stool during a banquet He opted

to eat while walking about in the dining room and to exhibit his unique social standing would ultimately choose

to recline on the floor should he get tired91

The mode of reclining was indicative of social rank The reason was that a unique order of reclining

prevailed with the ldquomost honoredrdquo position accorded to the person on the right of the συμποσίαρχος and the

ldquoleast honoredrdquo position given to the person at the other end of the circle and ldquofaced the back of the

συμποσίαρχος Almost always those with the places closest to the right hand of the συμποσίαρχος had the most

prestige and honor in the larger societyrdquo92

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the members were not at a single level

There were differences in status As a stratified community this discrepancy reflected in the sharing of meal

Paul claims that some were satisfied while others were hungry (1 Cor 1121) It is plausible that the rhetorical

question posed by Paul ndash μὴ γὰρ οἰκίας οὐκ ἔχετεhellip (1 Cor 1122) could mean the ownership of houses by the

87

And some associations seem to be established on the account of pleasure for example religious guilds

(thiasotai) and dining-clubs (eranistai) that are unions for sacrifice and companionship Ibid 8 9 5 (1160 α)

88 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211 Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 ldquoMeals functioned as social boundary markers not

only defining by seating arrangement who outranked whom But relegating to the bottom of the social heap

those not invited in the first placerdquo Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 Reclining at meals

ldquounderlined status and stratificationrdquo

89 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

90 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 8

91 Lucian Symp 13

92 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 See also Rachel M McRae ldquoEating with Honor The

Corinthian Lordrsquos Supper in Light of Voluntary Association Meal Practicesrdquo JBL 130 (2011)165ndash81

40

elite93

G Theissen attributes the discrepancy to class distinction ie between the wealthy and poor He draws a

distinction between those who have houses and those who do not As I will discuss in the third section of the

chapter ldquoancient space typologyrdquo is one of the means of resolving the conflict in Corinth Annette

Weissenrieder also makes a distinction between ldquoancient house structurerdquo and ldquogatherings of associationsrdquo

An indicator of status is the quantity of food served at the tables94

The hierarchies of the associative

order were openly given places of honor at banquets and were served larger portions of meal95

Thus the

ldquoleading members and benefactorsrdquo in professional associations were given the first cut of ldquosacrificial meatrdquo

Nonetheless they were supposed to help defray the cost of the meetings and banquets96

The conflict in Corinth

arises as a result of ldquotwo different patterns of conductrdquo both of which the wealthier Christians can trace to the

social setting It could be attributed to internal stratification of the community By virtue of the fact that some

members could contribute more than others it equally gave them the opportunity to attain a position of

superiority97

Within the associations the larger allocation to certain members was not considered as an offence The

regulations of the associations stipulated that the officers were to receive greater portions of all distributions

basically in the food and drink for the performance of administrative assignments G Theissen referencing E

Kornemann states that the portions varied from between ldquoone and onendashhalf to two and three times the normal

giving rise to the terms sesquiplicarii duplicarii triplicarii for the various categories of officialsrdquo 98

A case in

point is the collegium in Lanuvium Campania Italy 136 CE [June 9] (CIL XIV 2112 =ILS 7212= Bendlin

2011 136 CE June 9) In one of the bylaws of the collegium for example it was voted that any member who is

elected a president (quinquennalis) shall receive a double portion in all distributions 99

Also it was further

voted that officers such as secretary (scriba) and the messenger (viator) shall receive a portion and a half in

every distribution and that any former president who rendered distinguished and honest service shall receive a

portion and a half of everything as an indicator of honor This was to serve as an incentive for the presidents to

93

G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 602 points out that the question implies ldquoownershiprdquo

οἰκίας ἔχετε not ldquohomesrdquo

94 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211

95 K Verborven ldquoAssociative Order Status and Ethos of Roman Businessmen in the Late Republic and Early

Empirerdquo Athenaeum 95 (2007) 861ndash893 at 887 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 159 following G

Theissenrsquos construction writes ldquothe hosts provide both greater quantity and better quality of food and drink to

their social equals than to participants of lower status ldquo

96 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

97 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 162

98 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154 See E Kornemann sv

ldquoCollegiumrdquo PRE 7 3 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

80ndash480 esp 441

99 AGRW 310 (150 [11]) Cf G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 212 A quinquennalis was one of the most important officers in

an association

41

execute their duties effectively100

Furthermore the custom of Liopesi Attica regarding the purchasing of

priesthood was that it included a double portion of food with the exception of wine after the payment has been

made to the head of the club (SEG 31 [1981] no 122 = AGRW 9 early II CE) Theissen adds that ldquo[s]uch

discrepancies were in fact considered fair and properrdquo101

Seniority was another mark necessary to accord a person a place of honor at a table Such a position

offers one the opportunity to start discussing a subject Plutarch records ldquoSolon was the right man to make the

beginning of the subject not only because he was senior to all the rest and was in the place of honor at the table

but because having legislated for the Athenians he held the greatest and completest position of a rulerrdquo102

Similarly Plato mentions Phaedrus as occupying the topmost place at table and being the father of their debate

On the right of the host were guests who were seated routinely in a way depending on their status103

In contrast

with this is the lowest position

2 Social Ethics

Within the GrecondashRoman associations emphasis was placed on decorum during meals Eating a meal

is not merely an anatomical exercise but it offers diners the opportunity to foster social relationships It is only

when the ἔρανος meal is taken in a friendly manner that the beneficent principle becomes effective The diners

are expected to make friends rather than have enemies Socialness is of utmost significance during symposium

Plutarch laments that some rich men build rooms large enough to contain thirty or even more tables According

to him ldquoὅθεν οὐκ ὀρθῶς οἱ πλούσιοι νεανιεύονται κατασκευάζοντες οἴκους τριακοντακλίνους καὶ μείζους

ἀμίκτων γὰρ αὕτη καὶ ἀφίλων δείπνων ἡ παρασκευὴ καὶ πανηγυριάρχου μᾶλλον ἢ συμποσιάρχου δεομένωνrdquo104

Corporate values and norms were enforced This enhanced fellowship105

which was the mainstay of

banquets Plutarch in establishing the essence of fellowship makes the following statement ldquoἀλλrsquo ὅπου τὸ ἴδιον

ἔστιν ἀπόλλυται τὸ κοινόνrdquo 106

Comparing this statement to the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία evokes the

questions that Paul posed in 1 Cor 1016 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ

αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστιν107

100

CIL XIV 2112 = ILS 7212 = AGRW 310 [11] ndash [13]

101 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

102 Ibid 151 Plutarch ldquoDinner party of the seven sagesrdquo

103 Plato Symposium 177 DndashE In the discourse Phaedrus the father of debate is given the privilege to start

(Φαῖδρο[ς]hellip πρῶτος κατάκειται καὶ ἔστιν ἅμα πατὴρ τοῦ λόγου) It is followed by the one on the right (ἐπὶ

δεξιὰ) and to those at the lowest position at table (ἡμῖν τοῖς ὑστάτοις κατακειμένοις)

104 Plut Quaestconv 5 5 2 ldquoAnd therefore some rich men are immature who fully furnish houses big enough

with thirty couches or more at once for such a preparation is for unsociable and friendless dinners and such as

are suitable for a panegyriarch rather than symposiarch to preside overrdquo My translation

105 Ibid 717 A

106 Ibid 644 C ldquobut fellowship perishes when idiosyncrasy persistsrdquo My translation

107 ldquoThe cup of blessing that we bless is it not the koinōnia of the blood of Christ The bread that we break is it

not the koinōnia of the body of Christ My translation

42

Related to fellowship is friendship Friendship is a beneficent principle108

Friendship and hospitality

revolve around the table Plutarch regards friendship as the best of possessions109

ldquoTake away food and you

take away the table ndash that is to say gods of the altar of friendship and hospitalityrdquo110

The rationale for friends to

be invited was for them to share their moments of delight in common Archilochus is known to have said ldquoYou

come and drink full of Chian wine and yet give no return for them nor wait to be invited as a friend would

dordquo111

True friendship involves trust and the level of trust should be just as one trusts himself112

The act of

sharing food is also an indication of level of friendship that exists between people

Closely related to social ethics is social equality113

Equality was an essential ingredient of the social

code of the GrecondashRoman setting The notion of social equality was in vogue in the time of Homer where

ldquoequal feastsrdquo was a trait of the meals of the Heroes114

Plutarch promoted the spirit of equality He enjoined all

persons irrespective of status to participate in the ἔρανος on friendship terms This instruction was given to

ensure that meals were equitably distributed to all and sundry irrespective of their social status and it conforms

to the expectations of the Grecondash Roman milieu where dinner is a democratic affair (δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ

δεῖπνον)115

This speaks to Paulrsquos dissatisfaction about the Corinthians Paulrsquos dissatisfaction is seen in his

remarks that some of the members become satisfied and drunk while others are hungry Paulrsquos concern is that

the members of the ἐκκλησία would exhibit ἰσότητος (1121 cf1333ndash34)116

Furthermore in 1 Cor 14 Paul

expresses his gratitude to God for the Corinthians However he does not commend them for the proceedings of

their assembly (1 Cor 1117) Paul claims that their assembly was not for the better but for the worse (1117)

This situation could not merit his commendation He successively poses four questions in 1122 and ends with

ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ117

3 Timing

Punctuality was the standard for banquets however some diners arrived late If the hypothesis that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία had a common meal typology as other GrecondashRoman associations holds then it is

plausible that some members of the ἐκκλησία could arrive late for meals Plato indicates that at one time when

108

See Plut ldquoIsis and Osirisrdquo 370 e in Moralia V where Empedocles calls this principle ldquofriendshiprdquo or

ldquofriendlinessrdquo or and usually ldquoconcordrdquo

109 Plut ldquoOn Calumniatingrdquo Moralia V 156

110 Plut ldquoDinner Party of the Seven Sagesrdquo 158

111 Ath Deip 114

112 Sen Ad Luc 32

113 There is a tension between the notion of social equality and social stratification

114 Hom Ill 1468 602 2432

115 See Quaest Conv 616 F of Plutarchrsquos Moralia Timon expresses social equality in the following words τί

οὐκ ἐντεῦθεν ἀρξάμενοι πρῶτον ἐθίζομεν ἀτύφως καὶ ἀφελῶς κατακλίνεσθαι μετrsquo ἀλλήλων εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῶν

θυρῶν ὁρῶντας ὅτι δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ οὐκ ἔχει τόπον ἐξαίρετον ὥσπερ ἀκρόπολιν ἐφrsquo

οὗκατακλιθεὶς ὁ πλούσιος ἐντρυφήσει τοῖς εὐτελεστέροις

116 For further study on Paulrsquos desire for ἰσότητος see 2 Cor 813ndash15

117 ldquoIn this I do not praise yourdquo 1 Cor 1122e My translation

43

dinner had begun one of his diners Socrates was absent Even though Agathon the host gave the directive to go

for him he did not allow it However he later arrived about midndashway through the dinner118

The incidence of diners arriving late for a meal was similar to the Corinthian situation where some

members of the ἐκκλησία took their meal before the arrival of others It illuminates how the ἐκκλησία could fit

into the category of an association If the assumption that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was akin to the Grecondash

Roman associations holds then the comparison helps in interpreting 1 Corinthians in the following ways It

helps in deciding on for example the verb προλαμβάνειν In his reconstruction of Corinthian scenario P

Lampe translates προλαμβάνειν as ldquopremature beginningrdquo119

He suggests that the wealthy Corinthians began

eating their own meal before the arrival of others According to the eranos custom therefore latecomers who

for time constraint or lack of money to prepare their own food baskets had to remain hungry120

4 Drunkenness

This feature fits all meals and not just associations I include it because it provides a parallel to 1 Cor

1121 Drunkenness is evident during the partaking of the meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία121

The συμπόσιον

would usually end in general drunkenness122

This is similar to Corinthian ἐκκλησία It also buttresses the fact

that the meal taken was analogous to what other associations partook Drunkenness was a regular feature at

banquets and was ldquoa convenient excuse for any other wise abnormal behaviorrdquo123

If the meal was already

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον at the time Paul was writing then the portion given to an individual would be such that it could

hardly make one intoxicated H Conzelmann comments that ldquoFellowship is canceled when one suffers want

and another is drunk this holds even if the reproach of drunkenness is not taken too strictlyrdquo124

J A Fitzmyer

commenting on 1122 states that ldquo[t]he further description of one such diner who goes ahead as ldquohungryrdquo and

another as ldquodrunkrdquo stands in contrast to ldquothose who have nothingrdquo125

The understanding therefore is that the

situation of a diner lacking an element would not arise if the celebration were the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

5 Character

The character of some of the members in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was similar to that of some of the

guests at festive meals According to Plato ldquomenrsquos characters are brought to light over winerdquo 126

The text under

review is explicit that some of the members were drunk This to some extent reveals their character It can be

inferred that they had more than enough and could have shared with other members but they declined The

118

Plato Symp 175 CndashD

119 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 39 poses the question ldquoCan their

lsquopremature beginningrsquo (prolambanein) be interpreted in the light of the Greco-Roman meal custom

120 Ibid

121 It is noteworthy that here Paul is engaged in rhetorical exaggeration

122 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles 175

123 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 36

124 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 195

125 J A Fitzmyer First Corinthians A New with Introduction and Commentary 434

126 Plato Symp 129

44

behavior put up by the members of the ἐκκλησία could have its roots in the prevailing culture where invited

guests could be marginalized It was part of the regulations of some associations to give ldquopreferential treatmentrdquo

to members who had offered distinguishing service127

Theissen expresses the view that there is the likelihood

that the rich Christians did not experience any guilty conscience in all that transpired They would have thought

of their actions as a means of offering help to the poorer members Moreover P Lampe referencing Plato

Lucian and Athenaeus points out that the wealthy Christians had a clear conscience when they started their

meals before others Their behavior was in consonance with the cultural context where guests who were late

could participate in the Second Tables128

One element that is common to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and GrecondashRoman associations is

fractiousness Fractiousness often characterized the associations especially at meals129

Evidence for infighting

is found in a guild regulation of the cult association of Zeus Philadelphia (Arsinoites Fayucircm Egypt) P Lond

VII 2193 69ndash58 B C E) 130

It specifies that 1 all members respect the leader and the assistant in matters

regarding the κοινον (association)131

2 it is illegal to foment σχίματα or for a member to leave the φράτρα

(brotherhood) of the leader to join another φράτρα and 3 no member may insult one another at a συμπόσιον

(banquet)132

From the Lanuvium inscription regulations were given concerning disputes at communal meal in

the bylaws of a benevolent association The bylaws prohibited members from causing disturbance133

In the case

of the Iobacchi at Athens for example a member was not supposed to speak without the permission of the

priest or the vicendashpriest134

In 1 Cor 1428 29 Paul is making a similar kind of argument when he asks the

prophets within the ἐκκλησία to take turns

2 2 2 Social Mobility Internal Evidence about Voluntary associations

Social mobility provides one of the pieces of evidence that Corinth is an association Citing examples

of Greek elections in Hellenistic and Roman epigraphic and literary sources and drawing examples from

associations and correspondences Richard Last submits that αἱρέσις is a technical term used in antiquity for the

127

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 161 ff

128 Cf Plato Symp 212 CD 223 B Lucian Lex 9 13 and Ath Deip 5 180 A

129 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

130 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 39ndash88 Richard S

Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

131 P Lond VII 2193

132 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo Richard S Ascough Philip A

Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

133 R S Ascough P A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW Lanuvium (Campania Italy) CIL XIV 2112

AGRW 310 Specifically line 50 [15] stipulates ldquohellip any member who moves from one seat to another so as to

cause a disturbance shall be fined four sestercesrdquo Cf J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia

at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

134 SIG 1109 108 D Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 130 ldquoIn the gathering no one was allowed to sing

cause a disturbance or applaud Rather with all order or decorum members shall speak and do their parts as the

priest or the head of the bacchic devotees directsrdquo

45

kind of elections held in voluntary associations135

In a philological study he demonstrates that the verb αἱρέομαι

and the cognate noun αἱρέσις as employed by Paul connote ldquothe act of electingrdquo and the ldquoactual electionrdquo

respectively136

He cites an example of this use from Tebtynis (P PragueDem1 137 BCE) on ldquofactious

behaviorrdquo137

Likewise he alludes to an example from the Lanuvium inscription (CIL XIV 2112 = AGRW 310

Italy 136 CE) that mentions the involvement of magistrates in ldquofactiousnessrdquo138

Just as Paul instructed that

there be no σχίσματα in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία it is specified here that fines will be imposed on officers who

struck members139

While the object of meeting at a banquet is to promote social interaction the distribution of food can

bring disunity because ldquofood is a subject so sensitive to social manipulationhelliprdquo140

There is the likelihood that

some of them could be officers The physical setting of the gathering offers us the opportunity to understand the

dynamics of social mobility in the GrecondashRoman world Related to this feature is Richard Lastrsquos argument

about the election of officers in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Last completely reorients the typical understanding of

αἱρέσεις in this passage 141

He contends that the use of αἱρέσις in 1 Cor 1119 by Paul indicates that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία elected rotating administrative leaders whose duties included the managing of affairs at the

Lordrsquos Supper In Lastrsquos reading the ldquobanquet problems (ie σχίσματα)rdquo associated with the communal meal

were due to the lack of election of officers when their tenure of office expired142

This evidence also supports a

parallel with a voluntary association rather than a patriarchal housendashchurch arrangement

In Lastrsquos reading the composition of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was such that members could be elected

into office for administrative purposes and exercise control over the distribution of food at table This is

indicated by the language Paul uses in 1 Cor 1119 The notion of ldquoflat hierarchyrdquo of temporary and rotating

officers gave room for social mobility The refusal to allow elections to be held has been identified as one of the

possible causes of the banquet problems which the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced143

These examples provide evidence for establishing the presence of leaders in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in

the following ways First the organizational structure of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία allows that there were officers

135

R Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo NTS 59 (2013) 365ndash381 at 375 Other

words he employs include αἱρεθείς οἱ αἱρεθέντες αἱρέσεως ἑλέσθαι and αἱρεθῆναι He cites an example where

ldquoa certain Mēnis was elected (αἱρέσεις) to become the grouprsquos treasurer (IG 2 127 = GRA I 13 Attica 2998

BCE)rdquo374

136 Ibid 375

137 Ibid 372

138 Ibid

139 Ibid See also n 22 The examples include ldquoSEG 31 122= GRA I 50 Attica early II CE P Lond VII 21938

11ndash12= AGRW 295 Philadelphia Egypt 69ndash58 BCE P Mich VIII 511 unknown location in Egypt D E

Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 99ndash102

140 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo 83

141 Richard Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo esp 374ndash378

142 Ibid 380

143 Ibid esp 368 ff

46

in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Second related to the first point is Paulrsquos use of two terms that are commonly

employed in civic and association elections namely αἱρέσεις and δόκιμοι (1 Cor 1119) The examples serve as

indicators of how the Corinthian ἐκκλησία operated in a manner similar to the GrecondashRoman associations

Moreover it confirms that the σχίσματα that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced during their banquets were typical of

the proceedings of thiasoi and collegia144

Furthermore the examples provide key information regarding the

social and religious life in Roman Corinth and supplement data in literary sources and give insight into ldquocivic

life at ground level as well as from the heightsrdquo145

In the analysis I notice that GrecondashRoman meals can explain most of the features of the Corinthian

δεῖπνον By way of summary I have observed that the structure of the Greek Roman and Jewish meals follow

the same pattern146

The ancient peoples of the Mediterranean world within the period circa 300 B C E and

circa 300 C E seemed to have common dining customs with some variations147

The rules of the associations in

the GrecondashRoman world influenced the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία There were marked similarities

between the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the voluntary associations of the GrecondashRoman milieu Members of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in the δεῖπνον The associations had rules which governed the behavior of

members at table The problem of σχίσματα was typical of the meetings of the thiasoi and collegia Just as Paul

had to address the problem of fractiousness in Corinthian ἐκκλησία so it was with the thiasoi and collegia For

instance the bylaws of the Gild of Hypsistos prohibited σχίσματα μηδε σχίματα συνίστασ[θαι]148

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the quantity and quality of food the posture of reclining reflecting statuses

of guests the relaxed atmosphere coupled with late dining all contributed to the keen desire for social status

among the guests The lack of an equitable distribution of food contributed towards the instability within the

community Some members were fully satisfied while others were hungry Furthermore there were others who

got drunk This state of affairs can be accounted for by referring to the nature of sociondashcultural setting with its

values within which the members of the ἐκκλησία found themselves The comparison between the voluntary

associations in the GrecondashRoman world and the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveals that there were similar ritual

dynamics The meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία had not yet been shaped as a distinctively Christian ritual On

this premise I posit that some of the practices for example some members eating before others could have

accounted for the σχίσματα that persisted within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Based on the persistent nature of ritual

144

See for example D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 32 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 72

145 James Rives ldquoCivic and Religious Life in Epigraphic Evidence Ancient History from Inscriptionsrdquo ed

John Bodel (Approaching the Ancient World London Routledge 2011) 118ndash19

146 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19 idem Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 21

147 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 14 Depending on the basic data he further asserts that ldquothe

evidence supports the hypothesis that basic customs tended to be the same throughout the Mediterranean world

during this periodrdquo 19

148 Colin Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsisitosrdquo 40ndash42 50 The original word

σχίματα is probably an error for σχίσματα Cf Dennis E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist

in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 32

47

rather than the temporary conditions in the socioeconomic life of a people I postulate that Paul as a pastor is

thus capable to effect changes to the existing meal practices so as to bring stability to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

In conclusion one important trait that characterized GrecondashRoman associations was the sacrificial

feast and common meal The comparison of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with the GrecondashRoman associations

depicts that there were similar characteristics and patterns for the meal tradition It was usual for the guests to

recline in accordance to their social status The place given to a guest was a reflection of their social status An

influence may be either positive or negative depending on the prevailing circumstances Invariably some of the

cultural values of the GrecondashRoman associations specifically in the area of honor and status adversely affected

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I have discussed the fact that there were debates about status in the literature of

associations Notwithstanding the warrants it is likely that in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία some privileged members

held on to the norms and values of the GrecondashRoman associations especially those pertaining to status This

trait could contribute to the σχίσματα with the result that it marred rather than promoted fellowship D E

Garland succinctly captures the state of affairs

Values that were antithetical to the message of the cross ndash particularly those related to honor and status

so basic to the GrecondashRoman social system in which power manifesting itself in ruthlessness and

selfndashadvancement is thought to be the only sensible course ndash percolated into the church destroying its

fellowship and its Christian witness as some members sought to balance civic norms and Christian

norms149

2 3 Physical Setting

As mentioned in chapter one another traditional interest in the study of the Corinthian banquet praxis is

the physical setting of the gathering The discussion will be expanded further by reviewing more recent views

expressed by Annette Weissenrieder on the setting for supper The location and ritual status of the communal

meal in Corinth are significant in understanding the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Recent studies

have now shifted the location from house churches to public places There has not been any consensus with

regard to the ritual status of the communal meal a concern which the present thesis addresses

There is both archaeological and literary evidence that portrays indigenous designs and physical

structures of dining rooms in the GrecondashRoman world Both Greeks and Romans used similar fashions even

though the patterns for designing the dining rooms were developed differently and conveyed different social

messages150

In a Greek house the dining room commonly known as ὁ ἀνδρὼν was a place where the

paterfamilias was to entertain the male guests There are the dining rooms of ldquoandron typerdquo and ldquoPindashformedrdquo

type of arrangement151

While the Greek andron type signifies social equality the Pindashshaped ones do not152

It

149

D E Garland 1 Corinthians 5ndash6

150 See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoTriclinum and Stibadiumrdquo in Dining in a Classical Context ed William J

Slater (Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press 1991) for the details of Greek and Roman evidence

151 ὁ ἀνδρὼν is derived from Xenophon Symposium 14 meaning ldquomenrsquos roomrdquo Couches in the Pi-shaped

rooms are arranged in a ldquoPirdquo shape See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Biberetur Greeks and

Romans on the Dining Couchrdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic

and Roman World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998)

82 86ndash98 for a description of the ldquoandrōn typerdquo and ldquoPi-formedrdquo dining rooms Jason Koumlnig Saints and

48

was usual to have rooms which held seven or eleven couches in buildings for the purpose of dining153

Jonathan

Z Smith considers space to be one of the important elements of ritual which translates actions which in other

contexts are meaningless or carry a different meaning into meaningful ones and thus communicates to both

participants and observers154

More recently and convincingly Annette Weissenrieder has argued that the

Corinthian church was actually meeting in public space not in homes155

In contrast to the views expressed by

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor Weissenrieder making use of topography architectural details and drawing from selected

texts from 1 Corinthians mentions that in ancient times the customs of sitting and reclining were an important

indication of the social organization of a community156

She uses the spaces in 1 Cor 11ndash14 (ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ οἰκία

and ἐν οἴκῳ for her evidence She points out that Paul does not use οἶκος when he mentions συνέρχομαι but

rather ἐκκλησία ldquoin the space of an assemblyrdquo157

This evidence shifts the Corinthian meal more firmly into the territory of a voluntary association

There are various kinds of space in antiquity Further Weissenrieder cites instances of posture (standingsitting

reclining) in relation to GrecondashRoman social models She observes that the word used for sitting (κάθημαι) in

James 22ndash3 in a community assembly is the same as that used in 1 Cor 1430 In considering the issue whether

1 Cor 14 is about a reclining meal or a seated meal she assumes ldquotwo orders of worship ndash a Communion liturgy

and a liturgy of the Word in chapters 11 and 14rdquo158

In Pro Flacco 16 Cicero topographically links the ldquopolitical structurerdquo of the Greek society with the

ldquospacerdquo used by the theater for political functions159

Weissenrieder notes that one thing that is evident with

seating in different spaces is that the issue is not so much with the space per se but rather ldquothe capacity of the

space to be experiencedrdquo and the manner it is utilized by the ldquoperceiving subjectsrdquo160

The space being the

ldquospatial expression of the physical energyrdquo of the members of the assembly symbolizes the ldquosocietyrsquos way of

Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture 7

literally ὁ ἀνδρὼν means ldquoroom for menrdquo It was ldquoan intimate inward-looking spacerdquo and represents the

ldquophysical space of the Greek dining roomrdquo

152 Katherine MD Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Bibereturrdquo 89 95 98

153 Ibid 83

154 Jonathan Z Smith To Take Place 26ndash29 45ndash 4668ndash 6994ndash95 103ndash117

155 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo

156 Ibid 63

157 Ibid 83

158 Ibid 64 P Lampe ldquoldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 is not certain about the

situation He states ldquo[M]aybe the worship activities of 1 Cor 12ndash14rdquo

159 Cited by A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 59 ldquoBut all Greek

states are wholly governed by the rashness of the assembly while sitting (sedentis contionis) hellipWhen

completely unskilled and ignorant men without experience too their seats in the theatre that was when they

undertook profitless wars put seditious men in charge of the state and threw out their most deserving citizensrdquo

160 Ibid 60

49

thinkingrdquo161

Therefore in the passage cited Cicero is not criticizing the choice of the theater as a meeting place

but rather the physical posture which signifies ldquophysical weakness and lack of orderrdquo162

Consequently

ldquosubject and space become variables independent of one anotherrdquo163

The subjects who operate in the space

generate the conceptual representation of space as well as the meaning of space She draws on the conceptual

models of space by Aristotle Emmanuel Kant and Ernst Cassirer to establish her case In consonance with

Greek thought she distinguishes between τοπος and κενον and agrees with P ArztndashGrabner that ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ

should be understood in relation with ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 12 as an axiom as a specific location such as a ldquotown

quarterrdquo or a specific ldquoroomrdquo and not as ldquoeverywhererdquo164

She emphasizes that spaces that host gatherings

convey not only a kind of social order but they also portray a societyrsquos mode of thinking by virtue of the fact

that the spaces symbolize these thoughts through the conduct of the people what she calls semiotic codes

Employing space typology and semiotic codes she gives insight into these conceptual models and organizations

by investigating the posture at gatherings of the Corinthian community

Weissenrieder examines the differences between a seated meal and a reclining meal Through visual

and textual sources she demonstrates that there are cases of both postures of a seated meal and reclining meal

and that there is a distinction between them She supports the evidence with the example of a mosaic from

Carthage 165

Weissenrieder rightly states ldquoWhereas one automatically brings the idea of reclining meal from

chapter 8 to 1 Cor 11 it is surprising that 1 Cor 14 which speaks of sitting during worship remains relatively

unconsidered in scholarly literaturerdquo166

She accedes that only Dennis E Smith proposes that a meal was eaten

while sitting during the meeting167

She sees only one issue ndash that related with sitting and that concerning the

number of participants at the meal

Weissenrieder makes the point that the completion of the creation of the space of the ἐκκλησία by the

subject does not embody only those who already regard themselves as members of the ἐκκλησία She orients the

meaning of ἰδιώτης to mean a private citizen ldquoHere the important distinction is not between inside ndash outside

learned ndash unlearned but rather between official and private citizenrdquo168

She substantiates her claim by

considering the gathering place of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as characterized by ldquochristological forcesrdquo

A gathering place of the ekklēsia in 1 Corinthians is therefore also always the spatial expression of

christological forces which constitutes itself in social reality in hte space of the political ekklēsia and

161

Ibid

162 Ibid

163 Ibid (italics in the original)

164 Ibid 61

165 Ibid 66

166 Ibid 64

167 Ibid ldquoTo my knowledge only Smith in his book From Symposium to Eucharist has addressed this issue

proposing that there was a meal eaten while sitting and an assembly meeting in this case at a table No further

conclusions however are drawn from this observationrdquo See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash

201

168 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 106

50

also contains its conceptual spatial representation by adopting the organization of meaning of the

spatial construction of a political ekklēsia169

In 1 Corinthians the proceedings in chapter 11 are Christological Like the other ἐκκλησίαι in the

GrecondashRoman world they met for social interaction which facilitated social cohesion As it will be

demonstrated in chapter 3 the possible vehicle for the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to have attained

stability was by means of a distinct and heightened form of ritual specifically the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) Weissenrieder captures this notion in the following words ldquoThe ekklēsia

represents not only the gathering of the Corinthian community and is therefore a symbol of their cohesion but it

is also by means of the celebration of the Last Supperrdquo170

Moreover it was through the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία could launch their ldquochristological selfndash understandingrdquo171

Weissenrieder rightly remarks that ldquothe Corinthian ekklēsia not only possessed a space but rather was this

spacerdquo172

At this stage it is worth deciding whether Paul is imagining a single ritual setting or occasion or a

division between the setting of the meal and the worship setting in 10ndash14 From the arguments made the

Corinthians participated in all the status divisions that are implied with reclining I wish to assess the possible

postures in 10ndash14 The first possibility relates to the structure of GrecondashRoman meals In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 no

mention is made of the custom of reclining however reclining (κατακείμενον) is used in 810173

If the

assumption that some of the practices of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were akin to the GrecondashRoman associations

holds then it is likely that the posture for meals in chapter 11 could be reclining The social setting could make

room for class distinction and exhibition of social prowess This dynamic could probably give some members

the audacity to despise others (cf 1 Cor 1122)

The second possibility has a semantic flavor Paul uses both κατάκειμαι (810) and κάθημαι (1430)

The probability is that Paulrsquos use of κάθημαι could indicate a variation of posture during the meetings of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία The basis for this probability is that while there was a standard structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquet regarding the practices of the first century there were some distinctions In Homer for

example his heroes do not recline but sit at their banquets

169

Ibid

170 Ibid

171 Ibid

172 Ibid (emphasis original)

173 Ibid 64 n18 cites other verses to support the translation of ldquokatakeimenonrdquo as reclining Mark 215 Luke

529 [143]rdquo The third reference is a typographical error The actual reference is Mark 143 The other

examples in the NT that can be added to the list are John 56 Acts 933 ldquoOtherwise anakeimairdquo which

specifically means lsquoreclining on cushionsrsquo is more common for example in Mark 1418 1614 Matt 910

2210 11 267 20 Luke 2227 John 611 12 2 1323 28rdquo I agree with Weissenrieder especially as one

looks at Matt 99 10 where the evangelist uses κάθημαι to describe the posture of a tax-collector (9 9) and

ἀνάκειμαι to indicate the posture at ldquomealsrdquo (910)

51

Πυργίων δ᾽ ἐν τρίτῳ Κρητικῶν Νομίμων lsquoἐν τοῖς συσσιτίοις φησίν οἱ Κρῆτες καθήμενοι συσσιτοῦσι174

Dures

indicates that sitting at meals was occasionally the practice of Alexander the king He at one time directed

about six thousand of his captains to sit on silver chairs and couches wrapped with purple covers175

If the

second probability gives credence then it is plausible that by way of variety the προφῆται sat during the

assembly (1429ndash30) There is no mention of meals in the discussions in chapters 12ndash14 The context helps us

to determine the activity In 1 Cor 1430 the activity is prophesying In prophesying the one prophesying has to

be silent if the other prophet who is sitting (καθημένῳ) receives a revelation ἐὰν δὲ ἄλλῳ ἀποκαλυφθῇ

καθημένῳ ὁ πρῶτος σιγάτω (1 Cor 1430)176

1 Cor 12ndash14 could indicate the second part of the banquet ie

συμπόσιον not for a meal but other activities as implied by the text

In antiquity the term ἐκκλησία pertains to the meeting of an association177

In applying the

KinghardtSmith paradigm that indicates that a common praxis typified all kinds of associations I consider 1

Corinthians 10ndash14 as one unit178

The reasons are that in the entire epistle συνέρχομαι appears only in 1117

18 20 22 33ndash34 and 1423 and 26 The use of συνέρχομαι in all the instances cited is about gathering In 1 Cor

14 the posture indicated is sitting (κάθημαι) Paul does not mention reclining It is worth considering the

frequency of meeting of the ἐκκλησία This gives me the prospect to imagine how often the members of the

ἐκκλησία were able to gather to have a meal Could they meet for a meal and gather for worship as another

event or did they gather for both as a single event If it was a single setting then the possibility was that the

members changed their posture from reclining to sitting thus moving away from the tables This explanation fits

in with 1430 where Paul uses κάθημαι Moreover the use of ὅταν lends support to this explanation It sheds

light on the temporal nature of the meetings The use of συνέρχομαι in conjunction with εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν makes it a

purpose clause (1133) Its use with ἵνα μὴ indicates result (1134) Furthermore taking a clue from the

expression Paul uses in 1125 ndash μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι ndash it is probable to consider that the worship setting in

174

Ath Deip 4 143 ϵ ldquoPyrgion in the third book of his treatise on The Cretan Laws states at their

(συσσίτιον) common meal the Cretans sit and eatrdquo My translation

175 Ath Deip 131 See also 120 432 52 18 20 1 See also D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19

who states that according to Athenaeus the Cretans continued sitting at table ldquolong after the Greeks had adopted

the practice of recliningrdquo Smith further mentions another ancient writer Plutarch in addition to Athenaeus that

they paid close attention to the variations in table customs in ldquodifferent regions and ethnic divisions of the

Roman Empirerdquo

176 ldquoBut if it is revealed to the other sitting let the first be silentrdquo My translation

177 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches ldquoἐκκλησία is used of the meeting of an

association in e g Le Bas et Waddington vol viii No 1831 1832 Le Bas vol iv 1915= Corp Inscr Graec

No 2271 hellip so τὸ κοινόν which is in ordinary use for the general body of an association is used e g in Euseb

H E 6 19 16 73227 for the general body of the churchrdquo Furthermore Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested

Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo states that ἐκκλησία ldquoappears in numerous official documents of

the Achaean league in which Corinth had a leading role The examples she cites include Polybius 2466

Plutarch Aratos 42 and Dio Cassius 21721 See 96 n 152 for the detailed list

178 See Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 104 who poses the

question ldquohow can the Corinthiansrsquo sitting described in 1430 be explained given that chapters 11ndash14 belong

together formally and in terms of contentrdquo

52

chapters 12 and 14 is the kind that follows the δεῖπνον179

If this interpretation is right then I suggest that Paul is

addressing the έκκλησία in a single setting with two parts Following the GrecondashRoman pattern they would

partake in the δεῖπνον (11) followed by the συμπόσιον (12 and 14) The evidence is sparse for me to decide

whether the posture for the assembly was reclining throughout the meeting of the έκκλησία or it involved both

reclining and sitting This necessitates further research beyond the scope of the present research What matters

most is a ritual space ndash a good site for assembling

2 31 The State of the Meal in Corinth already a specifically Christian Ritual

In this section I will argue that the practice of the δεῖπνον in the Roman Corinth έκκλησία was not yet

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and that the ritual theories of Harvey Whitehouse and Roy A Rappaport (as will be discussed

in chapter 3) demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal meal might help to strengthen the identity

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία A recent wave of meal studies has shown that early Christian meals as ldquoform and

practicerdquo were virtually identical with private meals and meals of associations180

Andrew B McGowan suggests

that ldquo[v]arious groups seem to have had different explicit understandings and purposes in mind to have used

eating and drinking together in a variety of ritual formsrdquo181

I will turn next to address George Mayrsquos

presentation that the communal meal is not yet a specifically Christian ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians

In a twondashpart article George May consistently argues that the texts on the accounts of the Last Supper

ldquodo not need to be understood as teaching or recording the institution of a ritual meal or a command to repeat

the practice of such a mealrdquo182

He rightly notes that Paulrsquos allusion to the ldquoLordrsquos tablerdquo in 1 Cor 10 serves as a

prolepsis in anticipation of a longer discussion in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34183

By implication just because Paul

talks about the blood of Christ and the body of Christ in turn does not mean the Lordrsquos Supper is an existing

title He mentions it there with the idea of talking about it very soon May contends that Jesusrsquo words of

institution are applicable only to the meal that he shared with his disciples before his crucifixion and it climaxes

the series of meals he had with them and the outcasts Moreover the significance of the meal is the

commemoration of him rather than the Exodus from Egypt184

May claims that the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία assembled for a meal that was not ldquoa token or symbolic meal but a real meal nourishing dinnerrdquo

185

179

See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash201 who proposes that the worship activities recorded

in chapters 12 and 14 take place at table

180 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Meals

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 15ndash23 at 20 ldquomeals of workersrsquo guilds a festive

birthday celebration or a meal hosting an honored guest from the next townrdquo

181 Andrew B McGowan ldquoFood Ritual and Power in Late Ancient Christianity (Minneapolis Fortress Press

2005) 145ndash164 at 146

182 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 1 Meals in

the Gospels and Actsrdquo RTR 60 (2001) 138ndash150 here 139ndash40 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or

Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 2 Meals at Corinthrdquo RTR 61 (2002) 1ndash18

183 Ibid Part 2 3

184 Ibid Part 1 142

185 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 2 13

53

He thus in referencing G D Fee intimates that the table practice at Corinth was perceived as a ldquoreal meal and

not as a sacrament in the modern senserdquo186

Paulrsquos reason for stating the Lordrsquos Supper narrative is that it was to

serve as a reminder of the manner in which they should share their meals which would reflect the visual

manifestation of their unity What was of significance was the participation of the members in the meal but not

ldquothe elements of bread and winerdquo187

May asserts that none of that evidence makes it seem likely that the Lucan Jesus was trying to

establish a continuing practice Jesus was doing something special at that meal but not setting up something that

it was meant to be repeated over and over Moreover not only was Jesus doing something special but

everything special is seen in the account of Paul as features of the GrecondashRoman meal Although I agree with

George May to some extent the pertinent question is if Jesus Christ did not institute a ritual meal and give

directive to his disciples to be perpetuated in his remembrance then how come that the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

persists

Paulrsquos mention of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in 1120 was plausibly a means of introducing an enhanced form

of ritual that was distinct from the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1121) In the present day the exact words used by Paul

are basically used in the celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper This practice makes it even harder to imagine that it

was not always that way Ritual studies helps us to understand Paulrsquos comments even if the Lordrsquos Supper was

already fully instituted at the time of the letter In other words whether Paul established it or it was prendash

existing it was fairly new to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul as an Apostle had the option to give instructions

concerning the practices of the ἐκκλησία and in doing so he chose to emphasize particular features

This observation buttresses the significant point made on the physical location for assembling and that

even gives me more support that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was analogous to the GrecondashRoman association As

discussed earlier the specificities are all about associations While the symposium affords guests the

opportunity to drink lavishly it is not the case with the setting of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον given that there is a limit

to the extent of drinking in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον It seems probable that in 1 Cor 11 Paulrsquos introduction of a

ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could serve as a means to ensuring fair distribution of wine

The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an integral part of the social milieu of the Mediterranean world as

separate Christian culture was not yet established At this point the members of the ἐκκλησία were part of

GrecondashRoman culture Every choice that they made gave them the opportunity to create a new reality There

were the ἐκκλησίαι of Christ or Christndashgroups From the earlier discussion I can surmise that the expressions

that Paul uses are indicative of the fact that the members were involved in practices that were similar to that

practiced by the associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu Paulrsquos use of ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo is instructive in this

regard He states Συνερχομένων οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν (1 Cor 1120) He

contrasts ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo with ldquoτὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνονrdquo The meal that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

partaking was simply not κυριακὸν δεῖπνον but their own meals The fact that they were partaking in their own

meals gave Paul the opportunity to introduce the ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo Moreover Paulrsquos use of ldquoπρολαμβάνεινrdquo

186

Ibid 8

187 Ibid

54

suggests that some members of the ἐκκλησία preferred eating earlier than others This becomes evident when it

is linked with his instructions in 1133 34 This kind of behavior by some of the members of the ἐκκλησία was

similar to that of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

24 Conclusion

The foregoing discussion has been on the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and the divisions associated

with it The passage under review (1 Cor 1117ndash34) is the earliest extant written account of the celebration of

what became the Christian Eucharist I have demonstrated that there is a shift from the proposal of different

types of meal to a common meal paradigm that was practiced in the Mediterranean region of the first century

BCE to the fourth century BCE In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul plausibly had his own theological preoccupation ndash

one of introducing a ritual specifically the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to replace an existing one ndash the Corinthian δεῖπνον

ndash as I will demonstrate in chapter 4

In this chapter I have discussed the standard pattern of GrecondashRoman meals making an excursus into

Jewish Table Fellowships The evidence that the Corinthian meal could be traced back to the historical Jesus is

scarce The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were partaking in a real meal It was not yet κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

(οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν 1 Cor 1120) At the time of writing 1 Corinthians the meal the members of

the ἐκκλησία were partaking did not have the sacramental feature The sacramental nature of Christian meals

emerged during the third century C E Therefore the members of the ἐκκλησία did not abuse the Lordrsquos Supper

nor neglect it because they were partaking in a meal that was analogous to the GrecondashRoman meal

In the discussion we noted the difference in opinion in public worship within the ἐκκλησία Paul as a

pastor of the ἐκκλησία needed to respond to the state of affairs The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was part of the social

community within which there were voluntary associations Their organization and procedure of meetings were

akin to that of the voluntary associations In conclusion it was Paul who was creating a new and Christocentric

ritual structure for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoFood is a powerful symbolic mediumrdquo and the partaking in food

plays a significant role in the rituals of many communities It can be used to ldquoshape group identityrdquo and it helps

in making rules to regulate relations within a group188

If Paul claims that σχίσματα persisted in the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία then it is probable that in 1 Corinthians he was introducing a distinct ritual to shape their identity

Moreover that could also be an avenue to give instructions to the members to improve relations within the

ἐκκλησία

On the basis of the arguments of George May Richard Last and Annette Weissenrieder therefore it

can be inferred that instead of abusing a ritual that was distinctive to the Christndash group the Corinthians were

practicing a GrecondashRoman association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special ndash a

distinct ritual structure Paul thus exhibited his skill as a pastor in helping to create a ritual that would shape the

Corinthian community Recent scholarship has established the ldquorelatedness between identity and religionrdquo in all

spheres of life of the ancient Mediterranean world GrecondashRoman meals including early Christian meals attest

to the amalgamation of religion and identity

188

Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 151

55

The GrecondashRoman and (therefore) early Christian mealsrsquo thorough subliminal and (for moderns)

quirky integration of religion and identity is perhaps a classic case in point for the inseparability

between that erarsquos religion and identitieshellip It is at this juncture that the relatively new role ritual

studies is now playing in the study of early Christian meals comes into play189

By way of developing the pattern in 1 Cor 1125 and Luke 2220 it can be inferred that the meal that

the members of the ἐκκλησία were partaking was an association meal and was not yet a heightened ritual form

It was not established as a ritual in the same way that Rappaport may call it selfndashreferential aspect of ritual as I

will discuss in chapter 3 The meal in 1 Corinthians or elsewhere in Pauline contexts was not in any way

associated with Passover elements Paul by way of his instructions in chapter 11 intervenes to introduce a new

reality so as to bring stability into the ἐκκλησία The concept of ritual particularly its characteristics that are

relevant to elucidating the meal practice in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is the subject of the next chapter

189

Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Mealsrdquo

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 21 Cf idem In the Beginning was the Meal Social

Experimentation amp Early Christian Meal (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2009) 55ndash85

56

3

Two Ritual Models for Analysis of Paulrsquos Comments

ldquoThe meaning of ritual is deep indeed He who tries to enter it with the kind of perception that distinguishes

hard and white same and different will drown thererdquo

ndash Xunzi (3rd

century BCE)

In the preceding chapter I have undertaken to show that the application of ritual studies in examining

what Paul intended has not received the attention it deserves Words play an obvious and important role in

communication however rituals are able to transmit messages in ways that words do not In this chapter I will

pursue the notion that rituals are a vehicle of communication The aim is to attempt to explore how ritual studies

can be used to unearth what might be Paulrsquos intention in mentioning the tradition that he received from the Lord

in the passage under review The chapter will be in three parts In the first part I will introduce the field of ritual

studies the definitions of ritual and approaches to the study of rituals The second part of the chapter explores

some of the functions of ritual relevant to the study and the appearance of new rituals Part three expands the

discussion on the models of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose works will inform my analysis of

the Corinthian meal

Ritual studies is a subfield in social sciences Social scientists attest to the potency of rituals in

effecting social cohesion and collective identity1 Harvey Whitehousersquos divergent modes of religiosity

(hereafter DMR ) theory offers an explanation to why some religions spread fast in many instances becoming

wellndashestablished institutions with a large following while others have much a smaller localized following even

though they also persist over the years

S C Barton gives four reasons for the use of social sciences approaches The first is a corrective to

ldquotheological Docetismrdquo2 Paulrsquos letters cannot be divorced from the lives and settings of humans in Paulrsquos time

as well as later generations Frequently Barton argues the assumption has been that what is significant about

Paulrsquos letters are ldquothe theological ideas irrespective of their being embedded in the lives of people and

communitiesrdquo3 The next is that in addition to paving way for giving fresh insights on old and pertinent issues

social sciences ldquomake possible a more holistic interpretation of Pauline Christianityrdquo4 Third social sciences

help in handling cultural differences They assist in removing biases and help overcome the tendency for the

reader to find in the texts ldquoa reflection of their own imagerdquo5 By drawing systematic attention to the sociological

1 For discussions of major social scientists on social cohesion see Alexis de Tocqueville The Old Regime and

the French Revolution trans Stuart Gilbert (Garden City NY Doubleday 1955) Eacutemile Durkheim The

Division of Labour in Society trans WD Halls (London Macmillan 1984) Talcott Parsons The Structure of

Social action A Study in Social Theory and Special Reference to a Group of Recent European Writers vols 1

and 2 (New York Free Press 1968)

2 S C Barton ldquoSocial-Scientific Approaches to Paulrdquo in Dictionary of Paul and His Letters ed G F

Hawthorne R P Martin and D G Reid (Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 1993) 892

3 Ibid

4 Ibid

5 Ibid 893

57

dimensions of the world behind the text they pose the question ldquoWhat are the sociological dimensions of the

world in front of the text the world of the readerrdquo Fourth C S Barton cites the gains of theology and ethics

Aware of the unique place of Paul in the formulation of ldquobeliefs practices and selfndashunderstandingrdquo of the

followers of Christ it is expedient for ldquothe integrity of Christian faith and discipleship that the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony be subject to the scrutiny of all disciplines of critical enquiry including the social sciencesrdquo6

3 1 The Difficulty of Definition

A study of some of the definitions of ldquoritualrdquo indicates that the task of defining ritual is an arduous

one7 Gerald A Klingbeil points out the distinction between the common use of the term and its technical use

He notes specifically that the term ritual has a wide range of meaning and because of that it is usually used

ldquoindiscriminatelyrdquo Its common usage is for dayndash tondash day (nonndashscholarly nonndashtechnical) works while it is also

used in an academic (scholarly and technical) context8 David Parkin gives a minimal definition of ritual as ldquoa

formulaic spatiality carried out by groups of people who are conscious of its imperative or compulsory nature

and who may or may not further inform this spatiality with spoken wordsrdquo9 Four important characteristics of

ritual can be identified from David Parkinrsquos definition (1) space ndash where the ritual is situated (2) character ndash

6 Ibid As Barton himself points out there are limitations to the approaches of social sciences He mentions

ldquoanachronismrdquo ldquothe limitations of statisticsrdquo the fact that social sciences sometimes make too much of their

claims and ldquoPost-Enlightenment presuppositionsrdquo He points out that the social sciences like all theories of

interpretation have a history Rooted in ldquopost-Enlightenment atheism and hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo it gives

theology and religion an ldquoepiphenomenalrdquo status The forces that contend with Theology and Religion include

the ldquohuman unconsciousrdquo (Freud) class conflict (Marx) the maintenance of society (Durkheim) and the

legitimation of patriarchal domination (feminism) This therefore calls for the awareness for the interpreters of

Paul At least two effects might develop by creating such awareness First it might forestall the tendency of

driving Pauline interpretation in a ldquosecularizing directionrdquo Second the reactive nature of ldquoatheism and the

hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo might cause the interpreter of Pauline interpretation to embrace ldquohermeneutical

insights from the social sciences which make possible a more clear-sighted engagement with the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony and with perversions of itrdquo 893ndash95

7 See the Appendix I of J Platvoet in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behaviour ed Platvoet Jan and

Karel van der Toorn (SHR 67 Leiden EJ Brill 1995) 42ndash45 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and

Dimensions (New York Oxford University Press 2009) 1ndash60 equally provides a historical review of ritual

idem ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol11 ed Lindsay Jones 2d ed (Detroit

Macmillan 2005) 7848 (emphasis original) ldquoThe term ritual remains difficult to definehelliprdquoR A Rappaport

Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 70 states ldquothe kinds of meaning to be found in ritual might be

indefinitely manifoldrdquo G A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14 writes

ldquoDefining ritual is a dangerous and risky undertakingrdquo (Emphasis original) Jan Koster ldquoRitual Performance

and the Politics of Identity On the Functions and Uses of Ritualrdquo Journal of Historical Pragmatics (2003)

211ndash248 at 2 states ldquoThe notion lsquoritualrsquo is notoriously hard to definerdquo Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too

Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the European Enlightenment and a Search

for New Foundations (Albany State University of New York Press 1992) 27 notes that ldquothe word that is

difficult for post-Enlightenment thinkers is ritual or the symbolic act of a community in which the community

gives expression to and informs itself in the transconceptual reality of human existencerdquo Ronald L Grimes

Beginnings in Ritual Studies (Columbia SC University of South Carolina Press 1995) 5 writes ldquoritual is the

hardest religious phenomenon to capture in texts or comprehend by thinkingrdquo

8 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14

9 David Parkin ldquoRitual as Spatial Direction and Bodily Divisionrdquo in Understanding Rituals ed Daniel de

Coppet EASA (London Routledge 1992) 18

58

ritual being repeated (3) (minimally) informed participants and (4) function ndash its role within a given community

Richard Schechner states that ldquo[r]itual action is the thought of the peoplerdquo10

Writing from an

ethological perspective he notes that

in ritual ordinary behavior is condensed exaggerated repeated made into rhythms or pulses (often

faster or slower than usual) or frozen into poseshellipRitual action is similar to what happens in theater

and dance There too behavior is rearranged condensed exaggerated and made rhythmic while

colorful costumes masks and face and body painting enhance the movement displays11

Evan M Zuesse considers ritual to be understood as ldquothose conscious and voluntary repetitious and

stylized symbolic bodily actions that are centered on cosmic structures andor sacred presencesrdquo12

He also

identifies two main types of ritual viz confirmatory and transformatory By confirmatory rituals he means

rituals in which the divine orderrsquos ldquobasic boundariesrdquo and ldquointernal spacesrdquo are duly confirmed while

transformatory rituals ldquobridge divisions and regenerate the structurerdquo13

Jonathan Z Smith defines ritual as ldquoa

means of performing the way things ought to be in conscious tension to the way things are in such a way that

this ritualized perfection is recollected in the ordinary uncontrolled course of thingsrdquo14

J Z Smith focuses on

ldquoincongruityrdquo and ldquoincredulityrdquo A classic example of incongruity is his reading of the akicirctu festival15

Also in

his reading of bearndashhunting rituals especially of the paleondashSiberian peoples he suggests that there is

incoherence between word and deed in actual life For him there is often discrepancy in the affairs of the world

Ritual then provides the means of doing things as they ought to be and by which all things can be controlled He

argues that the discrepancy that exists between the ritual and nonndashritual world creates the opportunity for

ldquoreflection and rationalizationrdquo to the extent that we get to know what ought to have been done which was not

done and what ought to have taken place which did not16

Ritual thus provides a ldquofocusing lensrdquo that allows

people to grasp the full significance of an event in life17

His definition like that of Zuesse focuses on ritual

action

Ronald L Grimes critiques the view of ritual exclusively as ldquotraditional (rather than invented)

collective (rather individual) prendashcritical (rather than selfndashconscious and reflective) and meaningfulrdquo18

While

10

Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo JRitSt 11(1987) 12

11 Ibid5

12 Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7833ndash7848 at 7834

13 Ibid 7841

14 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown (CSHJ

Chicago University of Chicago Press 1982) 53ndash65 at 63 (emphasis original) idem ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual (CSHJ Chicago University of Chicago Press 1987) 109

15 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoA Pearl of Great Price and a Cargo of Yams A Study in Situational Incongruityrdquo in

Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 90ndash101 Smith exhibits the incongruities that exist between

the ideal situations and the ldquohistorical realiardquo of a people 95 Akicirctu festival is the New Year ritual of ancient

Mesopotamia and Babylonia

16 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 61 63

17 Ibid 57 63ndash65

18 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRe-inventing Ritualrdquo Soundings 75 (1992) 21ndash41 at 23

59

in time past we could affirm that ritual is ldquonecessarily traditional collective prendashcritical and meaningful we

now have to say lsquoTaint necessarily sorsquordquo 19

Grimesrsquos definition informs us of the state of persons (personae) the

kind of actions the significance of time and space involved in rituals Ritual emerges as a group of lively people

perform Their performance involves creativity The acts they perform are meant to shape the group as they

make themselves accessible during critical moments of their existence at their place of origin Grimes states

that ldquoRitualizing transpires as animated persons enact formative gestures in the face of receptivity during

crucial times in founded placesrdquo20

Rites as events have their lifecycles and lifespans As compared to breathing

ritual wavers in ldquofrequency force and volumerdquo depending on a particular cultural context Just like breath

escapes from human mouth transforms and generates new modes so does ritual21

Victor Turner formed his ritual theory in part through field work with the Ndembu people of

Zambia22

He describes ritual as ldquoprescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to technological

routine having reference to beliefs in mystical beings or powersrdquo23

R A Rappaport takes ldquothe term lsquoritualrsquo to

denote the performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not entirely encoded

by the performersrdquo24

Catherine Bell mentions the essence of ritual for new forms of cultural analysis in diverse

disciplines especially in anthropological and sociological fields In addition to anthropologists sociologists and

historians of religions are sociobiologists philosophers and intellectual historians who use ritual as a lens to

understand their worldview25

Bell explains that there are two streams of ritual theorists with regard to language

analogy One school of thought stresses the semiotic (or hermeneutic) aspect of ritual sign language They thus

concentrate on the interpretation of ritual symbols Examples are Victor Turner26

and Clifford Geertz Turner

considers the symbol as ritualrsquos smallest unit that ldquostill retains the specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo as well

as the ldquoultimate unit of specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo27

By use of a paradigm Geertz discusses how

sacred symbols ldquosynthesizerdquo a grouprsquos ethos and worldview28

He buttresses this point by indicating that an

indispensable trait of any religious ritual ldquono matter how apparently automatic or conventionalrdquo is the

19

Ibid 38

20 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 60 cf 63 (trans spirare = to breathe across)

21 Ibid 63

22 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca NY Cornell University Press

1970) 19 Zambia was formerly Northern Rhodesia

23 Ibid 19

24 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 24

25 Catherine Bell Ritual Theory Ritual Practice (New York Oxford University Press 1992) 3

26 Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure (New Brunswick Aldine Transaction 2007)

14 ndash43 52ndash93

27 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual 19

28 Clifford Geertz Interpretation of Cultures Selected Essays (New York Basic Books 1973) 113 127 The

ethos embodies ldquotone character and quality of their life hellipits moral and aesthetic style and moodrdquo

60

ldquosymbolic fusion of ethos and worldviewrdquo29

From the foregoing discussion it becomes evident that although there is no single agreed definition for

ritual there is nonetheless a loose consensus about a set of relevant characteristics This observation takes us to

reviewing some of the approaches to the study of ritual that will contribute to the purpose of this study

3 1 2 Approaches to the Study of Rituals

The study of ritual has its roots in the debate about the origins of religion that led to different styles of

interpretation namely ldquoevolutionary sociological and psychologicalrdquo30

One of the four main schools of

thought was phenomenology of religion31

Those within this category include Rudolf Otto and Mircea Eliade a

distinguished advocate for the phenomenological study of religion In recent times Jonathan Z Smith has

contributed towards the phenomenological approach to the study of ritual Smith pays attention to historical

details of particular situations By this he deemphasises universal structures in preference to historical forms of

religion He shows how an act or object used in the history of a particular society can open avenues for the

ldquopossibility of significancerdquo give new meaning and exhibit the potency for use in another context depending on

the place of performance32

By this notion the question of whether something is ldquoinherently sacred or profanerdquo

becomes a ldquosituationalrdquo rather than a ldquosubstantiverdquo category of ritual33

Thus as Catherine Bell suggests because

of ldquoSmithrsquos influence phenomenology has come to see religion as central to the cognitive need to understand

explain order and adaptrdquo34

The research of Robertson Smith yielded fruits in the inception of three influential schools of

interpretation of religion The first was the ldquomyth and ritualrdquo school spearheaded by James George Frazer

Smithrsquos student The second interpretive approach was the sociological approach to religion and was associated

with Eacutemile Durkheim These anthropologists classify rituals based on what they regard as its main function or

purpose Examples of such classification are ldquorites of passagerdquo ldquodivinatory ritualsrdquo ldquorites of afflictionrdquo

ldquopropitiatory ritualsrdquo ldquoancestral ritualsrdquo ldquofertility ritualsrdquo ldquoexpiatory ritualsrdquo etc35

With regard to the

sociological approach to the study of religion there are both functionalist and neofunctionalist systems to the

29

Ibid 113 cf 126ndash141 esp 127

30 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 3

31 Ibid 3 phenomenologists of religion ldquotended to emphasize mythrdquo Among other definitions of

phenomenology of religion Mircea Eliade uses the term phenomenology of religion as a particular discipline

within Religionswissenschaft It is noteworthy that other translations of the term Religionswissenschaft include

ldquocomparative religionsrdquo ldquoScience of Religionrdquo or most formally ldquohistory of religionsrdquo

32 J Z Smith ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual The example he cites is the temple

ldquoThe temple serves as a focussing lens establishing the possibility of significance by directing attention by

requiring the perception of differencerdquo104

33 J Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54ndash56 idem To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual 103ndash104 He thus defines ritual as ldquoa mode of paying attentionrdquo and it

plays the role of directing attention 103

34 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 12

35 Cf Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology (London Routledge 2003) xviii Evan M

Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7843

61

study of rituals Typically the functionalist approach is ascribed to both Alfred Reginald RadcliffendashBrown and

Bronislaw Malinowski It was rare in a functionalist interpretation of a social phenomenon to incorporate either

history or ideas and practices from other disciplines Society was viewed as ldquoa static structured system of social

relationsrdquo36

This notion gave rise to two standardized ldquometaphorsrdquo for social phenomena namely the organic

and mechanical37

RadcliffendashBrown called to mind the first of the metaphors when he expressed the view that just as

ldquoevery organ of a living bodyrdquo contributes to the general functioning of the organism so each custom and belief

plays a vital role in the social life of a primal group38

This total ldquomass of institutions customs and beliefs

forms a single whole or system that determines the life of the societyrdquo as it really pertains to the life of an

organism39

Social functionalists therefore regard ritual as ldquoa means to regulate and stabilize the life of this

system adjust its internal interactions maintain its group ethos and restore a state of harmony after any

disturbancerdquo40

Arnold van Genneprsquos approach on the structure of ritual was the ldquosequential methodrdquo It was a

threendashphase sequence of separation transition or margin41

and reincorporation or aggregation for example

lifendashcrisis rites In structuralist analyses ritual can be understood only in terms of how they are used in their

original social setting moreover the most immediate context for any one rite is the sequence of rituals that

immediately precede and follow it42

The third fruit of Robertson Smithrsquos research was the psychoanalytical school established by Sigmund

Freud43

The school adopted the psychoanalytic approach in examining ritual The investigations of Robertson

Smith into the social role of ritual revealed the factor of ldquounconscious forcesrdquo that helped shape the social

behavior of a people44

Their social cohesiveness could be attributed to the primal sacrifice and communal

sharing In addition to the fruits of Robertson Smithrsquos research there is also the philosophical perspective of

ritual Kevin Schilbrack regards ritual studies as an ldquointerdisciplinary jobrdquo of which philosophy is an integral

part He debunks the notion that ritual activities are thoughtless For him a ritual activity is to be regarded as a

way of thinking itself but not as a vehicle for thought He identifies objectivism and representational theory of

knowledge as the hindrance to the contribution philosophy can make towards the study of ritual Related to the

form of functionalism in the study of rituals is the field of ethology Scholars in this category adopt ethological

36

Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

37 Ibid

38 A R Radcliffe-Brown The Andaman Islanders (New York Free Press of Glencoe 1964) 229

39 Ibid 229ndash30

40 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

41 or limen denoting ldquothresholdrdquo in Latin

42 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 36 Arnold van Gennep cites the example of baptism

ldquoA ldquoborn- again Christianrdquo descends into a pool of water and emerges from the other side spiritually cleansed

committed and ldquomade newrdquo a married couple go through the door of a temple

43 Ibid 11ndash13

44 Ibid 12

62

and biogenetic approaches to ritual Rappaport is renowned in this area45

Ethologists advanced an argument

about the communicative aspect of ritual action and claimed that ldquothe ritual gestures of animals serve as codes

or signals that transmit information useful to the wellndashbeing of the grouprdquo46

Rituals involve symbolic behavior for example the clasping of hands while praying While functional

structuralism was concerned about how religion or ritual functions scholars who went beyond it were

concerned about what it means They are known as ldquosymbolists culturalists and more awkwardly symbolicndash

culturalistsrdquo47

They regard ldquoculturerdquo as autonomous because it can be analyzed independently of social

structure They focus on the meaning of a symbol in a cultural context rather than what it does in a social

organization In effect the symbolists concentrate on what a particular symbol communicates (i e its

languagelike aspect) within the context of a set of symbols in which it finds itself The meaning of symbols used

in rituals may be readily known to the members of a group With regard to people outside the group the

meaning is made known to them through interaction with members of the group and with the passage of time as

they witness the performance48

From anthropological perspective David Hicks defines ldquoritualsrdquo as ldquoforms of

behavior by which human beings communicate ideas values and sentiments they share in commonrdquo49

In recent currents within the field of ritual studies two major types of ritual theories have been

developed They are the ldquoculturalrdquo and ldquocognitiverdquo types The first type promotes theories that seek cultural

explanation50

while the second type pursues ldquoempirically testable theoriesrdquo51

Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and

Michael Stausberg regard the approaches described earlier in this section as belonging to a period of scholarship

known as ldquothe age of lsquogrand theoriesrsquo rdquo52

Those times are now over They thus suggest a pluralistic approach to

the study of rituals They advocate ldquotheorizing ritualsrdquo meaning shifting from ldquotheories that seek to explain

everythingrdquo to a position that no single theory is adequate to account for the complex nature of the

45

R A Rappaportrsquos model of ritual will be discussed in detail in the third part of this chapter

46 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 31

47 Ibid 61

48 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo in Readings in Ritual

Studies ed R L Grimes (Upper Saddle River NJ Prentice Hall 1996) 149

49 David Hicks Ritual and Belief Readings in the Anthropology of Religion ed David Hicks 3d ed (Lanham

Md AltaMira Press 2010) 93 Hicks gives the following as the definition in the Glossary ldquostereotyped

repetitive behavior or set of behaviors that uses symbols to communicate meaningrdquo502 As regards the third

school of interpretation of religion ritual is used in another broad dimension namely psychoanalytic theory

Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7833 mentions that any kind of ldquonon-rationalrdquo or ldquorationalized symbolic behaviorrdquo

is regarded as ritual as opposed to ldquopragmatic clearly ends-directed behaviorrdquo Religious rituals can even be

ldquoequated to neurotic compulsionsrdquo

50 Catherine Bell ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7848ndash7855 esp

7852

51 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo in Understanding the Social World of the New Testament ed

Dietmar Neufeld and Richard E DeMaris (London Routledge 2010) 227

52 Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and Michael Stausberg ed Theorizing Rituals Issues Topics Approaches

Concepts 2 vols vol 1 (Boston Brill 2006) xxi

63

phenomena53

Risto Uro likewise suggests a piecemeal approach as a solution to theoretical methodological

problems in the study of ritual in early Christianity

Theoretical and methodological problems in the study of early Christian ritual can be best addressed

by a piecemeal approach in which different aspects of Christian behavior as reflected in our sources

are examined in view of the insights and knowledge gained from ritual and cognate studies54

A ldquopiecemealrdquo approach will give partial results I am of the view that owing to the complex nature of ritual we

need to apply the features of ritual that are applicable to a particular text in order to attain holistic results

3 2 A Closer Examination of Ritual Function

The two theorists I have chosen are not strictly functionalists yet still they address aspects of the

functional ritual Ritual has a lot of functions However for the purposes of the present study I will limit the

discussion to the communicative social collective and stabilizing cum innovative functions For any fruitful

discussion on the role that rituals play in any given situation there is the need to ascertain the context The first

of the functions of ritual in the discussion is its communicative function Jan Platvoet and Karel van der Toorn

acknowledging the earlier ritual theories contend that apart from the early theories ritual also has

communicative function of transmitting both implicit and explicit messages By use of symbols ritual has the

capacity of transmitting a multitude of messages ndash some overt and most of them covert ndash to serve ldquostrategic

purposesrdquo55

Rituals are therefore performed to achieve effective communication to both the participants and

observers or outsiders According to ritual theories that emphasize communication the performance of ritual

requires at least two participants ndash ldquoa lsquosenderrsquo and a lsquoreceiverrsquo rdquo56

It is noteworthy that it is not always the case

that what is expressed in ritual can be regarded as a message to be communicated between the participants57

For the purposes of analysis of interndashgroup ritual Jan Platvoet outlines four distinctions in the communication

dimension There is the need to make a distinction first between the direct or overt addressee(s) of a ritual and

its indirect or implied addressee(s) second between the overt or stated message(s) of a ritual and the implied

message (s) third between the fields of direct and indirect communication and fourth giving enhancement to

53

Ibid

54 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo 231

55 Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual in Plural and Pluralist Societies Instruments for Analysisrdquo in Pluralism and Identity

Studies in Ritual Behaviour 25ndash51 at 41ndash42

56 Ibid 27 Out of the thirteen dimensions discussed by Platvoet regards this dimension as ldquothe collective

dimensionrdquo G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1980) 34 mentions the ldquotripartite notion of communication (emitter message medium

receiverrdquo

57 See G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual 34ndash35 considers it more appropriate

to conceive in general of the occurrences in ritual in terms of ldquostimulationrdquo rather than communication ldquoTo

limit ritual to its communicative aspect would exclude and falsify its significance for those who perform itrdquo He

mentions other aspects of ritual that ldquoresolve alter or demonstrate a situationrdquo

64

implied messages much more than the overt message to the direct addressee (s) in competitive contexts58

For communication to be effective there is the need for clarification According to J Z Smith a sacred

place is a ldquoplace of clarificationrdquo He regards a ritual place as a focusing lens for the purpose of clarification and

revelation in which the ordinary assumes significance59

This is partly how ritual generates order As

characteristic of all forms of communication distractions are reduced so that the transfer of information can be

heightened In communication the device used to achieve this is ldquoredundancyhellipthrough repetition and

routinizationrdquo60

The advantage in repetition is that it helps the members to remember their past and the raison

drsquoecirctre of their existence They are also able to relate the present with the past based on the effects of the ritual

on the members The disadvantage sometimes is that the members may become familiar with the ritual

procedure to the extent that they tend to go through the performance reluctantly61

Second rituals play social collective functions One such function is the capability to shape and

establish the identity of a group Eacutemile Durkheim establishes the relationship between religion and society

based on his concept of ritualism He regards religion as the basis of society by virtue of the fact that religion

can bring a group of people back to their origin A case in point is his study of the Australian aboriginal

community Durkheim endeared himself to find out what could sustain human social identity and fellowship ndash

solidariteacute This gave rise to his research into totemism what he regarded to be the simplest form of standard

religion among the Aborigines of Australia The totem is the bona fide sign of the Aborigine community and

they put its mark on their bodies An example of a specific detail of Durkheimrsquos research is the performance of

mimetic rites The men take on names of animals for example emus and kangaroos and imitate them In

performing the rites they behave like the animals whose names they bear ldquoBy this means they offer mutual

testimony that they are members of the same moral community and they become conscious of the kinship that

unites themrdquo62

The return of the Aborigines to their origins through rituals was an avenue for the restoration of the

basis of their community Rituals make people deeply engaged in the formation of their religion and society

Rituals lead a group of people to their ancestry and help them to establish a society that holds on to and

ldquoreaffirmrdquo their religious beliefs63

Individuals make a group and each person has some traits which mark

herhim out to be distinct from others On a corporate level a group has distinguishing marks which make one

58

Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual Responses to Plurality and Pluralismrdquo 39

59 Jonathan Z Smith Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54 (emphasis original) idem To Take

Place 104

60 Cf Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo 54

61 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo152

62 Eacutemile Durkheim The Elementary Forms of Religious Life trans Carol Cosman (Oxford University Press

2001) 264

63 Ibid 322 states ldquoNo society can exist that does not feel the need at regular intervals to sustain and reaffirm

the collective feelings and ideas that constitute its unity and its personality Now this moral remaking can be

achieved only by means of meetings assemblies or congregations in which individuals brought into close

contact reaffirm in common their common feelings hence those ceremonies whose goals results and methods

do not differ in kind from properly religious ceremoniesrdquo

65

group distinct from the other Such traits reflect the identity of the group Rituals contribute to the development

of the identity of a group by affirming their belief systems Such belief systems may be rooted in the laurels

status and fame the group had attained over the years As rituals are performed the values and the belief systems

of a group are transmitted to future generations In addition the participants have a sense of belongingness as

they perform a ritual

Ritual likewise helps a community to create social identity Turner developed the liminal phase of

Arnold van Genneprsquos rites de passage and that of Max Gluckmannrsquos on the ritualization of social conflict into a

powerful analytical model Turner identifies two main ldquomodelsrdquo for ldquohuman interrelatednessrdquo that are

ldquojuxtaposed and alternatingrdquo The first model considers society as a ldquostructuredrdquo and ldquodifferentiatedrdquo entity and

the second as ldquoan unstructured and relatively undifferentiated comitatus communityrdquo Turner prefers the Latin

term ldquocommunitasrdquo ldquoLiminal entities are neither here nor thererdquo64

Turner regards liminality to connote the

antistructural quality of the phase between separation and reincorporation and communitas to the

undifferentiated ldquomodality of social relationshiprdquo that generates interaction with one another65

According to

him rituals belong to an ldquoongoing processrdquo which gave the community the room to continually ldquoredefinerdquo and

ldquorenewrdquo itself66

Ritual thus plays a significant role in times of disaster and effects purification and transition through

life changes Gerrie ter Haar in her case study of the True Teachings of Christ Temple observed that African

communities in Bijlmer of Netherlands endeavor to solve life crises by ritual means Ritual serves as a transition

for people to go through life changes The migrants go through a transitional cycle similar to that proposed by

Arnold van Gennep They separate themselves from their home countries and settle in an entirely new and

insecure environment Of significance is the passage through a transitional phase of life which like other ldquolife

crisesrdquo requires ldquoritual or ceremonial validationrdquo67

Whenever there is a disaster the appropriate ritual is

performed for restoration

Gerrie ter Haar further applies Victor Turnerrsquos liminal phase In her study she observes that many of

the migrants have no official status in the wider setting of the Dutch society Conscious of this state of affairs

they make the effort to alter their social status by moving from the lower strata to a higher one The church

communities in the Bijlmer make a significant contribution in this endeavor They create the ldquoinstitutional

contextrdquo for a kind of ritual behavior specially meant to help their members move from one social stratum to the

other and from severance from an old setting into being identified with a new one Ritual thus helps to give the

marginalized a new identity as they are incorporated into a new community It is in such liminal state of affairs

that the performance of ritual helps to bring stability to the marginalized those in transitional stages and those

64

Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure 95

65 Ibid 96ndash97

66 Victor Turner Dramas Fields and Metaphors Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca NY Cornell

University Press 1990) 23ndash35

67 Gerrie ter Haar ldquoRitual as Communication A Study of African Christian Communities in the Bijlmer District

of Amsterdamrdquo in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behavior) 135

66

without status in society This point leads to the third main function of rituals relevant to the discussion ndash its

stabilizing function

Many incidents occur within communities that can jeopardize the community and in such situations

rituals are one means to help restore stability Some dangers may be attributed to the behavior or utterances of

persons within a particular community Ritual plays a vital role in stabilizing persons in the midst of the danger

of ldquoretrogressionrdquo Robbie E DavisndashFloyd calls it ldquocognitive stabilizationrdquo68

Moreover van Gennep contends

that rites of passage help to maintain order in ldquochaotic social changesrdquo that have the potential of destabilizing

society ldquoSuch rites distinguish status groups with clearly marked boundaries which contribute to the stability

of social identities and rolesrdquo69

Ritual plays a significant role in ensuring the stability of a community Hal Taussig observes that even

though in recent times the major theories in ritual studies vary in some ways ldquothey all convincingly provide

reason to see rituals contributing substantially to social stability and social changerdquo70

Taussig in agreement

with recent thinkers deems ritual no longer as ldquosimply a set of cosmically or inwardly directed gesturesrdquo but

ldquosocial negotiationrdquo71

As a grouprsquos belief system is enacted ritual works both to ldquopreserve and to transmit that belief

systemrdquo and thus helps in the preservation of its status quo72

Moreover rituals generate hope that words cannot

express ldquoRitual expresses a hope that cannot be expressed in words concepts or even in symbols it is a

participatory act of a community that affirms the meaning of its existence in actions that can be transmitted

from generation to generationrdquo73

There exists a relationship between rituals and the belief system of a group

and because of this relationship rituals help to effect changes for the betterment of society ldquoRitual might be said

to shortndashcircuit thinking providing atndashhand solutions to impossible problemsrdquo74

Problems arise within human

institutions Some of them are readily solved others become perennial The performance of appropriate rituals

helps to solve problems which seem unsolvable that arise within human institutions In some cases the

performance of rituals saves time and brings instantaneous results In effect ritual ldquoprovides readyndashmade

answers to what thinking works throughrdquo75

The flip side of ritualrsquos function of stability is its capacity to bring about innovations and

transformation in societies Gerd Baumann suggests that instead of holding on to the presupposition that rituals

68

Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 152 states ldquoritualhellip

stabilizes individuals under stress by giving them a conceptual handle-hold to keep them from lsquofalling apartrsquo or

lsquolosing itrsquo rdquo

69 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 37

70 Hal Taussig In the Beginning was the Meal 57

71 Ibid

72 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 155

73 Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the

European Enlightenment and a Search for New Foundations 27

74 Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo 12

75 Ibid

67

are used solely to preserve social values and selfndashknowledge it is worthwhile noting that they equally have the

potency to effect cultural changes and thus they do not speak only to ldquoinsidersrdquo but also ldquooutsidersrdquo76

Finally irrespective of ritualrsquos potency for ldquocontinuity and orderrdquo it can be instrumental not only in

transformation at the individual but also at the corporate level The introduction of new rituals becomes the

basis for enacting and transmitting new belief and value systems DavisndashFloyd intimates that ldquo[e]ntrenched

belief and value systems are more effectively altered through alterations in the rituals that enact themrdquo77

3 2 1 The appearance of New Rituals

In chapter 2 I established that the Corinthian δεῖπνον was an ordinary meal In this section I examine

the emergence of new rituals with the anticipation to argue in chapter 4 that Paulrsquos interventions are really steps

in transforming the Corinthian δεῖπνον into a heightened ritual Grimesrsquos analysis is germane here It

distinguishes between ldquohardrdquo and ldquosoftrdquo definitions of ritual and proposes to comment on a ldquosoftrdquo definition He

mentions a new view of ritual and observes that the increase of ldquohyphenated terms and coining of neologismsrdquo

by scholars points to the fact that ldquoa nascent genre of action which he terms ldquoritualizingrdquo is giving rise to a

new view of ritual78

In evaluating the foregoing discussions it is evident that there are manifold definitions and

characteristics of rituals They all contribute towards the general picture of what a ritual is No single element of

ritual has to dominate other equally important elements of ritual It can be said that among other characteristics

rituals involve symbolic actions that are repeated It requires a locus

Grimes prefers describing the phenomenon of ldquoinvented ritesrdquo as ldquoritualizingrdquo or occasionally

ldquoemerging ritualrdquo This phenomenon is very helpful for the context of 1 Cor 1117ndash 34 and it will be developed

in chapter 4 as a Grimesian category By way of elaborating this point it can be said that while ritualizing has

some relationship with ldquoritualization moderdquo there are some differences with regard to ldquoconsciousness and

intentionrdquo Ritualizing is more intentional than ritualization it involves activation and creation of awareness of

ldquopreconscious ritualization processesrdquo79

Grimes cautions that in our scholarly taxonomy there is the danger of

not paying attention to both ldquonascentrdquo and ldquomore traditional ritesrdquo The result of such a tendency is that we

become victims of the conservative fallacy that purports that rites are immutable or as he puts it that ldquorites

originated but cannot presently originate ndash that rites do not changerdquo80

In ritualizing we look for emergent ritual

gestures Effective identification of ritualizing cases their management maintenance and development can lead

to new forms of rites practices and celebrations

What interests me is the historical memory of the last meal that Jesus had with his disciples and its

relation to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον How did the meal evolve to become the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in Paulrsquos language

76

Gerd Baumann ldquoRitual Implicates lsquoOthersrsquo Rereading Durkheim in a Plural Societyrdquo in Understanding

Rituals 99 ldquoI suggest that they may equally speak towards the aspirations toward cultural changerdquo It is

noteworthy that one of the points that are debated is ldquocultural changesrdquo

77 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 156

78 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 59

79 Ibid 61

80 Ibid

68

How has it been perpetuated In 1 Corinthians 11 I note that there is the probability that Paul by citing the

words of institution is reinventing the δεῖπνον This notion is accounted for by the statements he makes In 1

Corinthians Paul states τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν81

(1124 c and repeated in

25c) The key issues that go with these injunctions are First ritual action ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν

ἄρτον τοῦτον καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ (v 26) 82

This verse

and the succeeding verses (1127ndash32) unpack the words of institution and are quite open to ritual analysis

Second ritual paradigm the pericope (1126ndash32) forms an important ritual paradigm for understanding

what Paul is trying to achieve so far in front of the text It points out the sense of danger connected to the meal

if the members of the ἐκκλησία participate it ἀναξίως83

The repercussions are clearly stated that if they

participate in the meal in the wrong manner they would be eating and drinking κρίμα84

to themselves It is this

ritual connotation of the passage that I will explore in detail in chapter 4 It involves the impact the wrong

manner in which the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated could have on the members if they do not act in accordance

with Paulrsquos directives85

A similar case of retribution appears in the inscriptions on a slab of a white marble given to the

household association of Dionysios in Philadelphia (Lydia) SIG3 = AGRW 121 (late second century to early

first century BCE) On entering the house of Dionysios people were made to declare their innocence about

any deceptive action against fellow humans or any drug harmful to people People who violated the instructions

were to be exposed and punished It was required of the members who exhibit confidence in themselves to

touch the stone during sacrifices to verify those who are either obedient or disobedient to the instructions86

In seeking a definition for the process of reinventing ritual I find the following insightful

The process of reinventing ritual is defined by the urge to strip rituals down to their essentials and

reconceive them to speak to contemporary issues ndash creating everything from a comix version of the

Book of Esther to video prayer garments to an environmentalist synagogue building87

Three main points may be developed from this idea (1) getting hold of the essentials of rituals (2) rendash

conception and (3) function First rituals can be rendashinvented but there is the need to know its essentials before

rendashinvention takes place Second being aware of the essentials of rituals will provide the arena for rendash

conceiving them what I term rendashbirth As ideas are reconceived the essentials of ritual are taken into

81

ldquoDo this as many times as you drink in my memoryrdquo (1 Cor 1124c cf 25c) My translation

82 ldquoAs many times as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the Lordrsquos death till he comesrdquo (1

Cor 1126) My translation

83 ldquoUnworthilyrdquo or ldquoin an unworthy mannerrdquo

84 ldquoJudgmentrdquo or ldquocondemnationrdquo

85 Some of the ideas in this and succeeding paragraph were developed from the contributions made by my New

Testament Professors John S Kloppenborg of the University of Toronto Ann L Jervis Colleen Shantz and

Terence L Donaldson of Toronto School of Theology during the presentation I made at the Biblical

Department Seminar on September 24 2015

86 SIG

3 = AGRW 121

87 Daniel Belasco Reinventing Ritual Contemporary Art and Design for Jewish Life on view at The Jewish

Museum 2009 Online at httpzeekforwardcomarticles115626 Accessed 26 November 2014

69

consideration Third the rendashconceived essentials of ritual are used to address contemporary issues What Paul

does in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would have had the potential to create a heightened ritual88

3 3 Models of Harvey Whitehouse and R A Rappaport

In this section I will examine two models namely Harvey Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity

and RA Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication The character of 1 Cor 11 suggests a particular

approach in elucidating the Corinthian problem First the problem is a social problem the kind related to the

infighting within the ἐκκλησία and within this conversation Paul begins to talk about ritual This calls for the

combination of social and ritual theories and Harvey Whitehousersquos model provides that Second the situation in

Corinth is one that involves the identity of the community and Rappaportrsquos model focuses on messages I

therefore consider these as the methods that might help answer the question of the present research The choice

for Whitehouse and Rappaport to be the best suited among all other scholars to my project commends itself for

a number of reasons These two theorists help to establish the criteria by which we might unearth Paulrsquos

intention in citing the words of institution in the passage

Harvey Whitehouse89

is one of the pioneers in the field of cognitive science of religion and is

renowned for his theory of the modes of religiosity Whitehouse focused his work on different kinds of religion

and spent almost two years with a cargo cult in Papua Guinea He concluded that religions tend to be stable in

one of two contrasting forms and designated them as imagistic and doctrinal modes respectively For example

in his examination of small localized religions in Melanesia90

he observed that the religions coalesce strongly

towards one or the other of the two modes of religiosity or towards both but within the context of ldquoreadily

distinguishable domains of operationrdquo91

He submitted that while the doctrinal mode in ldquoprendashcontactrdquo Melanesia

was ldquounelaboratedrdquo imagistic forms were well known in many parts of the subndashregion92

Contrastingly some

Christian missions ldquotended towards a purely doctrinal mode of operationrdquo and usually led to the overshadowing

of the imagistic practices of both Melanesian and European initiative93

Consequently the indigenous religions

of Papua New Guinea in recent times provide a scene for a ldquodramatic confrontation between divergent modes of

religiosityrdquo94

Using archaeological evidence as his basis he attributes the origin of the imagistic mode to ldquoUpper

88

The full discussion will be in chapter 4 of the present study

89 He is currently the Chair of Social Anthropology Director of the Institute of Cognitive and Evolutionary

Anthropology and a Professorial Fellow of Magdalen College at the University of Oxford

90 Melanesia is a culture area of Oceania and stretches from the western part of the Pacific Ocean to the Arafura

Sea with Fiji bordering on its eastern part It consists of four countries including Papua New Guinea The other

two countries are Vanuatu and Solomon Islands

91 Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons Divergent Modes of Religiosity (Oxford Oxford University Press

2000) 2

92 Ibid

93 Ibid

94 Ibid

70

Palaeolithic hunterndashgatherersrdquo and that of the doctrinal mode to the era of writing technologies95

He began

thinking about the factors necessary to make one religion more stable than the other He developed the DMR

theory after embarking on a twentyndashmonth field research on a ldquocargo cultrdquo in East New Britain Papua New

Guinea96

He describes religion as a ldquodistributed phenomenonrdquo97

What Whitehouse has been trying to account for with his theory is that religious traditions tend to be

attracted to one of these two modes ndash imagistic or doctrinal The doctrinal mode of religion is diffusely

cohesive operates on a largendashscale hierarchical structure and it is characterized by ldquoroutinized ritualsrdquo98

The

imagistic mode of religion is highly cohesive operates on a smallndashscale structure and is characterized by ldquorare

and traumatic ritual ordealsrdquo99

Two different memory systems are responsible for religious traditions namely

semantic and episodic memories The semantic memory stores religious ideas doctrines and narratives derived

from religious leaders while episodic memory stores autobiographical knowledge100

The semantic memory

controls the organization and transmission of knowledge stored in the doctrinal mode101

A religious tradition

relies on both semantic and episodic memories for its transmission Thus high transmissive frequency coupled

with low level arousal episodes generates the conditions for largendashscale diffusely integrated communities

while low transmissive frequency coupled with high arousal episodes helps bind smallndashscale groups102

The

advantage of such episodes is that they are readily captured and retained in the memory Episodic memory

further facilitates vividness in subsequent performances when it comes to recollecting ritual procedures The

condition in which the imagistic mode thrives is that of a group whose survival is contingent on extremely high

levels of cohesion103

The condition conducive to a grouprsquos survival with regard to doctrinal mode is dependent

95

Ibid 3 Idem Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 77 ldquoUpper Paleolithic

periodrdquo and ldquono less recently than the emergence of Bronze Age civilizationsrdquo respectively

96 Cf Harvey Whitehouse Inside the Cult Religious Innovation and Transmission in Papua New Guinea

Oxford Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology (Oxford Oxford University Press 1995) 1 6 He was ldquoin

the fieldrdquo from October 1987 to June 1989

97 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 16 ldquoThat is to say

it inheres not merely in the thoughts and feelings of an individual devotee but also in the recognizably similar or

complementary thoughts and feelings of a population of religious adherentsrdquo

98 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Violence ed Juergensmeyer Mark Margo Kitts and Michael

Jerryson (Oxford New York Oxford University Press 2013) 1 cf H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A

Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 68

99 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 1

100 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 65ndash71 Whitehouse

acknowledges the distinction psychologists make between ldquosemanticrdquo and ldquoepisodicrdquo (or ldquoautobiographicalrdquo)

memory See idem Arguments and Icons 5ndash12

101 Similarly the episodic memory controls the organization and transmission of the imagistic mode It is

noteworthy that even though Christian groups operate in the doctrinal mode there is room for imagistic

practices See Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 11

102 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 8 74 See Table 31

103 In such cases the incentives for a member to defect are exceptionally strong

71

on more unexceptional acts of cooperation involving much larger populations which demand more extensive

kinds of cohesion if the impact is milder104

According to Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity memory and motivation are essential for

making religions including rituals take the form that they do For a religious tradition to be established

members of a group need to remember their beliefs and rituals in order that they can be handed over from one

generation to the next Highndashfrequency rituals (routinization) are known to help in the preservation of complex

religious teachings in semantic memory and promote the dissemination of ldquodoctrinal orthodoxies and

standardized interpretations of ritual meaningrdquo 105

There is a further correlation between frequency and

emotionality High frequency correlates to low emotionality and low frequency to high emotionality

As regards the doctrinal mode of religiosity Whitehouse demonstrates how rituals help in promoting

stability and strengthening community structures He draws distinction between disciplines like medicine

engineering etc in which you stop attending lectures after graduation and occasionally attend inndashservice

training and the behavior of adherents to a religious orthodoxy The latter after gaining mastery of the relevant

doctrines are expected to ldquocontinue listening to endless repetitions of that information through processes of

ritualized public oratoryrdquo106

Routinization has its effects on religious thinking The result of undertaking the

same ritual procedures on regular basis results in ldquohabituationrdquo 107

When participants go through ritual

procedures as a matter of mechanized practice they lose the urge to reflect on the symbolic significance of the

rituals In this regard ldquoroutinization suppresses revelationrdquo108

This is equally true of religious speech

Participants may be accustomed to doctrinal repetition and they can easily lose focus However ldquoverbal

repetition can also ensure the stable reproduction of a substantial corpus of knowledgerdquo109

Whitehouse by use

of the modes of religiosity thus shows how the repetition of a ritual can create a stable community

The lack of performance of rituals can result in people forgetting their beliefs and the procedures for

the performance of their rituals One way to forestall this is to adopt ldquoa very repetitive regime of religious

transmissionrdquo110

Ritual action involves elements that lack ldquotechnical relevancerdquo111

Ritual may be similar to art

insofar as elements are concerned but the intentions are different Whereas the intentional states of an artist lies

in the artistrsquos mind and is internal that of a ritual is tied in successively with the past and is external112

Concerning the doctrinal mode of religiosity there is the tendency for ritual action to be highly routinized This

104

Examples of such acts of cooperation include the payment of levies and dues

105 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 2

106 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 5

107 Ibid

108 Ibid

109 Ibid6

110 Ibid 64 This accounts for the significance of Whitehousersquos theory of divergent modes of religiosity

111 Ibid 3

112 Ibid 4 ie ldquoare accorded to a procession of shadowy predecessors primordial ancestors or godsrdquo

72

helps in ldquothe storage of elaborate and conceptually complex religious teachings in semantic memory but also

activating implicit memory in the performance of most ritual proceduresrdquo 113

Routinization stimulates semantic

memory for religious doctrines It has both advantages and disadvantages One advantage is that it provides a

receptacle for the acquisition of ldquoexplicit verbal knowledge in semantic memoryrdquo and the sustenance of

doctrines and narratives that would be impracticable to learn let alone retain in the memory114

Notwithstanding

routinization can lead to boredom and a low level of motivation Other means for retaining adherents of

routinized religions may be by the provision of incentives and the enforcing of ldquosupernatural sanctionsrdquo115

The

effectiveness of these mechanisms depends to a large extent on the level of belief in the doctrines of a religious

group When the features of the doctrinal mode meld they tend to be enduring historically and may persist ldquofor

centuries and even for millenniardquo116

Consequently it allows the religious group to become stabilized

Table 31 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity

Variable Doctrinal Imagistic

Psychological Features

1 Transmissive frequency High Low

2 Level of arousal Low High

3 Principal memory system Semantic schemas and implicit

scripts

Episodic flashbulb memory

4 Ritual meaning Learned Acquired Internally generated

5 Techniques of revelation Rhetoric logical integration

narrative

Iconicity multivocality and

multivalence

Sociopolitical Features

6 Social cohesion Diffuse Intense

7 Leadership Dynamic Passive absent

8 Inclusivityexclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

9 Spread Rapid efficient Slow inefficient

10 Scale Large scale Small scale

113

Ibid 65 semantic memory is a sub-division of long-term memory and comprises general knowledge about

the world Implicit memory a basic kind of memory concerns ldquothings we know without being aware of

knowingrdquo Whitehouse specifically hypothesizes the following features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity (1)

Routinization (2) Religious Leaders (3) Need for orthodoxy checks (4) Implicit memory for religious rituals (5)

Semantic Memory for Religious Teachings (6) Centralization (7) Anonymous Communities and (8) Religion

spreading widely 66ndash70

114 Ibid 66

115 Incentives may include salvation which leads to eternal life Example of sanctions may be eternal damnation

66ndash 67

116 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 70 Cf idem

Arguments and Icons 2

73

11 Degree of uniformity High Low

12 Structure Centralized Noncentralized

Whitehouse draws a contrast between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity There are two

kinds of the contrasting features of these modes First the ldquocognitive featuresrdquo which relate to psychological

valences of religious activities Second are the sociopolitical features that comprise ldquosocial organization and

politicsrdquo of a more demographic nature117

As mentioned religious groups tend to be more stable when they

embrace the features of one or the other mode ndash so the more they cluster around a position the better suited they

are for survival Innovations which are distant from these attractor positions are less likely to persist118

For

example a new prophet might make pronouncements about his own personal revelations and receive attention

from people For his pronouncements to develop into a corpus of doctrines would require consistent repetition

and the maintenance of ldquoa system of effective policingrdquo119

Anything less than that would likely lead to the

distortion of the pronouncements or the people forgetting about them A similar observation may be made about

the introduction of a new ritual According to the modes of religiosity for a ritual to be able to establish the

basis for a new religious tradition it must be ldquosufficiently arousing shocking and personally consequential to

drive subsequent revelationsrdquo120

The ritual cannot stabilize as a tradition if this is not done Notwithstanding

boring rituals can stabilize in the doctrinal mode where other elements contribute to the stability of the

movement With regard to imagistic rituals Whitehouse points out that people may be disturbed emotionally

upset and go through experiences which are hard to forget This may lead to a state of seeking answers to

unanswerable questions Distressing ritual episodes thus become the ground for seeking answers to such

questions

At this point I switch to a discussion on the strengths and weaknesses of the DMR theory Harvey

Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity is not immune from criticisms The ritual form and ritual frequency

hypotheses proposed by Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson to some extent diverge from the DMR

theory121

Part of the critique of Whitehousersquos model is that there are not many examples that exist in pure form

117

H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 74

118 Ibid 85 n 29 admits that there are exceptions to this

119 Ibid 74

120 Ibid 75

121 See Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 42ndash43 The ritual frequency hypothesis purports that ldquothe amount of sensory pageantry and

therefore the amount of emotional stimulation any religious ritual involves are inversely proportional to the

frequency with that ritual is performedrdquo121

According to McCauley and Lawson two means that boost memory

and are routinely associated with ritual are performance frequency and emotional arousal121

They apply the

Chart of two attractors namely ldquoSensory Pageantryrdquo and ldquoFrequencyrdquo for the ritual form hypothesis They

propose that within the same community the sensory pageantry caused by low-frequency rituals ldquowill only be

higher relative to more frequent ritualsrdquo They argue that if religious rituals evolve then it will evolve either (1)

in relation to rituals with low amounts of ldquosensory stimulationrdquo and consequently produce low level of

ldquoemotional arousalrdquo that are repeated and have a capacity of high ldquoperformance frequenciesrdquo or (2) in relation

74

that is truly low arousal ritual However that does not defeat his theory The model does not require that the

perfect example of doctrinal mode should exist every moment and everywhere Rather there are attractor

positions when most of the features are together they tend to be more stable In spite of the criticisms of

McCauley and Lawson the DMR has its merits One of its strength is its capability to unite large groups of

participants Its main weakness is that there is the tendency for ldquothis unity to be based on comparatively diffuse

cohesion at least in the long runrdquo122

In the ensuing paragraphs I will describe some characteristics of the doctrinal tradition that I will

discuss in detail in the next chapter in consonance with the structure of the present research The import of the

description of these features is that it will set the tone for me to muster evidence to establish that even though

the features identified were present in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία they were in a flux and have not stabilized yet at

the time of the writing of the epistle The doctrinal attractor position includes several characteristics relevant to

1 Corinthians namely ritual meaning social cohesion leadership inclusivityexclusivity spread scale degree

of uniformity and structure

1 Ritual meaning

As stated earlier there are contrasting features of the modes of religiosity One of the psychological

features relevant for the analysis is ritual meaning In contrasting the doctrinal mode with that of imagistic

mode ritual meaning is learned or acquired in doctrinal mode while it is internally generated in the imagistic

mode I will undertake the full discussion in chapter 4

2 Social cohesion

In order to establish how a ritual could help effect social cohesion in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία there is

the need to identify traits of instability in the ἐκκλησία and to demonstrate how the mode of religiosity could be

applied to achieve cohesion On the basis of the DMR model high levels of arousal in the performance of

rituals promote strong cohesion Moreover high levels of arousal help in the passing on of religious practices

from one generation to another Some of the effects when performances are not regular are that the participants

tend to ldquoforget the procedures and especially their meaningsrdquo123

3 Leadership

In contrast to the imagistic mode members of a doctrinal religious group depend largely on teachings

for their edification and spiritual growth For members to believe in a set of doctrines of a group the teachings

have to be formulated ldquoin a highly persuasive fashionrdquo124

For semantic memory and religious teachings to be

onndashgoing would require religious leaders These leaders should be persons who possess oratory skills and are

conversant with the set of doctrines and traditions of the group For effective transfer of knowledge the orators

to rituals that combine higher levels of sensory stimulation and emotional arousal but are not repeated i e

rituals in which each participant has only one opportunity to serve in the role of the patient McCauley and

Lawson contend that the theory of the modes of religiosity is found wanting in explicating the divergence it

purports

122 H Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 127

123 Ibid 71

124 Ibid 67

75

must necessarily be outstanding Most religious traditions have renowned leaders

4 InclusivityExclusivity

There are different variables responsible for encoding messages Their selection which is

psychological involves different kinds of ldquomemory and exegetical learningrdquo coupled with ldquovarying levels of

arousal familiarity and consequentialityrdquo125

These variables contribute significantly to the formation of the

social structure of religious traditions yielding features which include inclusivity and exclusivity Religious

traditions that are characterized by features including inclusivity tend to fall into the doctrinal category of

religiosity while those which produce features including exclusivity represent the imagistic mode of

religiosity126

These features can be applied to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ἐκκλησία there were traits of

partiality in the mode of distribution of meals There was also disparity in the kind of food which was served

The seating arrangement also signified class distinction The noted traits reflected an exclusive religious

tradition Perhaps these issues were in play in Corinth Paulrsquos use of the following words supports this notion

σχίσματα (v 18) and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει (v 21) In introducing the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

Paul might have impressed upon the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the need for an inclusive rather than

an exclusive religious tradition This is evidenced in his use of εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον (v 17) συνέρχομαι (vv 17 20)

and ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε (v 33)

5 Degree of uniformity

The religious mode of religiosity enhances uniformity of ideas within the group Whereas the degree of

uniformity in doctrinal mode is high that of the imagistic mode is low (see Table 31) In the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία some members preferred to eat their own meal127

The introduction of the tradition of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might have brought greater uniformity (1 Cor 1133ndash34) Instead of the lapse in the intake of

the meal there would be uniformity in the eating of the ἄρτος and drinking of the wine It could have eliminated

the occasion of the disparity in the partaking of the meal Moreover it could have regulated excesses

Specifically it could have prevented the situation where some would be satisfied and drunk while others were

hungry

Table 32 Sociopolitical features summarized (adapted from Whitehouse 2004)

Variable Doctrinal Mode Predictions Imagistic Mode Predictions

1 Social cohesion Diffusely cohesive Intense within small congregations

2 Leadership Dynamic necessity for orthodoxy

checks

Lack of dynamic leadership and hindrance

to transmission

3InclusivityExclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

4 Degree of uniformity High Low

125

Ibid 8

126 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians 160) considers the symbolism of the Supper ritual as

ldquosymbolism of exclusivity ldquonot only to ensure internal coherence unity and equality of the Christian group but

also to protect its boundaries vis-agrave-vis other kinds of cultic associationrdquo

127 The probable meaning of the verb προλαμβάνει will be discussed in chapter 4

76

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication

I will be using R A Rappaportrsquos models to assess how rituals can help transfer messages or

communicate in addition to words128

Rappaport considers ritual as the fundamental act of a society He

expressed the recognition of ritual as the basis for any type of social life in the following words ldquohellip I take ritual

to be the basic social actrdquo129 He emphatically rendashechoes the idea

In enunciating accepting and making conventions moral ritual contains within itself not simply a

symbolic representation of social contract but tacit social contract itself As such ritual which also

establishes guards and bridges boundaries between public systems and private processes is the basic

social act130

Rappaport focuses on the communicative dynamics of ritual and emphasizes that rituals are largely

symbolic and different from other forms of communication131

Rappaport makes a distinction between two main

classes of natural processes He illustrates this notion of communication by giving two principles In the first

class of action matter and energy are applied to achieve results The second principle concerns the attainment

of effects by means of the dissemination of information That is the transmission of messages to receivers Acts

and utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special

objects and substances Physical display involves postures and movements and plays a vital role in rituals

Physical display is a peculiar form of communication and has endured ldquomany thousands or even hundreds of

thousands of years into the time of languagerdquo132

The advantage of physical display is that it ldquoindicates more more clearly or other than what words are

able to communicaterdquo133

Whereas paralinguistics and kinesics convey ldquoanalogic signalsrdquo134

ritualrsquos physical

display is the kind which is consciously controlled and involves the ldquopublic orderrdquo and the participantrsquos

involvement in it Moreover communication basically takes place in the digital rather than the analogic

128

R A Rappaport was the President of the American Anthropological Association from 1987 to 1989

Rappaport like Whitehouse includes ldquowordsrdquo in his assessment of ritual This is the part of his model that helps

to round out Whitehousersquos

129 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion (Richmond Calif North Atlantic Books 1979) 174

Emphasis in the original

130 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 138 (emphasis in the original)

131 Ibid 118 (emphasis original) states ldquoHe is not merely transmitting messages he finds encoded in the liturgy

He is participating in ndash that is becoming part of ndash the order to which his own body and breath give liferdquo In this

context the ldquotransmitterrdquo is the ldquoparticipantrdquo Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 22

agrees with Rappaport and defines ritual as ldquopre-eminently a form of communicationrdquo She applies Basil

Bernsteinrsquos approach to the analysis of ritual as a means to understand religious behavior By this approach

ritual forms are handled like speech forms as transmitters of culture which are produced ldquoin social relations

and which by their selections and emphases exercise a constraining effect on social behaviourrdquo

132 Ibid 139

133 Ibid 140

134 Ibid Analogic signals embrace shift in expression and are subjected to frequent changes They are indexical

ndash a term used by Rappaport to indicate physical and psychic conditions ndash involving ldquothe states of the private

processes and changes in those statesrdquo

77

mode135

Even though there is the possibility for ritual acts to also convey messages analogically that is not the

central issue It may be strongly alluded that digital messages overshadow analogic messages ldquocontinuously and

inevitably transmitted kinesically and parallinguistically thus rendering them irrelevantrdquo136

Rappaport

considers the view that ritual is not entirely symbolic to be one of its most invaluable characteristics ldquofor

through ritual some of the embarrassments and difficulties of symbolic communication are overcomerdquo137

He

disagrees that ritual is functional and accepts that ritual has a form and a structure He suggests that to

participate in a ritual implies that one accepts that which it encodes138

Rituals are thus able to communicate

meaning

The performance of a ritual establishes conventions that are in place and readily embraces them

According to Rappaport it is characteristic of religion to formulate the ldquoWord the True Word upon which the

truths of symbols and the convictions that they establish standrdquo139

Ritual is the ldquofoundryrdquo within which the

Word is formed By this understanding the scope of definition is broadened and it gives room for an expanded

notion of communication Therefore ritual can hardly be substituted with other modes of communication It

stands in its own special class and becomes an inimitable vehicle ldquosuited to the transmission of certain

messages and certain sorts of informationrdquo140

Before I expand on the topic of mode of communication it is worthwhile commenting on the

difference in the transmission of selfndashreferential and canonical messages Rappaport establishes that all

religious rituals carry two streams of messages namely selfndashreferential (indexical) and canonical The

distinction between them lies in the semiotic realm because there is a marked difference between the

relationship of signs to which these two message streams connote Canonical messages are the kind of messages

that are not limited to the present Although they may use secondarily icons and even indices141

in a restricted

manner their ldquosignificata may be indeed usually are spiritual conceptual or abstract in nature are and can

only be founded upon symbolsrdquo142

On the contrary selfndashreferential messages which are transmitted about ldquothe

current state of the transmitters hellip may transcend mere symbolic signification and be represented

indexicallyrdquo143

In other words a selfndashreferential message does not merely ldquosay somethingrdquo about the

135

Ibid 87 There are two types of computation namely analogic and digital The distinction between them is

the kind that exists between ldquomeasuringrdquo and ldquocountingrdquo Whereas the term ldquoanalogicrdquo signifies ldquoentities and

processesrdquo in which the values can alter by continuous gradations that of ldquodigitalrdquo cannot

136 Ibid 140

137 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion 175

138 Ibid 209

139 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 21

140 Ibid 52 He uses the term ldquoinformationrdquo in a broad non-technical sense See 473 n14

141 Ibid 54 referencing J Buchler Philosophical Writings of Peirce (New York Dover Publications 1956)

102 An index (a phrase of Peirce) is ldquoa sign which refers to the Object it denotes by being really affected by

that Objectrdquo

142 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 54 (emphasis original)

143 Ibid (emphasis original)

78

performerrsquos state it does ldquosomethingrdquo as well144

For example in dancing a performer may pledge to support

his audience in a battle The performer by an act of dancing will signal a pledge thus putting the pledge into

effect The signal thus becomes ldquoindexical (and not merely symbolic)rdquo because the gestures in the dance

tantamount to the pledge 145

Ritual communicates both indexical (selfndashreferential) messages and canonical (related to cultural

tradition) messages In performance the signals used in communication become effective if they are readily

distinguished from everyday technical actions The distinction is drawn between ritual words and acts and

ordinary words and actions The means of communication may include ritual utterances special time and

places postures and gestures objects and structures The assigning of special times and places for the

performance of ritual naturally brings into play senders and receivers of messages and may also indicate the

content of what has to be transmitted In summation ldquothe formality and nonndashinstrumentality characteristic of

ritual enhances its communicational functioningrdquo 146

An objection could be raised regarding the communicative

aspect of ritual in light of the interiority of the communication

Notwithstanding ldquothe subjective experiencerdquo involved in private devotions promotes the notion of

applying the term ldquocommunicationrdquo to ritual for it gives the participants themselves the occasion to apparently

testify that they communicate with spiritual beings Moreover considering the fact that the emotions of the

performers may respond to ldquothe stimuli of their own ritual acts it is reasonable to take ritual to be autondash

communicative as well as allondashcommunicativerdquo147

34 Conclusion

Ritual is a multindashfaceted social behavior which forms an integral part of human life While its

significance cannot be underestimated it does not have a universal definition In this chapter I examined

samples of definitions and established that the purposes of rituals are manifold and pervasive Ritual per se

transcends religious social and other boundaries The relationship between the belief system of a group and the

rituals its members perform is very close and helps in the development of the identity of a group of people

It is credible to employ ritual studies to seek understanding of Paulrsquos interventions in the meal practice

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will therefore demonstrate in the succeeding chapter how Paulrsquos instructions could

probably help shape the δεῖπνον in ritual ways Harvey Whitehousersquos models of religiosity especially the

doctrinal mode helps to demonstrate the potentiality of rituals in taking on stable forms that have bearing on and

also strengthen community structures For example the description portrayed the lack of stability in the

ἐκκλησίαThis feature of social separation warrants Paulrsquos interventions and plausibly the need to introduce the

tradition of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I also described Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication and described

how ritual words and acts are distinct from ordinary dayndashtondashday words and actions The discussions on the

144

Ibid 107

145 Ibid 108

146 Ibid 51

147 Ibid

79

potentialities of ritual especially as a communicative tool thus become the bedrock to investigate the ritual

context of the meal at Corinth in the subsequent chapter

Rituals are symbolic acts or form of behavior Rituals involve actions have functions and require a

place for its participation or performance Two of the functions viz communicative and stabilizing functions of

ritual and one characteristic ndash its repetitive nature are fertile grounds for an exploration of the Corinthian text on

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον through a ritual lens Mary Douglas observes that ldquoonly a ritual structure makes possible a

wordless channel of communication that is not entirely incoherentrdquo148

With the only exceptions of

ldquohypothetical ritualsrdquo ie rituals that a ritual system assumes without any human participation ldquovery nearly all

religious rituals are performed over and over again and certainly all rituals in which human participants take

part arerdquo149

There is the need to find out reasons for the repetition persistence universality and canonicity of

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual models of Whitehouse and Rappaport will be used in addressing these issues in

the next chapter

148

Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 54

149 Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 86

80

4

Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective

εἰ ὅλον τὸ σῶμα ὀφθαλμός ποῦ ἡ ἀκοή εἰ ὅλον ἀκοή ποῦ ἡ ὄσφρησις

If the whole body were an eye where would be the means of hearing If it were a cavity for hearing where

would be the sense of smelling ndash 1 Cor 1217

In the previous chapter I have examined ritual theories and established that even though no single

ritual theory can describe what ritual embodies there is a loose consensus of a set of significant characteristics

of rituals In assessing the debate about whether ritual is traditional or invented I adopted Ronald L Grimesrsquo

observations about the invention and transformation of rituals as that relevant to the situation in Corinth I also

introduced the work of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose theories will inform my analysis in the

present chapter As regards Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity I established that religious traditions tend to be

more stable when they embrace one or the other mode The result is that the more they bundle around an

attractor position the better enhanced they are for survival With this background I will explore an alternative

question about the conflicts at meals in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The present chapter seeks answers to the

question How might the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provide a distinctive opportunity for Paul to try

to end the fractiousness in the ἐκκλησία I will examine the passage under review through the lens of ritual

theory to unearth Paulrsquos ritual intention

Ritual works not just at the level of ideas but also with bodies and relationships For example ritual

practices help communities that experience identity crisis to reach amicable resolutions because the practice of a

ritual has the potential to generate shared identity Generally speaking the act of sharing meals provides the

occasion for the formation of new identities In the case of the divisions at Corinth I am exploring how the

practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a ritual might have had this effect The passage under review may be divided

into three main parts (namely vv17ndash22 23ndash26 and 27ndash34) Each of these sections serves a slightly different

function in the epistle The first section sets up the problem of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the way Paul sees it In

the second section Paul introduces the ritual proper and provides a form that could endure over time The third

section intensifies the relationship between the problem and the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe parts

work together to generate many of the characteristics relevant to ritual theory

41 A New Model

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul makes interventions regarding the praxis of the eating of the δεῖπνον by the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In 1 Cor 1120 he states Συνερχομένω οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖνhellip1 Paul further indicates what the members of the ἐκκλησία were actually eating

τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He thus distinguishes between τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον In the entire NT the

1 ldquoFor in your gathering it is not the Lordrsquos supper that you eatrdquo (1 Cor 1120) My translation Ἕστιν is a 3

rd

person singular present indicative active of the verb εἰμί

81

phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax legomenon However the word δεῖπνον can be found in various forms2

Paul claims that ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor

11 21)3 Paul maintains the individualistic tone εἴ τις πεινᾷ ἐν οἴκῳ ἐσθιέτω (v 34) The phrase τὸ ἴδιον

δεῖπνον makes it probable that some members brought their own individual meals If this assertion is correct

then it is likely that some would prefer eating what they had brought4

The expression Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν (1123)5 fits into

Rappaportrsquos canonical communication Paul establishes the canonical status of the words by tracing a chain of

authority that links back from himself to Jesus The addition of ἐγὼ to παρέλαβον emphasizes his role Paulrsquos

use of the same verb (παρέλαβον) within the epistle helps shed light on its use in 1123 παρέδωκα γὰρ ὑμῖν

ἐν πρώτοις ὃ καὶ παρέλαβον (1 Cor 153 cf Gal 112) In 1 Cor 153 Paul neither includes ἐγὼ nor ἀπὸ

τοῦ κυρίου Whereas the subject in 1 Corinthians 11 is a meal that of 1 Cor 15 is about Christrsquos death and

resurrection Gal 112 indicates that the source of the tradition Paul received is not human and the means of

reception is by revelation

At this point I shift from discussing the formula which Paul introduces to discussing how it is

different from the practice of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul conveys the notion that in eating their own meals

their personal desires and interests overshadowed the purpose of the tradition he delivered to them This

practice therefore led to the manifestation of the traits of idiosyncracy and individualism Paul expresses this

by conjoining ἕκαστος with ὃς (twice) The addition of ἴδιον to τὸ δεῖπνον shows the idiosyncratic manner in

which the members practiced the δεῖπνονThe praxis of eating of the δεῖπνον was consequential καὶ μὲν πεινᾷ

ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor 1121b) The formula that Paul introduces would be effective in interrupting the logic of

their current practice if the members of the ἐκκλησία recognized that the authority was connected to Jesus their

Lord The fact that the members were eating in a variety of ways indicates that the δεῖπνον was in its formative

stage and had not yet been shaped as a specifically Christian ritual

Here I move to the idea of ordinary things in 1117ndash34 becoming special Certain features of ordinary

meal practices are in a sense elevated For example the δεῖπνον at least in some sense becomes special It is

2 δεῖπνον (Mark 621 Luke 1412 John 122) τοῦ δείπνου (Luke1417 John 132) μου τοῦ δείπνου (Luke

1424) ἐν τῷ δείπνῳ (John 2120) ἐν τοῖς δείπνοις (Matt 236 Mark 1239 Luke 2046) τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor

1121) τὸ δεῖπνον τοῦ γάμου (Rev 199) εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον τὸ μέγα (Rev 1917) δεῖπνον μέγα (Luke 1416)

3 ldquoFor in eating each takes onersquos own individual meal On one hand one is hungry and on the other hand

another is drunkrdquo (1Cor 1121)rdquo My translation

4 Scholarly opinion varies regarding the meaning of προλαμβάνειν W Dittenberger considers προλαμβάνειν a

mistake for προσλαμβάνειν which relates to the partaking of a meal in later Greek He cites both U

Wilamowitz who indicates that the ldquotemporal forcerdquo of the προ had effaced and JF Baunack who opts for the

notion of praeferre In 1 Cor 1121 the possibility of some members of the ἐκκλησία ldquoforestallingrdquo others is

therefore minimized Dittenberger contends that ldquothe gravamen of Paulrsquos charge is that lsquothere was

no Lordrsquos supper to eatrsquo lsquoeveryone devours his own supper at the mealrsquo (brought with him in a κίστη ndash cf the

last scene of AristophanesrsquoAcharnaians)rdquo B Winter using papyri inscriptions and literary sources argues for

(to devour) Whereas Winter is of the view that ldquothe havesrdquo of the ἐκκλησία were eating their own meal in the

context of the Lordrsquos Supper I argue that Paul was rather reshaping the δεῖπνον

5 ldquoFor I received from the Lord that which I also delivered to yourdquo (1 Cor 1123) Translation mine

82

given a new designation ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash and thus becomes distinguished from other meals Moreover a

meal that was celebrated daily or weekly is now placed within a larger cosmic time frame Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον

marks the earlier time while ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ also indicates another time The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον thus links people

to one another in relation to time for years Its celebration also becomes special A celebration of a meal that

was punctiliar is now to be repeated becomes perpetuated and an integral part of the liturgy Paulrsquos language is

parallel to the liturgy in most traditions6

Another feature operative in the passage is the diversity of persons at the meal The introduction of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον gives the members of the ἐκκλησία the occasion to share (cf 1016) There are some features

of the GrecondashRoman banquet which help in understanding what was taking place in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

the custom of reclining and social stratification There are very few facilities that would allow many people to

recline at the same time In the preceding chapter I developed the idea that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

meeting in a more public space as argued by Weissenrieder In determining the possible postures I established

that it is likely that the members reclined during the δεῖπνον (810 ndash1134) and sat during the συμπόσιον (1 Cor

1430) The potency of the practice of reclining is seen in the way it brings people of different statuses in the

larger society to recline as compeers at a meal There was a tension between the custom of reclining and what

the real way of life in the larger society pertained The meal brought persons of different standing together In

practical terms there was the tension between stratification and ἰσονομία (the concept of equal distribution) at

meals which was a reflection of GrecondashRoman social values It is a ritual theory that helps to unravel this

tension Paul in giving his instructions was calling for equality among the members and for them to observe the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in κοινωνία (1 Cor 1016 cf 2 Cor 1313 Phil 21 2)

On one hand the meals brought persons of different statuses together at table On the other hand the

posture of reclining created social boundaries and stratification People have been thoughtful about how meals

can be reflective of larger systems of valuing and have structured their ritual accordingly As described in

chapter 2 diners were seated in accordance with their statuses in the larger society In the Spartan state by

contrast dining associations are formed compulsorily with a diversity of membership with differences in status

as a means of promoting the ideology of the State Examples of the variety include ldquoNikokles the guardian of

the laws (patronomos) Aristomenes son of Aristomenes overseer Pratonikos freedman of Perphila Clodia

slave of Akamantia dealer in crownsrdquo7 This inscription reinforces the point that meals can bring people of

diverse statuses together However it also demonstrates how ideology can influence the compositions of dining

associations In another inscription Marcus Minatius son of Sextus a Roman banker exhibited generosity both

to individuals and the association by contributing the interest and also providing financial support towards the

construction of the sanctuary He also invited the members to a sacrifice The association (koinon) of Berytian

immigrants by way of honoring him for his benefaction resolved to allocate the foremost dining couch in all the

6 The ideas in this paragraph were developed from the response given by Dr Colleen Shantz to the presentation

I made at the Biblical Department Seminars on September 24 2015

7 An inscription of an association of banqueters in Sparta that displays a list of members of varied statuses is (IG

V 209 = AGRW 29 I BCE)

83

other synods (I Delos1520 = AGRW 224 Post ndash 153152 BCE ll 6ndash20) This inscription shows how some

associations honor people who support them Nevertheless it broadens the gap between those who are well to

do and those who lack financially

A ritual characteristic that pertains to the discussion is innovation In hypothesizing about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον it is convincing that Paul by mentioning the expression ἡ καινὴ διαθήκη was introducing an

innovation (1 Cor 1125b) For any innovation to be established it requires a means to achieve the acceptance

of all dedicated adherents Paul tries to do it in this way by introducing an act that involves bonding Rappaport

mentions that the respective psyche of the participants which under normal circumstance are inaccessible to

each other may be connected during rituals which are performed in solitude8 The formula is one that matches

with Rappaportrsquos canonical communication It is recognizable as more formal and contractual language than the

rest of the verse It involves commitment and responsibilities on the part of the members of the ἐκκλησία Paul

by introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to the members was initiating a special or new practice to the community

Ritual symbols come to play in this innovation Rappaportrsquos model confirms the symbolic aspect of this new

covenant The cup symbolises the new covenant in Christrsquos blood It is not merely drinking wine but rather

enacting a new relational bond or covenant The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps in understanding Paulrsquos

instructions in vv 25 and 26 The eating of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον becomes covenantal rather than merely

physiological

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode

Whitehousersquos categories of imagistic and doctrinal societies bring into focus Paulrsquos sense of the cluster

of traits that are best for the upndashbuilding of the ἐκκλησία The features to be discussed are structure degree of

uniformity inclusivityexclusivity social cohesion leadership spread and ritual meaning The distinctions

between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity are first the degree of uniformity in doctrinal mode is

high whereas that of the imagistic mode is low Second while the imagistic mode thrives in exclusive societies

the doctrinal mode embraces inclusive societies Exclusive societies are those where kinship is necessary or

there is a special teaching associated with them In antiquity the Mysteries were exclusive however voluntary

associations were more inclusive depending on their focus Third social cohesion is diffuse in the doctrinal

mode while the imagistic mode is intense Fourth while leadership is passive or absent in the imagistic mode it

plays a key role in the doctrinal mode Whitehouse basically suggests that doctrinalndashmode leaders have to be

persuasive usually in their rhetoric Fifth concerning spread of tradition we see more rapid and efficient

growth in the doctrinal mode but slow and inefficient transmission in the imagistic mode relatively speaking

Whitehouse also identifies a sociopolitical feature of the modes of religiosity namely scale The doctrinal mode

tends to operate on large scale while the imagistic mode operates on small scale Lastly and related to the

preceding characteristics is that ritual is routinized in the doctrinal mode Although the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a

new ritual Paul provides an introductory formula that includes the means for preserving the words of

8 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51

84

institution This element of routinization contributes to the ritual stability

At this juncture with the evidence given I will discuss some of the details of the evidence provided

and demonstrate how they coordinate with the theories that I am employing In applying the modes of

religiosity Whitehouse states that the two modes coordinate factors across these two categories sociopolitical

and psychological The divisions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be described as social First they are meeting

to partake in a δεῖπνον (1120 21) Second the social statuses of members in the larger society displayed at

their meals especially with regard to seating arrangement with a συμποσίαρχος signified class distinction

Moreover there was social disruption This is evinced by Paulrsquos use of καταφρονεῖτε καταισχύνετε and

τοὺς μὴ ἔχοντας (1122) The state of some members not having what others have and being looked down upon

could have repercussions on them This point is supported by Rappaportrsquos identity (selfndashreferential) information

that is inscribed by the standard meal practice Finally the divisions were of political nature As discussed in

chapter 2 there were leaders in the ἐκκλησία A bone of contention within the ἐκκλησία was that elections were

not conducted regularly when the term of office of leaders was due The situation in Corinth was one that lacked

central authority The absence of election of leaders when the tenure of office was due could probably lead to

decentralization in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία If this interpretation is acceptable then it helps in justifying Paulrsquos

use of τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1121) The members then would operate on their own whims and caprices

(1119) even though such options were part of standard meal practices This situation prepares the ground for

the discussion of sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity

Both stratification and equality fall within the category of the sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos

modes of religiosity The first sociopolitical feature that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness of

Paulrsquos interventions is structure The structure of the doctrinal mode of religiosity tends to be centralized unlike

the imagistic mode of religiosity The cognitive features combine with specific ldquosocial morphology including

hierarchical centralized institutional arrangementsrdquo9 Ritual forms can be created and can be stable and

replicated in new situations Rappaport states that the term ldquolsquoritualrsquo designates hellip a form or structurerdquo and he

contends that even though none of the composition of the elements of this structure is ldquounique to ritual the

relationships among them arerdquo10

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 two kinds of a threendashfold ritual structure can be derived

from physical displays The first kind is a triad comprising ἄρτος ndash σῶμα ndash κλάω The second kind is a triad

consisting of ποτήριον ndash αἷμα ndash πίνω Some of the ritual acts are the breaking of the ἄρτος and the drinking of

the ποτήριον In ritual terms ἄρτος takes on a new meaning It represents the σῶμα of the Lord Jesus Christ11

Paul instructs the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on the various parts of the ritual The various parts of the

ritual are structured to be replicable over and over again to achieve uniformity The characteristics of the ritual

structure that allow it to be repeated include the acts of thanksgiving the breaking of bread and drinking of

wine In addition is the temporal dimension which involves the frequency and duration of celebrating the ritual

Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to celebrate the ritual until Christrsquos return

9 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 66

10 Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 26

11 Paul uses ἐστιν (cf 1127)

85

The second sociopolitical feature of Whitehouse that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness

of Paulrsquos interventions is the degree of uniformity Ritual has the potency of effecting uniformity in cases where

there is lack of uniformity In verses 33 and 34 Paul enjoins them to wait for one another (ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε)12

and to take care of their hunger outside of the meeting This further increases the scope for uniformity by

mandating shared action and eliminating one reason for violating it Instead of fragmentation of the meal there

could be homogeny in the ἐκκλησία

A third sociopolitical feature that helps in expounding the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions is inclusivityexclusivity Under Whitehousersquos theory these traits could contribute to the possible

expulsion of members from a group and make them disenfranchised Such exclusivity more naturally pertains to

the predictions of imagistic mode of religiosity whereas the prediction of doctrinal mode of religiosity is

inclusivity Inclusivity is more about everyone being able to take part Inclusivityexclusivity is one feature that

does not fit with the overall doctrinal shape toward which Paul seems to be moving the Corinthian assembly

Paul specifies that they have to ldquodiscern the bodyrdquo which suggests exclusiveness However a larger case for

inclusion can be built from the entire epistle In 1 Cor 1422 Paul talks about tongues speaking being a sign for

unbelievers This information provides some evidence of the openness of the community Moreover it gives

credence to the view regarding the venue for the eating of the meals and makes my observation about where the

members of the ἐκκλησία are eating becomes more relevant If the place of meeting is not a private home but a

more public space (as argued by Weissenrieder) then it is likely to be more inclusive13

The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

creates a core that draws people together and is more about the participation of everyone (even the ἰδιῶται or

ἄπιστοι) in the meal without discrimination It has greater potential to incorporate members irrespective of class

or status

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on shared identity The two forms of communication of Rappaport

contribute to establishing shared identity in terms of the meaning of the rite Paul states hellipἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ

εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶνmiddot (1123c 24 a b cf 1127)14

1 Cor

1124b reveals the canonical aspect of the ritual Christ was referring to himself This part of the ritual is fixed

unchanging and communicates the canonical meaning of the meal The rhetoric question with its response in v

22 ndash ἐπαινέσω ὑμᾶς ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ ndash concludes the section for Paulrsquos nonndashrecommendation for the

members This gives him the opportunity to introduce a ritual that he received from the Lord Considering the

fact that Paul had already commended them (112) ritual theory helps to explain this dilemma of commendation

and nonndashcommendation within the same chapter of the epistle

12

The base form is ἐκδέχομαι Apart from 1 Cor 1133 and 1611 it appears in John 53 Acts 1716 Heb 1110

and Ja 57 In those contexts it connotes expectlook for waiting or awaiting Other possible meanings are to

take or receive

13 A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 83 The obvious question is

would they be reclining if they were meeting in a public space As stated earlier both postures of reclining and

sitting are likely as evidenced in the Corinthian correspondence

14 ldquoHe took the bread and having giving thanks he broke it and said ldquoThis is my body for yourdquo (1 Cor 1123c

24 a b) My translation

86

A fourth element of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps in explicating the possible worth of Paulrsquos

interventions is social cohesion Rappaportrsquos theory describes an additional means of creating social cohesion

Part of Rappaportrsquos theory is about words and what they communicate He makes a distinction between two

main classes of natural processes In the first class actions attain effects by the application of natural laws

while in the second class transmitters attain effects by means of information An additional point is about ritual

action According to Rappaportrsquos model ldquocommunication includes not only simple lsquosayingrsquo but also the sorts

of lsquodoingrsquo in which the efficacious principle is informative rather than powerfulrdquo15

Ritual incorporates physical

displays which comprise postures and movements Some of the movements in 1 Corinthians include λαμβάνειν

and κλάω while some of the physical displays are the ἄρτος and the ποτήριον What is being communicated

canonically about Christ in the passage is that the ldquosignificatardquo of the symbols convey a ldquospiritualrdquo meaning16

The messages that the ritual act communicates are First ritual theorizing about the ἄρτος in 1 Cor

1123 the ἄρτος is no longer the individualrsquos meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) or merely a physical loaf of bread Second

the use of μού personalizes the element (ἄρτος) The gesture of breaking the ἄρτος is a ritual act signifying the

offering of the Lord himself instead of the individuals providing their own meals It thus depicts its sacrificial

character (1 Cor 1124)The expressions Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα (1124) and ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ αἵματι (1125b)

shift the emphasis from the individual member of the ἐκκλησία to the Lord himself They would gather at the

Lordrsquos table rather than their individual tables (1 Cor 1021) and eat the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The expressions

signified the Lordship of Jesus Christ instead of an individualrsquos personal tastes and status One of Paulrsquos

interventions was the contrast he made between the idiosyncratic attitude exhibited at table and the corporate

disposition in celebrating the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual Paul was helping to create could shape the Corinthian

community through ritual action in the following ways the distribution and eating of the bread could always

remind them of a unified body rather than fragmented This point falls within Rappaportrsquos selfndashreferential

category From a ritual standpoint the ἄρτος is not fragmented but it is one whole element it signifies oneness

The acts of taking the ἄρτος and breaking it and the drinking from the ποτήριον are ritual acts and transmit ritual

messages The message that the ἄρτος conveys is that there are no traces of division in it it is purely holistic

Moreover the act of breaking the ἄρτος signifies sharing from one source In the same vein drinking from the

same ποτήριον transmits the message of oneness The act of eating and drinking is not merely a physical display

but has a Christological connotation It is an act τοῦ κυρίου (1127) When the members of the ἐκκλησία eat they

are reconstituted as part of something bigger The consequence would be unity instead of σχίσματα There could

be a reversal of status Persons of different statuses could recline for meals in κοινωνία There is therefore no

room for idiosyncrasy but rather social cohesion

Third the new meaning is made clearer in the subsequent verses It is associated with the death and

15

R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51 Rappaport indicates that acts and

utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special objects

and substances

16 Ibid54

87

return of Christ (1126)17

In 1117ndash34 σῶμα is thus defined christologically18

An analysis of 1 Cor 1016 in

conjunction with 1123ndash26 further sheds light on this interpretation Paul uses the following expressions

ldquoτὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίαςrdquo and ldquoτὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμενrdquo in two rhetorical questions successively19

The images

Paul employs in 1017 are ldquoεἷς ἄρτοςrdquo and ldquoἓν σῶμαrdquo The import of oneness instead of σχίσματα is seen in the

use of εἷς20

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on the interpretation of the passage Paulrsquos use of εἷς affirms the

transmission of a selfndashreferential message that he is communicating here The selfndashreferential message

communicated to the participants by the action of eating part of that single loaf is that it creates the sense of

belongingness and reminds them that they belong to the same body

In these ways the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον encodes a new relationship and responsibility There is a duty of

proclamation It is an obligation that has to be sustained and maintained until Christrsquos return It is a ritual theory

that helps shed illumination on the possibility of such an injunction of the Lord Jesus Christ Whitehousersquos

model of religiosity further helps in understanding Paulrsquos instruction For such an injunction to proclaim

requires repetition The result of frequent repetition is the activation of implicit memory for a particular

religious ritual To a large extent as religious rituals are performed routinely they come to be treated in

ldquoprocedural or implicit memoryrdquo21

An advantage of implicit memory is that it serves as a receptacle for the

preservation of standardized doctrines in semantic memory which can be reactivated with relative stability in

content This feature is made possible because of Paulrsquos formalizing of the meal and explains how the doctrine

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has survived to the present day

Notwithstanding the advantages of memory and motivation there are possible threats There is the

tendency to forget a particular ritual or how to perform it appropriately especially if it is not observed ὁσάκις

From a ritual viewpoint the remedy is to resort to routinization However this advantage negates motivation to

some extent One disadvantage of repeating the same ritual time and again is that it might lead to boredom This

could be a deterrent for the members to carry on the practice let alone hand it over to subsequent generations

This point prepares the ground for a response to George May

George May in a twondashpart article argues that there is no hint of the institution of a ritual in the synoptic

Gospels that necessitates its repetition by the followers of Jesus22

As stated earlier the internal evidence

affirms that Paul introduced what he received from the Lord to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul instructs the

17

ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτο καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε

ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ ldquofor as often as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the death of the lord till he

comesrdquo (1 Cor 1126) My translation

18 Cf A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 106

19 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμενοὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν

οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστινrdquo The cup of blessing which we bless is it not a koinōnia in the

blood of Christ The bread which we break is it not the body of Christ My translation

20 Cf 1 Cor 1017 1211 13 14 18ndash20 26 cf Rom 125 1 Cor 617 Eph 44 5

21 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 68

22 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 1 esp 146148ndash50 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper

Ritual or Relationship Part 2 esp 1 7ndash9

88

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to practice the new ritual within a temporal setting (1 Cor 1125c 26 cf

Luke 2219) ποιεῖτε23

could be linear or punctiliar However the addition of ὁσάκις (twice vv 24 25) implies

its repetitive nature Moreover ποιεῖτε in conjunction with the phrase ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ suggests that the instruction

is not punctiliar but linear

Significantly the institution of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has persisted through millennia For Paulrsquos

instructions to be crystallized into a stable body of teachings would mean subjecting them to regular reiteration

and being safeguarded by a system of policing24

Anything less than that could lead to a state of forgetting or

transforming them From a ritual perspective for any religious tradition to be established it would require a

handing over from one generation to the other Furthermore doing so attests to the worth of that particular

ritual Otherwise its future is bleak and can be defunct If this ritual analysis is correct then it follows that

Paulrsquos introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον successfully established conditions for its persistence to the present

day irrespective of the possibility of experiencing boredom25

The ritual of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is practiced

universally and in the liturgies of some churches the exact words stated by Paul to the ἐκκλησία in their

translated versions into different languages are used26

The members of the ἐκκλησία received the tradition

remembered practised and passed it on to the next generation and successively to the present generation The

praxis of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the present day exhibits how potent Paulrsquos intervention could have possibly

been

In the Corinthian correspondence Paul desires that there should not be any division in the ἐκκλησία27

He expands the canonical message by elaborating on the metaphor of σῶμα and the use of ἕν (1 Cor 1212) The

selfndashreferential part is that the participants would potentially understand themselves to be Christrsquos disciples

gathered around the mimetic table The σῶμα is a complex phenomenon Paul develops the concept of unity

from Chapter 8 stressing the adjective εἷς εἷς θεὸς ὁ πατήρ hellip καὶ εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστός (86)28

In 1 Cor

12 Paul defines the social body christologically (1212) In 1213 it is by one Spirit that ldquowe were all baptized

into one bodyrdquo without any distinctions The ritual tone of the instruction is that the σῶμα is one yet it has

many members καὶ γὰρ τὸ σῶμα ἔστιν οὐκ ἓν μέλος ἀλλὰ πολλά (1 Cor 1214)29

The individual parts

collaborate in its functioning to the extent that the overall outcome is unity Paul thus emphasizes the

23

ποιεῖτε is a 2nd

active imperative plural of the verb ποιέω

24 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67ndash69

25 The celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is not boring yet It is in its embryonic stage However we cannot

assume that because it survived it did not suffer from the effects of fatigue In some traditions it is practiced

rarely (a few times a year and on special occasions such Confirmation Holy Matrimony etc) In traditions

where it is more regular it is often mandated (as in Catholicism)

26 ie in English translation with additional liturgical words See Appendix 1

27 Paul mentions that ldquodivisionrdquo should not be entertained in the body but rather care for one another (1 Cor

1225 cf 1 Cor 110) μεριμνῶσις is a word I derived from μεριμνῶσιν 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω meaning ldquoto care forrdquo ie ἀλλήλων μεριμνῶσιν meaning ldquo should care for one anotherrdquo

28 [There is one God the Father hellipand one Lord Jesus Christ]

29 ldquoBut indeed the body is not one member but manyrdquo (1 Cor 1214) My translation

89

heterogeneous nature of the body as well as its homogeneity

As part of the tradition Paul introduces he instructs them to celebrate the ritual in Christrsquos memory

(1124c 25a) First the ritual Paul is introducing needs to assume the form that the members of the ἐκκλησία

can remember Second they need motivation to hand it over to later generations The feature of ἀνάμνησις helps

in establishing the purpose of the ritual act It shows its specificity and sets the scope of the ritual act Its

repetition shows its ritual significance for both σῶμα and αἷμαThe advantage of this feature is that it involves

memory In the traditional δεῖπνον there were other contesting purposes to exhibit onersquos status The memorable

formula also falls within Rappaportrsquos canonical category of communication of the ritual because of its

unchanging nature The simple memorable formula for the meal and the implication of a tradition to be passed

on place the phrases30

into canonical categories of unchanging meaning It communicates something about

Christ and the meal that will not change depending on which individuals are eating it The feature of ἀνάμνησις

would redirect the members of the community toward the ritual purpose of remembering their Lord It could

serve as a reminder to act bearing in mind the sacrifice made by the Lord Jesus Christ on their behalf They will

be reminded that they are always to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance and not in any

other personrsquos

The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps to illustrate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

giving the instruction to observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance by stimulating memory and

motivation Ritual has the ability to trigger implicit knowledge There is high arousal in the consequence of

practicing τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον with some becoming weak falling sick and dying Even though the arousal level in

the doctrinal mode of religiosity is low Whitehouse admits that in reality there is no religion that is either

purely doctrinal or imagistic based on the features captured in his model31

It is possible for a particular

religious tradition to contain all the elements of the doctrinal mode as well as a few of the features of the

imagistic mode For example the frequency of some rituals might be low and still have variables of low levels

of arousal The frequency of other rituals might not be regular and thus can result in sporadic performances

These instances might temper the claims of the theory of modes of religiosity However there are explanations

to the seeming inconsistencies It is noteworthy that modes of religiosity acknowledge two divergent attractor

positons and the tendency for religious traditions to lean toward them32

Moreover they do not outline

regulations for developing peculiar behavior It is not the case that any time that there is a ritual action it should

correspond to one or the other mode of religiosity Pragmatically it cannot be contended that a specific ritual

can be designated doctrinal or imagistic

Furthermore regarding the highndasharousal nature of the ritual Paul claims that they were drinking κρίμα

to themselves33

Here there is a play on words on the following κρίμα κρίνω and διακρίνω The σῶμα that

30

τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησινhellip τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν ldquoDo this in

my remembrance Do this as often as you drink for my remembrancerdquo (1 Cor 1124c 25a) My translation

31 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 75

32 Ibid 75ndash76 (emphasis original)

33 ὁ γὰρ ἐσθίων καὶ πίνων κρίμα ἑαυτῷ ἐσθίει καὶ πίνει μὴ διακρίνων τὸ σῶμα διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ὑμῖν πολλοὶ ἀσθενεῖς

90

Paul alludes to is that of the Lord (v28) Paul does not specify whether it is Christrsquos physical and or resurrected

body the Eucharistic elements themselves or the gathered community which he also describes as the body of

Christ In this regard Paul is being deliberately ambiguous Κρίμα comes upon the person who eats the bread

and drinks cup of the Lord in an unworthy manner (v27) In eating the ἄρτος and drinking from the ποτήριον of

the Lord therefore there is the need to classify το σῶμα and το αἷμα Ritual practice helps to illumine the

meaning of the terms By classification I mean that the σῶμα and the αἷμα are to be placed in their own ritual

category

Another sociopolitical feature of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps elucidate the possible

effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is leadership Leadership is

one of the sociopolitical features of the modes of religiosity Whereas in the imagistic mode of religiosity

leadership is passiveabsent that of the doctrinal mode is as Whitehouse puts it dynamic This means that

religious leaders are esteemed to be the source of authoritative religious knowledge They play a central role in

securing adherence to and preservation of the teachings of the group The authoritative nature of any such

tradition is determined by the ldquoadherents agreeing what the teachings arerdquo even if there are other traditions

which may be regarded as alternatives and possibly even in conflict with the official versions34

Paul claims

leadership and asserts to have received the tradition that he is passing on to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία Paulrsquos assertion of his own authority is evident in the ldquoI receivedrdquo formula His letter thus becomes a

vehicle for dynamic communication The notion of leadership in this context will be extended to the kind of

leaders Paul mentions in the Corinthian correspondence These include apostles prophets and teachers (1 Cor

124ndash11 28ndash30)35

Part of the function of the officials is ldquoto police the orthodoxyrdquo in general terms36

From a ritual

perspective that fractiousness persisted in the ἐκκλησία points to the potential usefulness of orthodoxy checks

Religious centralization is a key to stability We can conjecture that in the initial stages the lack of orthodoxy

checks in Corinthian ἐκκλησία partly led to the divisions At a number of points Paul intervenes to encourage

the appointment of officials (1 Cor 124ndash11 28ndash31 cf Rom 126ndash8) Such officials would be in a position to

monitor and promote orthodoxy that would further secure their leadership Paul places himself in the

transmission process when he says ldquoI received from the Lordhellip I pass on to yourdquo Thus he becomes essential to

the ritual transmission which secures his leadership Paul is just trying to establish the conditions for orthodoxy

by generating a stronger sense of his own authority over the shape of this ritual which transmits canonical (ie

orthodox) communication

καὶ ἄρρωστοι καὶ κοιμῶνται ἱκανοί εἰ δὲ ἑαυτοὺς διεκρίνομεν οὐκ ἂν ἐκρινόμεθαmiddot ldquoFor shehe who eats and

drinks without distinguishing the body (of the Lord) eats and drinks judgement to her himself For this reason

many among you are weak and sick and many have fallen asleep But if we judged ourselves we would not be

judged anyhowrdquo (1 Cor 1129ndash31) My translation

34 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67 (emphasis original) He describes this as ldquoprinciple of agreementrdquo

35 Apostles (including Apollos) are the primary leaders at this point

36 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 69

91

The presence of religious leaders also facilitates a more rapid ldquospreadrdquo of religions37

By virtue of the

fact that the proclamations of eminent religious leaders (or other appointed representatives) are made by word

of mouth they become ldquoreadily transportablerdquo38

The tenets of a grouprsquos belief system are based on the

proclamations (original or attributed) of the leaders and their deeds ldquobecome the basis for widely recounted

religious narratives transmitted orallyrdquo39

Ritual theory helps in understanding the kerygmatic aspect of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Associated with proclamation is the spread of a particular tradition In the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι

apostles including Paul were tasked with the spread of the gospel They would have the special responsibility

of spreading their religious tradition by oratory40

In the case of Paul he makes the effort to defend his

apostleship throughout the epistle (1 Cor 34ndash10 46ndash21 91ndash27 151ndash11)

One means that could make Paulrsquos intervention effective was to introduce a kind of ritual that could be

ongoing Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to practice the meal ὁσάκις He consequently sets up the

conditions that would facilitate routinization and the tradition for the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to

become widespread Religious routinization helps in both the detection and subjection of orthodox and

nonorthodox doctrines by making the former forms more pronounced than the latter ones Regular repetition of

the doctrines of a religious community has the potency of making members retain them in their memory

Instability will not augur well for the purpose of the ἐκκλησία to be realized The expectation of Christrsquos return

could possibly make the members of the community bury their differences in preparation of the return of their

Lord Paul thus provides the tools that would make the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to become

widespread This feature helps to validate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in 1 Corinthians

The observation of Grimes helps see the possible effectiveness of a new ritual in bringing stability in the

ἐκκλησία What Paul was helping to create can be described as an emergent ritual The merits of this suggestion

are that the members of the ἐκκλησίαwere already practicing a δεῖπνον although with inherent social

distinctions and looseness in its form Thus the collective meal was one of the occasions that displayed the

divisive character of the assembly The introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would replace the δεῖπνον of the

ἐκκλησία Unlike the δεῖπνον that structured difference the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provided a new structuring of

union in the name of one Lord It is no longer individual meals but one ἄρτος By recognizing with Grimes that

new rituals can arise for new purposes the traditional δεῖπνον would give way to the nascent ritual namely

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This could perhaps eradicate the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία

In 1127 the admonition is that whoever eats the bread or drinks of the cup of the Lord ldquounworthily hellip

shall be guilty of the Lordrsquos body and bloodrdquo There are repercussions when the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated

ἀναξίως In the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία their act of performing the meal ἀναξίως resulted in some of

them becoming weak others falling sick and dying (1129 30) In the NT ἀναξίως is a hapax legomenon Its

use here is ritually situated and calls for a ritual explanation From a ritual stance the members of the

37

See Table 31

38 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 70

39 Ibid 67 ldquoBoth forms of knowledge are stored in the semantic memoryrdquo

40 This is exactly the case of Paul (Timothy Titus and Barnabas)

92

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were consuming their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον ndash just like any other GrecondashRoman

meal and not the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) In ritual performance some persons can falter advertently or

inadvertently An inappropriate act is thought to result in disaster and that requires restoration by means of the

performance of a ritual41

When there is a disaster in a community rituals are performed to ward off danger and

evil Ritual studies helps in explaining the situation in Corinth This state of affairs could feasibly give Paul the

opportunity to arrest the situation In effect Paulrsquos institution of a new ritual will help the members of the

ἐκκλησία to deal with the trauma of illness and death the community is experiencing By instructing them to

observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in accordance with the tradition he handed to them Paul could help stem any fatal

consequences The proper way of observing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could then merit Paulrsquos commendation

instead of κρίμα and also provide the community a means of coping with the circumstances Ritual meaning is a

variable that falls within the psychological features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity Paulrsquos use of

δοκιμαζέτω in his injunction in 1 Cor 112842

provides the community with a mechanism for managing the

situation The rationale is that the members of the ἐκκλησία would have to disengage the former way of

practicing the traditional δεῖπνον and adopt a new way The old way and manner of eating the δεῖπνον would

bring κρίμα The ritual process that could bring restoration is one of learningacquiring new ways of celebrating

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον43

At this stage of the discussion it is appropriate to review how effective Paulrsquos interventions possibly

could have been Three main areas may be identified for evaluating the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The first is the sociondasheconomic dimension As discussed earlier there

was social stratification within the ἐκκλησία thus making the members socially distant from one another Grimes

points out that the self is a ldquocultural constructionrdquo44

He contends that ldquosocieties have their most persistent root

in the human body itself and the body is always ndash no matter how closeted or private ndash socially inscribedrdquo45

Paul in using the metaphor of σῶμα helps to neutralize class distinctions The need for one another is reciprocal

Each member needs the other ldquobut the eye cannot say to the hand lsquoI have no need of yoursquo nor again the head to

the feet lsquoI have no need of yoursquo rdquo (1 Cor 1221)46

Participating in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον requires solidarity

41

It is noteworthy that the case of disaster is not applicable to all cultures The proper ritual practice of the Inuit

people for example after they kill a whale does not necessarily save them from disaster It is known of the Inuit

people that Beluga whales are their staple food See M Tyrell ldquoNunavik Inuit Perspectives on Beluga Whale

Management in the Canadian Arcticrdquo in Human Organization 673 (2008) 322ndash334

42 ldquoLet a man examine himselfrdquo (1 Cor 1128) Δοκιμαζέτω is the 3

rd person singular imperative of the verb

δοκιμάζω It means ldquoI put to the test prove or examinerdquo

43 A passage that sheds light on this interpretation is Job 343 4 ὅτι οὖς λόγους δοκιμάζει καὶ λάρυγξ γεύεται

βρῶσιν κρίσιν ἑλώμεθα ἑαυτοῖς γνῶμεν ἀνὰ μέσον ἑαυτῶν ὅ τι καλόν ldquoFor the ear examines words as the

larynx tastes food Let us discern for ourselves what is right let us learn (know) among ourselves what is

goodrdquo Septuagint (Job 343 4) My translation

44 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRendashinventing Ritualrdquo 21

45 Ibid 27

46 οὐ δύναται δὲ ὁ ὀφθαλμὸς εἰπεῖν τῇ χειρί Χρείαν σου οὐκ ἔχω ἢ πάλιν ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῖς ποσίν Χρείαν

ὑμῶν οὐκ ἔχωmiddot (My translation in English)

93

strengthening the weak among the members in the ἐκκλησία (1222) ldquobut much rather those members of our

body that seem to be weaker are indispensablerdquo47

The praxis of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον does not give the occasion to

ignore or dispense with fellow members of the ἐκκλησία Paul in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could

probably have effected changes so far as class distinctions were concerned

The second area is the political realm Politically the political structure of GrecondashRoman polis

reflected the standard symposium The συμποσίαρχος presided over the symposium The symposium in turn

reflected the values of the society at large The afore-stated values reflected during the partaking in the meals in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul in his interventions establishes the Lordship of Jesus Christ It requires the

enablement of the Holy Spirit for one to acclaim the Lordship of Jesus Christ (1 Cor 123) The Lordship of

Jesus manifests in the distribution of gifts (1 Cor 125) In the traditional setting of the ἐκκλησία the leaders

assumed positions depicting their statuses In this new reality that Paul introduces it is God who places the

members in the positions in consonance with his will (1 Cor 1218 cf 1228 ff)

In the physiological realm Paul shifts the attention from physiology to pneumatology He applies the

metaphor of τὸ σῶμα beginning in 1212 ndash τὸ σῶμα ἕν ἐστιν ndash in his instructions on the exercise of the gifts of

the Spirit (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20)48

He introduces a different ritual while discussing the concept of

σῶμα in chapter 12 to illustrate unity He maintains the formula ldquothe same Spiritrdquo (124 8 9 (twice) 11 cf

ldquosame Lordrdquo 125 ldquosame Godrdquo 126) to relate the σῶμα to Christ Such a shift becomes relevant because the

Spirit becomes the medium through whom all are baptized Consequently in the emerging ritual the members

were given one Spirit to drink (1 Cor 1213)49

The inference that I can make from this verse is that the new

reality abhors σχίσματα and strengthens the bond of unity Paulrsquos illustration of the nature and function of the

σῶμα confirms the viability of this inference His use of ἓν for both πνεῦμα and σῶμα further underscores this

point The pneumatological implication is that there would be a reversal of consequence As they drink of the

Spirit they thus become strengthened spiritually instead of drinking κρίμα to themselves (cf1 Cor 1129) The

new reality that is emerging is devoid of ethnicity status or gender (1 Cor 1213 cf Gal 328)

The overarching factor in the analysis is the evolving of a ritual complex It is a complex that involves

(1) a ritual act (2) a ritual purpose which is dual in nature and (3) a ritual timing The first aspect is that the

members of the ἐκκλησία were to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This is in consonance with the directive τοῦτο

ποιεῖτε The second dimension of the complex is the ritual purpose which is dual On one side of the coin they

were to perform the ritual act in remembrance of the Lord Jesus Christ while on the other side they were to

proclaim the death of Jesus Christ The third facet is ritual timing and concerns the duration of the ritual act

The members of the ἐκκλησία were to perform the ritual act until Christrsquos return In practice therefore the

47

ἀλλὰ πολλῷ μᾶλλον τὰ δοκοῦντα μέλη τοῦ σώματος ἀσθενέστερα ὑπάρχειν ἀναγκαῖά ἐστιν (1 Cor 1122) (My

translation in English)

48 Cf Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 157ndash164 She uses the expression ldquothe

body metaphor for unityrdquo J Murphy-OrsquoConnor 1 Corinthians (Wilmington Delaware M Glazier 1979) 9

who remarks that ldquo[t]he most distinctive note of a christian community should be its organic unity (1212ndash27)rdquo

49καὶ πάντες ἓν πνεῦμα ἐποτίσθημεν (1 Cor 1213)

94

features of the traditional δεῖπνον could hardly manifest concurrently in the practice of the emerging ritual that

the new ritual in turn could serve for the stability of the ἐκκλησία From the foregoing analysis it becomes

evident that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in

Corinth at the time of writing of the letter However Paulrsquos interventions helped shape the Corinthian

community and that could possibly have generated stability in the ἐκκλησία

43 Conclusion

In this chapter I have attempted to examine Paulrsquos interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία concerning

the δεῖπνον and how they could possibly be effective in dealing with the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία The ritual

theories of Whitehouse and Rappaport help to demonstrate the potential effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

Corinth I have demonstrated that at the time of writing 1 Corinthians the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was in its embryonic

stage Paul was introducing a ritual structure to achieve stronger bonds of fellowship and enhance the spirit of

unity Put together with the analogies from the voluntary associations inscriptions papyrilogical documents

etc and the interpretation I have given to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 I suggest that the ritual approach of elucidating the

conflict at the table is more convincing than simply rendering a theological interpretation of the passage

Specifically by mentioning the tradition he received from the Lord Paul was reshaping a ritual I have

demonstrated how Paul could have effected changes in the meal practice of the Corinthian that would in turn

affect their social life

Whitehousersquos doctrinal mode of religiosity explains how it is probable that in a stratified community

hierarchy and equality can blend and thus produce a more homogenous group at least during the ritual itself

One of Paulrsquos pivotal interventions is ensuring stability which is closely related to innovation in the ἐκκλησία

As stated earlier modes of religiosity are complementary attractor positions around which ritual actions and

religious concepts merge Only innovations that are close to these attractor positions last The features of the

doctrinal mode of religiosity are highly potential The combination of these features produces a strong and

lasting legacy that persists historically for centuries and even millennia The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is the most

celebrated praxis of the present day universal Church Most liturgies follow the format in 1 Corinthians 11

Ritual theory offers the rationale for this state of affair

Rappaportrsquos model of communication argues that a canonical message is not restricted to the present

The words of institution combined with repetition of the ritual helped to establish the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a

meal that is still practiced today as it was practiced over the years Paul states explicitly that he was delivering

to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία what he had received from the Lord (1123) This expression makes the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paul is introducing Christological and authentic for the community Paul proposed the new

ritual in the context of their fractured relationships and I have shown why it was likely to be a successful

strategy Furthermore we do not need to argue that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were abusing the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον rather that they were practicing the δεῖπνον and observing the regulations just as the

associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing the

normative meal practices of the first century in GrecondashRoman world As a result of this their behavior was in

95

consonance with the social parameters of the GrecondashRoman society

96

5

Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims

In the preceding chapters I demonstrated that there was a common meal typology that was practiced in

the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean world The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in a δεῖπνον while

drinking also featured during their gathering These characteristics had parallels with the structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquets in general and association meals in particular I also established that Paul intervened in the

meal praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία so as to introduce a new ritual namely κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The analysis

has been on how rituals can produce effects that traditionally have received little attention My focus in the

concluding chapter is to demonstrate the interndashrelationship between ritual studies and theological themes

Rituals unlike theological themes are not expressed propositionally Ritual studies intensifies the meaning of

what can be achieved in theological discourses The scope of Paulrsquos theological claims extends beyond the

ritual elements of the supper However to some extent ritual relates to the identified themes that I will be

exploring

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον

In this section I will focus on the new meaning that Paul gives to the Corinthian δεῖπνον as I explore

theological themes The Corinthian δεῖπνον was a meal that was comparable to the δεῖπνον which was the main

and important meal taken at the close of the day of the associations in the GrecondashRoman setting The fact that

the Corinthian δεῖπνον was a real meal is substantiated by Paulrsquos reiteration of hunger in 1 Cor 1134 (cf

1124) Furthermore it is confirmed by some members of the ἐκκλησία getting satiated and others remaining

hungry Paul thus instructs that if they are hungry they should satisfy their hunger at home (1 Cor 1134) At the

time of writing the epistle the praxis of the δεῖπνον by the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was the kind

that could not merit Paulrsquos commendation Τοῦτο δὲ παραγγέλλων οὐκ ἐπαινῶ (1 Cor 1117a) The ὅτι clause

that follows gives the reason for Paulrsquos nonndashcommendation ὅτι οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸ ἧσσον

συνέρχεσθε Paulrsquos use of οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον and εἰς τὸ ἧσσον suggests that a particular type of practice is better

than another when the members of Corinthian ἐκκλησία assemble Part of what characterises the current praxis

is the disparity in the partaking of the meal where an individual prefers eating herhis own meal before the

other The effect is despising fellow members and shaming the havendashnots In a comparative tone Paul

maintains that the current praxis is worse than what he expects He thus intervenes by introducing the tradition

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

As stated earlier in the whole of the New Testament the phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax

legomenon The meal is in its emergent stage at the time of writing Paul by mentioning the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

is introducing a new praxis with an entirely different meaning from the Corinthian δεῖπνον The new meaning

Paul attaches to the meal is that first the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has a Christological dimension in the sense that Paul

indicates that Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου This sets the meal Paul is introducing on Christological

foundation Whereas the practice has been that the members partook in their own meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has its roots in ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς (1 Cor 1123) Moreover the quality of the meal is of

97

Christological significance This is attested to by the nomenclature Paul introduces ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The

distinction Paul makes between κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον is informative The meal is no longer the

individual meal as pertains in the general culture but it is the Lord who owns it It is the Lordrsquos Supper

Moreover the meal incorporates the ποτήριον κυρίου1 This expression sets the ποτήριον associated with the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from other ποτήρια in the social context and assigns it as that which belongs to the

Lord Furthermore closely linked to this notion is the phrase τραπέζης κυρίου While there are other τραπέζαι

such as δεύτεραι τραπέζαι and τραπέζης δαιμονίων Paul introduces a new concept of the τραπέζης κυρίου

Similarly the expression τραπέζης κυρίου sets the τραπέζης associated with the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from all

other τραπέζαι (1 Cor 1022)

At other points in First Corinthians Paul introduces the concept of Jesusrsquo Lordship and gradually

develops it throughout the letter The Corinthian ἐκκλησία with other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus

Christ the Lord ἐπικαλουμένοις τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (1 Cor 12) Paul pronounces the

grace and peace ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ2 to the members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 13)

In responding to the cases where some members would take others to the law courts Paul contrasts the way of

life between the righteous and unrighteous and notes that previously the lifestyle of some of the members was

like the unrighteous Consequently he confirms the new state of the members of the ἐκκλησία as cleansed

sanctified and justified ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ἐν τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν3 Concerning

Paulrsquos response to marital issues he further acknowledges the lordship and authority of Jesus Christ He draws

the distinction between the Lordrsquos commands and his own commands (1 Cor 710) Paul affirms the singularity

of the lordship of Jesus Christ ndash εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστόςndash (1 Cor 86)

The ritual analysis I have undertaken in the previous chapter coordinates to the theological themes that

I will explore in this chapter First Paulrsquos view of the lordship of the historical Jesus is that it is eternal The

members of the ἐκκλησία were called into εἰς κοινωνίαν τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν4 In 1

Corinthians Paul presents the historical Jesus as Lord both on earth and also when he was highly exalted In

both 1 Corinthians and Philippians the name of Jesus is professed Whereas in 1 Corinthians the members of

the ἐκκλησία with members of other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus in Philippians it is universal

profession of the highly exalted Jesus Paul consistently refers to the meal as the Lordrsquos (1 Cor 1121 cf vv 26

27) He traces the reception of the tradition to the Lord Jesus The ritual elements are the body and blood of the

Lord (1127) In case there should be judgment it is the same Lord who executes it in their interest to save them

from condemnation with the world It is the Lord who controls the ritual cycle The cycle begins with the Lord

(regarding the reception of the tradition) and the time of the Lordrsquos return (1126) Accordingly the δεῖπνον that

Paul is displaying here has Christological underpinning

1 Paul admonishes the members that they cannot drink the ποτήριον κυρίου as well as the ποτήριον δαιμονίων (1

Cor 1021)

2 ldquofrom God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christrdquo (1 Cor 13) My translation

3 ldquohellipin the name of Lord Jesus Christ and in the spirit of our Godrdquo (1 Cor 611) My translation The words

Paul uses to describe their new state are ἀπολούω ἁγιάζω and δικαιόω 4 ldquo into koinōnia with the Lord Jesus Christ our Lordrdquo (1 Cor 19) My translation

ii

The Potency of Rituals in Effecting Stability in Communities An Examination of

Paulrsquos Interventions in 1 Cor 11 17-34

Samuel Mpereh

Doctor of Philosophy in Theology

University of St Michaelrsquos College

2016

Abstract

The study examines the effects that Paulrsquos instructions (1 Cor 1117-34) about the celebration of the

δεῖπνον in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία might have had on the members of the ἐκκλησία It argues that Paulrsquos

instructions helped to create a new ritual meal practice in Corinth which in turn would have helped to establish

a stronger shared identity for the community

Many studies have attempted to reconstruct the historical situations that prompted the letter to the

Corinthian assembly In contrast this examination examines the potential effects of the text by applying both

social and ritual theory to the passage through Harvey Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity Moreover

the issue of the identity of the ἐκκλησία is addressed by Roy A Rappaportrsquos model of selfndashreferential and

canonical messages The dissertation argues that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not yet shaped into a

specifically Christian ritual in Corinth at the time of the letter and that the ritual theories of Whitehouse and

Rappaport help to show the potential effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in 1 Corinthians 11 According to

Whitehouse religions tend to be stable in one of two contrasting forms known as imagistic and doctrinal modes

of religiosity Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthians exploit several of the characteristics of the doctrinal mode

thus providing the conditions for ritual stability In turn Rappaportrsquos theory of ritual communication shows how

Paulrsquos instructions about the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provide the ingredients for a clearer communication of an

enduring or ldquocanonicalrdquo identity to participants Thus whatever occasion(s) created the divisions in Corinth

Paulrsquos instructions provided a means to an alternative shared identity for the ἐκκλησία

iii

Acknowledgements

ldquoAnd he said to me It is done I am the Alpha and Omega the beginning and the endrdquo (Rev 216a)

To God be the glory for great things He has done I honor God Most High for his perfect faithfulness

and for granting me the wisdom knowledge understanding and grace to write this dissertation

I am eternally indebted to Dr Colleen Shantz and Dr Ann L Jervis (my thesis directors) for their

expertise the invaluable comments and suggestions they made throughout the project Their words of

encouragement and the directions they gave me boosted my morale to write the dissertation In addition to my

thesis directors I am very grateful to other members of my supervisory committee and the examiners for my

comprehensive examinations ndash Dr J S Kloppenborg Revrsquod Dr Dorcas Gordon and Dr Scott Lewis I

express my profound gratitude to the Dean members of Faculty Staff and students of the Faculty of Theology

University of St Michaelrsquos College for their support companionship and the creation of an atmosphere

conducive to studies I sincerely thank all the Faculty members of Toronto School of Theology for the learning

skills I acquired from them

I register my heartfelt thanks to the hierarchy of The Methodist Church Ghana the United Church of

Canada and the people called Methodists for their prayer support and koinōnia I record the agapē demonstrated

by my beloved wife Mrs Dina Mpereh and our three sons Samuel Abraham Benjamin Mpereh and members

of my family for their consent for further study prayers and moral support

iv

Table of Contents

Abstract ii

Acknowledgements iii

Table of Contents iv

List of Tables vi

Abbreviations vii

Primary Sources vii

Secondary Sources ix

Introduction 1

1 The State of the Question 6

11 Views about Divisions in General 7

12 Conflict over Specific Issues 12

121 Litigation as a Source of Conflict in the ἐκκλησία 12

122 Meat Sacrifices as a Source of Division 13

123 Disorder during Public Worship 15

1 3 The Meal as a Source of Division 16

1 4 A New Set of Questions 23

2 The State of the Meal at Corinth 25

21 The General Pattern of Formal Meals 26

211 The Mode of reclining 28

212 The Structure of the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον 29

213 An Excursus on Jewish Meals 33

2 2 Comparison between the Meal Practices of GrecondashRoman Associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία 36

2 2 1 External evidence 37

2 2 2 Social Mobility Internal Evidence about Voluntary associations 44

2 3 Physical Setting 47

2 31 The State of the Meal in Corinth already a specifically Christian Ritual 52

24 Conclusion 54

3 Two Ritual Models for Analysis of Paulrsquos Comments 56

3 1 The Difficulty of Definition 57

3 1 2 Approaches to the Study of Rituals 60

3 2 A Closer Examination of Ritual Function 63

3 2 1 The appearance of New Rituals 67

3 3 Models of Harvey Whitehouse and R A Rappaport 69

v

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication 76

34 Conclusion 78

4 Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective 80

41 A New Model 80

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode 83

43 Conclusion 94

5 Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims 96

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον 96

5 2 Unity and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον 103

53 Implications greater group unity 106

5 4 Summary and Conclusion 107

Bibliography 109

APPENDIX 122

vi

List of Tables

Table Page

1 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity 72

2 Sociopolitical features summarized 75

vii

ABBREVIATIONS

PRIMARY SOURCES

AGRW Ascough R S PA Harland and J S Kloppenborg ed Associations in the Greco-

Roman World A Sourcebook Waco 2012

Aristotle

Eth nic Ethica nichomachea Nichomachean Ethics

Aristophanes

Wasps

Ath Athenaios

Deip Deipnosophitae Deipnosophists

Ber Berakot

Chrysostom

Hom1 Cor Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

CIL Corpus inscriptionum latinarum Consilio et Auctoritate Academiae Litterarum

Regiae Borussicae editum (17 vols Berlin Reimer 1863ndash1989)

1 Clem 1 Clement

I Delos Roussel Pierre and Marcel Launey ed Inscriptions de Deacutelos Deacutecrets posteacuterieurs agrave

166 avJ-C (nos1497ndash1524 ) Deacutedicaces posteacuterieures agrave 166avJ-C (nos1525 ndash

2219) Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettresParis Librairie Ancienne Honoreacute

Champion 1937

GThom Gospel of Thomas

GRA Kloppenborg John S Philip A Harland and Richard SAscough Greco-Roman

Associations Texts Translations and Commentary BZNW 181Berlin Walter de

Gruyter 2011 ndashVol 1 Attica Central Greece Macedonia Thrace (2011)

Hom Homer

Il The Iliad

Od The Odyssey

IG Inscriptiones gracae Bonnae A Marcus and E Weber 1913

Jos Asen Joseph and Aseneth

Justin

1 Apol First Apology

Lucian

Dial Deo Dialogi Deorum

Lex Lexiphanes

Symp Symposium

Mart Martial

viii

Epig Epigrammata (Epigrams)

Ovid

Fast Fasti

PG Migne J-P ed Patrologiae cursus completus (series Graeca) Paris 1857 ff

Plato

Symp Symposium

Pliny the Younger

Ep Epistulae

Plut Plutarch

De Tuen De Tuenda Sanitate Praecepta

Quaest conv Quaestiones convivales

Sept sap conv Septem sapientium convivium

P Lond PLond edKenyon F G and H I Bell Greek Papyri in the British Museum 7

vols London 1893ndash1974

PMich Michigan Papyri V Papyri from Tebtunis part 2 ed Elinor Mullett Husselman

Arthur ER Boak and William F Edgerton (Ann Arbor University of Michigan

Press 1944) nos 226ndash356

PRE Realencyclopaumldie fuumlr Protestantische Theologie und Kirche

SEG Supplementum epigraphicum graecum Leiden E J Brill 1923 ndash

Sen Seneca

Ad Luc Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales

SIG Dittenberger Wihelm ed Sylloge inscriptionum graecarum 3rd ed 4 vols Leipzig

S Hirzel 1915ndash24

Xen Xenophon

Symp Symposium

ix

SECONDARY SOURCES

BR Biblical Research

CSSCA Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology

CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CSHJ Chicago Studies in the History of Judaism

CTR Chriswell Theological Review

EASA European Association of Social Anthropologists

ET The Expository Times

GNT Good News Translation

HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament

HTR Harvard Theological Review

IKZ Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift

JAC Jahrbuch fuumlr Antike und Christentum

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature

JHP Journal of Historical Pragmatics

JJS Journal of Jewish Studies

JRitSt Journal for Ritual Studies

JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament

JSNT Sup Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series

JTS Journal of Theological Studies

LQ Lutheran Quarterly

MKNT Meyerrsquos Kommentar zum Neuen Testament

NICNT The New International Commentary on the New Testament

NovT Novum Testamentum

NTS New Testament Studies

RA Revue Archeacuteologique

RTR Reformed Theological Review

SBL Society of Biblical Literature

SCM Student Christian Movement

SHR Studies in the History of Religions

SPCK Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge

TANZ Texte und Arbeiten zum neutestamentlichen Zeitalter

TZTh Tuumlbinger Zeitschrift fuumlr Theologie

TynBul Tyndale Bulletin

ZNW Zeitschrift fuumlr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der aumllteren Kirche

ZWT Zeitschrift fuumlr wissenschaftliche Theologie

1

Introduction

The Corinthian case of conflict at table is analogous to the GrecondashRoman world in general and

voluntary associations in particular Various interpretations have been given by scholars concerning what Paul

intended to convey in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Disunity is particularly evident in eating the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1118ndash

21) Paul tells the members of the ἐκκλησία that when they come together it is not for the better but for the

worse (1117) He claims that there are divisions among them (v 18) and that the collective meal has been

fragmented into individual meals where one eats while another is hungry and another is drunk (v 21) In fact in

Paulrsquos view their thinking and behavior are so seriously disordered that many are weak and feeble and a number

of them have died (v 30) In evaluating these circumstances many have described the behavior of some of the

members as inappropriate1 In Paulrsquos opinion the state of affairs in the ἐκκλησία required his interventions

around the meal to correct the problem of disunity2

My interest is to attempt to answer the question How might Paulrsquos comments about the δεῖπνον help to

generate greater unity in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The ritual structure of the supper provides a distinctive

opportunity for Paul to try to end the fractiousness I will argue that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not

yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in Corinth and that the ritual theories of Roy A Rappaport3 and

Harvey Whitehouse4 (described in Chapter 3) help to demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal

meal might give Paul a particular kind of leverage in strengthening the identity of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and

thus ending some of the divisions

Generally speaking ritual is an important aspect of Christian communities Rituals are performed at

birth baptism marriage festivals etc The present study addresses the concern that little detailed attention has

been turned to the ritual setting of the passage under review and the potency of rituals to shape collective

experience and thus strengthen unity To gain insight into how the development of the ritual ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

ndash and its use would have strengthened the community there is the need not only to critically engage with the

works of biblical scholars but ritual theorists as well G D Fee suggests that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

abusing the meal and Annette Weissenrieder also writes that they neglected the ldquoLast Supperrdquo5 Contrary to

these views I will make a case that it can be established that instead of abusing or neglecting a ritual that was

1 For example G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians (NICNT rev ed Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 2014) 587 regards it as ldquototally unacceptable behaviorrdquo

2 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharistrdquo Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 4836ndash49 at 36 G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 531 Geert Hallbaumlck ldquoSacred Meal and Social Meeting Paulrsquos Argument

in 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic and Roman

World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998) 167

3 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity CSSCA 110 (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1999)

4 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission (Walnut Creek CA

AltaMira Press 2004)

5 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 15 531ndash545 and Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in

1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo in Contested Spaces Houses and Temples in Roman Antiquity and the

New Testament Ed Balch David L and Annette Weissenrieder (Tubingen Mohr Siebeck 2012) respectively

2

distinctive to the Christndashgroup the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing a GrecondashRoman

association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special In order to assess this hypothesis I

will apply two models of ritualndashnamely Harvey Whitehousersquos ldquodoctrinal moderdquo and Roy Rappaportrsquos selfndash

referential and canonical modes ndash to the text to evaluate the ways in which Paul is formalizing the structure and

meaning of the supper and hence the shared identity and experience of the ἐκκλησία

The current study has manifold advantages First and foremost the research contributes to scholarship

by demonstrating how the ritual Paul is helping to create ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash being in its embryonic stage

shaped the community through action The present study sheds light on the teething problems of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία in particular and the formation of early Christianity in general The study demonstrates the

significance of Paulrsquos interventions by means of a ritual namely the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον beyond rhetorical

persuasions and aims at demonstrating the potency of rituals to shaping collective experience with the overall

effect of strengthening unity The investigation gives insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in helping to create a

ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a self-referential and canonical

identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth It also explores patronageclientele system which helps to

understand the social statuses of the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe study investigates ritual models to

gain understanding of handling conflicts in the Corinthian community and Paulrsquos ways of intervention It is thus

valuable for acquiring principles necessary for attaining unity conflictndashresolution and stability in communities

Chapter 1 of the study briefly outlines the range of scholarly views about divisions in general

indicating specific cases of disunity at the meal The chapter reviews the history of scholarship about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and divisions within the ἐκκλησία and also examines the relationship between the general

conflict in the ἐκκλησία and the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in particular In examining the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the

chapter considers other kinds of division for example litigation as a source of conflict It further explores the

subject of meat sacrifices as a source of division The focus here is on the strong and weak regarding the eating

of meat and the discussion is extended to the historical setting of Corinth In addition to this is an investigation

into the disorder that takes place during worship The chapter also examines the meal as a source of division In

an attempt to evaluate the socioeconomic dimensions of the meal norms of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the

discussion shifts to examining the physical setting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The shift thus prepares the

ground for a discussion that seeks a path for ritual setting

In ascertaining the social status of the members of the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι the chapter surveys three

phases of scholarly opinion What I designate the first phase represents the older viewpoint spearheaded by

Adolf Deissmann that the early Christians were among the people of the lower strata of the Roman Empire

Scholars in the category of what I term the second phase for example Abraham J Malherbe express the view

that the social standing of the early of the Christndashgroups may be higher than what Deissmann presumed and that

there may be an emerging consensus regarding the social standing of the members of the Corrinthian ἐκκλησία

In more recent times Gerd Theissen has advanced the concept of social stratification in the ἐκκλησία and he

assigns the σχίσματα to the grouping of the wellndashtondashdo Christians and the less privileged in the assembly

Scholars in the category of what I label the third phase for example J J Meggitt and S Friesen soften the

3

viewpoints of scholars in both the first and second phases The review covers views of scholars who consider

the σχίσματα to be sociondashpolitical theological or ideological and others who assign the σχίσματα to personal

allegiances or other isolated cases

Chapter 2 deals with the state of the meal at Corinth The chapter examines the general pattern of the

GrecondashRoman meals and establishes that a common meal typology typifies meal practices in the GrecondashRoman

Mediterranean milieu irrespective of the background ndash whether Jewish or nonndashJewish The chapter explores the

GrecondashRoman meal practices including the custom of reclining the structure of the δεῖπνον and συμποσίον and

then makes an excursus on Jewish meals Chapter 2 expands the discussion to embark on a comparative study

of meal practices in the sociondashcultural setting between voluntary associations and Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

rationale for the comparison is to identify the features that are similar to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the

voluntary associations In the comparison the features that are identified as similar include social stratification

social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character Even though all the features identified are

active in 1 Corinthians they are in a state of fluctuation The chapter argues that perhaps the Corinthian δεῖπνον

is an ordinary meal of the kind we see in voluntary associations Furthermore the chapter establishes that the

Corinthian δεῖπνον is not yet developed into a distinctively Christian ritual at the time of writing the epistle For

the purposes of analysis the chapter seeks evidence postndashdating 1 Corinthians as well as exploring social

mobility as internal evidence about voluntary associations This prepares the stage for further probing into

whether the meal in Corinth is already a specifically Christian ritual or not The discussion is extended further

by reviewing more recent views expressed by Weissenrieder and Richard Last on the setting for supper and

George May that the communal meal is not yet a ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians Weissenriederrsquos work

provides the evidence in favor of the Corinthian δεῖπνον correlating with the voluntary associations

Chapter 3 highlights pioneers of ritual studies and investigates the approaches to the study of rituals It

explores the functions of ritual in the following arears first communication by the use of symbols Second it

surveys how rituals help in effecting stability and infusing innovation It further examines the social collective

functions of ritual and how it contributes to social solidarity The second half of the chapter examines new view

of rituals The chapter further introduces the two ritual models that I use in the analysis of Paulrsquos intervention in

1 Cor 1117ndash34 There are some features of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that are recurrent in other rituals Comparative

data from other disciplines (specifically anthropology) might help us to examine how the ritual models help to

analyze a ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον being in its embryonic stage G A Klingbeil rightly observes that

among the Christian ritual practices ldquothe celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper seems to have had the most potential

for integrating the diverse members into a more unified lsquobodyrsquohelliprdquo6 After introducing Whitehousersquos model of

modes of religiosity especially the doctrinal mode and Rappaportrsquos model of rituals as means of

communication and giving the criteria for selecting their models chapter 3 applies the models to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία The chapter further demonstrates first in respect to Whitehousersquos model how rituals produce stability

within a particular kind of community Whitehouse helps to show how rituals take on stable forms that are

6 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible (Winona Lake Ind Eisenbrauns

2007) 222

4

related to and reinforcing of specific community structures Second in a similar vein Rappaportrsquos model

assesses the ways that ritual can transfer or communicate messages apart from words Rappaportrsquos model shows

how ritual conveys meaning largely by symbolic means In applying Rappaportrsquos model the distinction is drawn

between canonical and selfndashreferential messages

An understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association is significant for the study

For a legitimate historicalndashcritical examination chapter 3 pays particular attention to voluntary associations in

the GrecondashRoman world It employs comparative data of the voluntary associations especially the collegia and

thiasoi to ascertain the different meal practices and compare and contrast them with that of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία This becomes crucial taking cognizance of the fact that Christndashgroups were subject to the same social

dynamics that prevailed in other institutions

Chapter 4 is an exegetical study of 1 Cor1117ndash34 It involves an inndashdepth analysis in order to

elucidate the meaning of the passage under review It demonstrates how Paulrsquos comments in 1 Cor 1117ndash34

might strengthen the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and communicate canonical and self-referential

meanings After establishing in chapter 3 the essence for the application of the ritual models of Whitehouse and

Rappaport chapter 4 applies these models analytically to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 In terms of taxonomy the

terminology κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is sui generis in the entire NT The chapter therefore harnesses the available

ritual resources in the passage

Part of the claim of chapter 4 is that rituals operate not just as concepts but that they feature very well

with groups and relationships The chapter therefore identifies the characteristics of both imagistic and doctrinal

types of religious groups and relates them to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The chapter discovers the sociondashpolitical

features of Whitehousersquos modes of religion that are applicable to the Corinthian situation and investigates the

band of traits that in Paulrsquos estimation might contribute towards the development of the ἐκκλησία It further

argues that what Paul is trying to achieve in the ἐκκλησία is to introduce a ritual in its nascent form The ritual

approach by Ronald L Grimes of demonstrating how rituals emerge is adopted to develop this viewpoint The

application of ritual models to the passage under review might help give insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in

helping to create a ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a selfndash

referential and canonical identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth If this hypothesis proves correct then

the dissertation will show the importance of Paulrsquos interventions beyond rhetorical persuasion

Chapter 5 considers the new meaning Paul gives to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον For example Paul by use of

the following expressions Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου τραπέζης κυρίου and ποτήριον κυρίου conveys

the Christological dimension of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paulrsquos use of σῶμα leads to the introduction of ἀγάπη

which I describe as a unity ethic Paul devotes a chapter to ἀγάπη (1 Cor 13) and the overall effect of his

instructions could be that the members of the ἐκκλησία would attain somatic unity The chapter then provides a

summary of the implications of how Paulrsquos new meanings might help create greater unity in Corinth

In conclusion it is noteworthy to make introductory comments on a word that I have used namely

μεριμνῶσις which is derived from μεριμνῶσιν Μεριμνῶσιν is the 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω which means ldquoto care forrdquo Paul enjoins the members of the ἐκκλησία with these words ἀλλήλων

5

μεριμνῶσιν (1 Cor 1225) One of Paulrsquos interventions in writing συνερχόμενοι εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε

(1 Cor 1133b) could be his desire for egalitarianism for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία It is plausible that Paul in

applying the analogy of σῶμα was motivated by the need of the members of the ἐκκλησία to care for one

another

6

1

The State of the Question

πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν καὶ μέρος τι πιστεύω

(1 Cor 1118)

For first of all when you assemble in the ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you and I partly

believe it

(1 Cor 1118)

In 1 Corinthians Paul is concerned that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία should exhibit greater

unity than they currently do Even a cursory reading of the letter suggests that there is instability in the

ἐκκλησία Paul mentions σχίσματα in 110 and ἔριδες in 111 Disunity shows up in multiple places in 1

Corinthians There were those who claim to belong to Paul some to Apollos others to Cephas and still others to

Christ There were cases of litigation where some members were having πρᾶγμα against other members of the

ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) Moreover there were differences of opinion concerning the use of meat sacrificed to idols

(8ndash10) disorder about worship practices (14) and the specific case of disunity at the celebration of the meal in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 11 After having received a report that there were contentions among them

Paul made a passionate appeal that there be no divisions (1 Cor 110ndash11 1117 ff 1225 cf 33) Σχίσματα still

persisted when the Christndashgroup came together for their shared meal (1 Cor 1118)1

The chapter summarizes existing scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on their

meal practices There are other scholars who have attempted to handle some of the problems related to meals in

1 Corinthians However D E Smithrsquos dissertation for example concentrates mainly on the social meal in the

GrecondashRoman world Moreover P Coutsoumpos embarks on a sociondashhistorical study on 1 Cor 8 10 and 112

Although the dissertations of Smith and Coutsoumpos deliberate on some of the issues in the current research

especially GrecondashRoman meals there are significant divergences from my dissertation My dissertation is

distinct from other scholarly works on the passage under review in that it will examine the ritual setting of the

passage It will further demonstrate that it was Paul who was generating the beginnings of a ritual structure

distinct from the ordinary meal practices of voluntary associations for example

1 Some critics are of the view that the members of the ἐκκλησία were abusing the Lordrsquos Supper Cf G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 587 comments ldquoPaul now takes up a second abuse of Christian worship

(cf 112ndash 16) lsquodivisionsrsquo at the Lordrsquos Supper (v18) predicated along sociological lines (v22)rdquo R F Collins

First Corinthians Sacra Pagina Series vol7 (Collegeville The Liturgical Press 1999) 421 In a similar vein

C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (New

York Crossroad 1987) 74 notes ldquoSuch divisions associated with the common meal would be viewed as tragic

by Paul who saw the meal as the catalyst for Christian fellowship (1016ndash17) B B Blue ldquoThe House Church

at Corinth Famine Food Supply and the Present Distressrdquo CTR 5 (1991) 221ndash39 at 234ndash37 identifies the

problem as one related to famine making reference to 1 Cor 726

2 Dennis E Smith ldquoSocial Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Christian Meal in 1

Corinthians in Comparison with Graeco-Roman Mealsrdquo (Unpublished Thesis Harvard University Cambridge

Massachusetts 1980) P Coutsoumpos Paul and the Lordrsquos Supper A Socio-Historical Investigation (New

York Peter Lang 2005)

7

11 Views about Divisions in General

Before proceeding to analysis of Paulrsquos instructions about the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I begin with a review

of scholarship about a generalized social conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Some scholars have argued that

the kind of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία was ideological3 C K Barrett a chief proponent of this view infers that

Apollos could have attracted ldquoa following of his ownrdquo the fact that he was an ἀνὴρ λόγιος (Acts 1824)rdquo4

Moreover he could have been a factor in ldquothe Corinthian development of thought about γνῶσις λόγος and

σοφίαrdquo which were subjects that Paul handles in 1 Cor 1ndash45 The Cephas group Barrett writes had adopted a

Jewish Christian ldquonomisticrdquo attitude that involved a position on litigation that forbade appeal to secular courts

the total rejection of ldquosacrificial mealsrdquo and issues on the Lordrsquos Supper6

Commentators of early twentiethndashcentury regularly held the view that there were various segments of

the Christian community who rallied around the leaders namely Paul Apollos Cephas and Christ (1 Cor 112)

Some scholars especially C F G Heinrici and Johannes Weiss argue that (1) Paul introduces Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ

so as to reduce the other three citations ad absurdum or (2) the phrase is Paulrsquos own declaration but not a fourth

slogan7 They base their argument on 1 Cor 322 1 Clement and Patrologica Graeca with the reason that the

phrase was Paulrsquos own gloss on the divisions8 Some scholars argue for the existence of a Christndashparty based on

the parallelism in the phrasing of the slogans H Conzelmann responds to the hypothesis of Heinrici and Weiss

that the adoption of their interpretation on the addition of Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ would make it to be difficult to

establish a link between verses 12 and 13

Other critics basing their argument on 1 Cor 112 argue that there were two or more parties related to

the leaders mentioned in 112 Chrysostom equally disputed the existence of such a Christndashparty He opines that

the mentioning of four names in 112 is not an indication that different groups rallied around Paul Apollos and

Cephas Paul by mentioning his name first was giving esteem to the others He thus arranged the names in

ascendancy (κατὰ αῦξησιν)9 Ferdinand Christian Baur contends that the divisions that existed among the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were as a result of diverging theologies Pauline Christianity which was represented by the

Pauline and Apollosian parties and Jewish Christianity which was represented by the Petrine and Christndash

3 Cf Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body (New Haven Yale University Press 1995) xvii maintains that

even though the Corinthian ἐκκλησία lacked persons from the ldquohighest levels of Greco-Roman culturerdquo

socioeconomic positions were available and that ldquoprompted theological conflictshellipthat ldquostemmed from conflicts

over ideologyrdquo

4 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo in Essays on Paul (London SPCK 1982) 4

5 Ibid 4 See further 5ndash14

6 Ibid 4 referencing T W Mansonrsquos argument (Studies in the Gospels and Epistles ed Matthew Black

Manchester Manchester University Press 1962) 197ndash208 at 198

7 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1975)

33

8 ldquoOf a truth he charged you in the Spirit concerning himself and Cephas and Apollos because that even then ye

had made partiesrdquo 1 Clem 47 3 J-P Migne PG (1857ndash1912) 1308

9 John Chrysostom Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

8

parties10

Peter Lampe argues that Paul covertly reproaches the members of the Corinthian community by means

of a rhetorical σχημα in 118ndash216 and that the mention of Apollos and Cephas is a clue to all the comments

made by Paul in that section Lampe asserts that Paul does not make a direct allusion to party strife in 118ndash

216 He further states that in these verses Paul assigns the source of legitimate theological knowledge to Godrsquos

spirit In effect the theological statements have divine rather than human origin This therefore does not give

room for boasting Paul thus employs the rhetorical σχημα without hurting the feelings of the two condash

missionaries however it allows Paul to equally deal with the ldquoparty disorderrdquo11

Marion L Soards comments

that ldquo[a]ttempts to identify the distinct theological perspectives of those who would claim affiliation with one or

the other of those named by Paul here are not persuasive and are necessarily speculativerdquo12

Benjamin Fiore regards the source of the Corinthian communityrsquos divisiveness as also being at the root

of specific problems in chapter 5ndash15 According to him Paul uses two exhortationndashformulae to address the facts

of σχίσματα as well as confront them He identifies the rhetorical device of λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος13

as the

technique employed by Paul in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 in addressing both problems of factionalism and possession of

faulty knowledge and wisdom He however finds the device most effective for the resolution of the

factionalism Paul by calling attention to his covert allusion in 46 thus negates the covertness of the rhetorical

form He in effect abandons the secrecy of allusion so as to direct the members of the community towards the

salvation secured in the crucified Christ for them14

During the second half of the twentieth century another group of scholars attributed the tensions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία to some kind of gnosticism Making use of the Gospel of Thomas the authors settled on

some similarities between Christianity and the document The logion which is similar to the enigmatic comment

by Paul in 1 Cor 29 is ldquoJesus said lsquoI shall give you what no eye has seen what no ear has heard what no hand

has touched what has not arisen in the human heartrsquo rdquo15

Likewise in 1 Corinthians there are some slogans that

some critics suggest that Paul cites back to the members of the Corinthian community Some scholars argue that

these slogans are clues that Paulrsquos opponents in Corinth were gnostics16

For example W Schmithals attribute

the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία to gnostic opponents In an attempt to overcome the chronological problem

10

F C Baur ldquoDie Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde der Gegensatz des Paulinischen und

Petrinischen Christentums in der Aumlltesten Kirche der Apostel Petrus in Romrdquo TZTh 4 (1831) 61ff

11 P Lampe ldquoTheological Wisdom and the lsquoWord about the Crossrsquo The Rhetorical Scheme in 1 Corinthians 1ndash

4rdquo Interpretation 44 (1990)117ndash31 esp 127ndash31

12 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

13 λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος means a ldquofigured speech (word)rdquo It is a rhetoric device used to communicate a

message in a frank manner making oblique references without unjustifiably causing offence to the recipients

14 Benjamin Fiore ldquoCovert Allusionrdquo in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 CBQ 47 (1985) 85ndash102 esp 86ndash88 93ndash94 100ndash

101

15 GThom 17

16 Examples are 612 cf 1023 613 possibly 71 81 and 84 In the nineteenth century F C Baur ldquoDie

Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde 61ndash206 contends that Paulrsquos opponents were Judaizers

9

involved some scholars suggest that the opponents were ldquoprotondashGnosticsrdquo17

Recent scholarship has challenged such approaches based on ldquomirrorndashreadingrdquo to interpret the causes

of divisions within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία18

W Baird states the effect of such reconstructions as follows

ldquoThis method of lsquomirror readingrsquo has imposed on the interpretation of the epistles an oppressive rigidity A

fresh reading of 1 Corinthians is needed ndash a reading open to a more flexible analysis of the conflict within the

Corinthian congregationrdquo19

Willem C van Unnik who is of a similar view considers it as a wrong historical

method in New Testament scholarship in recent times

to reconstruct the unknown ideas of the Christians there by reverting Paulrsquos words to the opposite and

by thinking that everything the apostle wrote was prompted by the necessity of contradicting very

explicitly ideas that were held by these enthusiasts in the Corinthian ecclesia and which were leading

the sheep astray20

We need to question the coherence of ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo as a movement Even though philosophic

and other movements sprang up and generated into ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo less than a century after Paulrsquos day

there is little evidence to establish Christian gnosticism before the second century21

Furthermore the proposal

of Schmithals did not account for the evidence in verses 22 33 and 34 of 1 Corinthians 11 in which Paul

explicitly indicates that the behavior of the members of the ἐκκλησία constituted despising the ἐκκλησία of God

and shaming the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo Moreover in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul alludes to the entire assembly This is

confirmed by his use of the second person plural in general terms eg συνέρχεσθε συνερχομένων ὑμῶν (vv17

18 cf v20)

Still other commentators hold the view that the primary source of conflict was not within the

community but rather between Paul and one unified ἐκκλησία G D Fee admits that the Corinthian church was

experiencing internal strife Notwithstanding he argues that the greater problem of ldquodivisionrdquo was between Paul

as a leader and some persons in the ldquocommunity who were leading the church as a whole into an antindashPauline

view of thingsrdquo22

Fee contends that it is doubtful that the ldquodivisionsrdquo described in chapter 11 could be a

reflection of the same reality as that expressed in 112 He assigns the following reasons for his position (1)

17

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 57ndash59 asserts that Paul opposes only

gnosticism1

18 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation An Exegetical Investigation of the Language

and Paul and Composition of 1 Corinthians (Louisville Ky WestminsterJohn Knox Press 1993) 54ndash55 C

S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2005) 8

19 W Baird lsquoldquoOne against the Otherrsquo Intra-Church Conflict in 1 Corinthiansrdquo in The Conversation Continues

Studies in Paul and John in Honor of J Louis Martyn ed R T Fortna and B R Gaventa (Nashville

Abingdon Press 1990) 119

20 Willem C van Unnik ldquoThe Meaning of 1 Corinthians 1231rdquoNov T 35 (1993) 142ndash159 at 144

21 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3 See also W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the

Letters to the Corinthians trans John E Steely (Nashville Abingdon Press 1971) Edwin M Yamauchi Pre-

Christian Gnosticism A Survey of the Proposed Evidences (2d ed Grand Rapids Mich Baker Book House

1983) G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 12 states ldquoNone of the essential phenomena of

Gnosticism is present in this letter except the dualism itself which can be explained on other groundsrdquo

22 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 5ndash6

10

there is an additional dimension of the former divisions While they are characterized by ldquoquarrelsrdquo and

ldquojealousyrdquo the divisions in chapter 11 are spelled out wholly along sociological lines (vv 21ndash 22 33ndash34) (2)

In 112 the contention is around four names and it definitely carries antindashPauline sentiment In chapter 11 only

two groups ndash the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo and the ldquohavesrdquo ndash are involved without any dispute with Paul on the issue (3)

The language Paul uses συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ hellip σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν (1118) implies that the

ldquodivisionsrdquo particularly have to do with their gatherings and not merely to false loyalties to their leaders or to

ldquowisdomrdquo Finally (4) the additional words in the verse ndash ldquoI partly believe itrdquo ndash fit well in the context of

chapter 11 but it is hardly the case in 110ndash42123

It is Paulrsquos way of authenticating the report of his informants

ldquobut also of bridging the sociological gap between them and the wealthy who are guilty of the misdeedsrdquo24

In contrast Margaret M Mitchell is of the view that general disunity was central to Paulrsquos argument

ldquoBecause he returns to this ecclesiological concern in 1133ndash34 we conclude that the disunity of the church is

the main topic of this argument to which the tradition (1123ndash 26) is a responserdquo25

By use of rhetorical

criticism Mitchell demonstrates that 1 Corinthians is a single letter which contains a ldquodeliberative argumentrdquo by

which Paul implores ldquothe community to become reunifiedrdquo26

Annette Weissenrieder agrees stating that it is

likely that the words of praise which Paul uses in 112 can be understood as ldquocaptatio benevolentiaerdquo27

They

amount ldquocataphorically to the antithetical speech act in 1117 and 22 in which Paul explicitly does not praise

the community and points to the Last Supper which has been neglectedrdquo28

In discussing the views about divisions in general it is noteworthy that some scholars for example

John K Chow and Andrew D Clarke have more recently discredited the role of ideology in the divisions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία They attribute the tensions in the ἐκκλησία to personal allegiances Clarke examines the

nature of the leadership structure and dynamics of first century Roman Corinth and compares that to the style of

leadership reflected in 1 Cor 1ndash6 He cites evidence from 1 Corinthians about secular views and style of

leadership The examples include leaders who are involved in litigation in law courts and the incestuous man in

1 Cor 5 Clarke maintains that the conflict in Corinth did not stem from personal policy or manifesto but

patronage For him the personal attachment to certain personalities was an integral part of the system of social

relationship He identifies three different kinds of relationships and insists that they were analogous to the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία With the clientele system clients gained mutual support from the patrons Sophists and

orators also had faithful followers while in the political realm the disputes had their source from the personal

23

Ibid 595

24 Ibid 596

25 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 263 (emphasis original)

26 Ibid 13

27 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 65 See also G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 552 who comments as follows ldquothey serve in a more general way as a

kind of captatio benevolentiae to introduce this entire section regarding their gatherings for worship (chaps 11ndash

14)helliprdquo Cf H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 182 who considers the

captatio as a literary device

28 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 65

11

interests of a particular group Clarke describes the kind of leadership that prevailed as secular and was

characterized by the desire for prestige and oratory Paul was not in favor of this kind of leadership In contrast

with the secular type of leadership he outlines his own perception of nonndashstatus type of leadership and

principles of leadership29

Chow also examines some of the behavioral problems prevalent in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία through the

lens of the phenomenon of patronage His analysis focuses on a kind of network specifically patronndashclient ties

He surmises that those who opposed Paul could be the powerful patrons in the ἐκκλησία He thus examines

signals that could serve as a link between the powerful patrons and some of the tensions in the ἐκκλησία He

like Clarke opines that the incestuous man in 1 Cor 51ndash13 was a powerful patron For Chow the act of taking

fellow members to law courts was to show superiority over other members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) He cites

Rom 161ndash2 in relation to Phoebe as a διάκονος and προστάτις as an example of patronal relations in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In referencing E A Judge and W Sanday and A C Headlam30

he buys the notion of

regarding προστάτις as ldquopatronessrdquo31

He further examines the relationship between Apollos and the members of

the ἐκκλησίαThe members of the ἐκκλησία exhibited unusual attitudes towards Paul and Apollos A case in

point is the paying of a visit to Corinth (1 Cor 1612)32

The attitudes did not only indicate the division in the

church but were also signals of the preference of Apollos to Paul Chow indicates for example that Paulrsquos

refusal of a gift and Apollosrsquo acceptance of financial support could be another signal of the Corinthians

preferring him to Paul (1 Cor 46) Chow concludes that if this was the case then Apollos could be a friend or

client to some of the wealthy members of the ἐκκλησία and that patronal ties would already be in vogue in the

ἐκκλησία

J S Kloppenborg admits the efforts of both Chow and Clarke in seeking an interpretation of the

conflict in Corinth in the light of the social and historical background However he declines Chowrsquos position

for powerful patrons as overstated For example Kloppenborg indicates that it is unlikely that the incestuous

man is powerful According to him if he were a patron and therefore hosted Christian meetings it would not

seem right for Paul to have given the directive ldquoDrive out the wicked man among yourdquo (1 Cor 513)

Kloppenborg suggests that the organizational model that seems most appropriate in capturing the situation in

Corinth is not that of a household directed by a paterfamilias bur rather it is that of a network of collegia

domestica with individual patrons or a cult that has devotees of different families and other family members

The means of comprehending the nature of the conflict in 1 Cor 112 and 11 18 according to him involves

29

Andrew D Clarke Secular and Christian Leadership in Corinth A Social-Historical and Exegetical Study of

1 Corinthians 1ndash6 2d ed (Milton Keynes Paternoster 2006)

30 E A Judge ldquoCultural Conformity and Innovation in Paul Some clues from Contemporary Documentsrdquo The

Tyndale Biblical Archaeology Lecture 1983 TB 36 (1984) 3ndash24 W Sanday and A C Headlam The Epistle

to the Romans (Edinburgh T amp T Clark 5th ed 1902) 418

31 John K Chow Patronage and Power A Study of Social Networks in Corinth (JSNT Sup 75 Sheffield

England JSOT Press 1992) 101

32 Ibid 103 indicates that the problem does not seem to be between Paul and Apollos but rather Paul and some

members of the ἐκκλησία Paul deems Apollos as a brother (1 Cor 39) and co-worker (1 Cor 1612)

12

perceiving ldquoa context in which factionalism and conflict become public ndash that is a context in which various

subgroups appear togetherrdquo33

12 Conflict over Specific Issues

In 1 Corinthians Paul addresses specific subjects and responds to particular cases In some instances

his response is based on a report or communication he has received for example 110ff 51ff 71ff In other

cases he writes in general terms for example 21ff 31ff 41ff Paul therefore seems to have addressed specific

issues rather than responding to specific groups in the argumentation of the epistle Consequently the

perception of 1 Corinthians contingent on divisions in the community was debunked in late twentiethndashcentury

exegesis Recent scholarship now interprets the divisions to be generalized social conflict that is it takes form

in different kinds of disputes rather than organized coherently around specific leaders and their charisma34

At

this point I move from arguments that see the source of division described in the opening of the letter to

explore specific causes of dispute

121 Litigation as a Source of Conflict in the ἐκκλησία

One case of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία involves litigation in which the lawsuits centered on

βιωτικὰ (1 Cor 61ndash11)35

G D Fee in commenting on the passage draws attention to the sociological aspect of

the problem He is of the view that the content in the following paragraph of the passage emphasising

ldquothieveryrdquo gives the clue that the issue relates to ldquomaterial possessionsrdquo36

Alan Mitchell identifies two groups

involved in the conflict in chapter 6 namely the members of the community who had status in the Grecondash

Roman society and those who did not have He opines that Paul understands the ldquolitigiousnessrdquo of some of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as being part of a larger problem of social division of the ἐκκλησίαι in

Corinth37

He suggests that the ldquohigher status peoplerdquo were summoning the ldquolower status peoplerdquo before the

courts and that members of the latter group were those who were offended Bruce W Winter shares a similar

view and states that the use of κριτήριον ἐλάχιστον in 1 Cor 62 makes it likely to consider the case at stake to be

a breach of a civil law rather than criminal38

G Theissen remarks that the administration of justice could favor

those who were of the upper class and they could have the advantage when it comes to interpreting the law

33

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo in

Redescribing Paul and the Corinthians (ed Ron Cameron and M P Miller SBL Early Christianity and its

Literature Atlanta Society of Biblical Literature 2011) 187ndash218 at 209 (Emphasis original)

34 Cf R F Collins First Corinthians 16

35 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 258 n 200 ldquoa recurring word in the Greek world for the

matters of everyday liferdquo G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth trans and

ed J H Schutz (Philadelphia Fortress 1982) 97 ldquoprobably affairs of property or incomerdquo

36 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 251

37 Alan C Mitchell ldquoRich and Poor in the Courts of Corinth Litigiousness and Status in 1 Corinthians 61ndash11rdquo

NTS 39 (1993) 562ndash86 at 562

38 See B W Winter ldquoCivil Litigation in Secular Corinth and the Church The Forensic Background to 1

Corinthians 61 ndash 8rdquo NTS 37 (1991) 559ndash572 for the forensic background of litigation in the first century

13

especially in the matter of paying for good attorneys Moreover it is unlikely that those who do not possess

property would pursue litigation39

122 Meat Sacrifices as a Source of Division

Scholarship focused on the issue of meat sacrifices locates the conflict in the fractiousness between the

ldquoweakrdquo and the ldquostrongrdquo40

Gail R Oday considers the second set in the opening triad of 1 Cor 126

(strongweak ) as what ldquoconstitutes the heart of Paulrsquos argument in chapters 8ndash10 where the growing breach

between strong and weak Christians threatens the unity of the churchrdquo41

Gerd Theissen asserts that the conflict

between the two sociondasheconomic groups ndash the socially weak and strong explains the disagreement over the

consumption of meat in 1 Cor 8 and 10 In evaluating the causes of conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Theissen by sociological analysis shows that Paulrsquos use of strong and weak is associated with status Paul

introduces ldquoa specific sociological categoryrdquo by linking of εὐγενεῖς with σοφοὶ and δυνατοί42

In 410 Paul

establishes the contrast between the weak and strong The idea is reiterated in 922 in relation to the sacrifice of

meat to idols where Paul identifies himself with the weak Theissen theorizes that the ldquosocially weak of 126ndash27

are identical with those who are weak in the face of consecrated meatrdquo43

He argues that the only way to assess

this hypothesis is to unearth status specifics in the behavioral patterns of the weak and strong by identifying

traits that ldquocan be correlated with wealth occupation and education and thus to a higher or lower social

statusrdquo44

Theissen indicates that if a conflict occurred between different groups in the ἐκκλησία as a result of the

eating of meat it could hardly be attributed to the behavior of members of the ἐκκλησία of ldquolower social

statusrdquo45

He points out that the term δυνατοί that Paul uses for the ldquoinfluentialrdquo is the same that he uses in Rom

151 The incident here is to him comparable to what pertains in 1117ff Paulrsquos solution is the application of

ldquolove patriarchalismrdquo (Liebespatriarchalismus) that ldquoallows social inequities to continue but transfers them with

a spirit of concern of respect and of personal solicituderdquo46

39

G Theissen ldquoSocial Stratification in the Corinthian Communityrdquo in The Social Setting of Pauline

Christianity 69ndash119 at 97

40 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 182 states ldquoFor the weak Christian (the Christian who possesses a

weak syneidesis) unprotected by gnosis idol meat pollutes the syneidesis ndash that is the bodyrdquo

41 Gail R Oday ldquoJeremiah 922ndash23 and 1 Corinthians 126ndash31 A Study in Intertextualityrdquo JBL 109 (1990)

259ndash67 at 265 identifies three terms namely wisdom strongweak and noble lowly birth

42 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 70ndash73

43 G Theissen ldquoThe Strong and the Weak in Corinth A Sociological Analysis of a Theological Quarrelrdquo in The

Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash143 at 125

44 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 125

45 Ibid 126ndash7 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 75 concurs with Theissen in his analysis ldquoHighlighting

the social implications of eating meat in the Greco-Roman city enables Theissen to suggest convincingly that

those Corinthian Christians opposed to eating meat offered to idols were probably of lower status whereas

those who defended the practice by using arguments and slogans learned from popular moral philosophy were

of higher statusrdquo

46 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

14

Justin J Meggitt admits that Theissenrsquos hypothesis has advanced the position of the ldquoNew

Consensusrdquo47

However Meggitt rejects Theissenrsquos reconstruction and also regards the assigning of the conflict

to two clearly defined groups ndash strong and weak ndash by Theissen to be ldquoproblematicrdquo48

Meggitt contends that

whereas Paul uses ἀσθενὴς as a group words such as δυνατός ἰσχυρός and κράτος are not found in chapters 8

or 10 but have been introduced by Theissen49

It is noteworthy that Paul does not mention the term strong in 1

Cor 8 The terminology strong as used by commentators is an adaptation from Rom 14ndash1550

Theissen

nevertheless responds to Meggittrsquos argument that Paul uses the corresponding term in Romans 15 with regard to

the opposition between ldquoδυνατοίrdquo and ldquoἀδύνατοιrdquo51

A different claim about the weak and strong depends instead upon the ability to afford meat The

strong are those of high social standing who could procure meat at the markets and also hold on to their position

because of their ldquognosisrdquo52

The eating of idolndashmeats was extended to banquets in pagan temples where it was

usual to serve such meat and those who claimed to have knowledge maintained that the conscience of the weak

should be builtndashup (οἰκοδομηθήσεται) to the level of eating idolndashmeats without scruples (810)53

The

environment of the Asklepion and its adjacent resort of Lerna with its dining facilities and spring could enhance

such gatherings54

The occasion for eating idolndashmeats could as well be extended to homes Plutarch records an

incident in which diners were served with a cock that was slaughtered as a sacrifice to Heracles55

J Murphyndash

47

J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo 107 ldquoNew Consensusrdquo is a title used by Abraham J Malherbe

Social Aspects of Christianity 2d ed (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 The new consensus has been widely

articulated for the Pauline epistles by G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on

Corinth and Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle Paul 2nd ed

(New Haven Yale University Press 2003)

48 Ibid 107

49 Ibid 108ndash109 ἀσθενὴς can be found at 1 Cor 87 9ndash12 922

50 See Gregory W Dawes ldquoThe danger of idolatry First Corinthians 87ndash13rdquo CBQ 58 (1996) 82ndash98 esp 86ndash

88

51 G Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Community Further Remarks on J J Meggitt Paul Poverty

and Survivalrdquo JSNT 25 (2003) 371ndash91 at 381 n 26 However Paul alludes only to those who are ldquoweak in

their faithrdquo in 141 and continues with those who have ldquofaithrdquo and who are ldquoweakrdquo (142) The same treatment

may be applicable to 1 Corinthian

52 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash44 esp 121 and 132 Idem

ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 389 ldquoThe lsquostrongrsquo based their liberty to eat sacrificial meat on

their lsquoknowledgersquo (γνῶσις) Meat sold at the macella would usually be offered to some deity before sale

53 See J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology Good News Studies 6 (Wilmington

Del Glazier 1983) 79

54 Carl Roebuck Corinth XIV The Asklepeion and Lerna (Princeton The American School of Classical Studies

at Athens 1951) 1ndash2 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology (3d ed rev and exp

Collegeville Minnesota The Liturgical Press 2002) 35 129 186ndash89 Ben Witherington Conflict and

Community in Corinth A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 1995) 15

55 Plutarch Quastiones Conviviales 6101 (696 E) Ἀριστίωνος εὐημέρει παρὰ τοῖς δειπνοῦσι μάγειρος ὡς τά τrsquo

ἄλλα χαριέντως ὀψοποιήσας καὶ τὸν ἄρτι τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τεθυμένον ἀλεκτρυόνα παραθεὶς ἁπαλὸν ὥσπερ χθιζόν

νεαρὸν ὄντα καὶ πρόσφατον εἰπόντος οὖν τοῦ Ἀ ρ ι σ τ ί ω ν ο ς ὅτι τοῦτο γίνεται ταχέως εἰ σφαγεὶς εὐθὺς ἀπὸ

συκῆς κρεμασθείη ldquo[Aristionrsquos cook spent the day cheerfully with the dinner guests not only because of his

15

OrsquoConnor mentions that while there is no evidence that the incident recorded by Plutarch happened in Corinth

ldquothe situation is that evoked by Paul in 1 Cor 1027ndash30 where a guest is offered meat sacrificed to idolsrdquo56

123 Disorder during Public Worship

There are also differences of opinion concerning the disorder about public worship practices in the

ἐκκλησία (Chapter 14) These include the import of charismatic gifts closely associated with pneumatic

practices (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20) Some have argued that the nature of the division in the

correspondence of 1 Cor 12ndash14 concerns status Dale B Martinrsquos thesis on σῶμα and its relation to status is

instructive Martin argues that in 1 Cor 12ndash14 Paul adopts a ldquostatusndashreversal strategyrdquo57

Martin proposes a

kind of σῶμα typified by the reversal of ldquostatus indicatorsrdquo58

Greater honor is accorded to members of the

ἐκκλησία of lower status and less esteem is conferred on those having high social standing For example the gift

of tongues that is recognized by at least one group at Corinth as a status indicator is ldquorepeatedly relativizedrdquo It

is placed at the last position at 1228 in a list ldquothat is explicitly hierarchicalrdquo59

Paulrsquos rhetoric in the placement

of the apostle at the first position and the gift of tonguesndashspeaking at last position is consistent By worldly

standards the apostles were of lowest status however they are placed first on the list Conversely the gift of

tongues that the strong at Corinth regard as a ldquohighndashstatusrdquo indicator is placed last Paul is then able to reverse

the ldquonormal valuationsrdquo as he shifts the location for ldquostatus attributionrdquo from the world to the ἐκκλησία60

Martin finds further support in the fact that Paul adopts the same ldquorhetorical strategyrdquo in the ldquobody

analogy and the mindspirit dichotomyrdquo61

He upholds the ldquostatus significancerdquo that pertains in the ἐκκλησία and

calls for a sacrifice on the part of the strong for the weak62

He therefore identifies with the strong and appeals

to them to make sacrifices for the benefit of the weak Even though Paul maintains that he speaks in tongues

more than any of the members of the ἐκκλησία he prefers to speak in few words that are intelligible In adopting

this strategy Martin observes that ldquothe human body becomes a microcosm for the macrocosm of the social

bodyrdquo63

Paulrsquos strategy involves the surrendering of the bodyrsquos ldquohigher elementsrdquo to the ldquolower elementsrdquo In

effect the higherndashstatus members of the ἐκκλησία are to surrender to the members of lower status so that the

great skills but because he set before them a cock just offered as a sacrifice to Hercules as tender as if it had

been slaughtered a day before Aristion said that a cock comes into a new state quickly if as soon as it is

slaughtered it is hung on a fig tree] My translation

56 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 106

56 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν hellip(1 Cor 1118) [For

first of all when you assemble in (the) ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you] My translation

57 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 102

58 Ibid

59 Ibid

60 Ibid 103

61 Ibid

62 Ibid

63 Ibid

16

ἐκκλησία by application the body of Christ might be void of schism (1225 cf 110)64

The foregoing discussion has been on various kinds of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

categories of divisiveness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be summarized into sociondashpolitical theological or

ideological65

statusndashbased as well as ideas about a single cause or specific isolated problems Martin argues that

all the categories of divisiveness that I have identified are results of a basic conflict that can be attributed to the

composition of the body He identifies two parts of the body namely the ancient hierarchical structure of the

body and how it is vulnerable to pollution He cites examples from the GrecondashRoman context and relates them

to the structure of the body in GrecondashRoman concept He achieves this by focusing on the bodyndashrelated matters

mentioned in 1 Corinthians Martin sees the theories about the divisions in 1 Corinthians as a general pattern in

the epistle He argues that the quest for sociondasheconomic positions triggered theological conflicts He thus

maintains that all the theological differences stemmed from conflicts between different groups in the ἐκκλησία

in relation to the respective ldquoideological constructions of the bodyrdquo66

1 3 The Meal as a Source of Division

After reviewing the divisions in general terms I now focus specifically on the meal as a cause of

division As mentioned it has long been recognized that the practice of the δεῖπνον as described in 1 Cor

1117ndash34 is another occasion for division in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In contemporary scholarship various

theories have been propounded concerning the problem at the Lordrsquos Table in Corinth in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Three

main positions in the scholarship may be identified First there are some critics who are of the view that the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were turning the sacred meal into an ordinary common meal Paul

therefore had to write to ldquoreinstituterdquo the sacred meal (ie ritual practice)67

The second category of scholars

involves those who dwell on the theological meaning of the δεῖπνον68

A subndashset of the theological category are

commentators who attribute the problem to gnosticism (ie theological philosophical)69

The third category of

scholars seeks a solution to the problem from a sociondasheconomic dimension (ie statusndashbased)70

Within this

64

Ibid

65 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 205 Here I adopt the distinction made by J S Kloppenborg

66 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body xv

67 Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief MKNT 9 Aufl (Gottingen Vandenhoeck u Ruprecht 1910)

283 Hans Lietzmann An die Korinther III HNT (ed W G Kummel Tubingen 1949) 256

68 See Ernst Kaumlsemann Essays on New Testament Themes (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1982) esp 108ndash135

T Engberg-Pedersen ldquoProclaiming the Lordrsquos Death 1 Cor 1117ndash34 and the Forms of Paulrsquos Theological

Argumentrdquo in Pauline Theology vol 2 1 and 2 Corinthians ed David M Hay (Minneapolis Fortress 1993)

116

69 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 U

Wilckens Weisheit und Torheit eine exegetisch-religions-geschichtliche Untersuchung zu 1 Kor und 2

(Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1959) Robert Jewett Paulrsquos Anthropological Terms A Study of their Use in Conflict

Settings (Leiden Brill 1971)

70 S C Barton ldquoPaulrsquos Sense of Place An Anthropological Approach to Community Formation in Corinthrdquo

NTS 32 (1986) 225ndash46

17

category there are critics who attribute the conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to internal social

stratification71

It is valuable to examine some types of meals that the early disciples shared that may have been

precursors to the meal in Corinth Hans Lietzmann writing on the Lordrsquos Supper identifies two primal types of

meals According to Lietzmann the first type is the meal taken by the first disciples in Jerusalem It is likened

to the Jewish ḥaburah as they partook in the common meal The second type is what is found in Paulrsquos epistles

and can be traced to an old tradition recorded in Markrsquos Gospel Whereas the first type can be described as the

continuation of daily ldquotable fellowshiprdquo (κοινωνία) the second cannot However as stated by Lietzmann the

second type is connected with the last of such meals that the disciples had with their Master The Lordrsquos Supper

thus serves as a memorial of Christrsquos death ldquoThe meal is regarded as an analogue to the Hellenistic meals held

as memorials to great men founders of religious communitiesrdquo72

Lietzmann by framing a conjectural

reconstruction designates the first type ldquoJerusalem typerdquo and the second one ldquoPauline typerdquo73

With regard to the

first category of scholars who hold the view that members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were reverting to a

common meal Lietzmann states ldquoIf the Corinthians had gone over to the Jerusalem practice they had certainly

given up the idea of partaking of the body of Christ the blessed bread was no longer lsquoσῶμαrsquo to them and they

partook of it as ordinary foodrdquo74

In contrast G Bornkamm describes the Corinthians as ldquorobust sacramentalistsrdquo and is of the view that

the Corinthians had not neglected the sacramental Lordrsquos Supper75

On the contrary following H von Soden

Bornkamm states that ldquothey so completely regarded this as the main thing that the preceding meal became a

thing which one could shape according to his own likes and for his own enjoymentrdquo76

In effect the Corinthians

gave due significance to the sacramental act that was celebrated at the end of the worship to the extent that ldquothe

common meal was made a matter of indifferencerdquo77

Scholars in a subndashset of the first category attribute the problem in Corinth to gnosticism W

Schmithals presents a version of the point made by scholars in the second category He argues that the gnostics

were trying to observe the Lordrsquos Supper in an irreverent manner and turn it into profane feast He attributes the

source of the problem to spiritualizing gnostics who purposefully opted for a profane meal instead of

participating in the external elements as though they symbolized Christ78

H Conzelmann holds on to an

71

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 69ndash70

72 H Lietzmann Mass and the Lordrsquos Supper (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 205 See also Karl G Goetz Der

Upsprung des kirchlichen Abendmahls blosse Mahlegemeinschaft von Jesus und seinen Juumlngern oder eine

besondere Handlung und Worte von Jesus (Basel Druck von F Reinhardt 1929) 27 R Otto Kingdom of

God and Son of Man (London Lutterworth Press 1938) 278ndash80 esp 278 n1

73 Ibid 206

74 Ibid 208 See also Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief 283 285 292

75 G Bornkamm Early Christian Experience (London Student Christian Movement Press 1969) 147

76 Ibid 128

77 Ibid 147

78 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 esp 255

18

opposite view and agrees with H von Soden that the Corinthians perceive of the magical effect of the

sacrament which has intensified their individualism ldquoeachrdquo enjoying his ldquoown supperrdquo79

It is worth considering the views of some scholars on the purpose of Paulrsquos comments in the passage

under review Gordon D Fee commenting on 1123ndash26 states that by the ldquomealrdquo the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία ldquoproclaimrdquo Christrsquos death until Christrsquos return that is ldquothey declare the good news of their salvation

that makes them all onerdquo80

Paul repeats ldquoDo this in remembrance of merdquo and adds ldquoas often as you drinkrdquo

According to Fee the added words imply ldquoa frequently repeated action suggesting that from the beginning the

Last Supper was for Christians not an annual Christian Passover but a regularly repeated meal in ldquohonor of the

Lordrdquo hence the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo81

C H Talbert in comparing 1 Cor 101ndash14 and 1117ndash34 is of the view that

the problem in 1117ndash34 stems from underrealized eschatology and it may be due to the interference of the

religious significance of the meal by the social conventions He points out that Pauline statements about the

Lordrsquos Supper are ldquoconditioned by the contexts in which they are utteredrdquo The message of 1117ndash34 then is

ldquothe Supperrsquos purpose is lsquofor my remembrancersquo and must be partaken of with full sensitivity to its social

ramificationrdquo82

There have been responses to the view that attributes the Corinthian problem to theological reasons P

Lampe writes that the sacraments do not occupy a dominant place in Pauline thought Moreover Paul in

practice does not regard baptizing as his major role (1 Cor 116ndash17)83

D E Garland also mentions that the

problem in Corinth was caused neither by their ldquotheological confusion about sacramental facets of the Lordrsquos

Supper nor by a conflict over Eucharistic theologyrdquo84

Garlandrsquos response generates a rhetorical question What

then 85

In short we need alternative reconstructions that are more persuasive and convincing than the aforendash

stated ones Moreover there is the need to find out what Paul is trying to accomplish A pivotal question is Do

we know what theology pertained to the meal My response is that there is not yet a stable theology attached to

the meal at the time of the writing of the epistle Other related questions are Is it a theology for its own sake or

a theology in service of a particular form of a community P Lampe points out that we need not interpret all the

characteristics of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoin terms of a particular theological backgroundrdquo86

The members

were still affiliated with the GrecondashRoman culture of which they were part prior to their baptism Here I agree

with Lampe that ldquo[o]nly slowly did they realize that the church was a new cultural setting where new customs

79

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 194

80 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 613

81 Ibid 614 (emphasis original)

82 C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians 80

83 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 48 (1994) 36ndash49 at 36

84 D E Garland 1 Corinthians (Michigan Baker Academic 2003) 533

85 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

86 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 (Emphasis original)

19

and habits needed to be developed in some areasrdquo87

Paulrsquos instructions to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία for example on the need to wait for one another instead of taking meals before others (1121 cf

1133) point to the need for a change in their culinary habits His comments in 1117ndash34 are part of this

transformation process88

The third category of scholars argues that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία exhibited an ldquointernal stratificationrdquo

displaying the differences between the rich and the poor89

and thus creating a social problem90

These scholars

suggest that the rich ldquodevouredrdquo their ldquoown mealrdquo instead of sharing with the poor Furthering this point some

also argue that class distinctions were manifested in the quantity and quality of food consumed91

The wealthy

had in abundance and thus were accused of gluttony and drunkenness while the poor had little or nothing to

present Consequently they were left hungry and did not enjoy ldquodecent mealsrdquo92

The older viewpoint (what I designate ldquophase onerdquo) regarding this situation was that members of the

Christndashgroup were among the ldquopoorrdquo of the Roman Empire For example Adolf Deissmann described members

of Paulrsquos assemblies as those of the lower strata93

In some instances earlier social approaches charted a

ldquoRomanticist notionrdquo of the early Christian poor94

This view was tempered in more recent models as reflected

in the works of E A Judge A J Malherbe W A Meeks and Gerd Theissen They are representative of a

87

Ibid

88 Some critics translate προλαμβάνειν as ldquoto take or do something in advance or beforehandrdquo having in mind

its temporal sense Έκδέχομαι in verse 33 which also has temporal connotation is thus translated ldquowait forrdquo

See P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 3

states ldquobegin prematurelyrdquo An alternative meaning is ldquoto devourrdquo (their own meal) See also B W Winter

ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo RTR 37 (1978) 73ndash82 at 75 Winter further

argues that ἐκδέχομαι may be translated as ldquoreceiverdquo in the context of hospitality 79 J A Fitzmyer First

Corinthians A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (The Anchor Yale Bible 32 Yale Yale

University Press 2008) 434 ndash 35 opts for the first nuance In referencing Mark 148 he states that

ldquoProlambanei means lsquotakes in advance ofrsquo (others)rdquo Regarding the second meaning he asserts ldquoSome maintain

that prolambanei does not mean lsquotake in advance but merely lsquoconsumersquo or lsquodevourrsquo Such meanings however

are questionable especially in this context with v 33 despite numerous attempts so to understand itrdquo

89 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 96 E A Judge The Social

Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century Some Prolegomena to the Study of New Testament Ideas

of Social Obligation (London Tyndale Press 1960) 60ndash62 J J Meggitt ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT

25 (2003) 371ndash91 Steven J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo

JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

90 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 5 D

E Garland 1 Corinthians states that ldquothe problem is simply this when they eat the Lordrsquos Supper they divide

along socio-economic linesrdquo 533

91 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activity An Analysis of 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174

92 I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1980) 109

93 Adolf Deissmann Paul A Study in Social and Religious History trans William E Wilson (Gloucester

Mass Smith 1972) 241-43 The word Deisssmann uses is Schicht S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo

326 translates Schicht as ldquostratumrdquoand Klasse as ldquoclassrdquo

94 See for example Shirley J Case The Social Origins of Christianity (New York Cooper Square Publishers

1975 reprint of 1923 ed)

20

scholarly consensus (what I designate ldquophase twordquo) during the second half of the twentieth century about the

socio-economic perspective of the problem in Corinth A J Malherbe observed that the ldquosocial status of early

Christians may be higher than Deissmann had supposed hellip and that lsquoa new consensusrsquo may be emergingrdquo95

Another traditional interest in the study of the sociondasheconomic aspects of the Corinthian meal practice

is the physical setting of the gathering I thus make a shift to the historical setting of Corinth The mode of

meeting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with regard to the organization and procedure coupled with the manner in

which the members participated in the Lordrsquos Supper has engaged the attention of scholars There are pieces of

evidence within the political ἐκκλησίαι of GrecondashRoman world which might illuminate what took place in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ancient Mediterranean world banquets took place in varied spaces Some scholars

are of the view that banquets could take place at homes For example Jerome MurphyndashOrsquoConnor a

representative of the second phase considers the triclinium to be the meeting place for the house congregation96

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor basing his evidence on architectural structure of a classic Roman villa points out the

disparity that social class portrayed in the GrecondashRoman social context On invitation to banquets the hostrsquos

ldquoclosest friends hellipwho would have been of the same social class and from whom he might expect the same

courtesy on a future occasionrdquo would recline in the triclinium while the rest would be compelled to sit ldquoin the

atrium where conditions were greatly inferiorrdquo97

James N Davidson buttresses the fact of the disparity in

social class by arguing from Petroniusrsquos narrative of Trimalchiorsquos feast that ldquoin the Roman context the banquet

becomes a theatre of wealth and property of social distinction or social climbingrdquo98

G Linton finds evidence for house churches in some cities that were loosely connected Corinth for

instance had a total number of ldquosix churchesrdquo that met in the homes of the following people Aquila and

Priscilla (Acts 182ndash4) Titius Justus (Acts 187) Crispus (Acts 188 Chloe (1 Cor 111) Stephanas (1 Cor

116) and Gaius (Rom 1623)99

Floyd V Filson notes that the tendency for party strife in the apostolic era

could be attributed to the existence of several house churches in one city He however states that house

churches contributed to the development of the early church He draws attention to the importance and function

95

Abraham J Malherbe Social Aspects of Christianity (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 W A Meeks The

First Urban Christians E A Judge The Social Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century G

Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth

96 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 178ndash185 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl

im Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo

ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

97 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 183 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl im

Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucisrdquo 183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe

Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

98 J N Davidson Courtesans amp Fishcakes The Consuming Passions of Classical Athens (London Harper

Collins 1997) 311

99 G Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo StonendashCampbell Journal 8 (2005) 229ndash

244) at 233 However in n17 he cites Bradley Blue ldquoActs and the House Church ldquoBradley Bluerdquo in The Book

of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting (ed David W J Gill and Conrad Gempf vol 2 of the The Book of Acts in

Its First Century Setting ed B W Winter (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1994) 174ndash75 that it is likely that Gaius

was the praelignomen of Titius Justus cited in Acts 187 If this were so then the number of house churches in

Corinth would be five

21

of house churches for an understanding of the polity of the church and the physical state in which the early

Christians lived and also gathered100

In recent discussions Gerd Theissen has developed this notion of social status of early Christians

stressing its related subject of social stratification Theissen identifies two groups ldquothose who lack food the

μὴ ἔχοντες and those who can make provision for their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He however does not rule

out the possibility of a more ldquoindividualistic interpretationrdquo as the words ἕκαστος and ἴδιον can connote101

He

submits that it is likely that those members of the ἐκκλησία who enjoy a private meal have a high social status

not only on the basis that they in contrast with other members can provide meals for themselves and for others

he also suggests the probability that the phrase gives a hint of house ownership102

Thus he concludes that ldquothe

conflict over the Lordrsquos Supper is a conflict between poor and rich Christiansrdquo103

He also proposes that the

wealthy Christians consumed in both greater quantity and quality of food than the poor104

Theissen regards

Paulrsquos response to the questions of status and ldquofeeling of rejectionrdquo which could threaten the ἐκκλησία as an

endeavor to promote ldquolove-patriarchalismrdquo which is Paulrsquos dominant ethic105

Robert Jewett points out that typical of the profile of the house church model is a patron who is in

charge of affairs whereas the lower class members are ldquorecipients of hisher largesserdquo Alluding to the house

church model he mentions that Theissenrsquos ldquopatriarchalism of loverdquo is probably a ldquobyndashproduct of this modelrdquo106

Bruce Winter considers the household as an essential social unit of the first century While Theissen identifies

the social context of Corinth as comprising the rich and the poor Winter insists that we need to be cautious in

dividing society in the first century into the rich and the poor if we really consider the social context of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία107

Anthony C Thiselton observes that the establishment of the possible role played by the

hostndashpatron may call into question G D Feersquos contention that the splits (σχίσματα 1118) of the present section

are different in nature from those of 110108

C S Keener intimates that ldquo[s]ociological models must be used

heuristically hence adapted according to ancient Mediterranean evidence but social history focuses on many

questions that prove paramount in 1 Corinthians especially the conflict between lowndashand highndashstatus

membersrdquo109

100

F V Filson ldquoThe Significance of Early House Churchesrdquo JBL 58 (1939) 105ndash12 at 105ndash6

101 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activityrdquo 148

102 Ibid 150

103 Ibid 151

104 Ibid155

105 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

106 R Jewett ldquoTenement Churches and Communal Meals in the Early Church The Implications of a Form ndash

Critical Analysis of 2 Thessalonians 310rdquo BR 38 (1983) 23ndash43 at 23 See also 32ff

107 B W Winter ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo 73ndash82 esp 81

108 A C Thiselton The First Epistle to the Corinthians A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids

Mich WB Eerdmans Carlisle Paternoster Press 2000) 850

109 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

22

Tempering these claims recent studies (what I designate ldquophase threerdquo) have added further complexity

to the economic realities within the Corinthian community110

J J Meggitt examines the economic reality that

characterized the churches associated with Paul He contends that the economy of the Roman Empire was

ldquoessentially prendashindustrialrdquo and that it was the kind that could hardly support ldquoa mid-range economic grouprdquo111

Placing the economic system in a wider context he considers it to be stagnant and at its lowest ebb112

He also

finds it inappropriate to ldquouncriticallyrdquo flip through primary sources and use them as assumptions to establish

what in reality might have regulated Paulrsquos association with his companions113

He rather opts for the works of

historians and the use of their methodologies In writing on Paulrsquos background he does not see how πολίτης

informs us about ldquoPaulrsquos economic historyrdquo114

In appealing to epigraphic sources he writes that Paulrsquos use of

εὐγενής in conjunction with other words in 1 Cor 126 do not specifically inform us about the ldquosocial

constituencyrdquo of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoexcept that a small number were more fortunate than the othersrdquo115

Meggitt states that it is impossible to determine the extent of the privilege the small number enjoyed What is a

bit puzzling in Meggittrsquos argument is that he denies the interpretation of 1 Cor 1122 that οἱ ἔχοντες are more

socially privileged than οἱ μὴ ἔχοντες In summation Meggitt consistently rejects that the problems at the

communal meals in Corinth can be interpreted in wealth and status terms He expresses his conflict with the sondash

called New Consensus and contends that the reconstructions of both phases one and two are not only

ldquodependent upon anachronistic and inappropriate interpretations of the first centuryrdquo but also that the pieces of

evidence to support their interpretation ldquocannot stand up to close scrutinyrdquo116

Theissen concedes that some of

Meggittrsquos arguments need to be taken seriously He therefore had to rework some of his arguments on that

basis He moreover admits that his interpretation does not explain all of the conflicts117

Another scholar who has also challenged the viewpoint of the scholars of both phases one and two is

110

Critics who do not concur to this view include J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival (TampT Clark 1998)

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo 323ndash361 and A Lindemann Der Erste Korintherbrief (HNT 9I

Tuumlbingen Mohr 2000)

111 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 7

112 Ibid ldquo The economy remained weak and rudimentary with little or no growthrdquo 42

113 Ibid The phenomenon Meggitt mentions is ldquofriendshiprdquo and he cites the example of P Marshall Enmity in

Corinth Social Conventions in Paulrsquos Relations with the Corinthians (Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1987 p x) 12

He opines that we can make far reaching impact if we use ldquothe imperatives and techniques of lsquoHistory from

Belowrsquo and Popular Culturerdquo 18

114 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 83

115 Ibid 105ndash6

116 Ibid 75ndash154 at 99 Meggitt expresses his conflict with the so called New Consensus For responses to

Meggitt see Gerd Theissen ldquoThe Social Structure of Pauline Communities Critical Remarks on J J Meggitt

ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 65ndash84 idem ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo

Dale B Martin ldquoReview Essay J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 51ndash64 For further

reconstruction of economic conditions see Steven J Friesen ldquoThe Wrong Erastus Ideology Archaeology and

Exegesisrdquo in Corinth in Context Comparative Studies on Religion and Society (ed S J Friesen et al Leiden

Brill 2010) 231ndash56

117 Gerd Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 391

23

Steven J Friesen He is of the view that the notion of old or new consensus is inapplicable to the state of affairs

in the Roman Empire In comparing the work of Adolf Deissmann with the works of scholars of the late

twentieth century he sees a shift in the interpretation of society based on ldquoclassrdquo to one that is based on ldquosocial

statusrdquo He considers such a definition of social status to be inappropriate and rather suggests one that is based

on measuring the economic resources of the Roman Empire He proposes seven categories ranging from ldquobelow

subsistence levelrdquo to ldquoimperial elitesrdquo instead of the binary classification of ldquorichpoorrdquo 118

Friesen observes

that the basic category of analysis has become ldquothe social status of individualsrdquo as defined by Meeks119

Friesen

refutes this concept as an unmeasurable one for three reasons First the relationship that exists between the ten

variables by which social status is determined is not clearly defined Second there is no indication of the nature

of a socialndashstatus profile in the Roman Empire in the absence of ldquocomparable datardquo Third we lack information

about even one of the cited variables about persons in Paulrsquos ἐκκλησίαι120

1 4 A New Set of Questions

From the foregoing it becomes evident that rhetorical and sociondashhistorical studies have contributed to

the understanding of Paulrsquos instructions in the passage under review Nonetheless there is room to explore

further because we do not have a satisfactory answer yet for the fractiousness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Given

the shortcomings exhibited in the attempts by these studies to resolve the issues at stake make it compelling for

a new approach This dissertation will examine Paulrsquos instructions in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 through a ritual lens

Several scholars have handled the passage I am surveying in a rhetorical fashion121

C S Keener

rightly states that ldquoBecause letters were not speeches and even later rhetorical handbooks treat them differently

rhetorical outlines of Paulrsquos letters (as if they were handbook model speeches) are suspectrdquo122

The passage

under review is one that has generated scholarly discussions but little detailed attention has been turned to its

ritual setting and also the potency of rituals to shape collective experience and thus foster greater unity in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία Richard Demaris rightly observes that in recent times as discussed above the social and

historical background has been a major focus of interest for New Testament scholars Even though the

exploration of ritual is an integral part of this ldquofocus on the communities behind the written text yet to date

118

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

at 323 The seven categories are PS1 ndash Imperial elites PS2 ndash Regional or provincial elites PS3 ndash Municipal

elites PS 4 ndash Moderate surplus resources PS5 ndash Stable near subsistence level PS6 ndash At subsistence level and

PS7 ndash Below subsistence level See Figure 1 Poverty scale for the Roman Empire at 341 for the full details

The shift is from ldquoan industrial capitalistrdquo to ldquoa consumer capitalist interpretationrdquo

119 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 53ndash55

120 S J Friesen indicates that even though Mary is mentioned in Rom 16 6 that information on her gender as

ldquofemalerdquo cannot be used to determine her social status

121 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation Wilhelm Wuellner ldquoWhere is Rhetorical

Criticism Taking Usrdquo CBQ 49 (1987) 448ndash63 esp 458ndash63 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo 1ndash27

Michael Buumlnker Briefformular und Rhetorische Disposition im 1 Korintherbrief (Goumlttingen Vandenhoeck amp

Ruprecht 1984) S M Pogoloff Logos and Sophia The Rhetorical Situation of 1 Corinthians SBL

Dissertation Series 134 ed DL Petersen and P Perkins (Georgia Scholars Press 1992) esp 237 ff

122 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

24

there has been comparatively little work done in this areardquo123

While there are sociondashhistorical studies pertaining

to the social setting of the house church and the disparity in wealth distribution in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία few

if any work with ritual

The existing examinations of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveal that varying explanations have

been given Instead of doing a kind of mirror reading of 1 Cor 11 to determine what is wrong with the

Corinthian beliefs and behavior I will look at how Paulrsquos rituallyndashoriented interventions would build greater

strength in the community whatever the source of their division I will therefore examine the effect Paulrsquos

directions would have upon the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will demonstrate in detail in chapter 4 how Paulrsquos

intervention can be seen as a remedy to the Corinthian problem I will argue that for Paul to ensure that the

instructions given could materialize he needed a strategy that might help improve their relationship and

promote greater stability The antidote to the Corinthian problem as this dissertation purports to demonstrate

might be the introduction of a ritual viz κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I will therefore advance an argument in the next

chapter that the δεῖπνον practiced in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an ordinary meal of the sort that we encounter

in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman world

123

Richard E DeMaris The New Testament in its Ritual World (New York Routledge 2008) 2

25

2

The State of the Meal at Corinth

In fact the man of sense who comes to dinner does not betake himself there just to fill himself up as though he

were a sort of pot but to take some part be it serious or humorous and to listen and to talk regarding this or

that topic as the occasion suggests it to the company if their association together is to be pleasant

ndash Plutarch Moralia

In the previous chapter I reviewed current scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία on their meal practices and the various kinds of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία In this chapter I will focus

on the general pattern of GrecondashRoman meals make an excursus on meals and shift to the pattern of meals of

voluntary associations in particular and compare and contrast that with the state of the meal in Corinth This

strategy acclaims itself for the following reasons It will set up the case for what a ritual is and provide me the

context and occasion to demonstrate what ritual looks like in chapter 3 It will also help me to determine

whether the Corinthian δεῖπνον is like other meals or not Moreover it will help me to embark on a ritual

analysis of the passage under review in chapter 4 I thus argue that the Corinthian δεῖπνον is an ordinary meal of

the sort we see in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu and that in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34 Paul

by mentioning κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might be launching a ritual that is separate and distinct from the Corinthian

δεῖπνον

In the first section I will focus on the two parts of the GrecondashRoman meals and the table fellowships at

Jewish banquets respectively1 The second section undertakes a comparative study of the meal practices of

GrecondashRoman associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία The findings from the study will form the data for a

comparative analysis with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The voluntary associations I will use for the comparative

analysis include the collegia or thiasoi2 The third section of the chapter further reviews more recent studies by

1 A banquet is a social institution and associated with it are meals and drinks It is a dual-purpose occasion

which features the δεῖπνον ldquosupperrdquo ie the meal proper and the συμπόσιον ie the drinking party See

Katherine M D Dunbabin The Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality (Cambridge University Press 2003)

4 who opts for the word as a ldquogeneric term for the festive consumption of food and drink in Roman societyrdquo

Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early

Christian Culture (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2012) 6 συμπόσιον literally means ldquodrinking

togetherrdquo The institution may be traced to the ldquoarchaic period from the eighth to sixth centuries B C Erdquo

2 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 209 see esp

194ndash96 Richard S Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg Associations in the Greco-Roman

World A Sourcebook (Waco Texas Baylor University 2012) 5 Other ldquorecurring association self-designations

or names for association membersrdquo used in the dissertation include collegium (association) koinon

(associationrdquo) eranos (club) orgeōnes (sacrificing associates) cf W S Ferguson ldquoThe Attic OrgeonesrdquoHTR

37 (1944) 61ndash174 at 128 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity A Guide to Graeco

Roman Religions trans Brian McNeil (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2003) 44 The members of the oldest

Athenian associations were called ὀργεῶνες Collegium is the commonest term in the Latin sources used to

describe all kinds of Roman associations See Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity

46 See also B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo Dictionary of New Testament Background (ed Craig A Evans

and Stanley E Porter Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 2000) 136 Voluntary associations were

designated ldquothiasoi or eranistai (Gk) and (collegia) in Latinrdquo Cf Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the

Professional Associations in the Roman East Dutch Monographs on Ancient History and Archaeology 17

26

Annette Weissenrieder with regard to the physical setting of the meal in Corinth Finally I will explore the state

of the meal in Corinth As a means of facilitating the probing I will examine the view expressed by George

May that the synoptic Gospels do not suggest the institution of a ritual that is to be repeated after Jesusrsquo

crucifixion The main contribution of the present chapter to my argument is that all the features that we see in

the current Corinthian practice can be accounted for on the basis of normal GrecondashRoman meals

The nutritional aspect of food is indisputable however while food is taken for nutritional purposes and

building the body physically its social significance cannot be underestimated Mary Douglas observes that

ldquofood always has a social dimension of the utmost importancerdquo3 In the social universe ldquoeach meal is a

structured social event which structures others in its own imagerdquo4 Gerard Rouwhorst referencing social and

cultural anthropologists intimates that meals and meal customs are significant markers for social identity

ldquo[E]very meal ndash especially when taken together by more than one person ndash encodes significant messages about

social and hierarchical patterns prevailing in the grouprdquo5 Dennis E Smith is of the view that a meal conveys a

ldquosymbolic languagerdquo that can be regarded as being peculiar to a specific society6 Apparently the notion of

sharing a meal together as strengthening social bonds is a universal symbol However the mode and extent of

communication varies ldquofrom culture to culturerdquo7

21 The General Pattern of Formal Meals

In this section I will examine the general pattern of meals in the GrecondashRoman world in specific

terms the Greek meal namely δεῖπνονσυμπόσιον (the Roman equivalents are cœnaconvivium or comissatio)

and make an excursus into Jewish banquet The Greek meal is relevant to the present study because it bears on

whether the use of the bread and cup were already separate I will apply the paradigm of the GrecondashRoman

meal formulated by D E Smith and Matthias Klinghardt to a spectrum of literature and social settings of the 1st

century B C E to the 4th

century C E The common thesis of Smith and Klinghardt ldquowas thoroughly

investigated in the SBL Consultation (2002ndash2004) and adopted by the SBL Seminar (2005ndash 2010) itself as

(Amsterdam J C Gieben 1997) 8 Associations were characteristic of Greek way of life Orgeōnes ldquowas the

oldest name for private associationsrdquo ldquothiasotai denotes associations of worshippers while it is likely that

eranistai might have been ldquoof a more social characterrdquo

3 Mary Douglas ldquoFood as a System of Communicationrdquo in In the Active Voice (London Routledge amp Kegan

Paul 2011) 82

4 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 esp 65ndash 69 at 69

5 Gerard Rouwhorst ldquoTable Community In Early Christianity in A Holy People Jewish and Christian

Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (ed Marcel Poorthuis and Joshua Schwartz Jewish and Christian

Perspectives 12 (Leiden Boston Brill 2006) 69ndash84 at 69 referencing Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo

Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 idem Implicit Meanings Selected Essays in Anthropology (2nd ed London New

York Routledge1999) 231ndash51

6 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist the Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 14

7 Ibid

27

foundationalrdquo8 I will follow the main features that can be designated as the typology of the Hellenistic meal as

proposed by Smith and Klinghardt and that are relevant to the present research They comprise

1 the custom of reclining

2 the structure of the δεῖπνον

3 the transition between the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον with ceremonial libation

4 the συμπόσιον characterized by drinking conversation and or entertainment

5 leadership especially the appointment of a συμποσίαρχος

6 membershipguests9 In addition I would add

7 physical setting of meals

In the ancient Mediterranean culture the common meal was one of the most significant social

institutions The partaking of a common meal usually was the core activity for the gathering of people whether

it was religious or social occasion10

Matthias Klinghardt and Dennis E Smith in their theses proposed that

there is a common meal tradition that characterised the meal practices in the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean

whether they be gentile Jewish or Christian11

D E Smith suggests that even though the meal customs as

observed in different social settings in the Mediterranean world portrayed minor differences ldquothe evidence

suggests that meals took similar forms and shared similar meanings and interpretations across a broad range of

the ancient worldrdquo12

Klinghardt concurs with D E Smith and contends that there is ldquono difference between

Hellenisticndashpagan and Jewish community meals helliprdquo and that ldquoit is not advisable to separate the consideration of

private and association mealtimesrdquo13

Essentially there is a shift from the proposal of different types of meals to a common meal paradigm

that was practiced in ldquothe Mediterranean world of the first century BCE to the fourth century CErdquo14

There is

8 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm The Work of the Society of Biblical Literaturersquos Seminar on

Meals in the GrecondashRoman Worldrdquo in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum ed Matthias

Klinghardt and Hal E Taussig TANZ 56 (Tuumlbingen Francke 2012) 25ndash40 at 28ndash29

9 Cf Ibid esp 28ndash30

10 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist states ldquowhen any group of people in the ancient Mediterranean

world met for social or religious purposes their gatherings tended to be centered on a common meal or

banquetrdquo1ndash 2 See also Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven Conn Yale

University Press 2003) 44 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo in Meals in the Early

Christian World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed Dennis E Smith and Hal

E Taussig (New York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) 14

11 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft Soziologie und Liturgie fruumlhchristlicher

Mahlfeiern (Tuumlbingen Francke Verlag 1996) D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist

12 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

13 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 24f Cited by Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a

New Paradigm 30

14 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroductionrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian World Social Formation Experimentation

and Conflict at the Table 2 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9 14 Linked with this

paradigm is the typology of the communal meal The typology is distinct from that of previous scholarship that

associated itself with the ldquolsquoreligionsgeschichtliche Schulersquo which identified with many different lsquotypesrsquo of

mealsrdquo The ritual structure of the common meal in the ancient Mediterranean life had a similar pattern in

28

therefore the need for us to adequately capture the essence of ldquothe larger phenomenon of the banquet as a social

institutionrdquo if we are to understand the respective cases of ldquoformalized meals in the GrecondashRoman world such

as Greek philosophical banquets or Jewish festival meals or early Christian community mealsrdquo15

211 The Mode of reclining

Greek meal practices matured during the classical period (the sixth and fifth centuries B C E)16

While many of the meal practices were preserved from the Homeric era some changes nevertheless took place

in the structure of the meal and reflected a basic change in the overall nature of the meals For example one of

the means through which the common meal tradition can be discovered is by observing the form of the custom

of reclining that the several peoples of Mediterranean world adopted at formal meals Prior to adopting the norm

of reclining there was the tradition that Greeks Romans and Jews sat at meals17

There is the probability that

the practice of reclining originated in the Eastern Mediterranean world and that the Greeks adopted the custom

from the Assyrians and observed it as early as the sixth century18

JeanndashMarie Dentzer establishes close

resemblances between the oriental iconography of Greek banquets and reliefs of Assyrian kings for example

TiglathndashPilesser III and Ashurbanipal19

D E Smith acknowledges that Dentzerrsquos study has revealed that the

custom of reclining was not adopted merely for the sake of a change of posture but as a change of ldquosocial coderdquo

ndash one of ldquoadopting a fully developed social institution namely the GrecondashRoman banquetrdquo20

Dentzerrsquos study

thus discloses a point of symbolism or coding The norm of reclining was to create awareness of prestige

accorded to persons in society

ldquodifferent cultures and timesrdquo Solutions based on ldquosimilar basic valuesrdquo were equally found to address the

problems it generated Idem Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft See also Gerd Theissen The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians D

E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist idem ldquoMeals and Moralityrdquo in Paulrsquos World Society of Biblical

Literature Seminar Papers SBL 1981 319 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the

New Testament and Liturgy Today (London SCM Press 1990) Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und

Mahlgemeinschaft Idem ldquoThe Typology of the Greco-Roman Banquetrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian

World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed D E Smith and Hal E Taussig (New

York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) The Spartans call their communal meals syssitia meaning ldquocommunal citizen

dining groupsrdquo Cf Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-

Roman and Early Christian Culture 5

15 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

16 Ibid 19

17 Ath Deip 115ndash19ndash25 29ndash33 In Homer the posture for meals was sitting ndash εὐωχοῦνται δὲ παρ᾽ Ὁμήρῳ

καθήμενοι 1 20 cf Hom Od 332ndash39 and 3429 where the word ἕδρα is used Iliad 9200 218 24473 See

also the use of ἵζω at 9218 and 24472 See Gerda Bruns ldquoKuumlchenwesen und Mahlzeitenrdquo in Archaeologia

Homerica II Kap Q (Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht 1970) 49ndash50

18 Jean-Marie Dentzer ldquoAux Origines de Lrsquoiconographie du Banquet Coucheacuterdquo RA (1971) 215ndash258 idem Le

Motif du Banquet Coucheacute dans le Proche-Orient et le Monde Grec du VIIe au IVe Siegravecle avant J-C Rome

Eacutecole Franccedilaise de Rome Palais Farnese 1982 There was cultural assimilation circa the eighth century and

this tendency did not only affect the posture for formal meals but attracted other meal conventions 227

19 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo discusses Dentzerrsquos work esp 215ndash17 221 223

228ndash229 236 244 250ndash58

20 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 18

29

212 The Structure of the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον

The Greek practice was to organize a dualndashpurpose banquet and this twofold structure of the

communal meal helps in illuminating our conception of the Christian meals during the first two centuries of the

Common Era The first session was the δεῖπνον which constituted the major meal of the day The second

session συμπόσιον was devoted to drinking in the midst of entertainment21

The Greek δεῖπνον the main and

last meal became the most important meal of the day Greek culture had some influence on the customs of the

Romans and the Romans in turn acquired new culinary habits22

The Romans followed the Greek tradition of

three meals in a day ndash the ientaculum (also iantaculum) or breakfast the prandium or midday meal and the

cœna or evening meal

Peter Lampe in applying historicalndashcontextual exegesis uses GrecondashRoman dinner party of the first

century to shed light on the cultural context of the Gentile Christians in Corinth He makes a distinction

between the sondashcalled ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and the ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo Dinner takes place during the ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and

after a break spicy dishes seafood and bread are served in addition to sweet desserts and fruits during the

symposium at ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo23

The symposium was celebrated at both private and public levels It is

debatable whether the συμπόσιον had any formal relation with the δεῖπνον or it took place independently The

sources reveal two viewpoints The first is that the συμπόσιον appears to assume independence from the

δεῖπνον In the symposium literature there are records of drinking and philosophical discourses for example in

the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon Moreover there are instances where clients were invited solely for the

21

Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10 expands the terms δεῖπνον or συσσίτον in

Greek sources and cena (cœna) in Latin Cena was the name given by the Romans to the main meal (evening

meal) Roman meals were taken in courses (fercula) There were three divisions namely prima cœna altera

cœna and tertia cœna See Mart Epig 4 8 1ndash2 Cf Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of

Pericles (trans Peter Green 1st American ed New York Macmillan 1966) 167ndash81) at 173 opts for two

successive stages of every formal dinner for all religious brotherhood or any other association (thiasos) Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus The Search for the Authentic Deeds of Jesus (San

Francisco HarperSan Francisco 1998) 352 The second part was ldquothe drinking partyrdquo that follows the meal

22 See Katherine M D Dunbabin Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality 4 states ldquothe Greek traditionhellip had

a profound impact upon the iconography of Roman arthelliprdquo

23 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor1117ndash34)rdquo

Affirmation 4 (1991)1ndash15 esp 2ndash3 Idem ldquoDas Korinthische Herrenmahl im Schnittpunkt Hellenistisch-

Roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und Paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1 Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 at 186ndash

87 who mentions a break between primae und secundae mensae as part of the format Cenaδεῖπνον) primae

mensae Pause -Uumlbergang Secundae mensaeDesserts und Trinken See Athenaeus Deipnosophists 1450 The

ancients usually served desserts Ephippus in his Ephebi lists the various dishes served for dessert groats and a

cask of rich palm wine cakes and other sweetmeats cheese cakes and eggs Comparatively sweetmeats and

cheesecakes were integral part of the dessert course Both sweetmeats and cheesecakes are mentioned by Alexis

in his Philiscus while Ephippus mentions sweetmeats and cakes of sesame in his Cydon among others Other

scholars who share a similar viewpoint of Lampe include Carolyn Osiek and David L Balch Families in the

New Testament World Households and House Churches (The Family Religion and Culture Louisville

Westminster John Knox 1997) 200ndash203 Bradley B Blue ldquoThe House Church at Corinth and the Lordrsquos

Supperrdquo 233ndash34 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 26 Henk J de Jonge ldquoThe Early History of the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo in Religious Identity and the

Invention of Tradition Papers Read at a NOSTER Conference in Conference in Soesterberg January 4ndash6 1999

(ed Jan Willem van Henten amp Anton Houtepen Assen Royal Van Gorcum 2001) 209ndash37 at 209ndash10 Gregory

Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo 243

30

συμπόσιον24

The second viewpoint is that a formal meal could hardly be taken without drinking Hence despite

the general distinction neither the likelihood of drinking during the δεῖπνον nor the eating of food during the

συμπόσιον should be ruled out25

Special rituals were performed and they were indicative of a transition ndash the end of one phase (δεῖπνον)

and the beginning of second phase the συμπόσιον Furthermore the evidence becomes clearer when a

comparison is made with the transition between the Roman cœna and the comissatio The rituals started with

the removal of the tables followed by the bringing in of the wine bowl for the purpose of mixing the wine26

Ritual libation27

and singing a paeligan or hymn served as an interlude between the eating of meals and the

drinking session There were other times songs were sung to suit the occasion Plato succinctly captures this

aspect of the banquet μετὰ ταῦτα ἔφη κατακλινέντος τοῦ Σωκράτους καὶ δειπνήσαντος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων σπονδάς

τε σφᾶς ποιήσασθαι καὶ ᾁσαντας τὸν θεὸν καὶ τἆλλα τὰ νομιζόμενα τρέπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν πότον 28

The beginning of the συμπόσιον was marked by the election of a συμποσίαρχος (symposiarch or a

presiding officer) from among the guests29

The συμποσίαρχος had the responsibility of determining the

proportion of wine to water in the krateacuter and to decide the amount of wine each guest has to drink30

Another

important decision to be made was how the time was to be spent Moreover it was his duty to determine the

kind of entertainment to be held Aristotle in his Treatise on Drunkenness uses the term δεύτεραι τραπέζαι The

expression ldquoδεύτεραι τραπέζαιrdquo is appropriate since it is served after the meal proper as the second part of the

meal A conscious effort was made to ensure that enough room is left in the bodies of the guests not only for the

meal and the dessert but for a drinking spree31

The method of drinking was also considered This becomes

evident in Platorsquos Symposium

τὸν οὖν Παυσανίαν ἔφη λόγου τοιούτου τινὸς κατάρχειν εἶεν ἄνδρες φάναι τίνα τρόπον ῥᾷστα

πιόμεθα ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι τῷ ὄντι πάνυ χαλεπῶς ἔχω ὑπὸ τοῦ χθὲς πότου καὶ δέομαι ἀναψυχῆς

24

Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles notes ldquoSome guests might only have been

invited for the symposium proper and these would arrive when dinner was overrdquo 175

25 Ibid ldquoBut it should not be supposed that the first half of the proceedings excluded drink while the second

half per contra excluded solid food far from itrdquo173

26 There was no fixed amount of water to wine Commonly there could be five parts of water to two parts wine

or three parts of water to a part of winerdquo See Ath Deip10426d Cf D E Smith From Symposium to

Eucharist 32

27 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 352 Each (phase) ldquocourse began with a

benediction or libation over the food and wine a custom that was adapted in different ways by Greeks Romans

and Jewshellipcf Mark 8 6 1422ndash25)rdquo

28 Plato Symposium 176 α ldquoAfter these things he said when Socrates had reclined and dined with the others

they poured libation and sang a chant to the god and so forth as custom demands till they took to drinkingrdquo

My translation

29 See Platorsquos Symposium 213 ε The guests of Agathon reached the consensus to drink volitionally without the

appointment of a συμποσίαρχος When Alcibiades came to the scene he appointed himself συμποσίαρχος in

order that they could drink to their satisfaction

30 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the Time of Pericles 175

31 Plut De Tuen 4

31

τινοςndashοἶμαι δὲ καὶ ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλούς παρῆστε γὰρ χθέςndash32

The δεῖπνον was characterized by leisure in consonance with the posture of reclining Associated with

the δεῖπνον was an entertainment scheduled for the whole evening Not only did the δεῖπνον become the one

formal meal of the day but also potentially ldquothe social highlight of the day as wellrdquo33

The institution of the

evening meal as a banquet offered them the opportunity to spend three or more hours Entertainment played a

vital role at banquets and took place in several ways Music was performed to serve therapeutic as well as

psychological purposes for those given in to drunkenness and gluttony It was valued as a means of curbing

emotional disturbances and puts vitality into the lives of the guests34

Another kind of entertainment was the performance of drama using mythological stories at the

banquets of religious associations The statutes of the Iobakchoi a Bacchic club provide an example of this

form of entertainment In their case deities and other mythological characters are given specific ldquorolesrdquo to be

performed at the banquet D E Smith explains that such kinds of entertainment serve as a ldquospecial lsquoreligiousrsquo

function analogous to what we might identify as a lsquoliturgicalrsquo functionrdquo35

A subject that developed in the

philosophical tradition of the symposium was one in which philosophers would engage in wise and learned

conversation during the session for entertainment36

Conversation during the partaking of a meal was very

important Questions were proposed by the company for discussions after dinner37

Importance was accorded to

philosophical conversation On one occasion a flute player was dismissed in order that philosophical

conversation could take place This decision was recorded in Platorsquos Symposium

ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν φάναι τὸν Ἐρυξίμαχον τοῦτο μὲν δέδοκται πίνειν ὅσον ἂν ἕκαστος βούληται ἐπάναγκες

δὲ μηδὲν εἶναι τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο εἰσηγοῦμαι τὴν μὲν ἄρτι εἰσελθοῦσαν αὐλητρίδα χαίρειν ἐᾶν αὐλοῦσαν

ἑαυτῇ ἢ ἂν βούληται ταῖς γυναιξὶ ταῖς ἔνδον ἡμᾶς δὲ διὰ λόγων ἀλλήλοις συνεῖναι τὸ τήμερον38

32

Plato Symp 176 α β ldquoThen Pausanias began a conversation after this manner lsquoWell gentlemen what way

of drinking will be best for us I therefore on one hand declare to you that am altogether in a very poor state

by yesterdayrsquos drinking bout I request for some refreshment on the other hand for most of you for you were

present yesterday hellip therefore contemplate on which way of drinking will be best for usrdquo My translation

33 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Meal in 1 Corinthians in

Comparison with Graeco-Roman Meals 6

34 Ath Deip 424 Entertainment took place in several ways It included dance music comedy the

performance and discussion of poetry

35 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 27

36 See Ath Deip 5 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 The kind of

conversation was ldquoenlightened conversation on philosophical topics as their symposium entertainmentrdquo and it

followed the format in the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon

37 Plutarch describes them as ldquoPlatonic Questionsrdquo Moralia 13999 c

38 Plato Symp 176 ε ldquoTherefore since it has been resolvedrdquo said Eryximachus ldquothat we are to drink as much as

each desires with no compulsion on any I take the lead after this that the flutendashgirl who entered just now be

dismissed let her play the flute to herself or if she wishes to the women within but let us understand one

another through conversation todayrdquo Translation mine

32

Conversation and toasts took place as the cup handled by a cupbearer went round39

However during the

Roman period wine was usually served during both the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον Closely linked to entertainment

is the number of guests The guests who participated in the Greek symposium ndash δεῖπνον ndash could be 36 or more

Matthias Klinghardt assumes a lower limit of thirty ndash five persons who partook in the meal40

καὶ γὰρ συμποσίου

μέγεθος ἱκανόν ἐστιν ἄχρι οὗ συμπόσιον 6 ἐθέλει μένειν ἐὰν δ᾽ ὑπερβάλῃ διὰ πλῆθος ὡς μηκέτι προσήγορον

ἑαυτῷ μηδὲ συμπαθὲς εἶναι ταῖς φιλοφροσύναις μηδὲ γνώριμον οὐδὲ συμπόσιόν ἐστι 41

The table served as a site that marked honor Associated with the number of guests is the seating

arrangement of guests Usually the host would offer positions to the guests Plutarch handles the question in

Table Talk as to whether an entertainer should take his seat with others or that each person should find a place

for himself His brother Timon who invited people from all walks of life desired that the guests would choose

places for themselves A stranger came after the glasses had gone round When he stared around those who

were already seated he refused to sit with them Other guests entreated him to sit but he responded that there

was no befitting place left for him After supper Plutarchrsquos grandfather Lamprias commented that if Timon had

followed his instructions and given the invited guests their proper places they would not be regarded as

unskillful in such matters42

Timon commented on the tendency to deprive many in order to honor one The

discussion led into a dispute about the honor accorded to places since it varies from one locality to another It

raised another question ldquoOn what account is the place at table called consular regarded honorablerdquo43

Plutarch

did not find it difficult to make distinctions among guests For him persons were to be given places at banquets

according to their quality44

Lamprias on the other hand emphasized conversation and fraternity and the

common good for all at table but not to ldquolook after everymanrsquos quality but their agreement and harmony with

one anotherrdquo45

In Plutarchrsquos imaginative account of Septem Sapientium Convivium he vividly describes the custom of

ranking at table One guest regarded the place that was assigned to him as being disreputable He felt ignored

and degraded Moreover he compared himself with other guests who were Aeolians and those from the islands

whom he thought were set above the one (Thrasybulus) who delegated him (the guest) to represent him at the

dinner Thales comments that it is not worth finding out who has been placed above others Rather what was

essential was for them to promote friendship with whoever has been placed with them ὡς ὅ γε τόπῳ κλισίας

39

Lucian Symp 14ndash15

40 M Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 325

41 Plut Table Talk 551 cf 678 d ldquoFor there is a certain number that is apropos for a symposium and still

remains a symposium but if it exceeds that so that by reason of that number you can no longer affectionately

address each other or even know one another then it ceases to be symposium at allrdquo

42 Plut Quaest conv 12 2

43 In Persia the proper place of honor for the king is in the midst of his people in Rome the place called

consular is the lowermost of the middle bed while the Greeks regard the upper most of the middle bed to be the

chief

44 Plut Table Talk (Quaest conv) 1

45 Ibid 1 2 It is noteworthy that Lamprias was sitting on a low bed

33

δυσχεραίνων δυσχεραίνει τῷ συγκλίτῃ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ κεκληκότι καὶ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἀπεχθάνεται46

On inquiring

about the place that the guest refused to sit Thales sat at the very place with other guests47

Lucian also recounts

the prestige that is accorded guests

δέον δὲ ἤδη κατακλίνεσθαι ἁπάντων σχεδὸν παρόντων ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν εἰσιόντων αἱ γυναῖκες ὅλον τὸν

κλιντῆρα ἐκεῖνον ἐπέλαβον οὐκ ὀλίγαι οὖσαι καὶ ἐν αὐταῖς ἡ νύμφη πάνυ ἀκριβῶς ἐγκεκαλυμμένη ὑπὸ

τῶν γυναικῶν περιεχομένη ἐς δὲ τὸ ἀντίθυρον ἡ ἄλλη πληθύς ὡς ἕκαστος ἀξίας εἶχε κατ᾽ ἀντικρὺ δὲ

τῶν γυναικῶν πρῶτος ὁ Εὔκριτος εἶτα Ἀρισταίνετος48

An important aspect of GrecondashRoman banquets is the involvement and role of patrons According to Paul

Veyne the associations (collegia) had noble patrons The main purpose of the collegia was to organize

banquets The power the patrons exerted was manifested in the decision they took with regard to the kind of

menu of the feast which they sponsored49

J S Kloppenborg confirms the sponsorship offered by the patrons

ldquoThe collegium whether domestic professional or cultic also afforded the elite an opportunity to display

largesse in the form of benefactions given to collegiardquo50

213 An Excursus on Jewish Meals

I now probe whether or not Jewish meals relate to questions at Corinth To be able to achieve this I

will seek answers to the question Does a specific kind of Jewish meal lie behind the Lordrsquos Supper The

Passover is regarded as a special meal in Jewish practice The debate on the relationship between the Last

Supper and the Jewish Passover has been a longndashstanding one Scholars have debated whether the Last Supper

was a Paschal meal or not There are pieces of evidence from both the Synoptic and the Johannine accounts that

suggest that the Last Supper was a Passover meal (Mark 141ndash2 12ndash16 cf Matt 262ndash517ndash18 Luke 221ndash16

John 1321ndash30) The Passover meal was commonly celebrated in the night of Nisan (ie prior to Nisan 15 by

our reckoning of time)51

The Johannine account (John 1828 cf 19 14 31 and 42) implies that beginning of

46

Plut Sept sap conv 149 β ldquoas in every case the one who objects to a place at table is not objecting to the

neighbor but rather to the host and incurs hatred for bothrdquo My translation

47 Ibid 149 F

48 Lucian Symp 8 9α ldquoAnd by the time it was needful to recline for nearly everyone was there On the right

on entering the women occupied the whole couch as they were not a few of them with the bride among them

altogether accurately veiled and surrounded by the women And out of the back door came the rest of the

retinue according to the worth each had Right opposite the women the first was Eucritus and then

Aristaenetusrdquo My translation

49 Paul Veyne ldquoThe Roman Empire ldquo in A History of Private Life 5 vols ed Philippe Ariegraves and Georges Duby

(Cambridge Mass Belknap Press of Harvard University Press) 1987ndash1991 vol 1 5ndash207 at 92 states that

ldquothe economic power that the household exerted over its peasants bound by sharecropping contracts was

coupled with a kind of moral authorityrdquo For a thorough description of the collegia see John S

KloppenborgldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquoin Voluntary

Associations in the Graeco-Roman World ed John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson (London New

York Routledge) 1996 16ndash30

50John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 27

51 It can be inferred from Mark 1412 that the Last Supper was a Passover meal and the day that Jesus was

arrested condemned and crucified was Nisan 15th

reckoning that day from sundown to sundown

34

Nisan 15th

was the sundown of Friday52

Johnrsquos account includes the details that the Jews did not enter the

palace in order not to defile themselves so as to be able to eat the Passover (John 1828) and Jesusrsquo crucifixion

took place on the day of Preparation (John 1914 cf 1931)Thus the fourth gospel indicates that Jesus ate the

supper with his disciples before the Passover Feast (John 131 2)53

The impression John creates then is that the

Last Supper was not a Passover meal Presumably John wanted to project a theological truth that Jesus is the

accredited Paschal Lamb (cf 129 1936) Scholars who hold this view embrace the Synoptic tradition They

reckon Johnrsquos perception of Jesus himself as the Lamb of the Passover (John 129 cf 1914)

There is a close relationship between Rabbinic Jewish and earliest Christian meals As already

mentioned from the earlier sections there was a common meal tradition in the Mediterranean region during this

period that was adapted to various groups including Rabbinic and Christian groups The format for a Jewish

meal was similar to that of a meal taken at a formal gathering54

Even though rabbinic literature is usually

applied in determining the standard forms of Judaism in the earlier periods especially the late Hellenistic and

early Roman periods there is no scholarly consensus to which extent it can be applicable Nonetheless Dennis

Smith advocates the application of rabbinic literature as a ldquobookendrdquo for the latest stage of the study on meals

thus maintaining the continuous influence of GrecondashRoman banquet tradition55

It is worth mentioning the similarities with the exception of some particular religious elements

between the Jewish ldquofestive mealrdquo of the Tannaitic period and the contemporary GrecondashRoman festive meal

For example the timing for prayers in both meals was similar however the content was not the same The Jews

were associated with the GrecondashRoman world in their culinary habits as well as other spheres of life ldquobut yet

not fully integratedrdquo56

The Tannaitic literature provides different shades of the form or liturgy of the Jewish

52

C E B Cranfield The Gospel According to Saint Mark (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1979)

413 observes that ldquothe meal was eaten between sundown and midnight on the 15th

Nisan i e early on the 15th

since the Jewish day began at sunsetrdquo F C Burkitt ldquoThe Last Supper and the Paschal Mealrdquo JTS 17 (1916ndash

17) 291ndash297 at 292 notes that prior to regarding the agreement between Matthew Mark and Luke as a single

tradition that was replicated any other alternative view appeared like a ldquominority protestrdquo There was that

tendency that the consensus fidelium could be ldquoinvoked for a theory of a Paschal mealrdquo E Schweizer The

Lordrsquos Supper According to the New Testament trans James M Davis (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1969) 5 is

of the view that by Paulrsquos time the participation in the bread and wine had moved to the end of the meal See G

Bornkamm Early Christian Experience 129 who shares a similar view Hermann L Strack and Paul

Billerbeck Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch 2 812ndash53 (Muumlnchen C H Beck

1922) See I H Marshall Last Supper and Lords Supper for a similar view 57ndash75 Hermann L Strack and

Paul Billerbeck proposed that two calendars each a day out of step with the other were in vogue and were used

by the Pharisees and Sadducees respectively According to A Jaubert John could have followed the solar

calendar of the Qumran community rather than the templersquos lunar calendar Other scholars argue that it was not

likely that Jesusrsquo crucifixion took place on the feast of the Passover On this basis therefore the evening before

the act simply was not the beginning of the Passover See for example H Lietzmann Mass and Lordrsquos Supper

A Study in the History of the Liturgy (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 173 rejects the Paschal theory of the Supper as

hardly containing ldquothe least vestige of probabilityrdquo

53 Cf I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1981) 57ndash75

54 Cf D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 178

55 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 144ndash145

56 Gordon J Bahr ldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo Nov T 12 (1970) 181ndash202 at 181

35

festive meal The following example from the Tosefta illustrates the point that Jewish meals parallel Grecondash

Roman banquet in form

What is the order of the meal The guests enter [the house] and sit on the benches and on the chairs

until all have entered They all enter and they [servants] give them water for their hands Each one

washes one hand They [servants] bring them the appetizers each one says the benediction for himself

They [guests] go up [to the dining room] and they recline and they [servants] give them [water] for

their hands although they have [already] washed one hand they [now] wash both hands They

[servants] mix for them the cup although they have said a benediction over the first [cup] they say a

benediction [also] over the second They [servants] bring them the dessert although they said a

benediction over the first one they [now] say a benediction over the second and one says the

benediction for all of them He who comes after the third course has no right to enter57

Moreover there is a close similarity between the Seder meals and GrecondashRoman table manners and culinary

habits Some features which are similar to the Seder meal and GrecondashRoman meal practices include the

washing of hands the hors drsquooeuvre the wine served before during and after the meal and the reclining on beds

or couches at dinner58

Furthermore there are parallels between meals held within Judaism and the Grecondash Roman milieu at

large during the GrecondashRoman period Previously some scholars such as J BrumbergndashKraus and Bruce

Chilton J Neuser proposed a link between GrecondashRoman meals and the development of the Passover seder in

the GrecondashRoman59

However Susan Marks BrumbergndashKraus and Jordan Rosenblum have demonstrated that

ldquoby and large Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman era participated inrdquo the Klinghardt Smith paradigm 60

For

example Susan Markrsquos 61

research investigates Jewish weddings in the GrecondashRoman period and the late

antiquity She demonstrates that the meals at such weddings were associated with the Grecondash Roman meal

typology Similarly Jordan D Rosenblum referencing Shaye J D Cohen62

explores ldquothe commensal practices

that erect the tannaitic boundary in the mindrdquo63

He draws from both tannaitic and nearly contemporary (Greek

Roman and Christian) sources and shows the relationship between early Rabbinic handling of food and the

57

t Berakot 4 8 98 Cf Gordon J BahrldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo 182 Bahrrsquos

translation adapted by the candidate It is worth noting that Luke mentions 2 cups in his account (Luke 2217ndash

20)

58 S Stein ldquoThe Influence of Symposia Literature on the Literary Form of the Pesah Haggadahrdquo JJS 8 (1957)

13ndash 44

59 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36 See J Brumberg-Kraus ldquoldquoNot by Bread Alonehelliprdquo The

Ritualization of Food and Table Talk in the Passover Seder and in the Last Supperrdquo Semeia 86 (1999) 165ndash91

Bruce Chilton and Neuser Judaism in the New Testament Practices and Beliefs (London New York

Routledge 1995)

60 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

61 Susan Marks ldquoJewish Weddings in the Greco-Roman Period A Reconsideration of Received Ritualrdquo

(January 1 2003) Online at httprepositoryupennedudissertationsAA13087427

62 Shaye J D Cohen The Beginnings of Jewishness Boundaries Varieties Uncertainties (Berkeley University

of California Press 1999) 341 ldquoBetween Us and Them is a line a boundary drawn not in the sand or stone but

in the mindrdquo

63 Jordan D Rosenblum Food and Identity in Early Rabbinic Judaism (New York Cambridge University

Press 2010) 10

36

GrecondashRoman meal code64

On this premise Hal E Taussig states that ldquoone of the strongest contributionsrdquo the

SBL Seminar has made recently is the shift in understanding of Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman period 65

As

Klinghardt rightly points out the sacramental aspects of a token meal appeared during the third century C E

The Christian meals ldquowere not lsquosacramental mealsrsquo in token form but real mealsrdquo66

In conclusion the discussion on Greek Roman and Jewish meals reveals that there is an expected form

and some meaning or symbolism pertaining to the meals There is a ritual structure common to Greek Roman

and Jewish meals and that to some extent suggest that all collective meals are ritualized (a point that I will

expand in chapter 3)

2 2 Comparison between the Meal Practices of GrecondashRoman Associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία

At this juncture I make a shift from the general description of formal meals to associations in

particular The section seeks an understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association of the

GrecondashRoman world I will cite some features prominent in GrecondashRoman banquets and compare and contrast

them with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will examine the Corinthian meal practices through the lenses of the

banqueting customs of the voluntary associations I will seek answers to the questions What are the parameters

that constitute the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to be analogous to an association To what extent did the meal practices

of the GrecondashRoman world influence the meal practices in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Originally in the Greek polis reclining was the preserve of nobility but it became decentralized and an

act enjoyed by free men The third century witnessed the waning of the political significance of the polis and the

involvement of citizens in political affairs leading to the ldquodepoliticization of the mealrdquo67

Gradually the banquet

became open to women and to slaves and it absorbed the social functions of the polis primarily in the

voluntary associations that represented public life The significance of this development can hardly be

overestimated the central event in the many associations coming into being in early Hellenism as well as in

early Principate was the communal banquet meal68

Festive meals were a common feature of the voluntary associations of all kinds in the GrecondashRoman

milieu B W R Pearson is of the view that ldquothe most frequent activity of associations whatever their particular

stripe was social gatheringrdquo69

A festive meal was commonly celebrated on ldquothe feast of the god or of the

foundation annually once a month or even more frequently depending on the aims and statues of the

associationrdquo70

One feature that is common to the first century and the present is the tendency towards the

64

It is noteworthy that the primary source for his research is the tannaitic corpus

65 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

66 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10

67 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9ndash10

68 Ibid 10

69 B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo 136

70 Ibid 44

37

establishment of associations There was a proliferation of associations for multiple purposes in the early

Roman Empire These included trade guilds dramatic guilds clubs and societies of all kinds71

Kloppenborg

observes that it is problematic to categorize collegia by their sondashcalled main activities or their functions which

may be interndashrelated He maintains that it is expedient to classify the associations based on their membership

rather than functions He identifies three major bases of membership namely those connected with a household

(collegia domestica) those formed in relation to a common trade (professional) and collegium built around the

cult of a deity (religious) which he describes as most inclusive of voluntary associations The taxonomy is thus

based on profile of the members rather than the purpose of the association72

With the decline of the Greek πόλις voluntary associations bloomed during the Hellenistic and Roman

periods People in the society found solace in associations operating with ldquostructures on a more personal

scalerdquo73

The ldquoPauline movementrdquo as part of its social organization worked out structures including

ldquobelongingrdquo74

In addition to these structures the members of the associations participated in several rituals one

of which was the partaking in a ldquocommon mealrdquo75

2 2 1 External evidence

For an effective analysis it is important to resort to external evidence that has a parallel to Corinthian

practice Establishing this kind of evidence is relevant to assert that what I am arguing is an ordinary Grecondash

Roman meal For legal reasons Jewish groups within the Roman Empire were known as collegia The

synagogues were among other ldquolongndashestablished groupsrdquo that were exempted when Julius Caesar issued a

decree banning all collegia from operation76

Pliny the Younger in writing to the emperor Trajan employed two

terms namely superstitio ldquosuperstitionrdquo and hetaeria ldquopolitical clubrdquo to describe Christians77

Pliny mentions a

71

Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches Eight Lectures delivered before the

University of Oxford in the year 1880 on the Foundation of the Late John Bampton (New York B Franklin

1972) 26

72 John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 20ndash27 For further discussion on the categorization of

associations see idem ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and Method Towards A New

Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd (ed Bradley H McLean JSNT

Sup 86 JSOT Press 1993) 212ndash238 at 237 is of the view that Pauline ἐκκλησίαι like collegia ldquocan be fitted into

the spectrum of formal designations organization and membership profiles of Greek and Roman voluntary

associationsrdquo W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 77ndash80 observes both similarities and differences

between the Christian group and typical voluntary associations See also Philip A Harland Associations

Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 2 9 28ndash29 B L Mack ldquoRereading the Christ Mythrdquo writes ldquoThe Corinthians were apparently

meeting together as an association of non-native persons in the recently repopulated city of Corinthrdquo52

73 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 43 See also Robert L Wilken The

Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35

74 Ibid See Meekrsquos comprehensive discussion of the language of belonging and boundaries 84ndash110 Cf

Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35ndash36

75 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 31 n 13 Cf J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin

Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 237

76 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 35

77 hetaeria derived from the Greek word ἑταιρας (ἑταιρία) that has been transliterated into Latin It is

38

custom (mos) that Christians practiced that involved separating themselves and reassembling to partake of food

(quibus) He regarded the Christian Supper to be in the same category as that of the hetaeriai Christians

however abandoned this practice when Pliny forbade such meals in BithyniandashPontus in early second century

after Trajan had issued an edict banning the hetaeriai78

Kloppenborg deducing from Plinyrsquos statement

expresses the view that it is an indication that both ldquothe Christians involved saw themselves as constituting an

association and that this judgement was shared by Plinyrdquo79

Christians were seen by outsiders as being part of

mystery religions One possible way of clarifying this notion ldquowas to call themselves an ἐκκλησίαrdquo a means of

intensifying social integration80

Almost all associations seemed to have a religious flavor Edwin Hatch agrees with the notion that

Christian churches were analogous with voluntary associations With the Greek associations the common meal

was inferred by its regular provision for sacrifice at their meetings while with Roman associations it was

stipulated in the extant bylaws81

Meeks mentions the partaking in ldquocommon mealsrdquo as one of the significant

similarities between the Pauline groups and the private associations82

Kloppenborg basing his observation on

Edwin Hatchrsquos comments about how cultic associations thrived irrespective of political pressures notes that as

Christian mission expanded it did not have to create the ldquonotion of a religious society distinct from the family

and the polis or staterdquo 83

Kloppenborg argues that ldquothere was a broad spectrum of forms of collegia broad

enough that most of the particularities seen in Pauline churches could fit comfortably within that spectrumrdquo84

Likewise P Richardson maintains that synagogues started as collegia in diaspora setting and early synagogues

(pre 70 synagogues) were in all details analogous to collegia85

Aristotle in his Ethica Nichomachea states that αἱ δὲ κοινωνίαι πᾶσαι μορίοις ἐοίκασι τῆς

πολιτικῆς86

Aristotle further mentions that ἔνιαι δὲ τῶν κοινωνιῶν δι᾽ ἡδονὴν δοκοῦσι γίνεσθαι θιασωτῶν καὶ

commonly known as political club or association Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them

34 indicates that ldquoAlthough the term hetaeria highlights the political aspects of these associations most clubs

were not political as Trajan recognizedrdquo

78 Pliny the Younger Ep 10 96 7

79 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo228 Peter Richardson Building Jewish in the

Roman East (Waco Baylor University Press 2004) 187 Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw

Them 44ndash 47

80 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 54 Cf Edwin Hatch The Organization of

the Early Christian Churches 30 mentions that from the perspective of an outsider the Christians were in the

ldquosame categoryrdquo with the association

81 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 16ndash54 esp 31 n13

82 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 78

83 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 213

84 Ibid esp 231ndash38

85 P Richardson ldquoEarly Synagogues as Collegia in the Diaspora and Palestinerdquo in Voluntary Associations in

the Graeco-Roman World 90ndash109

86 Aristotle Eth Nic 8 9 4 (1160α) ldquoBut all associations are as parts of the Staterdquo My translation

39

ἐρανιστῶν αὗται γὰρ θυσίας ἕνεκα καὶ συνουσίας87

From Aristotlersquos statement two kinds of associations

(κοινωνίαι) can be identified namely religious guild (θιασος) and dining club (ἐρανος) While it is likely that the

terms were used interchangeably the clubs as religious clubs offered sacrifices and promoted companionship at

the social level

Association banquets provide analogies that contribute in shedding light on the behavior of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the physical setting and the ritual structure of the Corinthian meal

Furthermore certain parameters enhanced the banquet tradition of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

Certain features of the meal practices of GrecondashRoman associations bear comparison with the evidence of 1

Corinthians 11 social stratification social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character

1 Social Stratification

The social structure of the GrecondashRoman world was displayed at the gathering for meals In the

associations seating arrangement was one of the ldquoindicators of statusrdquo 88

In professional associations the

arrangement of tables underscored hierarchy and rank and penalties were imposed on those who attempted to

take the seat of others89

In the Roman period such positions became well defined90

Lucian mentions

Alcidamas the Cynic who went to a banquet as an uninvited diner Aristaenetus after commending him asked

him to sit on a chair because there were virtually no other important places for reclining Alcidamas retorted

that it was γυναικεῖον καὶ μαλθακὸν (womanish and weak) to sit on a chair or stool during a banquet He opted

to eat while walking about in the dining room and to exhibit his unique social standing would ultimately choose

to recline on the floor should he get tired91

The mode of reclining was indicative of social rank The reason was that a unique order of reclining

prevailed with the ldquomost honoredrdquo position accorded to the person on the right of the συμποσίαρχος and the

ldquoleast honoredrdquo position given to the person at the other end of the circle and ldquofaced the back of the

συμποσίαρχος Almost always those with the places closest to the right hand of the συμποσίαρχος had the most

prestige and honor in the larger societyrdquo92

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the members were not at a single level

There were differences in status As a stratified community this discrepancy reflected in the sharing of meal

Paul claims that some were satisfied while others were hungry (1 Cor 1121) It is plausible that the rhetorical

question posed by Paul ndash μὴ γὰρ οἰκίας οὐκ ἔχετεhellip (1 Cor 1122) could mean the ownership of houses by the

87

And some associations seem to be established on the account of pleasure for example religious guilds

(thiasotai) and dining-clubs (eranistai) that are unions for sacrifice and companionship Ibid 8 9 5 (1160 α)

88 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211 Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 ldquoMeals functioned as social boundary markers not

only defining by seating arrangement who outranked whom But relegating to the bottom of the social heap

those not invited in the first placerdquo Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 Reclining at meals

ldquounderlined status and stratificationrdquo

89 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

90 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 8

91 Lucian Symp 13

92 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 See also Rachel M McRae ldquoEating with Honor The

Corinthian Lordrsquos Supper in Light of Voluntary Association Meal Practicesrdquo JBL 130 (2011)165ndash81

40

elite93

G Theissen attributes the discrepancy to class distinction ie between the wealthy and poor He draws a

distinction between those who have houses and those who do not As I will discuss in the third section of the

chapter ldquoancient space typologyrdquo is one of the means of resolving the conflict in Corinth Annette

Weissenrieder also makes a distinction between ldquoancient house structurerdquo and ldquogatherings of associationsrdquo

An indicator of status is the quantity of food served at the tables94

The hierarchies of the associative

order were openly given places of honor at banquets and were served larger portions of meal95

Thus the

ldquoleading members and benefactorsrdquo in professional associations were given the first cut of ldquosacrificial meatrdquo

Nonetheless they were supposed to help defray the cost of the meetings and banquets96

The conflict in Corinth

arises as a result of ldquotwo different patterns of conductrdquo both of which the wealthier Christians can trace to the

social setting It could be attributed to internal stratification of the community By virtue of the fact that some

members could contribute more than others it equally gave them the opportunity to attain a position of

superiority97

Within the associations the larger allocation to certain members was not considered as an offence The

regulations of the associations stipulated that the officers were to receive greater portions of all distributions

basically in the food and drink for the performance of administrative assignments G Theissen referencing E

Kornemann states that the portions varied from between ldquoone and onendashhalf to two and three times the normal

giving rise to the terms sesquiplicarii duplicarii triplicarii for the various categories of officialsrdquo 98

A case in

point is the collegium in Lanuvium Campania Italy 136 CE [June 9] (CIL XIV 2112 =ILS 7212= Bendlin

2011 136 CE June 9) In one of the bylaws of the collegium for example it was voted that any member who is

elected a president (quinquennalis) shall receive a double portion in all distributions 99

Also it was further

voted that officers such as secretary (scriba) and the messenger (viator) shall receive a portion and a half in

every distribution and that any former president who rendered distinguished and honest service shall receive a

portion and a half of everything as an indicator of honor This was to serve as an incentive for the presidents to

93

G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 602 points out that the question implies ldquoownershiprdquo

οἰκίας ἔχετε not ldquohomesrdquo

94 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211

95 K Verborven ldquoAssociative Order Status and Ethos of Roman Businessmen in the Late Republic and Early

Empirerdquo Athenaeum 95 (2007) 861ndash893 at 887 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 159 following G

Theissenrsquos construction writes ldquothe hosts provide both greater quantity and better quality of food and drink to

their social equals than to participants of lower status ldquo

96 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

97 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 162

98 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154 See E Kornemann sv

ldquoCollegiumrdquo PRE 7 3 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

80ndash480 esp 441

99 AGRW 310 (150 [11]) Cf G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 212 A quinquennalis was one of the most important officers in

an association

41

execute their duties effectively100

Furthermore the custom of Liopesi Attica regarding the purchasing of

priesthood was that it included a double portion of food with the exception of wine after the payment has been

made to the head of the club (SEG 31 [1981] no 122 = AGRW 9 early II CE) Theissen adds that ldquo[s]uch

discrepancies were in fact considered fair and properrdquo101

Seniority was another mark necessary to accord a person a place of honor at a table Such a position

offers one the opportunity to start discussing a subject Plutarch records ldquoSolon was the right man to make the

beginning of the subject not only because he was senior to all the rest and was in the place of honor at the table

but because having legislated for the Athenians he held the greatest and completest position of a rulerrdquo102

Similarly Plato mentions Phaedrus as occupying the topmost place at table and being the father of their debate

On the right of the host were guests who were seated routinely in a way depending on their status103

In contrast

with this is the lowest position

2 Social Ethics

Within the GrecondashRoman associations emphasis was placed on decorum during meals Eating a meal

is not merely an anatomical exercise but it offers diners the opportunity to foster social relationships It is only

when the ἔρανος meal is taken in a friendly manner that the beneficent principle becomes effective The diners

are expected to make friends rather than have enemies Socialness is of utmost significance during symposium

Plutarch laments that some rich men build rooms large enough to contain thirty or even more tables According

to him ldquoὅθεν οὐκ ὀρθῶς οἱ πλούσιοι νεανιεύονται κατασκευάζοντες οἴκους τριακοντακλίνους καὶ μείζους

ἀμίκτων γὰρ αὕτη καὶ ἀφίλων δείπνων ἡ παρασκευὴ καὶ πανηγυριάρχου μᾶλλον ἢ συμποσιάρχου δεομένωνrdquo104

Corporate values and norms were enforced This enhanced fellowship105

which was the mainstay of

banquets Plutarch in establishing the essence of fellowship makes the following statement ldquoἀλλrsquo ὅπου τὸ ἴδιον

ἔστιν ἀπόλλυται τὸ κοινόνrdquo 106

Comparing this statement to the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία evokes the

questions that Paul posed in 1 Cor 1016 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ

αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστιν107

100

CIL XIV 2112 = ILS 7212 = AGRW 310 [11] ndash [13]

101 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

102 Ibid 151 Plutarch ldquoDinner party of the seven sagesrdquo

103 Plato Symposium 177 DndashE In the discourse Phaedrus the father of debate is given the privilege to start

(Φαῖδρο[ς]hellip πρῶτος κατάκειται καὶ ἔστιν ἅμα πατὴρ τοῦ λόγου) It is followed by the one on the right (ἐπὶ

δεξιὰ) and to those at the lowest position at table (ἡμῖν τοῖς ὑστάτοις κατακειμένοις)

104 Plut Quaestconv 5 5 2 ldquoAnd therefore some rich men are immature who fully furnish houses big enough

with thirty couches or more at once for such a preparation is for unsociable and friendless dinners and such as

are suitable for a panegyriarch rather than symposiarch to preside overrdquo My translation

105 Ibid 717 A

106 Ibid 644 C ldquobut fellowship perishes when idiosyncrasy persistsrdquo My translation

107 ldquoThe cup of blessing that we bless is it not the koinōnia of the blood of Christ The bread that we break is it

not the koinōnia of the body of Christ My translation

42

Related to fellowship is friendship Friendship is a beneficent principle108

Friendship and hospitality

revolve around the table Plutarch regards friendship as the best of possessions109

ldquoTake away food and you

take away the table ndash that is to say gods of the altar of friendship and hospitalityrdquo110

The rationale for friends to

be invited was for them to share their moments of delight in common Archilochus is known to have said ldquoYou

come and drink full of Chian wine and yet give no return for them nor wait to be invited as a friend would

dordquo111

True friendship involves trust and the level of trust should be just as one trusts himself112

The act of

sharing food is also an indication of level of friendship that exists between people

Closely related to social ethics is social equality113

Equality was an essential ingredient of the social

code of the GrecondashRoman setting The notion of social equality was in vogue in the time of Homer where

ldquoequal feastsrdquo was a trait of the meals of the Heroes114

Plutarch promoted the spirit of equality He enjoined all

persons irrespective of status to participate in the ἔρανος on friendship terms This instruction was given to

ensure that meals were equitably distributed to all and sundry irrespective of their social status and it conforms

to the expectations of the Grecondash Roman milieu where dinner is a democratic affair (δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ

δεῖπνον)115

This speaks to Paulrsquos dissatisfaction about the Corinthians Paulrsquos dissatisfaction is seen in his

remarks that some of the members become satisfied and drunk while others are hungry Paulrsquos concern is that

the members of the ἐκκλησία would exhibit ἰσότητος (1121 cf1333ndash34)116

Furthermore in 1 Cor 14 Paul

expresses his gratitude to God for the Corinthians However he does not commend them for the proceedings of

their assembly (1 Cor 1117) Paul claims that their assembly was not for the better but for the worse (1117)

This situation could not merit his commendation He successively poses four questions in 1122 and ends with

ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ117

3 Timing

Punctuality was the standard for banquets however some diners arrived late If the hypothesis that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία had a common meal typology as other GrecondashRoman associations holds then it is

plausible that some members of the ἐκκλησία could arrive late for meals Plato indicates that at one time when

108

See Plut ldquoIsis and Osirisrdquo 370 e in Moralia V where Empedocles calls this principle ldquofriendshiprdquo or

ldquofriendlinessrdquo or and usually ldquoconcordrdquo

109 Plut ldquoOn Calumniatingrdquo Moralia V 156

110 Plut ldquoDinner Party of the Seven Sagesrdquo 158

111 Ath Deip 114

112 Sen Ad Luc 32

113 There is a tension between the notion of social equality and social stratification

114 Hom Ill 1468 602 2432

115 See Quaest Conv 616 F of Plutarchrsquos Moralia Timon expresses social equality in the following words τί

οὐκ ἐντεῦθεν ἀρξάμενοι πρῶτον ἐθίζομεν ἀτύφως καὶ ἀφελῶς κατακλίνεσθαι μετrsquo ἀλλήλων εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῶν

θυρῶν ὁρῶντας ὅτι δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ οὐκ ἔχει τόπον ἐξαίρετον ὥσπερ ἀκρόπολιν ἐφrsquo

οὗκατακλιθεὶς ὁ πλούσιος ἐντρυφήσει τοῖς εὐτελεστέροις

116 For further study on Paulrsquos desire for ἰσότητος see 2 Cor 813ndash15

117 ldquoIn this I do not praise yourdquo 1 Cor 1122e My translation

43

dinner had begun one of his diners Socrates was absent Even though Agathon the host gave the directive to go

for him he did not allow it However he later arrived about midndashway through the dinner118

The incidence of diners arriving late for a meal was similar to the Corinthian situation where some

members of the ἐκκλησία took their meal before the arrival of others It illuminates how the ἐκκλησία could fit

into the category of an association If the assumption that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was akin to the Grecondash

Roman associations holds then the comparison helps in interpreting 1 Corinthians in the following ways It

helps in deciding on for example the verb προλαμβάνειν In his reconstruction of Corinthian scenario P

Lampe translates προλαμβάνειν as ldquopremature beginningrdquo119

He suggests that the wealthy Corinthians began

eating their own meal before the arrival of others According to the eranos custom therefore latecomers who

for time constraint or lack of money to prepare their own food baskets had to remain hungry120

4 Drunkenness

This feature fits all meals and not just associations I include it because it provides a parallel to 1 Cor

1121 Drunkenness is evident during the partaking of the meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία121

The συμπόσιον

would usually end in general drunkenness122

This is similar to Corinthian ἐκκλησία It also buttresses the fact

that the meal taken was analogous to what other associations partook Drunkenness was a regular feature at

banquets and was ldquoa convenient excuse for any other wise abnormal behaviorrdquo123

If the meal was already

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον at the time Paul was writing then the portion given to an individual would be such that it could

hardly make one intoxicated H Conzelmann comments that ldquoFellowship is canceled when one suffers want

and another is drunk this holds even if the reproach of drunkenness is not taken too strictlyrdquo124

J A Fitzmyer

commenting on 1122 states that ldquo[t]he further description of one such diner who goes ahead as ldquohungryrdquo and

another as ldquodrunkrdquo stands in contrast to ldquothose who have nothingrdquo125

The understanding therefore is that the

situation of a diner lacking an element would not arise if the celebration were the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

5 Character

The character of some of the members in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was similar to that of some of the

guests at festive meals According to Plato ldquomenrsquos characters are brought to light over winerdquo 126

The text under

review is explicit that some of the members were drunk This to some extent reveals their character It can be

inferred that they had more than enough and could have shared with other members but they declined The

118

Plato Symp 175 CndashD

119 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 39 poses the question ldquoCan their

lsquopremature beginningrsquo (prolambanein) be interpreted in the light of the Greco-Roman meal custom

120 Ibid

121 It is noteworthy that here Paul is engaged in rhetorical exaggeration

122 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles 175

123 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 36

124 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 195

125 J A Fitzmyer First Corinthians A New with Introduction and Commentary 434

126 Plato Symp 129

44

behavior put up by the members of the ἐκκλησία could have its roots in the prevailing culture where invited

guests could be marginalized It was part of the regulations of some associations to give ldquopreferential treatmentrdquo

to members who had offered distinguishing service127

Theissen expresses the view that there is the likelihood

that the rich Christians did not experience any guilty conscience in all that transpired They would have thought

of their actions as a means of offering help to the poorer members Moreover P Lampe referencing Plato

Lucian and Athenaeus points out that the wealthy Christians had a clear conscience when they started their

meals before others Their behavior was in consonance with the cultural context where guests who were late

could participate in the Second Tables128

One element that is common to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and GrecondashRoman associations is

fractiousness Fractiousness often characterized the associations especially at meals129

Evidence for infighting

is found in a guild regulation of the cult association of Zeus Philadelphia (Arsinoites Fayucircm Egypt) P Lond

VII 2193 69ndash58 B C E) 130

It specifies that 1 all members respect the leader and the assistant in matters

regarding the κοινον (association)131

2 it is illegal to foment σχίματα or for a member to leave the φράτρα

(brotherhood) of the leader to join another φράτρα and 3 no member may insult one another at a συμπόσιον

(banquet)132

From the Lanuvium inscription regulations were given concerning disputes at communal meal in

the bylaws of a benevolent association The bylaws prohibited members from causing disturbance133

In the case

of the Iobacchi at Athens for example a member was not supposed to speak without the permission of the

priest or the vicendashpriest134

In 1 Cor 1428 29 Paul is making a similar kind of argument when he asks the

prophets within the ἐκκλησία to take turns

2 2 2 Social Mobility Internal Evidence about Voluntary associations

Social mobility provides one of the pieces of evidence that Corinth is an association Citing examples

of Greek elections in Hellenistic and Roman epigraphic and literary sources and drawing examples from

associations and correspondences Richard Last submits that αἱρέσις is a technical term used in antiquity for the

127

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 161 ff

128 Cf Plato Symp 212 CD 223 B Lucian Lex 9 13 and Ath Deip 5 180 A

129 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

130 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 39ndash88 Richard S

Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

131 P Lond VII 2193

132 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo Richard S Ascough Philip A

Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

133 R S Ascough P A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW Lanuvium (Campania Italy) CIL XIV 2112

AGRW 310 Specifically line 50 [15] stipulates ldquohellip any member who moves from one seat to another so as to

cause a disturbance shall be fined four sestercesrdquo Cf J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia

at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

134 SIG 1109 108 D Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 130 ldquoIn the gathering no one was allowed to sing

cause a disturbance or applaud Rather with all order or decorum members shall speak and do their parts as the

priest or the head of the bacchic devotees directsrdquo

45

kind of elections held in voluntary associations135

In a philological study he demonstrates that the verb αἱρέομαι

and the cognate noun αἱρέσις as employed by Paul connote ldquothe act of electingrdquo and the ldquoactual electionrdquo

respectively136

He cites an example of this use from Tebtynis (P PragueDem1 137 BCE) on ldquofactious

behaviorrdquo137

Likewise he alludes to an example from the Lanuvium inscription (CIL XIV 2112 = AGRW 310

Italy 136 CE) that mentions the involvement of magistrates in ldquofactiousnessrdquo138

Just as Paul instructed that

there be no σχίσματα in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία it is specified here that fines will be imposed on officers who

struck members139

While the object of meeting at a banquet is to promote social interaction the distribution of food can

bring disunity because ldquofood is a subject so sensitive to social manipulationhelliprdquo140

There is the likelihood that

some of them could be officers The physical setting of the gathering offers us the opportunity to understand the

dynamics of social mobility in the GrecondashRoman world Related to this feature is Richard Lastrsquos argument

about the election of officers in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Last completely reorients the typical understanding of

αἱρέσεις in this passage 141

He contends that the use of αἱρέσις in 1 Cor 1119 by Paul indicates that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία elected rotating administrative leaders whose duties included the managing of affairs at the

Lordrsquos Supper In Lastrsquos reading the ldquobanquet problems (ie σχίσματα)rdquo associated with the communal meal

were due to the lack of election of officers when their tenure of office expired142

This evidence also supports a

parallel with a voluntary association rather than a patriarchal housendashchurch arrangement

In Lastrsquos reading the composition of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was such that members could be elected

into office for administrative purposes and exercise control over the distribution of food at table This is

indicated by the language Paul uses in 1 Cor 1119 The notion of ldquoflat hierarchyrdquo of temporary and rotating

officers gave room for social mobility The refusal to allow elections to be held has been identified as one of the

possible causes of the banquet problems which the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced143

These examples provide evidence for establishing the presence of leaders in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in

the following ways First the organizational structure of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία allows that there were officers

135

R Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo NTS 59 (2013) 365ndash381 at 375 Other

words he employs include αἱρεθείς οἱ αἱρεθέντες αἱρέσεως ἑλέσθαι and αἱρεθῆναι He cites an example where

ldquoa certain Mēnis was elected (αἱρέσεις) to become the grouprsquos treasurer (IG 2 127 = GRA I 13 Attica 2998

BCE)rdquo374

136 Ibid 375

137 Ibid 372

138 Ibid

139 Ibid See also n 22 The examples include ldquoSEG 31 122= GRA I 50 Attica early II CE P Lond VII 21938

11ndash12= AGRW 295 Philadelphia Egypt 69ndash58 BCE P Mich VIII 511 unknown location in Egypt D E

Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 99ndash102

140 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo 83

141 Richard Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo esp 374ndash378

142 Ibid 380

143 Ibid esp 368 ff

46

in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Second related to the first point is Paulrsquos use of two terms that are commonly

employed in civic and association elections namely αἱρέσεις and δόκιμοι (1 Cor 1119) The examples serve as

indicators of how the Corinthian ἐκκλησία operated in a manner similar to the GrecondashRoman associations

Moreover it confirms that the σχίσματα that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced during their banquets were typical of

the proceedings of thiasoi and collegia144

Furthermore the examples provide key information regarding the

social and religious life in Roman Corinth and supplement data in literary sources and give insight into ldquocivic

life at ground level as well as from the heightsrdquo145

In the analysis I notice that GrecondashRoman meals can explain most of the features of the Corinthian

δεῖπνον By way of summary I have observed that the structure of the Greek Roman and Jewish meals follow

the same pattern146

The ancient peoples of the Mediterranean world within the period circa 300 B C E and

circa 300 C E seemed to have common dining customs with some variations147

The rules of the associations in

the GrecondashRoman world influenced the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία There were marked similarities

between the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the voluntary associations of the GrecondashRoman milieu Members of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in the δεῖπνον The associations had rules which governed the behavior of

members at table The problem of σχίσματα was typical of the meetings of the thiasoi and collegia Just as Paul

had to address the problem of fractiousness in Corinthian ἐκκλησία so it was with the thiasoi and collegia For

instance the bylaws of the Gild of Hypsistos prohibited σχίσματα μηδε σχίματα συνίστασ[θαι]148

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the quantity and quality of food the posture of reclining reflecting statuses

of guests the relaxed atmosphere coupled with late dining all contributed to the keen desire for social status

among the guests The lack of an equitable distribution of food contributed towards the instability within the

community Some members were fully satisfied while others were hungry Furthermore there were others who

got drunk This state of affairs can be accounted for by referring to the nature of sociondashcultural setting with its

values within which the members of the ἐκκλησία found themselves The comparison between the voluntary

associations in the GrecondashRoman world and the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveals that there were similar ritual

dynamics The meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία had not yet been shaped as a distinctively Christian ritual On

this premise I posit that some of the practices for example some members eating before others could have

accounted for the σχίσματα that persisted within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Based on the persistent nature of ritual

144

See for example D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 32 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 72

145 James Rives ldquoCivic and Religious Life in Epigraphic Evidence Ancient History from Inscriptionsrdquo ed

John Bodel (Approaching the Ancient World London Routledge 2011) 118ndash19

146 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19 idem Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 21

147 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 14 Depending on the basic data he further asserts that ldquothe

evidence supports the hypothesis that basic customs tended to be the same throughout the Mediterranean world

during this periodrdquo 19

148 Colin Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsisitosrdquo 40ndash42 50 The original word

σχίματα is probably an error for σχίσματα Cf Dennis E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist

in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 32

47

rather than the temporary conditions in the socioeconomic life of a people I postulate that Paul as a pastor is

thus capable to effect changes to the existing meal practices so as to bring stability to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

In conclusion one important trait that characterized GrecondashRoman associations was the sacrificial

feast and common meal The comparison of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with the GrecondashRoman associations

depicts that there were similar characteristics and patterns for the meal tradition It was usual for the guests to

recline in accordance to their social status The place given to a guest was a reflection of their social status An

influence may be either positive or negative depending on the prevailing circumstances Invariably some of the

cultural values of the GrecondashRoman associations specifically in the area of honor and status adversely affected

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I have discussed the fact that there were debates about status in the literature of

associations Notwithstanding the warrants it is likely that in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία some privileged members

held on to the norms and values of the GrecondashRoman associations especially those pertaining to status This

trait could contribute to the σχίσματα with the result that it marred rather than promoted fellowship D E

Garland succinctly captures the state of affairs

Values that were antithetical to the message of the cross ndash particularly those related to honor and status

so basic to the GrecondashRoman social system in which power manifesting itself in ruthlessness and

selfndashadvancement is thought to be the only sensible course ndash percolated into the church destroying its

fellowship and its Christian witness as some members sought to balance civic norms and Christian

norms149

2 3 Physical Setting

As mentioned in chapter one another traditional interest in the study of the Corinthian banquet praxis is

the physical setting of the gathering The discussion will be expanded further by reviewing more recent views

expressed by Annette Weissenrieder on the setting for supper The location and ritual status of the communal

meal in Corinth are significant in understanding the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Recent studies

have now shifted the location from house churches to public places There has not been any consensus with

regard to the ritual status of the communal meal a concern which the present thesis addresses

There is both archaeological and literary evidence that portrays indigenous designs and physical

structures of dining rooms in the GrecondashRoman world Both Greeks and Romans used similar fashions even

though the patterns for designing the dining rooms were developed differently and conveyed different social

messages150

In a Greek house the dining room commonly known as ὁ ἀνδρὼν was a place where the

paterfamilias was to entertain the male guests There are the dining rooms of ldquoandron typerdquo and ldquoPindashformedrdquo

type of arrangement151

While the Greek andron type signifies social equality the Pindashshaped ones do not152

It

149

D E Garland 1 Corinthians 5ndash6

150 See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoTriclinum and Stibadiumrdquo in Dining in a Classical Context ed William J

Slater (Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press 1991) for the details of Greek and Roman evidence

151 ὁ ἀνδρὼν is derived from Xenophon Symposium 14 meaning ldquomenrsquos roomrdquo Couches in the Pi-shaped

rooms are arranged in a ldquoPirdquo shape See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Biberetur Greeks and

Romans on the Dining Couchrdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic

and Roman World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998)

82 86ndash98 for a description of the ldquoandrōn typerdquo and ldquoPi-formedrdquo dining rooms Jason Koumlnig Saints and

48

was usual to have rooms which held seven or eleven couches in buildings for the purpose of dining153

Jonathan

Z Smith considers space to be one of the important elements of ritual which translates actions which in other

contexts are meaningless or carry a different meaning into meaningful ones and thus communicates to both

participants and observers154

More recently and convincingly Annette Weissenrieder has argued that the

Corinthian church was actually meeting in public space not in homes155

In contrast to the views expressed by

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor Weissenrieder making use of topography architectural details and drawing from selected

texts from 1 Corinthians mentions that in ancient times the customs of sitting and reclining were an important

indication of the social organization of a community156

She uses the spaces in 1 Cor 11ndash14 (ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ οἰκία

and ἐν οἴκῳ for her evidence She points out that Paul does not use οἶκος when he mentions συνέρχομαι but

rather ἐκκλησία ldquoin the space of an assemblyrdquo157

This evidence shifts the Corinthian meal more firmly into the territory of a voluntary association

There are various kinds of space in antiquity Further Weissenrieder cites instances of posture (standingsitting

reclining) in relation to GrecondashRoman social models She observes that the word used for sitting (κάθημαι) in

James 22ndash3 in a community assembly is the same as that used in 1 Cor 1430 In considering the issue whether

1 Cor 14 is about a reclining meal or a seated meal she assumes ldquotwo orders of worship ndash a Communion liturgy

and a liturgy of the Word in chapters 11 and 14rdquo158

In Pro Flacco 16 Cicero topographically links the ldquopolitical structurerdquo of the Greek society with the

ldquospacerdquo used by the theater for political functions159

Weissenrieder notes that one thing that is evident with

seating in different spaces is that the issue is not so much with the space per se but rather ldquothe capacity of the

space to be experiencedrdquo and the manner it is utilized by the ldquoperceiving subjectsrdquo160

The space being the

ldquospatial expression of the physical energyrdquo of the members of the assembly symbolizes the ldquosocietyrsquos way of

Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture 7

literally ὁ ἀνδρὼν means ldquoroom for menrdquo It was ldquoan intimate inward-looking spacerdquo and represents the

ldquophysical space of the Greek dining roomrdquo

152 Katherine MD Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Bibereturrdquo 89 95 98

153 Ibid 83

154 Jonathan Z Smith To Take Place 26ndash29 45ndash 4668ndash 6994ndash95 103ndash117

155 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo

156 Ibid 63

157 Ibid 83

158 Ibid 64 P Lampe ldquoldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 is not certain about the

situation He states ldquo[M]aybe the worship activities of 1 Cor 12ndash14rdquo

159 Cited by A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 59 ldquoBut all Greek

states are wholly governed by the rashness of the assembly while sitting (sedentis contionis) hellipWhen

completely unskilled and ignorant men without experience too their seats in the theatre that was when they

undertook profitless wars put seditious men in charge of the state and threw out their most deserving citizensrdquo

160 Ibid 60

49

thinkingrdquo161

Therefore in the passage cited Cicero is not criticizing the choice of the theater as a meeting place

but rather the physical posture which signifies ldquophysical weakness and lack of orderrdquo162

Consequently

ldquosubject and space become variables independent of one anotherrdquo163

The subjects who operate in the space

generate the conceptual representation of space as well as the meaning of space She draws on the conceptual

models of space by Aristotle Emmanuel Kant and Ernst Cassirer to establish her case In consonance with

Greek thought she distinguishes between τοπος and κενον and agrees with P ArztndashGrabner that ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ

should be understood in relation with ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 12 as an axiom as a specific location such as a ldquotown

quarterrdquo or a specific ldquoroomrdquo and not as ldquoeverywhererdquo164

She emphasizes that spaces that host gatherings

convey not only a kind of social order but they also portray a societyrsquos mode of thinking by virtue of the fact

that the spaces symbolize these thoughts through the conduct of the people what she calls semiotic codes

Employing space typology and semiotic codes she gives insight into these conceptual models and organizations

by investigating the posture at gatherings of the Corinthian community

Weissenrieder examines the differences between a seated meal and a reclining meal Through visual

and textual sources she demonstrates that there are cases of both postures of a seated meal and reclining meal

and that there is a distinction between them She supports the evidence with the example of a mosaic from

Carthage 165

Weissenrieder rightly states ldquoWhereas one automatically brings the idea of reclining meal from

chapter 8 to 1 Cor 11 it is surprising that 1 Cor 14 which speaks of sitting during worship remains relatively

unconsidered in scholarly literaturerdquo166

She accedes that only Dennis E Smith proposes that a meal was eaten

while sitting during the meeting167

She sees only one issue ndash that related with sitting and that concerning the

number of participants at the meal

Weissenrieder makes the point that the completion of the creation of the space of the ἐκκλησία by the

subject does not embody only those who already regard themselves as members of the ἐκκλησία She orients the

meaning of ἰδιώτης to mean a private citizen ldquoHere the important distinction is not between inside ndash outside

learned ndash unlearned but rather between official and private citizenrdquo168

She substantiates her claim by

considering the gathering place of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as characterized by ldquochristological forcesrdquo

A gathering place of the ekklēsia in 1 Corinthians is therefore also always the spatial expression of

christological forces which constitutes itself in social reality in hte space of the political ekklēsia and

161

Ibid

162 Ibid

163 Ibid (italics in the original)

164 Ibid 61

165 Ibid 66

166 Ibid 64

167 Ibid ldquoTo my knowledge only Smith in his book From Symposium to Eucharist has addressed this issue

proposing that there was a meal eaten while sitting and an assembly meeting in this case at a table No further

conclusions however are drawn from this observationrdquo See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash

201

168 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 106

50

also contains its conceptual spatial representation by adopting the organization of meaning of the

spatial construction of a political ekklēsia169

In 1 Corinthians the proceedings in chapter 11 are Christological Like the other ἐκκλησίαι in the

GrecondashRoman world they met for social interaction which facilitated social cohesion As it will be

demonstrated in chapter 3 the possible vehicle for the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to have attained

stability was by means of a distinct and heightened form of ritual specifically the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) Weissenrieder captures this notion in the following words ldquoThe ekklēsia

represents not only the gathering of the Corinthian community and is therefore a symbol of their cohesion but it

is also by means of the celebration of the Last Supperrdquo170

Moreover it was through the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία could launch their ldquochristological selfndash understandingrdquo171

Weissenrieder rightly remarks that ldquothe Corinthian ekklēsia not only possessed a space but rather was this

spacerdquo172

At this stage it is worth deciding whether Paul is imagining a single ritual setting or occasion or a

division between the setting of the meal and the worship setting in 10ndash14 From the arguments made the

Corinthians participated in all the status divisions that are implied with reclining I wish to assess the possible

postures in 10ndash14 The first possibility relates to the structure of GrecondashRoman meals In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 no

mention is made of the custom of reclining however reclining (κατακείμενον) is used in 810173

If the

assumption that some of the practices of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were akin to the GrecondashRoman associations

holds then it is likely that the posture for meals in chapter 11 could be reclining The social setting could make

room for class distinction and exhibition of social prowess This dynamic could probably give some members

the audacity to despise others (cf 1 Cor 1122)

The second possibility has a semantic flavor Paul uses both κατάκειμαι (810) and κάθημαι (1430)

The probability is that Paulrsquos use of κάθημαι could indicate a variation of posture during the meetings of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία The basis for this probability is that while there was a standard structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquet regarding the practices of the first century there were some distinctions In Homer for

example his heroes do not recline but sit at their banquets

169

Ibid

170 Ibid

171 Ibid

172 Ibid (emphasis original)

173 Ibid 64 n18 cites other verses to support the translation of ldquokatakeimenonrdquo as reclining Mark 215 Luke

529 [143]rdquo The third reference is a typographical error The actual reference is Mark 143 The other

examples in the NT that can be added to the list are John 56 Acts 933 ldquoOtherwise anakeimairdquo which

specifically means lsquoreclining on cushionsrsquo is more common for example in Mark 1418 1614 Matt 910

2210 11 267 20 Luke 2227 John 611 12 2 1323 28rdquo I agree with Weissenrieder especially as one

looks at Matt 99 10 where the evangelist uses κάθημαι to describe the posture of a tax-collector (9 9) and

ἀνάκειμαι to indicate the posture at ldquomealsrdquo (910)

51

Πυργίων δ᾽ ἐν τρίτῳ Κρητικῶν Νομίμων lsquoἐν τοῖς συσσιτίοις φησίν οἱ Κρῆτες καθήμενοι συσσιτοῦσι174

Dures

indicates that sitting at meals was occasionally the practice of Alexander the king He at one time directed

about six thousand of his captains to sit on silver chairs and couches wrapped with purple covers175

If the

second probability gives credence then it is plausible that by way of variety the προφῆται sat during the

assembly (1429ndash30) There is no mention of meals in the discussions in chapters 12ndash14 The context helps us

to determine the activity In 1 Cor 1430 the activity is prophesying In prophesying the one prophesying has to

be silent if the other prophet who is sitting (καθημένῳ) receives a revelation ἐὰν δὲ ἄλλῳ ἀποκαλυφθῇ

καθημένῳ ὁ πρῶτος σιγάτω (1 Cor 1430)176

1 Cor 12ndash14 could indicate the second part of the banquet ie

συμπόσιον not for a meal but other activities as implied by the text

In antiquity the term ἐκκλησία pertains to the meeting of an association177

In applying the

KinghardtSmith paradigm that indicates that a common praxis typified all kinds of associations I consider 1

Corinthians 10ndash14 as one unit178

The reasons are that in the entire epistle συνέρχομαι appears only in 1117

18 20 22 33ndash34 and 1423 and 26 The use of συνέρχομαι in all the instances cited is about gathering In 1 Cor

14 the posture indicated is sitting (κάθημαι) Paul does not mention reclining It is worth considering the

frequency of meeting of the ἐκκλησία This gives me the prospect to imagine how often the members of the

ἐκκλησία were able to gather to have a meal Could they meet for a meal and gather for worship as another

event or did they gather for both as a single event If it was a single setting then the possibility was that the

members changed their posture from reclining to sitting thus moving away from the tables This explanation fits

in with 1430 where Paul uses κάθημαι Moreover the use of ὅταν lends support to this explanation It sheds

light on the temporal nature of the meetings The use of συνέρχομαι in conjunction with εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν makes it a

purpose clause (1133) Its use with ἵνα μὴ indicates result (1134) Furthermore taking a clue from the

expression Paul uses in 1125 ndash μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι ndash it is probable to consider that the worship setting in

174

Ath Deip 4 143 ϵ ldquoPyrgion in the third book of his treatise on The Cretan Laws states at their

(συσσίτιον) common meal the Cretans sit and eatrdquo My translation

175 Ath Deip 131 See also 120 432 52 18 20 1 See also D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19

who states that according to Athenaeus the Cretans continued sitting at table ldquolong after the Greeks had adopted

the practice of recliningrdquo Smith further mentions another ancient writer Plutarch in addition to Athenaeus that

they paid close attention to the variations in table customs in ldquodifferent regions and ethnic divisions of the

Roman Empirerdquo

176 ldquoBut if it is revealed to the other sitting let the first be silentrdquo My translation

177 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches ldquoἐκκλησία is used of the meeting of an

association in e g Le Bas et Waddington vol viii No 1831 1832 Le Bas vol iv 1915= Corp Inscr Graec

No 2271 hellip so τὸ κοινόν which is in ordinary use for the general body of an association is used e g in Euseb

H E 6 19 16 73227 for the general body of the churchrdquo Furthermore Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested

Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo states that ἐκκλησία ldquoappears in numerous official documents of

the Achaean league in which Corinth had a leading role The examples she cites include Polybius 2466

Plutarch Aratos 42 and Dio Cassius 21721 See 96 n 152 for the detailed list

178 See Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 104 who poses the

question ldquohow can the Corinthiansrsquo sitting described in 1430 be explained given that chapters 11ndash14 belong

together formally and in terms of contentrdquo

52

chapters 12 and 14 is the kind that follows the δεῖπνον179

If this interpretation is right then I suggest that Paul is

addressing the έκκλησία in a single setting with two parts Following the GrecondashRoman pattern they would

partake in the δεῖπνον (11) followed by the συμπόσιον (12 and 14) The evidence is sparse for me to decide

whether the posture for the assembly was reclining throughout the meeting of the έκκλησία or it involved both

reclining and sitting This necessitates further research beyond the scope of the present research What matters

most is a ritual space ndash a good site for assembling

2 31 The State of the Meal in Corinth already a specifically Christian Ritual

In this section I will argue that the practice of the δεῖπνον in the Roman Corinth έκκλησία was not yet

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and that the ritual theories of Harvey Whitehouse and Roy A Rappaport (as will be discussed

in chapter 3) demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal meal might help to strengthen the identity

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία A recent wave of meal studies has shown that early Christian meals as ldquoform and

practicerdquo were virtually identical with private meals and meals of associations180

Andrew B McGowan suggests

that ldquo[v]arious groups seem to have had different explicit understandings and purposes in mind to have used

eating and drinking together in a variety of ritual formsrdquo181

I will turn next to address George Mayrsquos

presentation that the communal meal is not yet a specifically Christian ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians

In a twondashpart article George May consistently argues that the texts on the accounts of the Last Supper

ldquodo not need to be understood as teaching or recording the institution of a ritual meal or a command to repeat

the practice of such a mealrdquo182

He rightly notes that Paulrsquos allusion to the ldquoLordrsquos tablerdquo in 1 Cor 10 serves as a

prolepsis in anticipation of a longer discussion in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34183

By implication just because Paul

talks about the blood of Christ and the body of Christ in turn does not mean the Lordrsquos Supper is an existing

title He mentions it there with the idea of talking about it very soon May contends that Jesusrsquo words of

institution are applicable only to the meal that he shared with his disciples before his crucifixion and it climaxes

the series of meals he had with them and the outcasts Moreover the significance of the meal is the

commemoration of him rather than the Exodus from Egypt184

May claims that the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία assembled for a meal that was not ldquoa token or symbolic meal but a real meal nourishing dinnerrdquo

185

179

See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash201 who proposes that the worship activities recorded

in chapters 12 and 14 take place at table

180 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Meals

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 15ndash23 at 20 ldquomeals of workersrsquo guilds a festive

birthday celebration or a meal hosting an honored guest from the next townrdquo

181 Andrew B McGowan ldquoFood Ritual and Power in Late Ancient Christianity (Minneapolis Fortress Press

2005) 145ndash164 at 146

182 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 1 Meals in

the Gospels and Actsrdquo RTR 60 (2001) 138ndash150 here 139ndash40 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or

Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 2 Meals at Corinthrdquo RTR 61 (2002) 1ndash18

183 Ibid Part 2 3

184 Ibid Part 1 142

185 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 2 13

53

He thus in referencing G D Fee intimates that the table practice at Corinth was perceived as a ldquoreal meal and

not as a sacrament in the modern senserdquo186

Paulrsquos reason for stating the Lordrsquos Supper narrative is that it was to

serve as a reminder of the manner in which they should share their meals which would reflect the visual

manifestation of their unity What was of significance was the participation of the members in the meal but not

ldquothe elements of bread and winerdquo187

May asserts that none of that evidence makes it seem likely that the Lucan Jesus was trying to

establish a continuing practice Jesus was doing something special at that meal but not setting up something that

it was meant to be repeated over and over Moreover not only was Jesus doing something special but

everything special is seen in the account of Paul as features of the GrecondashRoman meal Although I agree with

George May to some extent the pertinent question is if Jesus Christ did not institute a ritual meal and give

directive to his disciples to be perpetuated in his remembrance then how come that the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

persists

Paulrsquos mention of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in 1120 was plausibly a means of introducing an enhanced form

of ritual that was distinct from the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1121) In the present day the exact words used by Paul

are basically used in the celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper This practice makes it even harder to imagine that it

was not always that way Ritual studies helps us to understand Paulrsquos comments even if the Lordrsquos Supper was

already fully instituted at the time of the letter In other words whether Paul established it or it was prendash

existing it was fairly new to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul as an Apostle had the option to give instructions

concerning the practices of the ἐκκλησία and in doing so he chose to emphasize particular features

This observation buttresses the significant point made on the physical location for assembling and that

even gives me more support that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was analogous to the GrecondashRoman association As

discussed earlier the specificities are all about associations While the symposium affords guests the

opportunity to drink lavishly it is not the case with the setting of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον given that there is a limit

to the extent of drinking in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον It seems probable that in 1 Cor 11 Paulrsquos introduction of a

ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could serve as a means to ensuring fair distribution of wine

The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an integral part of the social milieu of the Mediterranean world as

separate Christian culture was not yet established At this point the members of the ἐκκλησία were part of

GrecondashRoman culture Every choice that they made gave them the opportunity to create a new reality There

were the ἐκκλησίαι of Christ or Christndashgroups From the earlier discussion I can surmise that the expressions

that Paul uses are indicative of the fact that the members were involved in practices that were similar to that

practiced by the associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu Paulrsquos use of ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo is instructive in this

regard He states Συνερχομένων οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν (1 Cor 1120) He

contrasts ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo with ldquoτὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνονrdquo The meal that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

partaking was simply not κυριακὸν δεῖπνον but their own meals The fact that they were partaking in their own

meals gave Paul the opportunity to introduce the ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo Moreover Paulrsquos use of ldquoπρολαμβάνεινrdquo

186

Ibid 8

187 Ibid

54

suggests that some members of the ἐκκλησία preferred eating earlier than others This becomes evident when it

is linked with his instructions in 1133 34 This kind of behavior by some of the members of the ἐκκλησία was

similar to that of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

24 Conclusion

The foregoing discussion has been on the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and the divisions associated

with it The passage under review (1 Cor 1117ndash34) is the earliest extant written account of the celebration of

what became the Christian Eucharist I have demonstrated that there is a shift from the proposal of different

types of meal to a common meal paradigm that was practiced in the Mediterranean region of the first century

BCE to the fourth century BCE In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul plausibly had his own theological preoccupation ndash

one of introducing a ritual specifically the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to replace an existing one ndash the Corinthian δεῖπνον

ndash as I will demonstrate in chapter 4

In this chapter I have discussed the standard pattern of GrecondashRoman meals making an excursus into

Jewish Table Fellowships The evidence that the Corinthian meal could be traced back to the historical Jesus is

scarce The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were partaking in a real meal It was not yet κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

(οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν 1 Cor 1120) At the time of writing 1 Corinthians the meal the members of

the ἐκκλησία were partaking did not have the sacramental feature The sacramental nature of Christian meals

emerged during the third century C E Therefore the members of the ἐκκλησία did not abuse the Lordrsquos Supper

nor neglect it because they were partaking in a meal that was analogous to the GrecondashRoman meal

In the discussion we noted the difference in opinion in public worship within the ἐκκλησία Paul as a

pastor of the ἐκκλησία needed to respond to the state of affairs The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was part of the social

community within which there were voluntary associations Their organization and procedure of meetings were

akin to that of the voluntary associations In conclusion it was Paul who was creating a new and Christocentric

ritual structure for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoFood is a powerful symbolic mediumrdquo and the partaking in food

plays a significant role in the rituals of many communities It can be used to ldquoshape group identityrdquo and it helps

in making rules to regulate relations within a group188

If Paul claims that σχίσματα persisted in the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία then it is probable that in 1 Corinthians he was introducing a distinct ritual to shape their identity

Moreover that could also be an avenue to give instructions to the members to improve relations within the

ἐκκλησία

On the basis of the arguments of George May Richard Last and Annette Weissenrieder therefore it

can be inferred that instead of abusing a ritual that was distinctive to the Christndash group the Corinthians were

practicing a GrecondashRoman association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special ndash a

distinct ritual structure Paul thus exhibited his skill as a pastor in helping to create a ritual that would shape the

Corinthian community Recent scholarship has established the ldquorelatedness between identity and religionrdquo in all

spheres of life of the ancient Mediterranean world GrecondashRoman meals including early Christian meals attest

to the amalgamation of religion and identity

188

Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 151

55

The GrecondashRoman and (therefore) early Christian mealsrsquo thorough subliminal and (for moderns)

quirky integration of religion and identity is perhaps a classic case in point for the inseparability

between that erarsquos religion and identitieshellip It is at this juncture that the relatively new role ritual

studies is now playing in the study of early Christian meals comes into play189

By way of developing the pattern in 1 Cor 1125 and Luke 2220 it can be inferred that the meal that

the members of the ἐκκλησία were partaking was an association meal and was not yet a heightened ritual form

It was not established as a ritual in the same way that Rappaport may call it selfndashreferential aspect of ritual as I

will discuss in chapter 3 The meal in 1 Corinthians or elsewhere in Pauline contexts was not in any way

associated with Passover elements Paul by way of his instructions in chapter 11 intervenes to introduce a new

reality so as to bring stability into the ἐκκλησία The concept of ritual particularly its characteristics that are

relevant to elucidating the meal practice in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is the subject of the next chapter

189

Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Mealsrdquo

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 21 Cf idem In the Beginning was the Meal Social

Experimentation amp Early Christian Meal (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2009) 55ndash85

56

3

Two Ritual Models for Analysis of Paulrsquos Comments

ldquoThe meaning of ritual is deep indeed He who tries to enter it with the kind of perception that distinguishes

hard and white same and different will drown thererdquo

ndash Xunzi (3rd

century BCE)

In the preceding chapter I have undertaken to show that the application of ritual studies in examining

what Paul intended has not received the attention it deserves Words play an obvious and important role in

communication however rituals are able to transmit messages in ways that words do not In this chapter I will

pursue the notion that rituals are a vehicle of communication The aim is to attempt to explore how ritual studies

can be used to unearth what might be Paulrsquos intention in mentioning the tradition that he received from the Lord

in the passage under review The chapter will be in three parts In the first part I will introduce the field of ritual

studies the definitions of ritual and approaches to the study of rituals The second part of the chapter explores

some of the functions of ritual relevant to the study and the appearance of new rituals Part three expands the

discussion on the models of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose works will inform my analysis of

the Corinthian meal

Ritual studies is a subfield in social sciences Social scientists attest to the potency of rituals in

effecting social cohesion and collective identity1 Harvey Whitehousersquos divergent modes of religiosity

(hereafter DMR ) theory offers an explanation to why some religions spread fast in many instances becoming

wellndashestablished institutions with a large following while others have much a smaller localized following even

though they also persist over the years

S C Barton gives four reasons for the use of social sciences approaches The first is a corrective to

ldquotheological Docetismrdquo2 Paulrsquos letters cannot be divorced from the lives and settings of humans in Paulrsquos time

as well as later generations Frequently Barton argues the assumption has been that what is significant about

Paulrsquos letters are ldquothe theological ideas irrespective of their being embedded in the lives of people and

communitiesrdquo3 The next is that in addition to paving way for giving fresh insights on old and pertinent issues

social sciences ldquomake possible a more holistic interpretation of Pauline Christianityrdquo4 Third social sciences

help in handling cultural differences They assist in removing biases and help overcome the tendency for the

reader to find in the texts ldquoa reflection of their own imagerdquo5 By drawing systematic attention to the sociological

1 For discussions of major social scientists on social cohesion see Alexis de Tocqueville The Old Regime and

the French Revolution trans Stuart Gilbert (Garden City NY Doubleday 1955) Eacutemile Durkheim The

Division of Labour in Society trans WD Halls (London Macmillan 1984) Talcott Parsons The Structure of

Social action A Study in Social Theory and Special Reference to a Group of Recent European Writers vols 1

and 2 (New York Free Press 1968)

2 S C Barton ldquoSocial-Scientific Approaches to Paulrdquo in Dictionary of Paul and His Letters ed G F

Hawthorne R P Martin and D G Reid (Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 1993) 892

3 Ibid

4 Ibid

5 Ibid 893

57

dimensions of the world behind the text they pose the question ldquoWhat are the sociological dimensions of the

world in front of the text the world of the readerrdquo Fourth C S Barton cites the gains of theology and ethics

Aware of the unique place of Paul in the formulation of ldquobeliefs practices and selfndashunderstandingrdquo of the

followers of Christ it is expedient for ldquothe integrity of Christian faith and discipleship that the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony be subject to the scrutiny of all disciplines of critical enquiry including the social sciencesrdquo6

3 1 The Difficulty of Definition

A study of some of the definitions of ldquoritualrdquo indicates that the task of defining ritual is an arduous

one7 Gerald A Klingbeil points out the distinction between the common use of the term and its technical use

He notes specifically that the term ritual has a wide range of meaning and because of that it is usually used

ldquoindiscriminatelyrdquo Its common usage is for dayndash tondash day (nonndashscholarly nonndashtechnical) works while it is also

used in an academic (scholarly and technical) context8 David Parkin gives a minimal definition of ritual as ldquoa

formulaic spatiality carried out by groups of people who are conscious of its imperative or compulsory nature

and who may or may not further inform this spatiality with spoken wordsrdquo9 Four important characteristics of

ritual can be identified from David Parkinrsquos definition (1) space ndash where the ritual is situated (2) character ndash

6 Ibid As Barton himself points out there are limitations to the approaches of social sciences He mentions

ldquoanachronismrdquo ldquothe limitations of statisticsrdquo the fact that social sciences sometimes make too much of their

claims and ldquoPost-Enlightenment presuppositionsrdquo He points out that the social sciences like all theories of

interpretation have a history Rooted in ldquopost-Enlightenment atheism and hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo it gives

theology and religion an ldquoepiphenomenalrdquo status The forces that contend with Theology and Religion include

the ldquohuman unconsciousrdquo (Freud) class conflict (Marx) the maintenance of society (Durkheim) and the

legitimation of patriarchal domination (feminism) This therefore calls for the awareness for the interpreters of

Paul At least two effects might develop by creating such awareness First it might forestall the tendency of

driving Pauline interpretation in a ldquosecularizing directionrdquo Second the reactive nature of ldquoatheism and the

hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo might cause the interpreter of Pauline interpretation to embrace ldquohermeneutical

insights from the social sciences which make possible a more clear-sighted engagement with the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony and with perversions of itrdquo 893ndash95

7 See the Appendix I of J Platvoet in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behaviour ed Platvoet Jan and

Karel van der Toorn (SHR 67 Leiden EJ Brill 1995) 42ndash45 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and

Dimensions (New York Oxford University Press 2009) 1ndash60 equally provides a historical review of ritual

idem ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol11 ed Lindsay Jones 2d ed (Detroit

Macmillan 2005) 7848 (emphasis original) ldquoThe term ritual remains difficult to definehelliprdquoR A Rappaport

Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 70 states ldquothe kinds of meaning to be found in ritual might be

indefinitely manifoldrdquo G A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14 writes

ldquoDefining ritual is a dangerous and risky undertakingrdquo (Emphasis original) Jan Koster ldquoRitual Performance

and the Politics of Identity On the Functions and Uses of Ritualrdquo Journal of Historical Pragmatics (2003)

211ndash248 at 2 states ldquoThe notion lsquoritualrsquo is notoriously hard to definerdquo Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too

Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the European Enlightenment and a Search

for New Foundations (Albany State University of New York Press 1992) 27 notes that ldquothe word that is

difficult for post-Enlightenment thinkers is ritual or the symbolic act of a community in which the community

gives expression to and informs itself in the transconceptual reality of human existencerdquo Ronald L Grimes

Beginnings in Ritual Studies (Columbia SC University of South Carolina Press 1995) 5 writes ldquoritual is the

hardest religious phenomenon to capture in texts or comprehend by thinkingrdquo

8 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14

9 David Parkin ldquoRitual as Spatial Direction and Bodily Divisionrdquo in Understanding Rituals ed Daniel de

Coppet EASA (London Routledge 1992) 18

58

ritual being repeated (3) (minimally) informed participants and (4) function ndash its role within a given community

Richard Schechner states that ldquo[r]itual action is the thought of the peoplerdquo10

Writing from an

ethological perspective he notes that

in ritual ordinary behavior is condensed exaggerated repeated made into rhythms or pulses (often

faster or slower than usual) or frozen into poseshellipRitual action is similar to what happens in theater

and dance There too behavior is rearranged condensed exaggerated and made rhythmic while

colorful costumes masks and face and body painting enhance the movement displays11

Evan M Zuesse considers ritual to be understood as ldquothose conscious and voluntary repetitious and

stylized symbolic bodily actions that are centered on cosmic structures andor sacred presencesrdquo12

He also

identifies two main types of ritual viz confirmatory and transformatory By confirmatory rituals he means

rituals in which the divine orderrsquos ldquobasic boundariesrdquo and ldquointernal spacesrdquo are duly confirmed while

transformatory rituals ldquobridge divisions and regenerate the structurerdquo13

Jonathan Z Smith defines ritual as ldquoa

means of performing the way things ought to be in conscious tension to the way things are in such a way that

this ritualized perfection is recollected in the ordinary uncontrolled course of thingsrdquo14

J Z Smith focuses on

ldquoincongruityrdquo and ldquoincredulityrdquo A classic example of incongruity is his reading of the akicirctu festival15

Also in

his reading of bearndashhunting rituals especially of the paleondashSiberian peoples he suggests that there is

incoherence between word and deed in actual life For him there is often discrepancy in the affairs of the world

Ritual then provides the means of doing things as they ought to be and by which all things can be controlled He

argues that the discrepancy that exists between the ritual and nonndashritual world creates the opportunity for

ldquoreflection and rationalizationrdquo to the extent that we get to know what ought to have been done which was not

done and what ought to have taken place which did not16

Ritual thus provides a ldquofocusing lensrdquo that allows

people to grasp the full significance of an event in life17

His definition like that of Zuesse focuses on ritual

action

Ronald L Grimes critiques the view of ritual exclusively as ldquotraditional (rather than invented)

collective (rather individual) prendashcritical (rather than selfndashconscious and reflective) and meaningfulrdquo18

While

10

Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo JRitSt 11(1987) 12

11 Ibid5

12 Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7833ndash7848 at 7834

13 Ibid 7841

14 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown (CSHJ

Chicago University of Chicago Press 1982) 53ndash65 at 63 (emphasis original) idem ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual (CSHJ Chicago University of Chicago Press 1987) 109

15 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoA Pearl of Great Price and a Cargo of Yams A Study in Situational Incongruityrdquo in

Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 90ndash101 Smith exhibits the incongruities that exist between

the ideal situations and the ldquohistorical realiardquo of a people 95 Akicirctu festival is the New Year ritual of ancient

Mesopotamia and Babylonia

16 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 61 63

17 Ibid 57 63ndash65

18 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRe-inventing Ritualrdquo Soundings 75 (1992) 21ndash41 at 23

59

in time past we could affirm that ritual is ldquonecessarily traditional collective prendashcritical and meaningful we

now have to say lsquoTaint necessarily sorsquordquo 19

Grimesrsquos definition informs us of the state of persons (personae) the

kind of actions the significance of time and space involved in rituals Ritual emerges as a group of lively people

perform Their performance involves creativity The acts they perform are meant to shape the group as they

make themselves accessible during critical moments of their existence at their place of origin Grimes states

that ldquoRitualizing transpires as animated persons enact formative gestures in the face of receptivity during

crucial times in founded placesrdquo20

Rites as events have their lifecycles and lifespans As compared to breathing

ritual wavers in ldquofrequency force and volumerdquo depending on a particular cultural context Just like breath

escapes from human mouth transforms and generates new modes so does ritual21

Victor Turner formed his ritual theory in part through field work with the Ndembu people of

Zambia22

He describes ritual as ldquoprescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to technological

routine having reference to beliefs in mystical beings or powersrdquo23

R A Rappaport takes ldquothe term lsquoritualrsquo to

denote the performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not entirely encoded

by the performersrdquo24

Catherine Bell mentions the essence of ritual for new forms of cultural analysis in diverse

disciplines especially in anthropological and sociological fields In addition to anthropologists sociologists and

historians of religions are sociobiologists philosophers and intellectual historians who use ritual as a lens to

understand their worldview25

Bell explains that there are two streams of ritual theorists with regard to language

analogy One school of thought stresses the semiotic (or hermeneutic) aspect of ritual sign language They thus

concentrate on the interpretation of ritual symbols Examples are Victor Turner26

and Clifford Geertz Turner

considers the symbol as ritualrsquos smallest unit that ldquostill retains the specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo as well

as the ldquoultimate unit of specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo27

By use of a paradigm Geertz discusses how

sacred symbols ldquosynthesizerdquo a grouprsquos ethos and worldview28

He buttresses this point by indicating that an

indispensable trait of any religious ritual ldquono matter how apparently automatic or conventionalrdquo is the

19

Ibid 38

20 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 60 cf 63 (trans spirare = to breathe across)

21 Ibid 63

22 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca NY Cornell University Press

1970) 19 Zambia was formerly Northern Rhodesia

23 Ibid 19

24 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 24

25 Catherine Bell Ritual Theory Ritual Practice (New York Oxford University Press 1992) 3

26 Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure (New Brunswick Aldine Transaction 2007)

14 ndash43 52ndash93

27 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual 19

28 Clifford Geertz Interpretation of Cultures Selected Essays (New York Basic Books 1973) 113 127 The

ethos embodies ldquotone character and quality of their life hellipits moral and aesthetic style and moodrdquo

60

ldquosymbolic fusion of ethos and worldviewrdquo29

From the foregoing discussion it becomes evident that although there is no single agreed definition for

ritual there is nonetheless a loose consensus about a set of relevant characteristics This observation takes us to

reviewing some of the approaches to the study of ritual that will contribute to the purpose of this study

3 1 2 Approaches to the Study of Rituals

The study of ritual has its roots in the debate about the origins of religion that led to different styles of

interpretation namely ldquoevolutionary sociological and psychologicalrdquo30

One of the four main schools of

thought was phenomenology of religion31

Those within this category include Rudolf Otto and Mircea Eliade a

distinguished advocate for the phenomenological study of religion In recent times Jonathan Z Smith has

contributed towards the phenomenological approach to the study of ritual Smith pays attention to historical

details of particular situations By this he deemphasises universal structures in preference to historical forms of

religion He shows how an act or object used in the history of a particular society can open avenues for the

ldquopossibility of significancerdquo give new meaning and exhibit the potency for use in another context depending on

the place of performance32

By this notion the question of whether something is ldquoinherently sacred or profanerdquo

becomes a ldquosituationalrdquo rather than a ldquosubstantiverdquo category of ritual33

Thus as Catherine Bell suggests because

of ldquoSmithrsquos influence phenomenology has come to see religion as central to the cognitive need to understand

explain order and adaptrdquo34

The research of Robertson Smith yielded fruits in the inception of three influential schools of

interpretation of religion The first was the ldquomyth and ritualrdquo school spearheaded by James George Frazer

Smithrsquos student The second interpretive approach was the sociological approach to religion and was associated

with Eacutemile Durkheim These anthropologists classify rituals based on what they regard as its main function or

purpose Examples of such classification are ldquorites of passagerdquo ldquodivinatory ritualsrdquo ldquorites of afflictionrdquo

ldquopropitiatory ritualsrdquo ldquoancestral ritualsrdquo ldquofertility ritualsrdquo ldquoexpiatory ritualsrdquo etc35

With regard to the

sociological approach to the study of religion there are both functionalist and neofunctionalist systems to the

29

Ibid 113 cf 126ndash141 esp 127

30 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 3

31 Ibid 3 phenomenologists of religion ldquotended to emphasize mythrdquo Among other definitions of

phenomenology of religion Mircea Eliade uses the term phenomenology of religion as a particular discipline

within Religionswissenschaft It is noteworthy that other translations of the term Religionswissenschaft include

ldquocomparative religionsrdquo ldquoScience of Religionrdquo or most formally ldquohistory of religionsrdquo

32 J Z Smith ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual The example he cites is the temple

ldquoThe temple serves as a focussing lens establishing the possibility of significance by directing attention by

requiring the perception of differencerdquo104

33 J Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54ndash56 idem To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual 103ndash104 He thus defines ritual as ldquoa mode of paying attentionrdquo and it

plays the role of directing attention 103

34 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 12

35 Cf Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology (London Routledge 2003) xviii Evan M

Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7843

61

study of rituals Typically the functionalist approach is ascribed to both Alfred Reginald RadcliffendashBrown and

Bronislaw Malinowski It was rare in a functionalist interpretation of a social phenomenon to incorporate either

history or ideas and practices from other disciplines Society was viewed as ldquoa static structured system of social

relationsrdquo36

This notion gave rise to two standardized ldquometaphorsrdquo for social phenomena namely the organic

and mechanical37

RadcliffendashBrown called to mind the first of the metaphors when he expressed the view that just as

ldquoevery organ of a living bodyrdquo contributes to the general functioning of the organism so each custom and belief

plays a vital role in the social life of a primal group38

This total ldquomass of institutions customs and beliefs

forms a single whole or system that determines the life of the societyrdquo as it really pertains to the life of an

organism39

Social functionalists therefore regard ritual as ldquoa means to regulate and stabilize the life of this

system adjust its internal interactions maintain its group ethos and restore a state of harmony after any

disturbancerdquo40

Arnold van Genneprsquos approach on the structure of ritual was the ldquosequential methodrdquo It was a

threendashphase sequence of separation transition or margin41

and reincorporation or aggregation for example

lifendashcrisis rites In structuralist analyses ritual can be understood only in terms of how they are used in their

original social setting moreover the most immediate context for any one rite is the sequence of rituals that

immediately precede and follow it42

The third fruit of Robertson Smithrsquos research was the psychoanalytical school established by Sigmund

Freud43

The school adopted the psychoanalytic approach in examining ritual The investigations of Robertson

Smith into the social role of ritual revealed the factor of ldquounconscious forcesrdquo that helped shape the social

behavior of a people44

Their social cohesiveness could be attributed to the primal sacrifice and communal

sharing In addition to the fruits of Robertson Smithrsquos research there is also the philosophical perspective of

ritual Kevin Schilbrack regards ritual studies as an ldquointerdisciplinary jobrdquo of which philosophy is an integral

part He debunks the notion that ritual activities are thoughtless For him a ritual activity is to be regarded as a

way of thinking itself but not as a vehicle for thought He identifies objectivism and representational theory of

knowledge as the hindrance to the contribution philosophy can make towards the study of ritual Related to the

form of functionalism in the study of rituals is the field of ethology Scholars in this category adopt ethological

36

Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

37 Ibid

38 A R Radcliffe-Brown The Andaman Islanders (New York Free Press of Glencoe 1964) 229

39 Ibid 229ndash30

40 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

41 or limen denoting ldquothresholdrdquo in Latin

42 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 36 Arnold van Gennep cites the example of baptism

ldquoA ldquoborn- again Christianrdquo descends into a pool of water and emerges from the other side spiritually cleansed

committed and ldquomade newrdquo a married couple go through the door of a temple

43 Ibid 11ndash13

44 Ibid 12

62

and biogenetic approaches to ritual Rappaport is renowned in this area45

Ethologists advanced an argument

about the communicative aspect of ritual action and claimed that ldquothe ritual gestures of animals serve as codes

or signals that transmit information useful to the wellndashbeing of the grouprdquo46

Rituals involve symbolic behavior for example the clasping of hands while praying While functional

structuralism was concerned about how religion or ritual functions scholars who went beyond it were

concerned about what it means They are known as ldquosymbolists culturalists and more awkwardly symbolicndash

culturalistsrdquo47

They regard ldquoculturerdquo as autonomous because it can be analyzed independently of social

structure They focus on the meaning of a symbol in a cultural context rather than what it does in a social

organization In effect the symbolists concentrate on what a particular symbol communicates (i e its

languagelike aspect) within the context of a set of symbols in which it finds itself The meaning of symbols used

in rituals may be readily known to the members of a group With regard to people outside the group the

meaning is made known to them through interaction with members of the group and with the passage of time as

they witness the performance48

From anthropological perspective David Hicks defines ldquoritualsrdquo as ldquoforms of

behavior by which human beings communicate ideas values and sentiments they share in commonrdquo49

In recent currents within the field of ritual studies two major types of ritual theories have been

developed They are the ldquoculturalrdquo and ldquocognitiverdquo types The first type promotes theories that seek cultural

explanation50

while the second type pursues ldquoempirically testable theoriesrdquo51

Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and

Michael Stausberg regard the approaches described earlier in this section as belonging to a period of scholarship

known as ldquothe age of lsquogrand theoriesrsquo rdquo52

Those times are now over They thus suggest a pluralistic approach to

the study of rituals They advocate ldquotheorizing ritualsrdquo meaning shifting from ldquotheories that seek to explain

everythingrdquo to a position that no single theory is adequate to account for the complex nature of the

45

R A Rappaportrsquos model of ritual will be discussed in detail in the third part of this chapter

46 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 31

47 Ibid 61

48 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo in Readings in Ritual

Studies ed R L Grimes (Upper Saddle River NJ Prentice Hall 1996) 149

49 David Hicks Ritual and Belief Readings in the Anthropology of Religion ed David Hicks 3d ed (Lanham

Md AltaMira Press 2010) 93 Hicks gives the following as the definition in the Glossary ldquostereotyped

repetitive behavior or set of behaviors that uses symbols to communicate meaningrdquo502 As regards the third

school of interpretation of religion ritual is used in another broad dimension namely psychoanalytic theory

Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7833 mentions that any kind of ldquonon-rationalrdquo or ldquorationalized symbolic behaviorrdquo

is regarded as ritual as opposed to ldquopragmatic clearly ends-directed behaviorrdquo Religious rituals can even be

ldquoequated to neurotic compulsionsrdquo

50 Catherine Bell ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7848ndash7855 esp

7852

51 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo in Understanding the Social World of the New Testament ed

Dietmar Neufeld and Richard E DeMaris (London Routledge 2010) 227

52 Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and Michael Stausberg ed Theorizing Rituals Issues Topics Approaches

Concepts 2 vols vol 1 (Boston Brill 2006) xxi

63

phenomena53

Risto Uro likewise suggests a piecemeal approach as a solution to theoretical methodological

problems in the study of ritual in early Christianity

Theoretical and methodological problems in the study of early Christian ritual can be best addressed

by a piecemeal approach in which different aspects of Christian behavior as reflected in our sources

are examined in view of the insights and knowledge gained from ritual and cognate studies54

A ldquopiecemealrdquo approach will give partial results I am of the view that owing to the complex nature of ritual we

need to apply the features of ritual that are applicable to a particular text in order to attain holistic results

3 2 A Closer Examination of Ritual Function

The two theorists I have chosen are not strictly functionalists yet still they address aspects of the

functional ritual Ritual has a lot of functions However for the purposes of the present study I will limit the

discussion to the communicative social collective and stabilizing cum innovative functions For any fruitful

discussion on the role that rituals play in any given situation there is the need to ascertain the context The first

of the functions of ritual in the discussion is its communicative function Jan Platvoet and Karel van der Toorn

acknowledging the earlier ritual theories contend that apart from the early theories ritual also has

communicative function of transmitting both implicit and explicit messages By use of symbols ritual has the

capacity of transmitting a multitude of messages ndash some overt and most of them covert ndash to serve ldquostrategic

purposesrdquo55

Rituals are therefore performed to achieve effective communication to both the participants and

observers or outsiders According to ritual theories that emphasize communication the performance of ritual

requires at least two participants ndash ldquoa lsquosenderrsquo and a lsquoreceiverrsquo rdquo56

It is noteworthy that it is not always the case

that what is expressed in ritual can be regarded as a message to be communicated between the participants57

For the purposes of analysis of interndashgroup ritual Jan Platvoet outlines four distinctions in the communication

dimension There is the need to make a distinction first between the direct or overt addressee(s) of a ritual and

its indirect or implied addressee(s) second between the overt or stated message(s) of a ritual and the implied

message (s) third between the fields of direct and indirect communication and fourth giving enhancement to

53

Ibid

54 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo 231

55 Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual in Plural and Pluralist Societies Instruments for Analysisrdquo in Pluralism and Identity

Studies in Ritual Behaviour 25ndash51 at 41ndash42

56 Ibid 27 Out of the thirteen dimensions discussed by Platvoet regards this dimension as ldquothe collective

dimensionrdquo G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1980) 34 mentions the ldquotripartite notion of communication (emitter message medium

receiverrdquo

57 See G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual 34ndash35 considers it more appropriate

to conceive in general of the occurrences in ritual in terms of ldquostimulationrdquo rather than communication ldquoTo

limit ritual to its communicative aspect would exclude and falsify its significance for those who perform itrdquo He

mentions other aspects of ritual that ldquoresolve alter or demonstrate a situationrdquo

64

implied messages much more than the overt message to the direct addressee (s) in competitive contexts58

For communication to be effective there is the need for clarification According to J Z Smith a sacred

place is a ldquoplace of clarificationrdquo He regards a ritual place as a focusing lens for the purpose of clarification and

revelation in which the ordinary assumes significance59

This is partly how ritual generates order As

characteristic of all forms of communication distractions are reduced so that the transfer of information can be

heightened In communication the device used to achieve this is ldquoredundancyhellipthrough repetition and

routinizationrdquo60

The advantage in repetition is that it helps the members to remember their past and the raison

drsquoecirctre of their existence They are also able to relate the present with the past based on the effects of the ritual

on the members The disadvantage sometimes is that the members may become familiar with the ritual

procedure to the extent that they tend to go through the performance reluctantly61

Second rituals play social collective functions One such function is the capability to shape and

establish the identity of a group Eacutemile Durkheim establishes the relationship between religion and society

based on his concept of ritualism He regards religion as the basis of society by virtue of the fact that religion

can bring a group of people back to their origin A case in point is his study of the Australian aboriginal

community Durkheim endeared himself to find out what could sustain human social identity and fellowship ndash

solidariteacute This gave rise to his research into totemism what he regarded to be the simplest form of standard

religion among the Aborigines of Australia The totem is the bona fide sign of the Aborigine community and

they put its mark on their bodies An example of a specific detail of Durkheimrsquos research is the performance of

mimetic rites The men take on names of animals for example emus and kangaroos and imitate them In

performing the rites they behave like the animals whose names they bear ldquoBy this means they offer mutual

testimony that they are members of the same moral community and they become conscious of the kinship that

unites themrdquo62

The return of the Aborigines to their origins through rituals was an avenue for the restoration of the

basis of their community Rituals make people deeply engaged in the formation of their religion and society

Rituals lead a group of people to their ancestry and help them to establish a society that holds on to and

ldquoreaffirmrdquo their religious beliefs63

Individuals make a group and each person has some traits which mark

herhim out to be distinct from others On a corporate level a group has distinguishing marks which make one

58

Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual Responses to Plurality and Pluralismrdquo 39

59 Jonathan Z Smith Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54 (emphasis original) idem To Take

Place 104

60 Cf Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo 54

61 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo152

62 Eacutemile Durkheim The Elementary Forms of Religious Life trans Carol Cosman (Oxford University Press

2001) 264

63 Ibid 322 states ldquoNo society can exist that does not feel the need at regular intervals to sustain and reaffirm

the collective feelings and ideas that constitute its unity and its personality Now this moral remaking can be

achieved only by means of meetings assemblies or congregations in which individuals brought into close

contact reaffirm in common their common feelings hence those ceremonies whose goals results and methods

do not differ in kind from properly religious ceremoniesrdquo

65

group distinct from the other Such traits reflect the identity of the group Rituals contribute to the development

of the identity of a group by affirming their belief systems Such belief systems may be rooted in the laurels

status and fame the group had attained over the years As rituals are performed the values and the belief systems

of a group are transmitted to future generations In addition the participants have a sense of belongingness as

they perform a ritual

Ritual likewise helps a community to create social identity Turner developed the liminal phase of

Arnold van Genneprsquos rites de passage and that of Max Gluckmannrsquos on the ritualization of social conflict into a

powerful analytical model Turner identifies two main ldquomodelsrdquo for ldquohuman interrelatednessrdquo that are

ldquojuxtaposed and alternatingrdquo The first model considers society as a ldquostructuredrdquo and ldquodifferentiatedrdquo entity and

the second as ldquoan unstructured and relatively undifferentiated comitatus communityrdquo Turner prefers the Latin

term ldquocommunitasrdquo ldquoLiminal entities are neither here nor thererdquo64

Turner regards liminality to connote the

antistructural quality of the phase between separation and reincorporation and communitas to the

undifferentiated ldquomodality of social relationshiprdquo that generates interaction with one another65

According to

him rituals belong to an ldquoongoing processrdquo which gave the community the room to continually ldquoredefinerdquo and

ldquorenewrdquo itself66

Ritual thus plays a significant role in times of disaster and effects purification and transition through

life changes Gerrie ter Haar in her case study of the True Teachings of Christ Temple observed that African

communities in Bijlmer of Netherlands endeavor to solve life crises by ritual means Ritual serves as a transition

for people to go through life changes The migrants go through a transitional cycle similar to that proposed by

Arnold van Gennep They separate themselves from their home countries and settle in an entirely new and

insecure environment Of significance is the passage through a transitional phase of life which like other ldquolife

crisesrdquo requires ldquoritual or ceremonial validationrdquo67

Whenever there is a disaster the appropriate ritual is

performed for restoration

Gerrie ter Haar further applies Victor Turnerrsquos liminal phase In her study she observes that many of

the migrants have no official status in the wider setting of the Dutch society Conscious of this state of affairs

they make the effort to alter their social status by moving from the lower strata to a higher one The church

communities in the Bijlmer make a significant contribution in this endeavor They create the ldquoinstitutional

contextrdquo for a kind of ritual behavior specially meant to help their members move from one social stratum to the

other and from severance from an old setting into being identified with a new one Ritual thus helps to give the

marginalized a new identity as they are incorporated into a new community It is in such liminal state of affairs

that the performance of ritual helps to bring stability to the marginalized those in transitional stages and those

64

Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure 95

65 Ibid 96ndash97

66 Victor Turner Dramas Fields and Metaphors Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca NY Cornell

University Press 1990) 23ndash35

67 Gerrie ter Haar ldquoRitual as Communication A Study of African Christian Communities in the Bijlmer District

of Amsterdamrdquo in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behavior) 135

66

without status in society This point leads to the third main function of rituals relevant to the discussion ndash its

stabilizing function

Many incidents occur within communities that can jeopardize the community and in such situations

rituals are one means to help restore stability Some dangers may be attributed to the behavior or utterances of

persons within a particular community Ritual plays a vital role in stabilizing persons in the midst of the danger

of ldquoretrogressionrdquo Robbie E DavisndashFloyd calls it ldquocognitive stabilizationrdquo68

Moreover van Gennep contends

that rites of passage help to maintain order in ldquochaotic social changesrdquo that have the potential of destabilizing

society ldquoSuch rites distinguish status groups with clearly marked boundaries which contribute to the stability

of social identities and rolesrdquo69

Ritual plays a significant role in ensuring the stability of a community Hal Taussig observes that even

though in recent times the major theories in ritual studies vary in some ways ldquothey all convincingly provide

reason to see rituals contributing substantially to social stability and social changerdquo70

Taussig in agreement

with recent thinkers deems ritual no longer as ldquosimply a set of cosmically or inwardly directed gesturesrdquo but

ldquosocial negotiationrdquo71

As a grouprsquos belief system is enacted ritual works both to ldquopreserve and to transmit that belief

systemrdquo and thus helps in the preservation of its status quo72

Moreover rituals generate hope that words cannot

express ldquoRitual expresses a hope that cannot be expressed in words concepts or even in symbols it is a

participatory act of a community that affirms the meaning of its existence in actions that can be transmitted

from generation to generationrdquo73

There exists a relationship between rituals and the belief system of a group

and because of this relationship rituals help to effect changes for the betterment of society ldquoRitual might be said

to shortndashcircuit thinking providing atndashhand solutions to impossible problemsrdquo74

Problems arise within human

institutions Some of them are readily solved others become perennial The performance of appropriate rituals

helps to solve problems which seem unsolvable that arise within human institutions In some cases the

performance of rituals saves time and brings instantaneous results In effect ritual ldquoprovides readyndashmade

answers to what thinking works throughrdquo75

The flip side of ritualrsquos function of stability is its capacity to bring about innovations and

transformation in societies Gerd Baumann suggests that instead of holding on to the presupposition that rituals

68

Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 152 states ldquoritualhellip

stabilizes individuals under stress by giving them a conceptual handle-hold to keep them from lsquofalling apartrsquo or

lsquolosing itrsquo rdquo

69 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 37

70 Hal Taussig In the Beginning was the Meal 57

71 Ibid

72 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 155

73 Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the

European Enlightenment and a Search for New Foundations 27

74 Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo 12

75 Ibid

67

are used solely to preserve social values and selfndashknowledge it is worthwhile noting that they equally have the

potency to effect cultural changes and thus they do not speak only to ldquoinsidersrdquo but also ldquooutsidersrdquo76

Finally irrespective of ritualrsquos potency for ldquocontinuity and orderrdquo it can be instrumental not only in

transformation at the individual but also at the corporate level The introduction of new rituals becomes the

basis for enacting and transmitting new belief and value systems DavisndashFloyd intimates that ldquo[e]ntrenched

belief and value systems are more effectively altered through alterations in the rituals that enact themrdquo77

3 2 1 The appearance of New Rituals

In chapter 2 I established that the Corinthian δεῖπνον was an ordinary meal In this section I examine

the emergence of new rituals with the anticipation to argue in chapter 4 that Paulrsquos interventions are really steps

in transforming the Corinthian δεῖπνον into a heightened ritual Grimesrsquos analysis is germane here It

distinguishes between ldquohardrdquo and ldquosoftrdquo definitions of ritual and proposes to comment on a ldquosoftrdquo definition He

mentions a new view of ritual and observes that the increase of ldquohyphenated terms and coining of neologismsrdquo

by scholars points to the fact that ldquoa nascent genre of action which he terms ldquoritualizingrdquo is giving rise to a

new view of ritual78

In evaluating the foregoing discussions it is evident that there are manifold definitions and

characteristics of rituals They all contribute towards the general picture of what a ritual is No single element of

ritual has to dominate other equally important elements of ritual It can be said that among other characteristics

rituals involve symbolic actions that are repeated It requires a locus

Grimes prefers describing the phenomenon of ldquoinvented ritesrdquo as ldquoritualizingrdquo or occasionally

ldquoemerging ritualrdquo This phenomenon is very helpful for the context of 1 Cor 1117ndash 34 and it will be developed

in chapter 4 as a Grimesian category By way of elaborating this point it can be said that while ritualizing has

some relationship with ldquoritualization moderdquo there are some differences with regard to ldquoconsciousness and

intentionrdquo Ritualizing is more intentional than ritualization it involves activation and creation of awareness of

ldquopreconscious ritualization processesrdquo79

Grimes cautions that in our scholarly taxonomy there is the danger of

not paying attention to both ldquonascentrdquo and ldquomore traditional ritesrdquo The result of such a tendency is that we

become victims of the conservative fallacy that purports that rites are immutable or as he puts it that ldquorites

originated but cannot presently originate ndash that rites do not changerdquo80

In ritualizing we look for emergent ritual

gestures Effective identification of ritualizing cases their management maintenance and development can lead

to new forms of rites practices and celebrations

What interests me is the historical memory of the last meal that Jesus had with his disciples and its

relation to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον How did the meal evolve to become the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in Paulrsquos language

76

Gerd Baumann ldquoRitual Implicates lsquoOthersrsquo Rereading Durkheim in a Plural Societyrdquo in Understanding

Rituals 99 ldquoI suggest that they may equally speak towards the aspirations toward cultural changerdquo It is

noteworthy that one of the points that are debated is ldquocultural changesrdquo

77 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 156

78 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 59

79 Ibid 61

80 Ibid

68

How has it been perpetuated In 1 Corinthians 11 I note that there is the probability that Paul by citing the

words of institution is reinventing the δεῖπνον This notion is accounted for by the statements he makes In 1

Corinthians Paul states τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν81

(1124 c and repeated in

25c) The key issues that go with these injunctions are First ritual action ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν

ἄρτον τοῦτον καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ (v 26) 82

This verse

and the succeeding verses (1127ndash32) unpack the words of institution and are quite open to ritual analysis

Second ritual paradigm the pericope (1126ndash32) forms an important ritual paradigm for understanding

what Paul is trying to achieve so far in front of the text It points out the sense of danger connected to the meal

if the members of the ἐκκλησία participate it ἀναξίως83

The repercussions are clearly stated that if they

participate in the meal in the wrong manner they would be eating and drinking κρίμα84

to themselves It is this

ritual connotation of the passage that I will explore in detail in chapter 4 It involves the impact the wrong

manner in which the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated could have on the members if they do not act in accordance

with Paulrsquos directives85

A similar case of retribution appears in the inscriptions on a slab of a white marble given to the

household association of Dionysios in Philadelphia (Lydia) SIG3 = AGRW 121 (late second century to early

first century BCE) On entering the house of Dionysios people were made to declare their innocence about

any deceptive action against fellow humans or any drug harmful to people People who violated the instructions

were to be exposed and punished It was required of the members who exhibit confidence in themselves to

touch the stone during sacrifices to verify those who are either obedient or disobedient to the instructions86

In seeking a definition for the process of reinventing ritual I find the following insightful

The process of reinventing ritual is defined by the urge to strip rituals down to their essentials and

reconceive them to speak to contemporary issues ndash creating everything from a comix version of the

Book of Esther to video prayer garments to an environmentalist synagogue building87

Three main points may be developed from this idea (1) getting hold of the essentials of rituals (2) rendash

conception and (3) function First rituals can be rendashinvented but there is the need to know its essentials before

rendashinvention takes place Second being aware of the essentials of rituals will provide the arena for rendash

conceiving them what I term rendashbirth As ideas are reconceived the essentials of ritual are taken into

81

ldquoDo this as many times as you drink in my memoryrdquo (1 Cor 1124c cf 25c) My translation

82 ldquoAs many times as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the Lordrsquos death till he comesrdquo (1

Cor 1126) My translation

83 ldquoUnworthilyrdquo or ldquoin an unworthy mannerrdquo

84 ldquoJudgmentrdquo or ldquocondemnationrdquo

85 Some of the ideas in this and succeeding paragraph were developed from the contributions made by my New

Testament Professors John S Kloppenborg of the University of Toronto Ann L Jervis Colleen Shantz and

Terence L Donaldson of Toronto School of Theology during the presentation I made at the Biblical

Department Seminar on September 24 2015

86 SIG

3 = AGRW 121

87 Daniel Belasco Reinventing Ritual Contemporary Art and Design for Jewish Life on view at The Jewish

Museum 2009 Online at httpzeekforwardcomarticles115626 Accessed 26 November 2014

69

consideration Third the rendashconceived essentials of ritual are used to address contemporary issues What Paul

does in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would have had the potential to create a heightened ritual88

3 3 Models of Harvey Whitehouse and R A Rappaport

In this section I will examine two models namely Harvey Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity

and RA Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication The character of 1 Cor 11 suggests a particular

approach in elucidating the Corinthian problem First the problem is a social problem the kind related to the

infighting within the ἐκκλησία and within this conversation Paul begins to talk about ritual This calls for the

combination of social and ritual theories and Harvey Whitehousersquos model provides that Second the situation in

Corinth is one that involves the identity of the community and Rappaportrsquos model focuses on messages I

therefore consider these as the methods that might help answer the question of the present research The choice

for Whitehouse and Rappaport to be the best suited among all other scholars to my project commends itself for

a number of reasons These two theorists help to establish the criteria by which we might unearth Paulrsquos

intention in citing the words of institution in the passage

Harvey Whitehouse89

is one of the pioneers in the field of cognitive science of religion and is

renowned for his theory of the modes of religiosity Whitehouse focused his work on different kinds of religion

and spent almost two years with a cargo cult in Papua Guinea He concluded that religions tend to be stable in

one of two contrasting forms and designated them as imagistic and doctrinal modes respectively For example

in his examination of small localized religions in Melanesia90

he observed that the religions coalesce strongly

towards one or the other of the two modes of religiosity or towards both but within the context of ldquoreadily

distinguishable domains of operationrdquo91

He submitted that while the doctrinal mode in ldquoprendashcontactrdquo Melanesia

was ldquounelaboratedrdquo imagistic forms were well known in many parts of the subndashregion92

Contrastingly some

Christian missions ldquotended towards a purely doctrinal mode of operationrdquo and usually led to the overshadowing

of the imagistic practices of both Melanesian and European initiative93

Consequently the indigenous religions

of Papua New Guinea in recent times provide a scene for a ldquodramatic confrontation between divergent modes of

religiosityrdquo94

Using archaeological evidence as his basis he attributes the origin of the imagistic mode to ldquoUpper

88

The full discussion will be in chapter 4 of the present study

89 He is currently the Chair of Social Anthropology Director of the Institute of Cognitive and Evolutionary

Anthropology and a Professorial Fellow of Magdalen College at the University of Oxford

90 Melanesia is a culture area of Oceania and stretches from the western part of the Pacific Ocean to the Arafura

Sea with Fiji bordering on its eastern part It consists of four countries including Papua New Guinea The other

two countries are Vanuatu and Solomon Islands

91 Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons Divergent Modes of Religiosity (Oxford Oxford University Press

2000) 2

92 Ibid

93 Ibid

94 Ibid

70

Palaeolithic hunterndashgatherersrdquo and that of the doctrinal mode to the era of writing technologies95

He began

thinking about the factors necessary to make one religion more stable than the other He developed the DMR

theory after embarking on a twentyndashmonth field research on a ldquocargo cultrdquo in East New Britain Papua New

Guinea96

He describes religion as a ldquodistributed phenomenonrdquo97

What Whitehouse has been trying to account for with his theory is that religious traditions tend to be

attracted to one of these two modes ndash imagistic or doctrinal The doctrinal mode of religion is diffusely

cohesive operates on a largendashscale hierarchical structure and it is characterized by ldquoroutinized ritualsrdquo98

The

imagistic mode of religion is highly cohesive operates on a smallndashscale structure and is characterized by ldquorare

and traumatic ritual ordealsrdquo99

Two different memory systems are responsible for religious traditions namely

semantic and episodic memories The semantic memory stores religious ideas doctrines and narratives derived

from religious leaders while episodic memory stores autobiographical knowledge100

The semantic memory

controls the organization and transmission of knowledge stored in the doctrinal mode101

A religious tradition

relies on both semantic and episodic memories for its transmission Thus high transmissive frequency coupled

with low level arousal episodes generates the conditions for largendashscale diffusely integrated communities

while low transmissive frequency coupled with high arousal episodes helps bind smallndashscale groups102

The

advantage of such episodes is that they are readily captured and retained in the memory Episodic memory

further facilitates vividness in subsequent performances when it comes to recollecting ritual procedures The

condition in which the imagistic mode thrives is that of a group whose survival is contingent on extremely high

levels of cohesion103

The condition conducive to a grouprsquos survival with regard to doctrinal mode is dependent

95

Ibid 3 Idem Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 77 ldquoUpper Paleolithic

periodrdquo and ldquono less recently than the emergence of Bronze Age civilizationsrdquo respectively

96 Cf Harvey Whitehouse Inside the Cult Religious Innovation and Transmission in Papua New Guinea

Oxford Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology (Oxford Oxford University Press 1995) 1 6 He was ldquoin

the fieldrdquo from October 1987 to June 1989

97 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 16 ldquoThat is to say

it inheres not merely in the thoughts and feelings of an individual devotee but also in the recognizably similar or

complementary thoughts and feelings of a population of religious adherentsrdquo

98 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Violence ed Juergensmeyer Mark Margo Kitts and Michael

Jerryson (Oxford New York Oxford University Press 2013) 1 cf H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A

Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 68

99 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 1

100 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 65ndash71 Whitehouse

acknowledges the distinction psychologists make between ldquosemanticrdquo and ldquoepisodicrdquo (or ldquoautobiographicalrdquo)

memory See idem Arguments and Icons 5ndash12

101 Similarly the episodic memory controls the organization and transmission of the imagistic mode It is

noteworthy that even though Christian groups operate in the doctrinal mode there is room for imagistic

practices See Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 11

102 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 8 74 See Table 31

103 In such cases the incentives for a member to defect are exceptionally strong

71

on more unexceptional acts of cooperation involving much larger populations which demand more extensive

kinds of cohesion if the impact is milder104

According to Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity memory and motivation are essential for

making religions including rituals take the form that they do For a religious tradition to be established

members of a group need to remember their beliefs and rituals in order that they can be handed over from one

generation to the next Highndashfrequency rituals (routinization) are known to help in the preservation of complex

religious teachings in semantic memory and promote the dissemination of ldquodoctrinal orthodoxies and

standardized interpretations of ritual meaningrdquo 105

There is a further correlation between frequency and

emotionality High frequency correlates to low emotionality and low frequency to high emotionality

As regards the doctrinal mode of religiosity Whitehouse demonstrates how rituals help in promoting

stability and strengthening community structures He draws distinction between disciplines like medicine

engineering etc in which you stop attending lectures after graduation and occasionally attend inndashservice

training and the behavior of adherents to a religious orthodoxy The latter after gaining mastery of the relevant

doctrines are expected to ldquocontinue listening to endless repetitions of that information through processes of

ritualized public oratoryrdquo106

Routinization has its effects on religious thinking The result of undertaking the

same ritual procedures on regular basis results in ldquohabituationrdquo 107

When participants go through ritual

procedures as a matter of mechanized practice they lose the urge to reflect on the symbolic significance of the

rituals In this regard ldquoroutinization suppresses revelationrdquo108

This is equally true of religious speech

Participants may be accustomed to doctrinal repetition and they can easily lose focus However ldquoverbal

repetition can also ensure the stable reproduction of a substantial corpus of knowledgerdquo109

Whitehouse by use

of the modes of religiosity thus shows how the repetition of a ritual can create a stable community

The lack of performance of rituals can result in people forgetting their beliefs and the procedures for

the performance of their rituals One way to forestall this is to adopt ldquoa very repetitive regime of religious

transmissionrdquo110

Ritual action involves elements that lack ldquotechnical relevancerdquo111

Ritual may be similar to art

insofar as elements are concerned but the intentions are different Whereas the intentional states of an artist lies

in the artistrsquos mind and is internal that of a ritual is tied in successively with the past and is external112

Concerning the doctrinal mode of religiosity there is the tendency for ritual action to be highly routinized This

104

Examples of such acts of cooperation include the payment of levies and dues

105 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 2

106 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 5

107 Ibid

108 Ibid

109 Ibid6

110 Ibid 64 This accounts for the significance of Whitehousersquos theory of divergent modes of religiosity

111 Ibid 3

112 Ibid 4 ie ldquoare accorded to a procession of shadowy predecessors primordial ancestors or godsrdquo

72

helps in ldquothe storage of elaborate and conceptually complex religious teachings in semantic memory but also

activating implicit memory in the performance of most ritual proceduresrdquo 113

Routinization stimulates semantic

memory for religious doctrines It has both advantages and disadvantages One advantage is that it provides a

receptacle for the acquisition of ldquoexplicit verbal knowledge in semantic memoryrdquo and the sustenance of

doctrines and narratives that would be impracticable to learn let alone retain in the memory114

Notwithstanding

routinization can lead to boredom and a low level of motivation Other means for retaining adherents of

routinized religions may be by the provision of incentives and the enforcing of ldquosupernatural sanctionsrdquo115

The

effectiveness of these mechanisms depends to a large extent on the level of belief in the doctrines of a religious

group When the features of the doctrinal mode meld they tend to be enduring historically and may persist ldquofor

centuries and even for millenniardquo116

Consequently it allows the religious group to become stabilized

Table 31 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity

Variable Doctrinal Imagistic

Psychological Features

1 Transmissive frequency High Low

2 Level of arousal Low High

3 Principal memory system Semantic schemas and implicit

scripts

Episodic flashbulb memory

4 Ritual meaning Learned Acquired Internally generated

5 Techniques of revelation Rhetoric logical integration

narrative

Iconicity multivocality and

multivalence

Sociopolitical Features

6 Social cohesion Diffuse Intense

7 Leadership Dynamic Passive absent

8 Inclusivityexclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

9 Spread Rapid efficient Slow inefficient

10 Scale Large scale Small scale

113

Ibid 65 semantic memory is a sub-division of long-term memory and comprises general knowledge about

the world Implicit memory a basic kind of memory concerns ldquothings we know without being aware of

knowingrdquo Whitehouse specifically hypothesizes the following features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity (1)

Routinization (2) Religious Leaders (3) Need for orthodoxy checks (4) Implicit memory for religious rituals (5)

Semantic Memory for Religious Teachings (6) Centralization (7) Anonymous Communities and (8) Religion

spreading widely 66ndash70

114 Ibid 66

115 Incentives may include salvation which leads to eternal life Example of sanctions may be eternal damnation

66ndash 67

116 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 70 Cf idem

Arguments and Icons 2

73

11 Degree of uniformity High Low

12 Structure Centralized Noncentralized

Whitehouse draws a contrast between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity There are two

kinds of the contrasting features of these modes First the ldquocognitive featuresrdquo which relate to psychological

valences of religious activities Second are the sociopolitical features that comprise ldquosocial organization and

politicsrdquo of a more demographic nature117

As mentioned religious groups tend to be more stable when they

embrace the features of one or the other mode ndash so the more they cluster around a position the better suited they

are for survival Innovations which are distant from these attractor positions are less likely to persist118

For

example a new prophet might make pronouncements about his own personal revelations and receive attention

from people For his pronouncements to develop into a corpus of doctrines would require consistent repetition

and the maintenance of ldquoa system of effective policingrdquo119

Anything less than that would likely lead to the

distortion of the pronouncements or the people forgetting about them A similar observation may be made about

the introduction of a new ritual According to the modes of religiosity for a ritual to be able to establish the

basis for a new religious tradition it must be ldquosufficiently arousing shocking and personally consequential to

drive subsequent revelationsrdquo120

The ritual cannot stabilize as a tradition if this is not done Notwithstanding

boring rituals can stabilize in the doctrinal mode where other elements contribute to the stability of the

movement With regard to imagistic rituals Whitehouse points out that people may be disturbed emotionally

upset and go through experiences which are hard to forget This may lead to a state of seeking answers to

unanswerable questions Distressing ritual episodes thus become the ground for seeking answers to such

questions

At this point I switch to a discussion on the strengths and weaknesses of the DMR theory Harvey

Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity is not immune from criticisms The ritual form and ritual frequency

hypotheses proposed by Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson to some extent diverge from the DMR

theory121

Part of the critique of Whitehousersquos model is that there are not many examples that exist in pure form

117

H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 74

118 Ibid 85 n 29 admits that there are exceptions to this

119 Ibid 74

120 Ibid 75

121 See Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 42ndash43 The ritual frequency hypothesis purports that ldquothe amount of sensory pageantry and

therefore the amount of emotional stimulation any religious ritual involves are inversely proportional to the

frequency with that ritual is performedrdquo121

According to McCauley and Lawson two means that boost memory

and are routinely associated with ritual are performance frequency and emotional arousal121

They apply the

Chart of two attractors namely ldquoSensory Pageantryrdquo and ldquoFrequencyrdquo for the ritual form hypothesis They

propose that within the same community the sensory pageantry caused by low-frequency rituals ldquowill only be

higher relative to more frequent ritualsrdquo They argue that if religious rituals evolve then it will evolve either (1)

in relation to rituals with low amounts of ldquosensory stimulationrdquo and consequently produce low level of

ldquoemotional arousalrdquo that are repeated and have a capacity of high ldquoperformance frequenciesrdquo or (2) in relation

74

that is truly low arousal ritual However that does not defeat his theory The model does not require that the

perfect example of doctrinal mode should exist every moment and everywhere Rather there are attractor

positions when most of the features are together they tend to be more stable In spite of the criticisms of

McCauley and Lawson the DMR has its merits One of its strength is its capability to unite large groups of

participants Its main weakness is that there is the tendency for ldquothis unity to be based on comparatively diffuse

cohesion at least in the long runrdquo122

In the ensuing paragraphs I will describe some characteristics of the doctrinal tradition that I will

discuss in detail in the next chapter in consonance with the structure of the present research The import of the

description of these features is that it will set the tone for me to muster evidence to establish that even though

the features identified were present in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία they were in a flux and have not stabilized yet at

the time of the writing of the epistle The doctrinal attractor position includes several characteristics relevant to

1 Corinthians namely ritual meaning social cohesion leadership inclusivityexclusivity spread scale degree

of uniformity and structure

1 Ritual meaning

As stated earlier there are contrasting features of the modes of religiosity One of the psychological

features relevant for the analysis is ritual meaning In contrasting the doctrinal mode with that of imagistic

mode ritual meaning is learned or acquired in doctrinal mode while it is internally generated in the imagistic

mode I will undertake the full discussion in chapter 4

2 Social cohesion

In order to establish how a ritual could help effect social cohesion in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία there is

the need to identify traits of instability in the ἐκκλησία and to demonstrate how the mode of religiosity could be

applied to achieve cohesion On the basis of the DMR model high levels of arousal in the performance of

rituals promote strong cohesion Moreover high levels of arousal help in the passing on of religious practices

from one generation to another Some of the effects when performances are not regular are that the participants

tend to ldquoforget the procedures and especially their meaningsrdquo123

3 Leadership

In contrast to the imagistic mode members of a doctrinal religious group depend largely on teachings

for their edification and spiritual growth For members to believe in a set of doctrines of a group the teachings

have to be formulated ldquoin a highly persuasive fashionrdquo124

For semantic memory and religious teachings to be

onndashgoing would require religious leaders These leaders should be persons who possess oratory skills and are

conversant with the set of doctrines and traditions of the group For effective transfer of knowledge the orators

to rituals that combine higher levels of sensory stimulation and emotional arousal but are not repeated i e

rituals in which each participant has only one opportunity to serve in the role of the patient McCauley and

Lawson contend that the theory of the modes of religiosity is found wanting in explicating the divergence it

purports

122 H Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 127

123 Ibid 71

124 Ibid 67

75

must necessarily be outstanding Most religious traditions have renowned leaders

4 InclusivityExclusivity

There are different variables responsible for encoding messages Their selection which is

psychological involves different kinds of ldquomemory and exegetical learningrdquo coupled with ldquovarying levels of

arousal familiarity and consequentialityrdquo125

These variables contribute significantly to the formation of the

social structure of religious traditions yielding features which include inclusivity and exclusivity Religious

traditions that are characterized by features including inclusivity tend to fall into the doctrinal category of

religiosity while those which produce features including exclusivity represent the imagistic mode of

religiosity126

These features can be applied to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ἐκκλησία there were traits of

partiality in the mode of distribution of meals There was also disparity in the kind of food which was served

The seating arrangement also signified class distinction The noted traits reflected an exclusive religious

tradition Perhaps these issues were in play in Corinth Paulrsquos use of the following words supports this notion

σχίσματα (v 18) and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει (v 21) In introducing the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

Paul might have impressed upon the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the need for an inclusive rather than

an exclusive religious tradition This is evidenced in his use of εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον (v 17) συνέρχομαι (vv 17 20)

and ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε (v 33)

5 Degree of uniformity

The religious mode of religiosity enhances uniformity of ideas within the group Whereas the degree of

uniformity in doctrinal mode is high that of the imagistic mode is low (see Table 31) In the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία some members preferred to eat their own meal127

The introduction of the tradition of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might have brought greater uniformity (1 Cor 1133ndash34) Instead of the lapse in the intake of

the meal there would be uniformity in the eating of the ἄρτος and drinking of the wine It could have eliminated

the occasion of the disparity in the partaking of the meal Moreover it could have regulated excesses

Specifically it could have prevented the situation where some would be satisfied and drunk while others were

hungry

Table 32 Sociopolitical features summarized (adapted from Whitehouse 2004)

Variable Doctrinal Mode Predictions Imagistic Mode Predictions

1 Social cohesion Diffusely cohesive Intense within small congregations

2 Leadership Dynamic necessity for orthodoxy

checks

Lack of dynamic leadership and hindrance

to transmission

3InclusivityExclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

4 Degree of uniformity High Low

125

Ibid 8

126 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians 160) considers the symbolism of the Supper ritual as

ldquosymbolism of exclusivity ldquonot only to ensure internal coherence unity and equality of the Christian group but

also to protect its boundaries vis-agrave-vis other kinds of cultic associationrdquo

127 The probable meaning of the verb προλαμβάνει will be discussed in chapter 4

76

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication

I will be using R A Rappaportrsquos models to assess how rituals can help transfer messages or

communicate in addition to words128

Rappaport considers ritual as the fundamental act of a society He

expressed the recognition of ritual as the basis for any type of social life in the following words ldquohellip I take ritual

to be the basic social actrdquo129 He emphatically rendashechoes the idea

In enunciating accepting and making conventions moral ritual contains within itself not simply a

symbolic representation of social contract but tacit social contract itself As such ritual which also

establishes guards and bridges boundaries between public systems and private processes is the basic

social act130

Rappaport focuses on the communicative dynamics of ritual and emphasizes that rituals are largely

symbolic and different from other forms of communication131

Rappaport makes a distinction between two main

classes of natural processes He illustrates this notion of communication by giving two principles In the first

class of action matter and energy are applied to achieve results The second principle concerns the attainment

of effects by means of the dissemination of information That is the transmission of messages to receivers Acts

and utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special

objects and substances Physical display involves postures and movements and plays a vital role in rituals

Physical display is a peculiar form of communication and has endured ldquomany thousands or even hundreds of

thousands of years into the time of languagerdquo132

The advantage of physical display is that it ldquoindicates more more clearly or other than what words are

able to communicaterdquo133

Whereas paralinguistics and kinesics convey ldquoanalogic signalsrdquo134

ritualrsquos physical

display is the kind which is consciously controlled and involves the ldquopublic orderrdquo and the participantrsquos

involvement in it Moreover communication basically takes place in the digital rather than the analogic

128

R A Rappaport was the President of the American Anthropological Association from 1987 to 1989

Rappaport like Whitehouse includes ldquowordsrdquo in his assessment of ritual This is the part of his model that helps

to round out Whitehousersquos

129 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion (Richmond Calif North Atlantic Books 1979) 174

Emphasis in the original

130 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 138 (emphasis in the original)

131 Ibid 118 (emphasis original) states ldquoHe is not merely transmitting messages he finds encoded in the liturgy

He is participating in ndash that is becoming part of ndash the order to which his own body and breath give liferdquo In this

context the ldquotransmitterrdquo is the ldquoparticipantrdquo Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 22

agrees with Rappaport and defines ritual as ldquopre-eminently a form of communicationrdquo She applies Basil

Bernsteinrsquos approach to the analysis of ritual as a means to understand religious behavior By this approach

ritual forms are handled like speech forms as transmitters of culture which are produced ldquoin social relations

and which by their selections and emphases exercise a constraining effect on social behaviourrdquo

132 Ibid 139

133 Ibid 140

134 Ibid Analogic signals embrace shift in expression and are subjected to frequent changes They are indexical

ndash a term used by Rappaport to indicate physical and psychic conditions ndash involving ldquothe states of the private

processes and changes in those statesrdquo

77

mode135

Even though there is the possibility for ritual acts to also convey messages analogically that is not the

central issue It may be strongly alluded that digital messages overshadow analogic messages ldquocontinuously and

inevitably transmitted kinesically and parallinguistically thus rendering them irrelevantrdquo136

Rappaport

considers the view that ritual is not entirely symbolic to be one of its most invaluable characteristics ldquofor

through ritual some of the embarrassments and difficulties of symbolic communication are overcomerdquo137

He

disagrees that ritual is functional and accepts that ritual has a form and a structure He suggests that to

participate in a ritual implies that one accepts that which it encodes138

Rituals are thus able to communicate

meaning

The performance of a ritual establishes conventions that are in place and readily embraces them

According to Rappaport it is characteristic of religion to formulate the ldquoWord the True Word upon which the

truths of symbols and the convictions that they establish standrdquo139

Ritual is the ldquofoundryrdquo within which the

Word is formed By this understanding the scope of definition is broadened and it gives room for an expanded

notion of communication Therefore ritual can hardly be substituted with other modes of communication It

stands in its own special class and becomes an inimitable vehicle ldquosuited to the transmission of certain

messages and certain sorts of informationrdquo140

Before I expand on the topic of mode of communication it is worthwhile commenting on the

difference in the transmission of selfndashreferential and canonical messages Rappaport establishes that all

religious rituals carry two streams of messages namely selfndashreferential (indexical) and canonical The

distinction between them lies in the semiotic realm because there is a marked difference between the

relationship of signs to which these two message streams connote Canonical messages are the kind of messages

that are not limited to the present Although they may use secondarily icons and even indices141

in a restricted

manner their ldquosignificata may be indeed usually are spiritual conceptual or abstract in nature are and can

only be founded upon symbolsrdquo142

On the contrary selfndashreferential messages which are transmitted about ldquothe

current state of the transmitters hellip may transcend mere symbolic signification and be represented

indexicallyrdquo143

In other words a selfndashreferential message does not merely ldquosay somethingrdquo about the

135

Ibid 87 There are two types of computation namely analogic and digital The distinction between them is

the kind that exists between ldquomeasuringrdquo and ldquocountingrdquo Whereas the term ldquoanalogicrdquo signifies ldquoentities and

processesrdquo in which the values can alter by continuous gradations that of ldquodigitalrdquo cannot

136 Ibid 140

137 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion 175

138 Ibid 209

139 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 21

140 Ibid 52 He uses the term ldquoinformationrdquo in a broad non-technical sense See 473 n14

141 Ibid 54 referencing J Buchler Philosophical Writings of Peirce (New York Dover Publications 1956)

102 An index (a phrase of Peirce) is ldquoa sign which refers to the Object it denotes by being really affected by

that Objectrdquo

142 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 54 (emphasis original)

143 Ibid (emphasis original)

78

performerrsquos state it does ldquosomethingrdquo as well144

For example in dancing a performer may pledge to support

his audience in a battle The performer by an act of dancing will signal a pledge thus putting the pledge into

effect The signal thus becomes ldquoindexical (and not merely symbolic)rdquo because the gestures in the dance

tantamount to the pledge 145

Ritual communicates both indexical (selfndashreferential) messages and canonical (related to cultural

tradition) messages In performance the signals used in communication become effective if they are readily

distinguished from everyday technical actions The distinction is drawn between ritual words and acts and

ordinary words and actions The means of communication may include ritual utterances special time and

places postures and gestures objects and structures The assigning of special times and places for the

performance of ritual naturally brings into play senders and receivers of messages and may also indicate the

content of what has to be transmitted In summation ldquothe formality and nonndashinstrumentality characteristic of

ritual enhances its communicational functioningrdquo 146

An objection could be raised regarding the communicative

aspect of ritual in light of the interiority of the communication

Notwithstanding ldquothe subjective experiencerdquo involved in private devotions promotes the notion of

applying the term ldquocommunicationrdquo to ritual for it gives the participants themselves the occasion to apparently

testify that they communicate with spiritual beings Moreover considering the fact that the emotions of the

performers may respond to ldquothe stimuli of their own ritual acts it is reasonable to take ritual to be autondash

communicative as well as allondashcommunicativerdquo147

34 Conclusion

Ritual is a multindashfaceted social behavior which forms an integral part of human life While its

significance cannot be underestimated it does not have a universal definition In this chapter I examined

samples of definitions and established that the purposes of rituals are manifold and pervasive Ritual per se

transcends religious social and other boundaries The relationship between the belief system of a group and the

rituals its members perform is very close and helps in the development of the identity of a group of people

It is credible to employ ritual studies to seek understanding of Paulrsquos interventions in the meal practice

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will therefore demonstrate in the succeeding chapter how Paulrsquos instructions could

probably help shape the δεῖπνον in ritual ways Harvey Whitehousersquos models of religiosity especially the

doctrinal mode helps to demonstrate the potentiality of rituals in taking on stable forms that have bearing on and

also strengthen community structures For example the description portrayed the lack of stability in the

ἐκκλησίαThis feature of social separation warrants Paulrsquos interventions and plausibly the need to introduce the

tradition of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I also described Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication and described

how ritual words and acts are distinct from ordinary dayndashtondashday words and actions The discussions on the

144

Ibid 107

145 Ibid 108

146 Ibid 51

147 Ibid

79

potentialities of ritual especially as a communicative tool thus become the bedrock to investigate the ritual

context of the meal at Corinth in the subsequent chapter

Rituals are symbolic acts or form of behavior Rituals involve actions have functions and require a

place for its participation or performance Two of the functions viz communicative and stabilizing functions of

ritual and one characteristic ndash its repetitive nature are fertile grounds for an exploration of the Corinthian text on

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον through a ritual lens Mary Douglas observes that ldquoonly a ritual structure makes possible a

wordless channel of communication that is not entirely incoherentrdquo148

With the only exceptions of

ldquohypothetical ritualsrdquo ie rituals that a ritual system assumes without any human participation ldquovery nearly all

religious rituals are performed over and over again and certainly all rituals in which human participants take

part arerdquo149

There is the need to find out reasons for the repetition persistence universality and canonicity of

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual models of Whitehouse and Rappaport will be used in addressing these issues in

the next chapter

148

Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 54

149 Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 86

80

4

Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective

εἰ ὅλον τὸ σῶμα ὀφθαλμός ποῦ ἡ ἀκοή εἰ ὅλον ἀκοή ποῦ ἡ ὄσφρησις

If the whole body were an eye where would be the means of hearing If it were a cavity for hearing where

would be the sense of smelling ndash 1 Cor 1217

In the previous chapter I have examined ritual theories and established that even though no single

ritual theory can describe what ritual embodies there is a loose consensus of a set of significant characteristics

of rituals In assessing the debate about whether ritual is traditional or invented I adopted Ronald L Grimesrsquo

observations about the invention and transformation of rituals as that relevant to the situation in Corinth I also

introduced the work of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose theories will inform my analysis in the

present chapter As regards Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity I established that religious traditions tend to be

more stable when they embrace one or the other mode The result is that the more they bundle around an

attractor position the better enhanced they are for survival With this background I will explore an alternative

question about the conflicts at meals in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The present chapter seeks answers to the

question How might the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provide a distinctive opportunity for Paul to try

to end the fractiousness in the ἐκκλησία I will examine the passage under review through the lens of ritual

theory to unearth Paulrsquos ritual intention

Ritual works not just at the level of ideas but also with bodies and relationships For example ritual

practices help communities that experience identity crisis to reach amicable resolutions because the practice of a

ritual has the potential to generate shared identity Generally speaking the act of sharing meals provides the

occasion for the formation of new identities In the case of the divisions at Corinth I am exploring how the

practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a ritual might have had this effect The passage under review may be divided

into three main parts (namely vv17ndash22 23ndash26 and 27ndash34) Each of these sections serves a slightly different

function in the epistle The first section sets up the problem of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the way Paul sees it In

the second section Paul introduces the ritual proper and provides a form that could endure over time The third

section intensifies the relationship between the problem and the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe parts

work together to generate many of the characteristics relevant to ritual theory

41 A New Model

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul makes interventions regarding the praxis of the eating of the δεῖπνον by the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In 1 Cor 1120 he states Συνερχομένω οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖνhellip1 Paul further indicates what the members of the ἐκκλησία were actually eating

τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He thus distinguishes between τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον In the entire NT the

1 ldquoFor in your gathering it is not the Lordrsquos supper that you eatrdquo (1 Cor 1120) My translation Ἕστιν is a 3

rd

person singular present indicative active of the verb εἰμί

81

phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax legomenon However the word δεῖπνον can be found in various forms2

Paul claims that ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor

11 21)3 Paul maintains the individualistic tone εἴ τις πεινᾷ ἐν οἴκῳ ἐσθιέτω (v 34) The phrase τὸ ἴδιον

δεῖπνον makes it probable that some members brought their own individual meals If this assertion is correct

then it is likely that some would prefer eating what they had brought4

The expression Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν (1123)5 fits into

Rappaportrsquos canonical communication Paul establishes the canonical status of the words by tracing a chain of

authority that links back from himself to Jesus The addition of ἐγὼ to παρέλαβον emphasizes his role Paulrsquos

use of the same verb (παρέλαβον) within the epistle helps shed light on its use in 1123 παρέδωκα γὰρ ὑμῖν

ἐν πρώτοις ὃ καὶ παρέλαβον (1 Cor 153 cf Gal 112) In 1 Cor 153 Paul neither includes ἐγὼ nor ἀπὸ

τοῦ κυρίου Whereas the subject in 1 Corinthians 11 is a meal that of 1 Cor 15 is about Christrsquos death and

resurrection Gal 112 indicates that the source of the tradition Paul received is not human and the means of

reception is by revelation

At this point I shift from discussing the formula which Paul introduces to discussing how it is

different from the practice of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul conveys the notion that in eating their own meals

their personal desires and interests overshadowed the purpose of the tradition he delivered to them This

practice therefore led to the manifestation of the traits of idiosyncracy and individualism Paul expresses this

by conjoining ἕκαστος with ὃς (twice) The addition of ἴδιον to τὸ δεῖπνον shows the idiosyncratic manner in

which the members practiced the δεῖπνονThe praxis of eating of the δεῖπνον was consequential καὶ μὲν πεινᾷ

ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor 1121b) The formula that Paul introduces would be effective in interrupting the logic of

their current practice if the members of the ἐκκλησία recognized that the authority was connected to Jesus their

Lord The fact that the members were eating in a variety of ways indicates that the δεῖπνον was in its formative

stage and had not yet been shaped as a specifically Christian ritual

Here I move to the idea of ordinary things in 1117ndash34 becoming special Certain features of ordinary

meal practices are in a sense elevated For example the δεῖπνον at least in some sense becomes special It is

2 δεῖπνον (Mark 621 Luke 1412 John 122) τοῦ δείπνου (Luke1417 John 132) μου τοῦ δείπνου (Luke

1424) ἐν τῷ δείπνῳ (John 2120) ἐν τοῖς δείπνοις (Matt 236 Mark 1239 Luke 2046) τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor

1121) τὸ δεῖπνον τοῦ γάμου (Rev 199) εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον τὸ μέγα (Rev 1917) δεῖπνον μέγα (Luke 1416)

3 ldquoFor in eating each takes onersquos own individual meal On one hand one is hungry and on the other hand

another is drunkrdquo (1Cor 1121)rdquo My translation

4 Scholarly opinion varies regarding the meaning of προλαμβάνειν W Dittenberger considers προλαμβάνειν a

mistake for προσλαμβάνειν which relates to the partaking of a meal in later Greek He cites both U

Wilamowitz who indicates that the ldquotemporal forcerdquo of the προ had effaced and JF Baunack who opts for the

notion of praeferre In 1 Cor 1121 the possibility of some members of the ἐκκλησία ldquoforestallingrdquo others is

therefore minimized Dittenberger contends that ldquothe gravamen of Paulrsquos charge is that lsquothere was

no Lordrsquos supper to eatrsquo lsquoeveryone devours his own supper at the mealrsquo (brought with him in a κίστη ndash cf the

last scene of AristophanesrsquoAcharnaians)rdquo B Winter using papyri inscriptions and literary sources argues for

(to devour) Whereas Winter is of the view that ldquothe havesrdquo of the ἐκκλησία were eating their own meal in the

context of the Lordrsquos Supper I argue that Paul was rather reshaping the δεῖπνον

5 ldquoFor I received from the Lord that which I also delivered to yourdquo (1 Cor 1123) Translation mine

82

given a new designation ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash and thus becomes distinguished from other meals Moreover a

meal that was celebrated daily or weekly is now placed within a larger cosmic time frame Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον

marks the earlier time while ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ also indicates another time The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον thus links people

to one another in relation to time for years Its celebration also becomes special A celebration of a meal that

was punctiliar is now to be repeated becomes perpetuated and an integral part of the liturgy Paulrsquos language is

parallel to the liturgy in most traditions6

Another feature operative in the passage is the diversity of persons at the meal The introduction of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον gives the members of the ἐκκλησία the occasion to share (cf 1016) There are some features

of the GrecondashRoman banquet which help in understanding what was taking place in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

the custom of reclining and social stratification There are very few facilities that would allow many people to

recline at the same time In the preceding chapter I developed the idea that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

meeting in a more public space as argued by Weissenrieder In determining the possible postures I established

that it is likely that the members reclined during the δεῖπνον (810 ndash1134) and sat during the συμπόσιον (1 Cor

1430) The potency of the practice of reclining is seen in the way it brings people of different statuses in the

larger society to recline as compeers at a meal There was a tension between the custom of reclining and what

the real way of life in the larger society pertained The meal brought persons of different standing together In

practical terms there was the tension between stratification and ἰσονομία (the concept of equal distribution) at

meals which was a reflection of GrecondashRoman social values It is a ritual theory that helps to unravel this

tension Paul in giving his instructions was calling for equality among the members and for them to observe the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in κοινωνία (1 Cor 1016 cf 2 Cor 1313 Phil 21 2)

On one hand the meals brought persons of different statuses together at table On the other hand the

posture of reclining created social boundaries and stratification People have been thoughtful about how meals

can be reflective of larger systems of valuing and have structured their ritual accordingly As described in

chapter 2 diners were seated in accordance with their statuses in the larger society In the Spartan state by

contrast dining associations are formed compulsorily with a diversity of membership with differences in status

as a means of promoting the ideology of the State Examples of the variety include ldquoNikokles the guardian of

the laws (patronomos) Aristomenes son of Aristomenes overseer Pratonikos freedman of Perphila Clodia

slave of Akamantia dealer in crownsrdquo7 This inscription reinforces the point that meals can bring people of

diverse statuses together However it also demonstrates how ideology can influence the compositions of dining

associations In another inscription Marcus Minatius son of Sextus a Roman banker exhibited generosity both

to individuals and the association by contributing the interest and also providing financial support towards the

construction of the sanctuary He also invited the members to a sacrifice The association (koinon) of Berytian

immigrants by way of honoring him for his benefaction resolved to allocate the foremost dining couch in all the

6 The ideas in this paragraph were developed from the response given by Dr Colleen Shantz to the presentation

I made at the Biblical Department Seminars on September 24 2015

7 An inscription of an association of banqueters in Sparta that displays a list of members of varied statuses is (IG

V 209 = AGRW 29 I BCE)

83

other synods (I Delos1520 = AGRW 224 Post ndash 153152 BCE ll 6ndash20) This inscription shows how some

associations honor people who support them Nevertheless it broadens the gap between those who are well to

do and those who lack financially

A ritual characteristic that pertains to the discussion is innovation In hypothesizing about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον it is convincing that Paul by mentioning the expression ἡ καινὴ διαθήκη was introducing an

innovation (1 Cor 1125b) For any innovation to be established it requires a means to achieve the acceptance

of all dedicated adherents Paul tries to do it in this way by introducing an act that involves bonding Rappaport

mentions that the respective psyche of the participants which under normal circumstance are inaccessible to

each other may be connected during rituals which are performed in solitude8 The formula is one that matches

with Rappaportrsquos canonical communication It is recognizable as more formal and contractual language than the

rest of the verse It involves commitment and responsibilities on the part of the members of the ἐκκλησία Paul

by introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to the members was initiating a special or new practice to the community

Ritual symbols come to play in this innovation Rappaportrsquos model confirms the symbolic aspect of this new

covenant The cup symbolises the new covenant in Christrsquos blood It is not merely drinking wine but rather

enacting a new relational bond or covenant The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps in understanding Paulrsquos

instructions in vv 25 and 26 The eating of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον becomes covenantal rather than merely

physiological

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode

Whitehousersquos categories of imagistic and doctrinal societies bring into focus Paulrsquos sense of the cluster

of traits that are best for the upndashbuilding of the ἐκκλησία The features to be discussed are structure degree of

uniformity inclusivityexclusivity social cohesion leadership spread and ritual meaning The distinctions

between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity are first the degree of uniformity in doctrinal mode is

high whereas that of the imagistic mode is low Second while the imagistic mode thrives in exclusive societies

the doctrinal mode embraces inclusive societies Exclusive societies are those where kinship is necessary or

there is a special teaching associated with them In antiquity the Mysteries were exclusive however voluntary

associations were more inclusive depending on their focus Third social cohesion is diffuse in the doctrinal

mode while the imagistic mode is intense Fourth while leadership is passive or absent in the imagistic mode it

plays a key role in the doctrinal mode Whitehouse basically suggests that doctrinalndashmode leaders have to be

persuasive usually in their rhetoric Fifth concerning spread of tradition we see more rapid and efficient

growth in the doctrinal mode but slow and inefficient transmission in the imagistic mode relatively speaking

Whitehouse also identifies a sociopolitical feature of the modes of religiosity namely scale The doctrinal mode

tends to operate on large scale while the imagistic mode operates on small scale Lastly and related to the

preceding characteristics is that ritual is routinized in the doctrinal mode Although the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a

new ritual Paul provides an introductory formula that includes the means for preserving the words of

8 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51

84

institution This element of routinization contributes to the ritual stability

At this juncture with the evidence given I will discuss some of the details of the evidence provided

and demonstrate how they coordinate with the theories that I am employing In applying the modes of

religiosity Whitehouse states that the two modes coordinate factors across these two categories sociopolitical

and psychological The divisions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be described as social First they are meeting

to partake in a δεῖπνον (1120 21) Second the social statuses of members in the larger society displayed at

their meals especially with regard to seating arrangement with a συμποσίαρχος signified class distinction

Moreover there was social disruption This is evinced by Paulrsquos use of καταφρονεῖτε καταισχύνετε and

τοὺς μὴ ἔχοντας (1122) The state of some members not having what others have and being looked down upon

could have repercussions on them This point is supported by Rappaportrsquos identity (selfndashreferential) information

that is inscribed by the standard meal practice Finally the divisions were of political nature As discussed in

chapter 2 there were leaders in the ἐκκλησία A bone of contention within the ἐκκλησία was that elections were

not conducted regularly when the term of office of leaders was due The situation in Corinth was one that lacked

central authority The absence of election of leaders when the tenure of office was due could probably lead to

decentralization in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία If this interpretation is acceptable then it helps in justifying Paulrsquos

use of τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1121) The members then would operate on their own whims and caprices

(1119) even though such options were part of standard meal practices This situation prepares the ground for

the discussion of sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity

Both stratification and equality fall within the category of the sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos

modes of religiosity The first sociopolitical feature that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness of

Paulrsquos interventions is structure The structure of the doctrinal mode of religiosity tends to be centralized unlike

the imagistic mode of religiosity The cognitive features combine with specific ldquosocial morphology including

hierarchical centralized institutional arrangementsrdquo9 Ritual forms can be created and can be stable and

replicated in new situations Rappaport states that the term ldquolsquoritualrsquo designates hellip a form or structurerdquo and he

contends that even though none of the composition of the elements of this structure is ldquounique to ritual the

relationships among them arerdquo10

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 two kinds of a threendashfold ritual structure can be derived

from physical displays The first kind is a triad comprising ἄρτος ndash σῶμα ndash κλάω The second kind is a triad

consisting of ποτήριον ndash αἷμα ndash πίνω Some of the ritual acts are the breaking of the ἄρτος and the drinking of

the ποτήριον In ritual terms ἄρτος takes on a new meaning It represents the σῶμα of the Lord Jesus Christ11

Paul instructs the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on the various parts of the ritual The various parts of the

ritual are structured to be replicable over and over again to achieve uniformity The characteristics of the ritual

structure that allow it to be repeated include the acts of thanksgiving the breaking of bread and drinking of

wine In addition is the temporal dimension which involves the frequency and duration of celebrating the ritual

Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to celebrate the ritual until Christrsquos return

9 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 66

10 Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 26

11 Paul uses ἐστιν (cf 1127)

85

The second sociopolitical feature of Whitehouse that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness

of Paulrsquos interventions is the degree of uniformity Ritual has the potency of effecting uniformity in cases where

there is lack of uniformity In verses 33 and 34 Paul enjoins them to wait for one another (ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε)12

and to take care of their hunger outside of the meeting This further increases the scope for uniformity by

mandating shared action and eliminating one reason for violating it Instead of fragmentation of the meal there

could be homogeny in the ἐκκλησία

A third sociopolitical feature that helps in expounding the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions is inclusivityexclusivity Under Whitehousersquos theory these traits could contribute to the possible

expulsion of members from a group and make them disenfranchised Such exclusivity more naturally pertains to

the predictions of imagistic mode of religiosity whereas the prediction of doctrinal mode of religiosity is

inclusivity Inclusivity is more about everyone being able to take part Inclusivityexclusivity is one feature that

does not fit with the overall doctrinal shape toward which Paul seems to be moving the Corinthian assembly

Paul specifies that they have to ldquodiscern the bodyrdquo which suggests exclusiveness However a larger case for

inclusion can be built from the entire epistle In 1 Cor 1422 Paul talks about tongues speaking being a sign for

unbelievers This information provides some evidence of the openness of the community Moreover it gives

credence to the view regarding the venue for the eating of the meals and makes my observation about where the

members of the ἐκκλησία are eating becomes more relevant If the place of meeting is not a private home but a

more public space (as argued by Weissenrieder) then it is likely to be more inclusive13

The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

creates a core that draws people together and is more about the participation of everyone (even the ἰδιῶται or

ἄπιστοι) in the meal without discrimination It has greater potential to incorporate members irrespective of class

or status

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on shared identity The two forms of communication of Rappaport

contribute to establishing shared identity in terms of the meaning of the rite Paul states hellipἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ

εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶνmiddot (1123c 24 a b cf 1127)14

1 Cor

1124b reveals the canonical aspect of the ritual Christ was referring to himself This part of the ritual is fixed

unchanging and communicates the canonical meaning of the meal The rhetoric question with its response in v

22 ndash ἐπαινέσω ὑμᾶς ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ ndash concludes the section for Paulrsquos nonndashrecommendation for the

members This gives him the opportunity to introduce a ritual that he received from the Lord Considering the

fact that Paul had already commended them (112) ritual theory helps to explain this dilemma of commendation

and nonndashcommendation within the same chapter of the epistle

12

The base form is ἐκδέχομαι Apart from 1 Cor 1133 and 1611 it appears in John 53 Acts 1716 Heb 1110

and Ja 57 In those contexts it connotes expectlook for waiting or awaiting Other possible meanings are to

take or receive

13 A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 83 The obvious question is

would they be reclining if they were meeting in a public space As stated earlier both postures of reclining and

sitting are likely as evidenced in the Corinthian correspondence

14 ldquoHe took the bread and having giving thanks he broke it and said ldquoThis is my body for yourdquo (1 Cor 1123c

24 a b) My translation

86

A fourth element of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps in explicating the possible worth of Paulrsquos

interventions is social cohesion Rappaportrsquos theory describes an additional means of creating social cohesion

Part of Rappaportrsquos theory is about words and what they communicate He makes a distinction between two

main classes of natural processes In the first class actions attain effects by the application of natural laws

while in the second class transmitters attain effects by means of information An additional point is about ritual

action According to Rappaportrsquos model ldquocommunication includes not only simple lsquosayingrsquo but also the sorts

of lsquodoingrsquo in which the efficacious principle is informative rather than powerfulrdquo15

Ritual incorporates physical

displays which comprise postures and movements Some of the movements in 1 Corinthians include λαμβάνειν

and κλάω while some of the physical displays are the ἄρτος and the ποτήριον What is being communicated

canonically about Christ in the passage is that the ldquosignificatardquo of the symbols convey a ldquospiritualrdquo meaning16

The messages that the ritual act communicates are First ritual theorizing about the ἄρτος in 1 Cor

1123 the ἄρτος is no longer the individualrsquos meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) or merely a physical loaf of bread Second

the use of μού personalizes the element (ἄρτος) The gesture of breaking the ἄρτος is a ritual act signifying the

offering of the Lord himself instead of the individuals providing their own meals It thus depicts its sacrificial

character (1 Cor 1124)The expressions Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα (1124) and ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ αἵματι (1125b)

shift the emphasis from the individual member of the ἐκκλησία to the Lord himself They would gather at the

Lordrsquos table rather than their individual tables (1 Cor 1021) and eat the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The expressions

signified the Lordship of Jesus Christ instead of an individualrsquos personal tastes and status One of Paulrsquos

interventions was the contrast he made between the idiosyncratic attitude exhibited at table and the corporate

disposition in celebrating the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual Paul was helping to create could shape the Corinthian

community through ritual action in the following ways the distribution and eating of the bread could always

remind them of a unified body rather than fragmented This point falls within Rappaportrsquos selfndashreferential

category From a ritual standpoint the ἄρτος is not fragmented but it is one whole element it signifies oneness

The acts of taking the ἄρτος and breaking it and the drinking from the ποτήριον are ritual acts and transmit ritual

messages The message that the ἄρτος conveys is that there are no traces of division in it it is purely holistic

Moreover the act of breaking the ἄρτος signifies sharing from one source In the same vein drinking from the

same ποτήριον transmits the message of oneness The act of eating and drinking is not merely a physical display

but has a Christological connotation It is an act τοῦ κυρίου (1127) When the members of the ἐκκλησία eat they

are reconstituted as part of something bigger The consequence would be unity instead of σχίσματα There could

be a reversal of status Persons of different statuses could recline for meals in κοινωνία There is therefore no

room for idiosyncrasy but rather social cohesion

Third the new meaning is made clearer in the subsequent verses It is associated with the death and

15

R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51 Rappaport indicates that acts and

utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special objects

and substances

16 Ibid54

87

return of Christ (1126)17

In 1117ndash34 σῶμα is thus defined christologically18

An analysis of 1 Cor 1016 in

conjunction with 1123ndash26 further sheds light on this interpretation Paul uses the following expressions

ldquoτὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίαςrdquo and ldquoτὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμενrdquo in two rhetorical questions successively19

The images

Paul employs in 1017 are ldquoεἷς ἄρτοςrdquo and ldquoἓν σῶμαrdquo The import of oneness instead of σχίσματα is seen in the

use of εἷς20

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on the interpretation of the passage Paulrsquos use of εἷς affirms the

transmission of a selfndashreferential message that he is communicating here The selfndashreferential message

communicated to the participants by the action of eating part of that single loaf is that it creates the sense of

belongingness and reminds them that they belong to the same body

In these ways the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον encodes a new relationship and responsibility There is a duty of

proclamation It is an obligation that has to be sustained and maintained until Christrsquos return It is a ritual theory

that helps shed illumination on the possibility of such an injunction of the Lord Jesus Christ Whitehousersquos

model of religiosity further helps in understanding Paulrsquos instruction For such an injunction to proclaim

requires repetition The result of frequent repetition is the activation of implicit memory for a particular

religious ritual To a large extent as religious rituals are performed routinely they come to be treated in

ldquoprocedural or implicit memoryrdquo21

An advantage of implicit memory is that it serves as a receptacle for the

preservation of standardized doctrines in semantic memory which can be reactivated with relative stability in

content This feature is made possible because of Paulrsquos formalizing of the meal and explains how the doctrine

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has survived to the present day

Notwithstanding the advantages of memory and motivation there are possible threats There is the

tendency to forget a particular ritual or how to perform it appropriately especially if it is not observed ὁσάκις

From a ritual viewpoint the remedy is to resort to routinization However this advantage negates motivation to

some extent One disadvantage of repeating the same ritual time and again is that it might lead to boredom This

could be a deterrent for the members to carry on the practice let alone hand it over to subsequent generations

This point prepares the ground for a response to George May

George May in a twondashpart article argues that there is no hint of the institution of a ritual in the synoptic

Gospels that necessitates its repetition by the followers of Jesus22

As stated earlier the internal evidence

affirms that Paul introduced what he received from the Lord to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul instructs the

17

ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτο καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε

ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ ldquofor as often as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the death of the lord till he

comesrdquo (1 Cor 1126) My translation

18 Cf A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 106

19 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμενοὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν

οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστινrdquo The cup of blessing which we bless is it not a koinōnia in the

blood of Christ The bread which we break is it not the body of Christ My translation

20 Cf 1 Cor 1017 1211 13 14 18ndash20 26 cf Rom 125 1 Cor 617 Eph 44 5

21 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 68

22 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 1 esp 146148ndash50 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper

Ritual or Relationship Part 2 esp 1 7ndash9

88

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to practice the new ritual within a temporal setting (1 Cor 1125c 26 cf

Luke 2219) ποιεῖτε23

could be linear or punctiliar However the addition of ὁσάκις (twice vv 24 25) implies

its repetitive nature Moreover ποιεῖτε in conjunction with the phrase ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ suggests that the instruction

is not punctiliar but linear

Significantly the institution of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has persisted through millennia For Paulrsquos

instructions to be crystallized into a stable body of teachings would mean subjecting them to regular reiteration

and being safeguarded by a system of policing24

Anything less than that could lead to a state of forgetting or

transforming them From a ritual perspective for any religious tradition to be established it would require a

handing over from one generation to the other Furthermore doing so attests to the worth of that particular

ritual Otherwise its future is bleak and can be defunct If this ritual analysis is correct then it follows that

Paulrsquos introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον successfully established conditions for its persistence to the present

day irrespective of the possibility of experiencing boredom25

The ritual of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is practiced

universally and in the liturgies of some churches the exact words stated by Paul to the ἐκκλησία in their

translated versions into different languages are used26

The members of the ἐκκλησία received the tradition

remembered practised and passed it on to the next generation and successively to the present generation The

praxis of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the present day exhibits how potent Paulrsquos intervention could have possibly

been

In the Corinthian correspondence Paul desires that there should not be any division in the ἐκκλησία27

He expands the canonical message by elaborating on the metaphor of σῶμα and the use of ἕν (1 Cor 1212) The

selfndashreferential part is that the participants would potentially understand themselves to be Christrsquos disciples

gathered around the mimetic table The σῶμα is a complex phenomenon Paul develops the concept of unity

from Chapter 8 stressing the adjective εἷς εἷς θεὸς ὁ πατήρ hellip καὶ εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστός (86)28

In 1 Cor

12 Paul defines the social body christologically (1212) In 1213 it is by one Spirit that ldquowe were all baptized

into one bodyrdquo without any distinctions The ritual tone of the instruction is that the σῶμα is one yet it has

many members καὶ γὰρ τὸ σῶμα ἔστιν οὐκ ἓν μέλος ἀλλὰ πολλά (1 Cor 1214)29

The individual parts

collaborate in its functioning to the extent that the overall outcome is unity Paul thus emphasizes the

23

ποιεῖτε is a 2nd

active imperative plural of the verb ποιέω

24 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67ndash69

25 The celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is not boring yet It is in its embryonic stage However we cannot

assume that because it survived it did not suffer from the effects of fatigue In some traditions it is practiced

rarely (a few times a year and on special occasions such Confirmation Holy Matrimony etc) In traditions

where it is more regular it is often mandated (as in Catholicism)

26 ie in English translation with additional liturgical words See Appendix 1

27 Paul mentions that ldquodivisionrdquo should not be entertained in the body but rather care for one another (1 Cor

1225 cf 1 Cor 110) μεριμνῶσις is a word I derived from μεριμνῶσιν 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω meaning ldquoto care forrdquo ie ἀλλήλων μεριμνῶσιν meaning ldquo should care for one anotherrdquo

28 [There is one God the Father hellipand one Lord Jesus Christ]

29 ldquoBut indeed the body is not one member but manyrdquo (1 Cor 1214) My translation

89

heterogeneous nature of the body as well as its homogeneity

As part of the tradition Paul introduces he instructs them to celebrate the ritual in Christrsquos memory

(1124c 25a) First the ritual Paul is introducing needs to assume the form that the members of the ἐκκλησία

can remember Second they need motivation to hand it over to later generations The feature of ἀνάμνησις helps

in establishing the purpose of the ritual act It shows its specificity and sets the scope of the ritual act Its

repetition shows its ritual significance for both σῶμα and αἷμαThe advantage of this feature is that it involves

memory In the traditional δεῖπνον there were other contesting purposes to exhibit onersquos status The memorable

formula also falls within Rappaportrsquos canonical category of communication of the ritual because of its

unchanging nature The simple memorable formula for the meal and the implication of a tradition to be passed

on place the phrases30

into canonical categories of unchanging meaning It communicates something about

Christ and the meal that will not change depending on which individuals are eating it The feature of ἀνάμνησις

would redirect the members of the community toward the ritual purpose of remembering their Lord It could

serve as a reminder to act bearing in mind the sacrifice made by the Lord Jesus Christ on their behalf They will

be reminded that they are always to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance and not in any

other personrsquos

The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps to illustrate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

giving the instruction to observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance by stimulating memory and

motivation Ritual has the ability to trigger implicit knowledge There is high arousal in the consequence of

practicing τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον with some becoming weak falling sick and dying Even though the arousal level in

the doctrinal mode of religiosity is low Whitehouse admits that in reality there is no religion that is either

purely doctrinal or imagistic based on the features captured in his model31

It is possible for a particular

religious tradition to contain all the elements of the doctrinal mode as well as a few of the features of the

imagistic mode For example the frequency of some rituals might be low and still have variables of low levels

of arousal The frequency of other rituals might not be regular and thus can result in sporadic performances

These instances might temper the claims of the theory of modes of religiosity However there are explanations

to the seeming inconsistencies It is noteworthy that modes of religiosity acknowledge two divergent attractor

positons and the tendency for religious traditions to lean toward them32

Moreover they do not outline

regulations for developing peculiar behavior It is not the case that any time that there is a ritual action it should

correspond to one or the other mode of religiosity Pragmatically it cannot be contended that a specific ritual

can be designated doctrinal or imagistic

Furthermore regarding the highndasharousal nature of the ritual Paul claims that they were drinking κρίμα

to themselves33

Here there is a play on words on the following κρίμα κρίνω and διακρίνω The σῶμα that

30

τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησινhellip τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν ldquoDo this in

my remembrance Do this as often as you drink for my remembrancerdquo (1 Cor 1124c 25a) My translation

31 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 75

32 Ibid 75ndash76 (emphasis original)

33 ὁ γὰρ ἐσθίων καὶ πίνων κρίμα ἑαυτῷ ἐσθίει καὶ πίνει μὴ διακρίνων τὸ σῶμα διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ὑμῖν πολλοὶ ἀσθενεῖς

90

Paul alludes to is that of the Lord (v28) Paul does not specify whether it is Christrsquos physical and or resurrected

body the Eucharistic elements themselves or the gathered community which he also describes as the body of

Christ In this regard Paul is being deliberately ambiguous Κρίμα comes upon the person who eats the bread

and drinks cup of the Lord in an unworthy manner (v27) In eating the ἄρτος and drinking from the ποτήριον of

the Lord therefore there is the need to classify το σῶμα and το αἷμα Ritual practice helps to illumine the

meaning of the terms By classification I mean that the σῶμα and the αἷμα are to be placed in their own ritual

category

Another sociopolitical feature of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps elucidate the possible

effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is leadership Leadership is

one of the sociopolitical features of the modes of religiosity Whereas in the imagistic mode of religiosity

leadership is passiveabsent that of the doctrinal mode is as Whitehouse puts it dynamic This means that

religious leaders are esteemed to be the source of authoritative religious knowledge They play a central role in

securing adherence to and preservation of the teachings of the group The authoritative nature of any such

tradition is determined by the ldquoadherents agreeing what the teachings arerdquo even if there are other traditions

which may be regarded as alternatives and possibly even in conflict with the official versions34

Paul claims

leadership and asserts to have received the tradition that he is passing on to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία Paulrsquos assertion of his own authority is evident in the ldquoI receivedrdquo formula His letter thus becomes a

vehicle for dynamic communication The notion of leadership in this context will be extended to the kind of

leaders Paul mentions in the Corinthian correspondence These include apostles prophets and teachers (1 Cor

124ndash11 28ndash30)35

Part of the function of the officials is ldquoto police the orthodoxyrdquo in general terms36

From a ritual

perspective that fractiousness persisted in the ἐκκλησία points to the potential usefulness of orthodoxy checks

Religious centralization is a key to stability We can conjecture that in the initial stages the lack of orthodoxy

checks in Corinthian ἐκκλησία partly led to the divisions At a number of points Paul intervenes to encourage

the appointment of officials (1 Cor 124ndash11 28ndash31 cf Rom 126ndash8) Such officials would be in a position to

monitor and promote orthodoxy that would further secure their leadership Paul places himself in the

transmission process when he says ldquoI received from the Lordhellip I pass on to yourdquo Thus he becomes essential to

the ritual transmission which secures his leadership Paul is just trying to establish the conditions for orthodoxy

by generating a stronger sense of his own authority over the shape of this ritual which transmits canonical (ie

orthodox) communication

καὶ ἄρρωστοι καὶ κοιμῶνται ἱκανοί εἰ δὲ ἑαυτοὺς διεκρίνομεν οὐκ ἂν ἐκρινόμεθαmiddot ldquoFor shehe who eats and

drinks without distinguishing the body (of the Lord) eats and drinks judgement to her himself For this reason

many among you are weak and sick and many have fallen asleep But if we judged ourselves we would not be

judged anyhowrdquo (1 Cor 1129ndash31) My translation

34 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67 (emphasis original) He describes this as ldquoprinciple of agreementrdquo

35 Apostles (including Apollos) are the primary leaders at this point

36 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 69

91

The presence of religious leaders also facilitates a more rapid ldquospreadrdquo of religions37

By virtue of the

fact that the proclamations of eminent religious leaders (or other appointed representatives) are made by word

of mouth they become ldquoreadily transportablerdquo38

The tenets of a grouprsquos belief system are based on the

proclamations (original or attributed) of the leaders and their deeds ldquobecome the basis for widely recounted

religious narratives transmitted orallyrdquo39

Ritual theory helps in understanding the kerygmatic aspect of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Associated with proclamation is the spread of a particular tradition In the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι

apostles including Paul were tasked with the spread of the gospel They would have the special responsibility

of spreading their religious tradition by oratory40

In the case of Paul he makes the effort to defend his

apostleship throughout the epistle (1 Cor 34ndash10 46ndash21 91ndash27 151ndash11)

One means that could make Paulrsquos intervention effective was to introduce a kind of ritual that could be

ongoing Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to practice the meal ὁσάκις He consequently sets up the

conditions that would facilitate routinization and the tradition for the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to

become widespread Religious routinization helps in both the detection and subjection of orthodox and

nonorthodox doctrines by making the former forms more pronounced than the latter ones Regular repetition of

the doctrines of a religious community has the potency of making members retain them in their memory

Instability will not augur well for the purpose of the ἐκκλησία to be realized The expectation of Christrsquos return

could possibly make the members of the community bury their differences in preparation of the return of their

Lord Paul thus provides the tools that would make the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to become

widespread This feature helps to validate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in 1 Corinthians

The observation of Grimes helps see the possible effectiveness of a new ritual in bringing stability in the

ἐκκλησία What Paul was helping to create can be described as an emergent ritual The merits of this suggestion

are that the members of the ἐκκλησίαwere already practicing a δεῖπνον although with inherent social

distinctions and looseness in its form Thus the collective meal was one of the occasions that displayed the

divisive character of the assembly The introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would replace the δεῖπνον of the

ἐκκλησία Unlike the δεῖπνον that structured difference the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provided a new structuring of

union in the name of one Lord It is no longer individual meals but one ἄρτος By recognizing with Grimes that

new rituals can arise for new purposes the traditional δεῖπνον would give way to the nascent ritual namely

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This could perhaps eradicate the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία

In 1127 the admonition is that whoever eats the bread or drinks of the cup of the Lord ldquounworthily hellip

shall be guilty of the Lordrsquos body and bloodrdquo There are repercussions when the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated

ἀναξίως In the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία their act of performing the meal ἀναξίως resulted in some of

them becoming weak others falling sick and dying (1129 30) In the NT ἀναξίως is a hapax legomenon Its

use here is ritually situated and calls for a ritual explanation From a ritual stance the members of the

37

See Table 31

38 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 70

39 Ibid 67 ldquoBoth forms of knowledge are stored in the semantic memoryrdquo

40 This is exactly the case of Paul (Timothy Titus and Barnabas)

92

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were consuming their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον ndash just like any other GrecondashRoman

meal and not the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) In ritual performance some persons can falter advertently or

inadvertently An inappropriate act is thought to result in disaster and that requires restoration by means of the

performance of a ritual41

When there is a disaster in a community rituals are performed to ward off danger and

evil Ritual studies helps in explaining the situation in Corinth This state of affairs could feasibly give Paul the

opportunity to arrest the situation In effect Paulrsquos institution of a new ritual will help the members of the

ἐκκλησία to deal with the trauma of illness and death the community is experiencing By instructing them to

observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in accordance with the tradition he handed to them Paul could help stem any fatal

consequences The proper way of observing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could then merit Paulrsquos commendation

instead of κρίμα and also provide the community a means of coping with the circumstances Ritual meaning is a

variable that falls within the psychological features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity Paulrsquos use of

δοκιμαζέτω in his injunction in 1 Cor 112842

provides the community with a mechanism for managing the

situation The rationale is that the members of the ἐκκλησία would have to disengage the former way of

practicing the traditional δεῖπνον and adopt a new way The old way and manner of eating the δεῖπνον would

bring κρίμα The ritual process that could bring restoration is one of learningacquiring new ways of celebrating

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον43

At this stage of the discussion it is appropriate to review how effective Paulrsquos interventions possibly

could have been Three main areas may be identified for evaluating the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The first is the sociondasheconomic dimension As discussed earlier there

was social stratification within the ἐκκλησία thus making the members socially distant from one another Grimes

points out that the self is a ldquocultural constructionrdquo44

He contends that ldquosocieties have their most persistent root

in the human body itself and the body is always ndash no matter how closeted or private ndash socially inscribedrdquo45

Paul in using the metaphor of σῶμα helps to neutralize class distinctions The need for one another is reciprocal

Each member needs the other ldquobut the eye cannot say to the hand lsquoI have no need of yoursquo nor again the head to

the feet lsquoI have no need of yoursquo rdquo (1 Cor 1221)46

Participating in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον requires solidarity

41

It is noteworthy that the case of disaster is not applicable to all cultures The proper ritual practice of the Inuit

people for example after they kill a whale does not necessarily save them from disaster It is known of the Inuit

people that Beluga whales are their staple food See M Tyrell ldquoNunavik Inuit Perspectives on Beluga Whale

Management in the Canadian Arcticrdquo in Human Organization 673 (2008) 322ndash334

42 ldquoLet a man examine himselfrdquo (1 Cor 1128) Δοκιμαζέτω is the 3

rd person singular imperative of the verb

δοκιμάζω It means ldquoI put to the test prove or examinerdquo

43 A passage that sheds light on this interpretation is Job 343 4 ὅτι οὖς λόγους δοκιμάζει καὶ λάρυγξ γεύεται

βρῶσιν κρίσιν ἑλώμεθα ἑαυτοῖς γνῶμεν ἀνὰ μέσον ἑαυτῶν ὅ τι καλόν ldquoFor the ear examines words as the

larynx tastes food Let us discern for ourselves what is right let us learn (know) among ourselves what is

goodrdquo Septuagint (Job 343 4) My translation

44 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRendashinventing Ritualrdquo 21

45 Ibid 27

46 οὐ δύναται δὲ ὁ ὀφθαλμὸς εἰπεῖν τῇ χειρί Χρείαν σου οὐκ ἔχω ἢ πάλιν ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῖς ποσίν Χρείαν

ὑμῶν οὐκ ἔχωmiddot (My translation in English)

93

strengthening the weak among the members in the ἐκκλησία (1222) ldquobut much rather those members of our

body that seem to be weaker are indispensablerdquo47

The praxis of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον does not give the occasion to

ignore or dispense with fellow members of the ἐκκλησία Paul in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could

probably have effected changes so far as class distinctions were concerned

The second area is the political realm Politically the political structure of GrecondashRoman polis

reflected the standard symposium The συμποσίαρχος presided over the symposium The symposium in turn

reflected the values of the society at large The afore-stated values reflected during the partaking in the meals in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul in his interventions establishes the Lordship of Jesus Christ It requires the

enablement of the Holy Spirit for one to acclaim the Lordship of Jesus Christ (1 Cor 123) The Lordship of

Jesus manifests in the distribution of gifts (1 Cor 125) In the traditional setting of the ἐκκλησία the leaders

assumed positions depicting their statuses In this new reality that Paul introduces it is God who places the

members in the positions in consonance with his will (1 Cor 1218 cf 1228 ff)

In the physiological realm Paul shifts the attention from physiology to pneumatology He applies the

metaphor of τὸ σῶμα beginning in 1212 ndash τὸ σῶμα ἕν ἐστιν ndash in his instructions on the exercise of the gifts of

the Spirit (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20)48

He introduces a different ritual while discussing the concept of

σῶμα in chapter 12 to illustrate unity He maintains the formula ldquothe same Spiritrdquo (124 8 9 (twice) 11 cf

ldquosame Lordrdquo 125 ldquosame Godrdquo 126) to relate the σῶμα to Christ Such a shift becomes relevant because the

Spirit becomes the medium through whom all are baptized Consequently in the emerging ritual the members

were given one Spirit to drink (1 Cor 1213)49

The inference that I can make from this verse is that the new

reality abhors σχίσματα and strengthens the bond of unity Paulrsquos illustration of the nature and function of the

σῶμα confirms the viability of this inference His use of ἓν for both πνεῦμα and σῶμα further underscores this

point The pneumatological implication is that there would be a reversal of consequence As they drink of the

Spirit they thus become strengthened spiritually instead of drinking κρίμα to themselves (cf1 Cor 1129) The

new reality that is emerging is devoid of ethnicity status or gender (1 Cor 1213 cf Gal 328)

The overarching factor in the analysis is the evolving of a ritual complex It is a complex that involves

(1) a ritual act (2) a ritual purpose which is dual in nature and (3) a ritual timing The first aspect is that the

members of the ἐκκλησία were to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This is in consonance with the directive τοῦτο

ποιεῖτε The second dimension of the complex is the ritual purpose which is dual On one side of the coin they

were to perform the ritual act in remembrance of the Lord Jesus Christ while on the other side they were to

proclaim the death of Jesus Christ The third facet is ritual timing and concerns the duration of the ritual act

The members of the ἐκκλησία were to perform the ritual act until Christrsquos return In practice therefore the

47

ἀλλὰ πολλῷ μᾶλλον τὰ δοκοῦντα μέλη τοῦ σώματος ἀσθενέστερα ὑπάρχειν ἀναγκαῖά ἐστιν (1 Cor 1122) (My

translation in English)

48 Cf Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 157ndash164 She uses the expression ldquothe

body metaphor for unityrdquo J Murphy-OrsquoConnor 1 Corinthians (Wilmington Delaware M Glazier 1979) 9

who remarks that ldquo[t]he most distinctive note of a christian community should be its organic unity (1212ndash27)rdquo

49καὶ πάντες ἓν πνεῦμα ἐποτίσθημεν (1 Cor 1213)

94

features of the traditional δεῖπνον could hardly manifest concurrently in the practice of the emerging ritual that

the new ritual in turn could serve for the stability of the ἐκκλησία From the foregoing analysis it becomes

evident that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in

Corinth at the time of writing of the letter However Paulrsquos interventions helped shape the Corinthian

community and that could possibly have generated stability in the ἐκκλησία

43 Conclusion

In this chapter I have attempted to examine Paulrsquos interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία concerning

the δεῖπνον and how they could possibly be effective in dealing with the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία The ritual

theories of Whitehouse and Rappaport help to demonstrate the potential effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

Corinth I have demonstrated that at the time of writing 1 Corinthians the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was in its embryonic

stage Paul was introducing a ritual structure to achieve stronger bonds of fellowship and enhance the spirit of

unity Put together with the analogies from the voluntary associations inscriptions papyrilogical documents

etc and the interpretation I have given to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 I suggest that the ritual approach of elucidating the

conflict at the table is more convincing than simply rendering a theological interpretation of the passage

Specifically by mentioning the tradition he received from the Lord Paul was reshaping a ritual I have

demonstrated how Paul could have effected changes in the meal practice of the Corinthian that would in turn

affect their social life

Whitehousersquos doctrinal mode of religiosity explains how it is probable that in a stratified community

hierarchy and equality can blend and thus produce a more homogenous group at least during the ritual itself

One of Paulrsquos pivotal interventions is ensuring stability which is closely related to innovation in the ἐκκλησία

As stated earlier modes of religiosity are complementary attractor positions around which ritual actions and

religious concepts merge Only innovations that are close to these attractor positions last The features of the

doctrinal mode of religiosity are highly potential The combination of these features produces a strong and

lasting legacy that persists historically for centuries and even millennia The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is the most

celebrated praxis of the present day universal Church Most liturgies follow the format in 1 Corinthians 11

Ritual theory offers the rationale for this state of affair

Rappaportrsquos model of communication argues that a canonical message is not restricted to the present

The words of institution combined with repetition of the ritual helped to establish the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a

meal that is still practiced today as it was practiced over the years Paul states explicitly that he was delivering

to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία what he had received from the Lord (1123) This expression makes the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paul is introducing Christological and authentic for the community Paul proposed the new

ritual in the context of their fractured relationships and I have shown why it was likely to be a successful

strategy Furthermore we do not need to argue that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were abusing the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον rather that they were practicing the δεῖπνον and observing the regulations just as the

associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing the

normative meal practices of the first century in GrecondashRoman world As a result of this their behavior was in

95

consonance with the social parameters of the GrecondashRoman society

96

5

Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims

In the preceding chapters I demonstrated that there was a common meal typology that was practiced in

the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean world The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in a δεῖπνον while

drinking also featured during their gathering These characteristics had parallels with the structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquets in general and association meals in particular I also established that Paul intervened in the

meal praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία so as to introduce a new ritual namely κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The analysis

has been on how rituals can produce effects that traditionally have received little attention My focus in the

concluding chapter is to demonstrate the interndashrelationship between ritual studies and theological themes

Rituals unlike theological themes are not expressed propositionally Ritual studies intensifies the meaning of

what can be achieved in theological discourses The scope of Paulrsquos theological claims extends beyond the

ritual elements of the supper However to some extent ritual relates to the identified themes that I will be

exploring

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον

In this section I will focus on the new meaning that Paul gives to the Corinthian δεῖπνον as I explore

theological themes The Corinthian δεῖπνον was a meal that was comparable to the δεῖπνον which was the main

and important meal taken at the close of the day of the associations in the GrecondashRoman setting The fact that

the Corinthian δεῖπνον was a real meal is substantiated by Paulrsquos reiteration of hunger in 1 Cor 1134 (cf

1124) Furthermore it is confirmed by some members of the ἐκκλησία getting satiated and others remaining

hungry Paul thus instructs that if they are hungry they should satisfy their hunger at home (1 Cor 1134) At the

time of writing the epistle the praxis of the δεῖπνον by the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was the kind

that could not merit Paulrsquos commendation Τοῦτο δὲ παραγγέλλων οὐκ ἐπαινῶ (1 Cor 1117a) The ὅτι clause

that follows gives the reason for Paulrsquos nonndashcommendation ὅτι οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸ ἧσσον

συνέρχεσθε Paulrsquos use of οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον and εἰς τὸ ἧσσον suggests that a particular type of practice is better

than another when the members of Corinthian ἐκκλησία assemble Part of what characterises the current praxis

is the disparity in the partaking of the meal where an individual prefers eating herhis own meal before the

other The effect is despising fellow members and shaming the havendashnots In a comparative tone Paul

maintains that the current praxis is worse than what he expects He thus intervenes by introducing the tradition

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

As stated earlier in the whole of the New Testament the phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax

legomenon The meal is in its emergent stage at the time of writing Paul by mentioning the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

is introducing a new praxis with an entirely different meaning from the Corinthian δεῖπνον The new meaning

Paul attaches to the meal is that first the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has a Christological dimension in the sense that Paul

indicates that Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου This sets the meal Paul is introducing on Christological

foundation Whereas the practice has been that the members partook in their own meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has its roots in ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς (1 Cor 1123) Moreover the quality of the meal is of

97

Christological significance This is attested to by the nomenclature Paul introduces ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The

distinction Paul makes between κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον is informative The meal is no longer the

individual meal as pertains in the general culture but it is the Lord who owns it It is the Lordrsquos Supper

Moreover the meal incorporates the ποτήριον κυρίου1 This expression sets the ποτήριον associated with the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from other ποτήρια in the social context and assigns it as that which belongs to the

Lord Furthermore closely linked to this notion is the phrase τραπέζης κυρίου While there are other τραπέζαι

such as δεύτεραι τραπέζαι and τραπέζης δαιμονίων Paul introduces a new concept of the τραπέζης κυρίου

Similarly the expression τραπέζης κυρίου sets the τραπέζης associated with the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from all

other τραπέζαι (1 Cor 1022)

At other points in First Corinthians Paul introduces the concept of Jesusrsquo Lordship and gradually

develops it throughout the letter The Corinthian ἐκκλησία with other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus

Christ the Lord ἐπικαλουμένοις τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (1 Cor 12) Paul pronounces the

grace and peace ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ2 to the members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 13)

In responding to the cases where some members would take others to the law courts Paul contrasts the way of

life between the righteous and unrighteous and notes that previously the lifestyle of some of the members was

like the unrighteous Consequently he confirms the new state of the members of the ἐκκλησία as cleansed

sanctified and justified ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ἐν τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν3 Concerning

Paulrsquos response to marital issues he further acknowledges the lordship and authority of Jesus Christ He draws

the distinction between the Lordrsquos commands and his own commands (1 Cor 710) Paul affirms the singularity

of the lordship of Jesus Christ ndash εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστόςndash (1 Cor 86)

The ritual analysis I have undertaken in the previous chapter coordinates to the theological themes that

I will explore in this chapter First Paulrsquos view of the lordship of the historical Jesus is that it is eternal The

members of the ἐκκλησία were called into εἰς κοινωνίαν τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν4 In 1

Corinthians Paul presents the historical Jesus as Lord both on earth and also when he was highly exalted In

both 1 Corinthians and Philippians the name of Jesus is professed Whereas in 1 Corinthians the members of

the ἐκκλησία with members of other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus in Philippians it is universal

profession of the highly exalted Jesus Paul consistently refers to the meal as the Lordrsquos (1 Cor 1121 cf vv 26

27) He traces the reception of the tradition to the Lord Jesus The ritual elements are the body and blood of the

Lord (1127) In case there should be judgment it is the same Lord who executes it in their interest to save them

from condemnation with the world It is the Lord who controls the ritual cycle The cycle begins with the Lord

(regarding the reception of the tradition) and the time of the Lordrsquos return (1126) Accordingly the δεῖπνον that

Paul is displaying here has Christological underpinning

1 Paul admonishes the members that they cannot drink the ποτήριον κυρίου as well as the ποτήριον δαιμονίων (1

Cor 1021)

2 ldquofrom God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christrdquo (1 Cor 13) My translation

3 ldquohellipin the name of Lord Jesus Christ and in the spirit of our Godrdquo (1 Cor 611) My translation The words

Paul uses to describe their new state are ἀπολούω ἁγιάζω and δικαιόω 4 ldquo into koinōnia with the Lord Jesus Christ our Lordrdquo (1 Cor 19) My translation

iii

Acknowledgements

ldquoAnd he said to me It is done I am the Alpha and Omega the beginning and the endrdquo (Rev 216a)

To God be the glory for great things He has done I honor God Most High for his perfect faithfulness

and for granting me the wisdom knowledge understanding and grace to write this dissertation

I am eternally indebted to Dr Colleen Shantz and Dr Ann L Jervis (my thesis directors) for their

expertise the invaluable comments and suggestions they made throughout the project Their words of

encouragement and the directions they gave me boosted my morale to write the dissertation In addition to my

thesis directors I am very grateful to other members of my supervisory committee and the examiners for my

comprehensive examinations ndash Dr J S Kloppenborg Revrsquod Dr Dorcas Gordon and Dr Scott Lewis I

express my profound gratitude to the Dean members of Faculty Staff and students of the Faculty of Theology

University of St Michaelrsquos College for their support companionship and the creation of an atmosphere

conducive to studies I sincerely thank all the Faculty members of Toronto School of Theology for the learning

skills I acquired from them

I register my heartfelt thanks to the hierarchy of The Methodist Church Ghana the United Church of

Canada and the people called Methodists for their prayer support and koinōnia I record the agapē demonstrated

by my beloved wife Mrs Dina Mpereh and our three sons Samuel Abraham Benjamin Mpereh and members

of my family for their consent for further study prayers and moral support

iv

Table of Contents

Abstract ii

Acknowledgements iii

Table of Contents iv

List of Tables vi

Abbreviations vii

Primary Sources vii

Secondary Sources ix

Introduction 1

1 The State of the Question 6

11 Views about Divisions in General 7

12 Conflict over Specific Issues 12

121 Litigation as a Source of Conflict in the ἐκκλησία 12

122 Meat Sacrifices as a Source of Division 13

123 Disorder during Public Worship 15

1 3 The Meal as a Source of Division 16

1 4 A New Set of Questions 23

2 The State of the Meal at Corinth 25

21 The General Pattern of Formal Meals 26

211 The Mode of reclining 28

212 The Structure of the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον 29

213 An Excursus on Jewish Meals 33

2 2 Comparison between the Meal Practices of GrecondashRoman Associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία 36

2 2 1 External evidence 37

2 2 2 Social Mobility Internal Evidence about Voluntary associations 44

2 3 Physical Setting 47

2 31 The State of the Meal in Corinth already a specifically Christian Ritual 52

24 Conclusion 54

3 Two Ritual Models for Analysis of Paulrsquos Comments 56

3 1 The Difficulty of Definition 57

3 1 2 Approaches to the Study of Rituals 60

3 2 A Closer Examination of Ritual Function 63

3 2 1 The appearance of New Rituals 67

3 3 Models of Harvey Whitehouse and R A Rappaport 69

v

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication 76

34 Conclusion 78

4 Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective 80

41 A New Model 80

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode 83

43 Conclusion 94

5 Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims 96

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον 96

5 2 Unity and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον 103

53 Implications greater group unity 106

5 4 Summary and Conclusion 107

Bibliography 109

APPENDIX 122

vi

List of Tables

Table Page

1 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity 72

2 Sociopolitical features summarized 75

vii

ABBREVIATIONS

PRIMARY SOURCES

AGRW Ascough R S PA Harland and J S Kloppenborg ed Associations in the Greco-

Roman World A Sourcebook Waco 2012

Aristotle

Eth nic Ethica nichomachea Nichomachean Ethics

Aristophanes

Wasps

Ath Athenaios

Deip Deipnosophitae Deipnosophists

Ber Berakot

Chrysostom

Hom1 Cor Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

CIL Corpus inscriptionum latinarum Consilio et Auctoritate Academiae Litterarum

Regiae Borussicae editum (17 vols Berlin Reimer 1863ndash1989)

1 Clem 1 Clement

I Delos Roussel Pierre and Marcel Launey ed Inscriptions de Deacutelos Deacutecrets posteacuterieurs agrave

166 avJ-C (nos1497ndash1524 ) Deacutedicaces posteacuterieures agrave 166avJ-C (nos1525 ndash

2219) Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettresParis Librairie Ancienne Honoreacute

Champion 1937

GThom Gospel of Thomas

GRA Kloppenborg John S Philip A Harland and Richard SAscough Greco-Roman

Associations Texts Translations and Commentary BZNW 181Berlin Walter de

Gruyter 2011 ndashVol 1 Attica Central Greece Macedonia Thrace (2011)

Hom Homer

Il The Iliad

Od The Odyssey

IG Inscriptiones gracae Bonnae A Marcus and E Weber 1913

Jos Asen Joseph and Aseneth

Justin

1 Apol First Apology

Lucian

Dial Deo Dialogi Deorum

Lex Lexiphanes

Symp Symposium

Mart Martial

viii

Epig Epigrammata (Epigrams)

Ovid

Fast Fasti

PG Migne J-P ed Patrologiae cursus completus (series Graeca) Paris 1857 ff

Plato

Symp Symposium

Pliny the Younger

Ep Epistulae

Plut Plutarch

De Tuen De Tuenda Sanitate Praecepta

Quaest conv Quaestiones convivales

Sept sap conv Septem sapientium convivium

P Lond PLond edKenyon F G and H I Bell Greek Papyri in the British Museum 7

vols London 1893ndash1974

PMich Michigan Papyri V Papyri from Tebtunis part 2 ed Elinor Mullett Husselman

Arthur ER Boak and William F Edgerton (Ann Arbor University of Michigan

Press 1944) nos 226ndash356

PRE Realencyclopaumldie fuumlr Protestantische Theologie und Kirche

SEG Supplementum epigraphicum graecum Leiden E J Brill 1923 ndash

Sen Seneca

Ad Luc Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales

SIG Dittenberger Wihelm ed Sylloge inscriptionum graecarum 3rd ed 4 vols Leipzig

S Hirzel 1915ndash24

Xen Xenophon

Symp Symposium

ix

SECONDARY SOURCES

BR Biblical Research

CSSCA Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology

CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CSHJ Chicago Studies in the History of Judaism

CTR Chriswell Theological Review

EASA European Association of Social Anthropologists

ET The Expository Times

GNT Good News Translation

HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament

HTR Harvard Theological Review

IKZ Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift

JAC Jahrbuch fuumlr Antike und Christentum

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature

JHP Journal of Historical Pragmatics

JJS Journal of Jewish Studies

JRitSt Journal for Ritual Studies

JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament

JSNT Sup Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series

JTS Journal of Theological Studies

LQ Lutheran Quarterly

MKNT Meyerrsquos Kommentar zum Neuen Testament

NICNT The New International Commentary on the New Testament

NovT Novum Testamentum

NTS New Testament Studies

RA Revue Archeacuteologique

RTR Reformed Theological Review

SBL Society of Biblical Literature

SCM Student Christian Movement

SHR Studies in the History of Religions

SPCK Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge

TANZ Texte und Arbeiten zum neutestamentlichen Zeitalter

TZTh Tuumlbinger Zeitschrift fuumlr Theologie

TynBul Tyndale Bulletin

ZNW Zeitschrift fuumlr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der aumllteren Kirche

ZWT Zeitschrift fuumlr wissenschaftliche Theologie

1

Introduction

The Corinthian case of conflict at table is analogous to the GrecondashRoman world in general and

voluntary associations in particular Various interpretations have been given by scholars concerning what Paul

intended to convey in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Disunity is particularly evident in eating the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1118ndash

21) Paul tells the members of the ἐκκλησία that when they come together it is not for the better but for the

worse (1117) He claims that there are divisions among them (v 18) and that the collective meal has been

fragmented into individual meals where one eats while another is hungry and another is drunk (v 21) In fact in

Paulrsquos view their thinking and behavior are so seriously disordered that many are weak and feeble and a number

of them have died (v 30) In evaluating these circumstances many have described the behavior of some of the

members as inappropriate1 In Paulrsquos opinion the state of affairs in the ἐκκλησία required his interventions

around the meal to correct the problem of disunity2

My interest is to attempt to answer the question How might Paulrsquos comments about the δεῖπνον help to

generate greater unity in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The ritual structure of the supper provides a distinctive

opportunity for Paul to try to end the fractiousness I will argue that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not

yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in Corinth and that the ritual theories of Roy A Rappaport3 and

Harvey Whitehouse4 (described in Chapter 3) help to demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal

meal might give Paul a particular kind of leverage in strengthening the identity of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and

thus ending some of the divisions

Generally speaking ritual is an important aspect of Christian communities Rituals are performed at

birth baptism marriage festivals etc The present study addresses the concern that little detailed attention has

been turned to the ritual setting of the passage under review and the potency of rituals to shape collective

experience and thus strengthen unity To gain insight into how the development of the ritual ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

ndash and its use would have strengthened the community there is the need not only to critically engage with the

works of biblical scholars but ritual theorists as well G D Fee suggests that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

abusing the meal and Annette Weissenrieder also writes that they neglected the ldquoLast Supperrdquo5 Contrary to

these views I will make a case that it can be established that instead of abusing or neglecting a ritual that was

1 For example G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians (NICNT rev ed Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 2014) 587 regards it as ldquototally unacceptable behaviorrdquo

2 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharistrdquo Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 4836ndash49 at 36 G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 531 Geert Hallbaumlck ldquoSacred Meal and Social Meeting Paulrsquos Argument

in 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic and Roman

World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998) 167

3 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity CSSCA 110 (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1999)

4 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission (Walnut Creek CA

AltaMira Press 2004)

5 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 15 531ndash545 and Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in

1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo in Contested Spaces Houses and Temples in Roman Antiquity and the

New Testament Ed Balch David L and Annette Weissenrieder (Tubingen Mohr Siebeck 2012) respectively

2

distinctive to the Christndashgroup the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing a GrecondashRoman

association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special In order to assess this hypothesis I

will apply two models of ritualndashnamely Harvey Whitehousersquos ldquodoctrinal moderdquo and Roy Rappaportrsquos selfndash

referential and canonical modes ndash to the text to evaluate the ways in which Paul is formalizing the structure and

meaning of the supper and hence the shared identity and experience of the ἐκκλησία

The current study has manifold advantages First and foremost the research contributes to scholarship

by demonstrating how the ritual Paul is helping to create ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash being in its embryonic stage

shaped the community through action The present study sheds light on the teething problems of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία in particular and the formation of early Christianity in general The study demonstrates the

significance of Paulrsquos interventions by means of a ritual namely the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον beyond rhetorical

persuasions and aims at demonstrating the potency of rituals to shaping collective experience with the overall

effect of strengthening unity The investigation gives insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in helping to create a

ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a self-referential and canonical

identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth It also explores patronageclientele system which helps to

understand the social statuses of the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe study investigates ritual models to

gain understanding of handling conflicts in the Corinthian community and Paulrsquos ways of intervention It is thus

valuable for acquiring principles necessary for attaining unity conflictndashresolution and stability in communities

Chapter 1 of the study briefly outlines the range of scholarly views about divisions in general

indicating specific cases of disunity at the meal The chapter reviews the history of scholarship about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and divisions within the ἐκκλησία and also examines the relationship between the general

conflict in the ἐκκλησία and the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in particular In examining the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the

chapter considers other kinds of division for example litigation as a source of conflict It further explores the

subject of meat sacrifices as a source of division The focus here is on the strong and weak regarding the eating

of meat and the discussion is extended to the historical setting of Corinth In addition to this is an investigation

into the disorder that takes place during worship The chapter also examines the meal as a source of division In

an attempt to evaluate the socioeconomic dimensions of the meal norms of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the

discussion shifts to examining the physical setting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The shift thus prepares the

ground for a discussion that seeks a path for ritual setting

In ascertaining the social status of the members of the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι the chapter surveys three

phases of scholarly opinion What I designate the first phase represents the older viewpoint spearheaded by

Adolf Deissmann that the early Christians were among the people of the lower strata of the Roman Empire

Scholars in the category of what I term the second phase for example Abraham J Malherbe express the view

that the social standing of the early of the Christndashgroups may be higher than what Deissmann presumed and that

there may be an emerging consensus regarding the social standing of the members of the Corrinthian ἐκκλησία

In more recent times Gerd Theissen has advanced the concept of social stratification in the ἐκκλησία and he

assigns the σχίσματα to the grouping of the wellndashtondashdo Christians and the less privileged in the assembly

Scholars in the category of what I label the third phase for example J J Meggitt and S Friesen soften the

3

viewpoints of scholars in both the first and second phases The review covers views of scholars who consider

the σχίσματα to be sociondashpolitical theological or ideological and others who assign the σχίσματα to personal

allegiances or other isolated cases

Chapter 2 deals with the state of the meal at Corinth The chapter examines the general pattern of the

GrecondashRoman meals and establishes that a common meal typology typifies meal practices in the GrecondashRoman

Mediterranean milieu irrespective of the background ndash whether Jewish or nonndashJewish The chapter explores the

GrecondashRoman meal practices including the custom of reclining the structure of the δεῖπνον and συμποσίον and

then makes an excursus on Jewish meals Chapter 2 expands the discussion to embark on a comparative study

of meal practices in the sociondashcultural setting between voluntary associations and Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

rationale for the comparison is to identify the features that are similar to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the

voluntary associations In the comparison the features that are identified as similar include social stratification

social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character Even though all the features identified are

active in 1 Corinthians they are in a state of fluctuation The chapter argues that perhaps the Corinthian δεῖπνον

is an ordinary meal of the kind we see in voluntary associations Furthermore the chapter establishes that the

Corinthian δεῖπνον is not yet developed into a distinctively Christian ritual at the time of writing the epistle For

the purposes of analysis the chapter seeks evidence postndashdating 1 Corinthians as well as exploring social

mobility as internal evidence about voluntary associations This prepares the stage for further probing into

whether the meal in Corinth is already a specifically Christian ritual or not The discussion is extended further

by reviewing more recent views expressed by Weissenrieder and Richard Last on the setting for supper and

George May that the communal meal is not yet a ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians Weissenriederrsquos work

provides the evidence in favor of the Corinthian δεῖπνον correlating with the voluntary associations

Chapter 3 highlights pioneers of ritual studies and investigates the approaches to the study of rituals It

explores the functions of ritual in the following arears first communication by the use of symbols Second it

surveys how rituals help in effecting stability and infusing innovation It further examines the social collective

functions of ritual and how it contributes to social solidarity The second half of the chapter examines new view

of rituals The chapter further introduces the two ritual models that I use in the analysis of Paulrsquos intervention in

1 Cor 1117ndash34 There are some features of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that are recurrent in other rituals Comparative

data from other disciplines (specifically anthropology) might help us to examine how the ritual models help to

analyze a ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον being in its embryonic stage G A Klingbeil rightly observes that

among the Christian ritual practices ldquothe celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper seems to have had the most potential

for integrating the diverse members into a more unified lsquobodyrsquohelliprdquo6 After introducing Whitehousersquos model of

modes of religiosity especially the doctrinal mode and Rappaportrsquos model of rituals as means of

communication and giving the criteria for selecting their models chapter 3 applies the models to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία The chapter further demonstrates first in respect to Whitehousersquos model how rituals produce stability

within a particular kind of community Whitehouse helps to show how rituals take on stable forms that are

6 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible (Winona Lake Ind Eisenbrauns

2007) 222

4

related to and reinforcing of specific community structures Second in a similar vein Rappaportrsquos model

assesses the ways that ritual can transfer or communicate messages apart from words Rappaportrsquos model shows

how ritual conveys meaning largely by symbolic means In applying Rappaportrsquos model the distinction is drawn

between canonical and selfndashreferential messages

An understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association is significant for the study

For a legitimate historicalndashcritical examination chapter 3 pays particular attention to voluntary associations in

the GrecondashRoman world It employs comparative data of the voluntary associations especially the collegia and

thiasoi to ascertain the different meal practices and compare and contrast them with that of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία This becomes crucial taking cognizance of the fact that Christndashgroups were subject to the same social

dynamics that prevailed in other institutions

Chapter 4 is an exegetical study of 1 Cor1117ndash34 It involves an inndashdepth analysis in order to

elucidate the meaning of the passage under review It demonstrates how Paulrsquos comments in 1 Cor 1117ndash34

might strengthen the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and communicate canonical and self-referential

meanings After establishing in chapter 3 the essence for the application of the ritual models of Whitehouse and

Rappaport chapter 4 applies these models analytically to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 In terms of taxonomy the

terminology κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is sui generis in the entire NT The chapter therefore harnesses the available

ritual resources in the passage

Part of the claim of chapter 4 is that rituals operate not just as concepts but that they feature very well

with groups and relationships The chapter therefore identifies the characteristics of both imagistic and doctrinal

types of religious groups and relates them to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The chapter discovers the sociondashpolitical

features of Whitehousersquos modes of religion that are applicable to the Corinthian situation and investigates the

band of traits that in Paulrsquos estimation might contribute towards the development of the ἐκκλησία It further

argues that what Paul is trying to achieve in the ἐκκλησία is to introduce a ritual in its nascent form The ritual

approach by Ronald L Grimes of demonstrating how rituals emerge is adopted to develop this viewpoint The

application of ritual models to the passage under review might help give insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in

helping to create a ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a selfndash

referential and canonical identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth If this hypothesis proves correct then

the dissertation will show the importance of Paulrsquos interventions beyond rhetorical persuasion

Chapter 5 considers the new meaning Paul gives to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον For example Paul by use of

the following expressions Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου τραπέζης κυρίου and ποτήριον κυρίου conveys

the Christological dimension of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paulrsquos use of σῶμα leads to the introduction of ἀγάπη

which I describe as a unity ethic Paul devotes a chapter to ἀγάπη (1 Cor 13) and the overall effect of his

instructions could be that the members of the ἐκκλησία would attain somatic unity The chapter then provides a

summary of the implications of how Paulrsquos new meanings might help create greater unity in Corinth

In conclusion it is noteworthy to make introductory comments on a word that I have used namely

μεριμνῶσις which is derived from μεριμνῶσιν Μεριμνῶσιν is the 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω which means ldquoto care forrdquo Paul enjoins the members of the ἐκκλησία with these words ἀλλήλων

5

μεριμνῶσιν (1 Cor 1225) One of Paulrsquos interventions in writing συνερχόμενοι εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε

(1 Cor 1133b) could be his desire for egalitarianism for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία It is plausible that Paul in

applying the analogy of σῶμα was motivated by the need of the members of the ἐκκλησία to care for one

another

6

1

The State of the Question

πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν καὶ μέρος τι πιστεύω

(1 Cor 1118)

For first of all when you assemble in the ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you and I partly

believe it

(1 Cor 1118)

In 1 Corinthians Paul is concerned that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία should exhibit greater

unity than they currently do Even a cursory reading of the letter suggests that there is instability in the

ἐκκλησία Paul mentions σχίσματα in 110 and ἔριδες in 111 Disunity shows up in multiple places in 1

Corinthians There were those who claim to belong to Paul some to Apollos others to Cephas and still others to

Christ There were cases of litigation where some members were having πρᾶγμα against other members of the

ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) Moreover there were differences of opinion concerning the use of meat sacrificed to idols

(8ndash10) disorder about worship practices (14) and the specific case of disunity at the celebration of the meal in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 11 After having received a report that there were contentions among them

Paul made a passionate appeal that there be no divisions (1 Cor 110ndash11 1117 ff 1225 cf 33) Σχίσματα still

persisted when the Christndashgroup came together for their shared meal (1 Cor 1118)1

The chapter summarizes existing scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on their

meal practices There are other scholars who have attempted to handle some of the problems related to meals in

1 Corinthians However D E Smithrsquos dissertation for example concentrates mainly on the social meal in the

GrecondashRoman world Moreover P Coutsoumpos embarks on a sociondashhistorical study on 1 Cor 8 10 and 112

Although the dissertations of Smith and Coutsoumpos deliberate on some of the issues in the current research

especially GrecondashRoman meals there are significant divergences from my dissertation My dissertation is

distinct from other scholarly works on the passage under review in that it will examine the ritual setting of the

passage It will further demonstrate that it was Paul who was generating the beginnings of a ritual structure

distinct from the ordinary meal practices of voluntary associations for example

1 Some critics are of the view that the members of the ἐκκλησία were abusing the Lordrsquos Supper Cf G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 587 comments ldquoPaul now takes up a second abuse of Christian worship

(cf 112ndash 16) lsquodivisionsrsquo at the Lordrsquos Supper (v18) predicated along sociological lines (v22)rdquo R F Collins

First Corinthians Sacra Pagina Series vol7 (Collegeville The Liturgical Press 1999) 421 In a similar vein

C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (New

York Crossroad 1987) 74 notes ldquoSuch divisions associated with the common meal would be viewed as tragic

by Paul who saw the meal as the catalyst for Christian fellowship (1016ndash17) B B Blue ldquoThe House Church

at Corinth Famine Food Supply and the Present Distressrdquo CTR 5 (1991) 221ndash39 at 234ndash37 identifies the

problem as one related to famine making reference to 1 Cor 726

2 Dennis E Smith ldquoSocial Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Christian Meal in 1

Corinthians in Comparison with Graeco-Roman Mealsrdquo (Unpublished Thesis Harvard University Cambridge

Massachusetts 1980) P Coutsoumpos Paul and the Lordrsquos Supper A Socio-Historical Investigation (New

York Peter Lang 2005)

7

11 Views about Divisions in General

Before proceeding to analysis of Paulrsquos instructions about the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I begin with a review

of scholarship about a generalized social conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Some scholars have argued that

the kind of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία was ideological3 C K Barrett a chief proponent of this view infers that

Apollos could have attracted ldquoa following of his ownrdquo the fact that he was an ἀνὴρ λόγιος (Acts 1824)rdquo4

Moreover he could have been a factor in ldquothe Corinthian development of thought about γνῶσις λόγος and

σοφίαrdquo which were subjects that Paul handles in 1 Cor 1ndash45 The Cephas group Barrett writes had adopted a

Jewish Christian ldquonomisticrdquo attitude that involved a position on litigation that forbade appeal to secular courts

the total rejection of ldquosacrificial mealsrdquo and issues on the Lordrsquos Supper6

Commentators of early twentiethndashcentury regularly held the view that there were various segments of

the Christian community who rallied around the leaders namely Paul Apollos Cephas and Christ (1 Cor 112)

Some scholars especially C F G Heinrici and Johannes Weiss argue that (1) Paul introduces Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ

so as to reduce the other three citations ad absurdum or (2) the phrase is Paulrsquos own declaration but not a fourth

slogan7 They base their argument on 1 Cor 322 1 Clement and Patrologica Graeca with the reason that the

phrase was Paulrsquos own gloss on the divisions8 Some scholars argue for the existence of a Christndashparty based on

the parallelism in the phrasing of the slogans H Conzelmann responds to the hypothesis of Heinrici and Weiss

that the adoption of their interpretation on the addition of Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ would make it to be difficult to

establish a link between verses 12 and 13

Other critics basing their argument on 1 Cor 112 argue that there were two or more parties related to

the leaders mentioned in 112 Chrysostom equally disputed the existence of such a Christndashparty He opines that

the mentioning of four names in 112 is not an indication that different groups rallied around Paul Apollos and

Cephas Paul by mentioning his name first was giving esteem to the others He thus arranged the names in

ascendancy (κατὰ αῦξησιν)9 Ferdinand Christian Baur contends that the divisions that existed among the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were as a result of diverging theologies Pauline Christianity which was represented by the

Pauline and Apollosian parties and Jewish Christianity which was represented by the Petrine and Christndash

3 Cf Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body (New Haven Yale University Press 1995) xvii maintains that

even though the Corinthian ἐκκλησία lacked persons from the ldquohighest levels of Greco-Roman culturerdquo

socioeconomic positions were available and that ldquoprompted theological conflictshellipthat ldquostemmed from conflicts

over ideologyrdquo

4 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo in Essays on Paul (London SPCK 1982) 4

5 Ibid 4 See further 5ndash14

6 Ibid 4 referencing T W Mansonrsquos argument (Studies in the Gospels and Epistles ed Matthew Black

Manchester Manchester University Press 1962) 197ndash208 at 198

7 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1975)

33

8 ldquoOf a truth he charged you in the Spirit concerning himself and Cephas and Apollos because that even then ye

had made partiesrdquo 1 Clem 47 3 J-P Migne PG (1857ndash1912) 1308

9 John Chrysostom Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

8

parties10

Peter Lampe argues that Paul covertly reproaches the members of the Corinthian community by means

of a rhetorical σχημα in 118ndash216 and that the mention of Apollos and Cephas is a clue to all the comments

made by Paul in that section Lampe asserts that Paul does not make a direct allusion to party strife in 118ndash

216 He further states that in these verses Paul assigns the source of legitimate theological knowledge to Godrsquos

spirit In effect the theological statements have divine rather than human origin This therefore does not give

room for boasting Paul thus employs the rhetorical σχημα without hurting the feelings of the two condash

missionaries however it allows Paul to equally deal with the ldquoparty disorderrdquo11

Marion L Soards comments

that ldquo[a]ttempts to identify the distinct theological perspectives of those who would claim affiliation with one or

the other of those named by Paul here are not persuasive and are necessarily speculativerdquo12

Benjamin Fiore regards the source of the Corinthian communityrsquos divisiveness as also being at the root

of specific problems in chapter 5ndash15 According to him Paul uses two exhortationndashformulae to address the facts

of σχίσματα as well as confront them He identifies the rhetorical device of λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος13

as the

technique employed by Paul in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 in addressing both problems of factionalism and possession of

faulty knowledge and wisdom He however finds the device most effective for the resolution of the

factionalism Paul by calling attention to his covert allusion in 46 thus negates the covertness of the rhetorical

form He in effect abandons the secrecy of allusion so as to direct the members of the community towards the

salvation secured in the crucified Christ for them14

During the second half of the twentieth century another group of scholars attributed the tensions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία to some kind of gnosticism Making use of the Gospel of Thomas the authors settled on

some similarities between Christianity and the document The logion which is similar to the enigmatic comment

by Paul in 1 Cor 29 is ldquoJesus said lsquoI shall give you what no eye has seen what no ear has heard what no hand

has touched what has not arisen in the human heartrsquo rdquo15

Likewise in 1 Corinthians there are some slogans that

some critics suggest that Paul cites back to the members of the Corinthian community Some scholars argue that

these slogans are clues that Paulrsquos opponents in Corinth were gnostics16

For example W Schmithals attribute

the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία to gnostic opponents In an attempt to overcome the chronological problem

10

F C Baur ldquoDie Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde der Gegensatz des Paulinischen und

Petrinischen Christentums in der Aumlltesten Kirche der Apostel Petrus in Romrdquo TZTh 4 (1831) 61ff

11 P Lampe ldquoTheological Wisdom and the lsquoWord about the Crossrsquo The Rhetorical Scheme in 1 Corinthians 1ndash

4rdquo Interpretation 44 (1990)117ndash31 esp 127ndash31

12 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

13 λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος means a ldquofigured speech (word)rdquo It is a rhetoric device used to communicate a

message in a frank manner making oblique references without unjustifiably causing offence to the recipients

14 Benjamin Fiore ldquoCovert Allusionrdquo in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 CBQ 47 (1985) 85ndash102 esp 86ndash88 93ndash94 100ndash

101

15 GThom 17

16 Examples are 612 cf 1023 613 possibly 71 81 and 84 In the nineteenth century F C Baur ldquoDie

Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde 61ndash206 contends that Paulrsquos opponents were Judaizers

9

involved some scholars suggest that the opponents were ldquoprotondashGnosticsrdquo17

Recent scholarship has challenged such approaches based on ldquomirrorndashreadingrdquo to interpret the causes

of divisions within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία18

W Baird states the effect of such reconstructions as follows

ldquoThis method of lsquomirror readingrsquo has imposed on the interpretation of the epistles an oppressive rigidity A

fresh reading of 1 Corinthians is needed ndash a reading open to a more flexible analysis of the conflict within the

Corinthian congregationrdquo19

Willem C van Unnik who is of a similar view considers it as a wrong historical

method in New Testament scholarship in recent times

to reconstruct the unknown ideas of the Christians there by reverting Paulrsquos words to the opposite and

by thinking that everything the apostle wrote was prompted by the necessity of contradicting very

explicitly ideas that were held by these enthusiasts in the Corinthian ecclesia and which were leading

the sheep astray20

We need to question the coherence of ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo as a movement Even though philosophic

and other movements sprang up and generated into ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo less than a century after Paulrsquos day

there is little evidence to establish Christian gnosticism before the second century21

Furthermore the proposal

of Schmithals did not account for the evidence in verses 22 33 and 34 of 1 Corinthians 11 in which Paul

explicitly indicates that the behavior of the members of the ἐκκλησία constituted despising the ἐκκλησία of God

and shaming the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo Moreover in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul alludes to the entire assembly This is

confirmed by his use of the second person plural in general terms eg συνέρχεσθε συνερχομένων ὑμῶν (vv17

18 cf v20)

Still other commentators hold the view that the primary source of conflict was not within the

community but rather between Paul and one unified ἐκκλησία G D Fee admits that the Corinthian church was

experiencing internal strife Notwithstanding he argues that the greater problem of ldquodivisionrdquo was between Paul

as a leader and some persons in the ldquocommunity who were leading the church as a whole into an antindashPauline

view of thingsrdquo22

Fee contends that it is doubtful that the ldquodivisionsrdquo described in chapter 11 could be a

reflection of the same reality as that expressed in 112 He assigns the following reasons for his position (1)

17

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 57ndash59 asserts that Paul opposes only

gnosticism1

18 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation An Exegetical Investigation of the Language

and Paul and Composition of 1 Corinthians (Louisville Ky WestminsterJohn Knox Press 1993) 54ndash55 C

S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2005) 8

19 W Baird lsquoldquoOne against the Otherrsquo Intra-Church Conflict in 1 Corinthiansrdquo in The Conversation Continues

Studies in Paul and John in Honor of J Louis Martyn ed R T Fortna and B R Gaventa (Nashville

Abingdon Press 1990) 119

20 Willem C van Unnik ldquoThe Meaning of 1 Corinthians 1231rdquoNov T 35 (1993) 142ndash159 at 144

21 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3 See also W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the

Letters to the Corinthians trans John E Steely (Nashville Abingdon Press 1971) Edwin M Yamauchi Pre-

Christian Gnosticism A Survey of the Proposed Evidences (2d ed Grand Rapids Mich Baker Book House

1983) G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 12 states ldquoNone of the essential phenomena of

Gnosticism is present in this letter except the dualism itself which can be explained on other groundsrdquo

22 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 5ndash6

10

there is an additional dimension of the former divisions While they are characterized by ldquoquarrelsrdquo and

ldquojealousyrdquo the divisions in chapter 11 are spelled out wholly along sociological lines (vv 21ndash 22 33ndash34) (2)

In 112 the contention is around four names and it definitely carries antindashPauline sentiment In chapter 11 only

two groups ndash the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo and the ldquohavesrdquo ndash are involved without any dispute with Paul on the issue (3)

The language Paul uses συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ hellip σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν (1118) implies that the

ldquodivisionsrdquo particularly have to do with their gatherings and not merely to false loyalties to their leaders or to

ldquowisdomrdquo Finally (4) the additional words in the verse ndash ldquoI partly believe itrdquo ndash fit well in the context of

chapter 11 but it is hardly the case in 110ndash42123

It is Paulrsquos way of authenticating the report of his informants

ldquobut also of bridging the sociological gap between them and the wealthy who are guilty of the misdeedsrdquo24

In contrast Margaret M Mitchell is of the view that general disunity was central to Paulrsquos argument

ldquoBecause he returns to this ecclesiological concern in 1133ndash34 we conclude that the disunity of the church is

the main topic of this argument to which the tradition (1123ndash 26) is a responserdquo25

By use of rhetorical

criticism Mitchell demonstrates that 1 Corinthians is a single letter which contains a ldquodeliberative argumentrdquo by

which Paul implores ldquothe community to become reunifiedrdquo26

Annette Weissenrieder agrees stating that it is

likely that the words of praise which Paul uses in 112 can be understood as ldquocaptatio benevolentiaerdquo27

They

amount ldquocataphorically to the antithetical speech act in 1117 and 22 in which Paul explicitly does not praise

the community and points to the Last Supper which has been neglectedrdquo28

In discussing the views about divisions in general it is noteworthy that some scholars for example

John K Chow and Andrew D Clarke have more recently discredited the role of ideology in the divisions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία They attribute the tensions in the ἐκκλησία to personal allegiances Clarke examines the

nature of the leadership structure and dynamics of first century Roman Corinth and compares that to the style of

leadership reflected in 1 Cor 1ndash6 He cites evidence from 1 Corinthians about secular views and style of

leadership The examples include leaders who are involved in litigation in law courts and the incestuous man in

1 Cor 5 Clarke maintains that the conflict in Corinth did not stem from personal policy or manifesto but

patronage For him the personal attachment to certain personalities was an integral part of the system of social

relationship He identifies three different kinds of relationships and insists that they were analogous to the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία With the clientele system clients gained mutual support from the patrons Sophists and

orators also had faithful followers while in the political realm the disputes had their source from the personal

23

Ibid 595

24 Ibid 596

25 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 263 (emphasis original)

26 Ibid 13

27 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 65 See also G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 552 who comments as follows ldquothey serve in a more general way as a

kind of captatio benevolentiae to introduce this entire section regarding their gatherings for worship (chaps 11ndash

14)helliprdquo Cf H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 182 who considers the

captatio as a literary device

28 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 65

11

interests of a particular group Clarke describes the kind of leadership that prevailed as secular and was

characterized by the desire for prestige and oratory Paul was not in favor of this kind of leadership In contrast

with the secular type of leadership he outlines his own perception of nonndashstatus type of leadership and

principles of leadership29

Chow also examines some of the behavioral problems prevalent in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία through the

lens of the phenomenon of patronage His analysis focuses on a kind of network specifically patronndashclient ties

He surmises that those who opposed Paul could be the powerful patrons in the ἐκκλησία He thus examines

signals that could serve as a link between the powerful patrons and some of the tensions in the ἐκκλησία He

like Clarke opines that the incestuous man in 1 Cor 51ndash13 was a powerful patron For Chow the act of taking

fellow members to law courts was to show superiority over other members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) He cites

Rom 161ndash2 in relation to Phoebe as a διάκονος and προστάτις as an example of patronal relations in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In referencing E A Judge and W Sanday and A C Headlam30

he buys the notion of

regarding προστάτις as ldquopatronessrdquo31

He further examines the relationship between Apollos and the members of

the ἐκκλησίαThe members of the ἐκκλησία exhibited unusual attitudes towards Paul and Apollos A case in

point is the paying of a visit to Corinth (1 Cor 1612)32

The attitudes did not only indicate the division in the

church but were also signals of the preference of Apollos to Paul Chow indicates for example that Paulrsquos

refusal of a gift and Apollosrsquo acceptance of financial support could be another signal of the Corinthians

preferring him to Paul (1 Cor 46) Chow concludes that if this was the case then Apollos could be a friend or

client to some of the wealthy members of the ἐκκλησία and that patronal ties would already be in vogue in the

ἐκκλησία

J S Kloppenborg admits the efforts of both Chow and Clarke in seeking an interpretation of the

conflict in Corinth in the light of the social and historical background However he declines Chowrsquos position

for powerful patrons as overstated For example Kloppenborg indicates that it is unlikely that the incestuous

man is powerful According to him if he were a patron and therefore hosted Christian meetings it would not

seem right for Paul to have given the directive ldquoDrive out the wicked man among yourdquo (1 Cor 513)

Kloppenborg suggests that the organizational model that seems most appropriate in capturing the situation in

Corinth is not that of a household directed by a paterfamilias bur rather it is that of a network of collegia

domestica with individual patrons or a cult that has devotees of different families and other family members

The means of comprehending the nature of the conflict in 1 Cor 112 and 11 18 according to him involves

29

Andrew D Clarke Secular and Christian Leadership in Corinth A Social-Historical and Exegetical Study of

1 Corinthians 1ndash6 2d ed (Milton Keynes Paternoster 2006)

30 E A Judge ldquoCultural Conformity and Innovation in Paul Some clues from Contemporary Documentsrdquo The

Tyndale Biblical Archaeology Lecture 1983 TB 36 (1984) 3ndash24 W Sanday and A C Headlam The Epistle

to the Romans (Edinburgh T amp T Clark 5th ed 1902) 418

31 John K Chow Patronage and Power A Study of Social Networks in Corinth (JSNT Sup 75 Sheffield

England JSOT Press 1992) 101

32 Ibid 103 indicates that the problem does not seem to be between Paul and Apollos but rather Paul and some

members of the ἐκκλησία Paul deems Apollos as a brother (1 Cor 39) and co-worker (1 Cor 1612)

12

perceiving ldquoa context in which factionalism and conflict become public ndash that is a context in which various

subgroups appear togetherrdquo33

12 Conflict over Specific Issues

In 1 Corinthians Paul addresses specific subjects and responds to particular cases In some instances

his response is based on a report or communication he has received for example 110ff 51ff 71ff In other

cases he writes in general terms for example 21ff 31ff 41ff Paul therefore seems to have addressed specific

issues rather than responding to specific groups in the argumentation of the epistle Consequently the

perception of 1 Corinthians contingent on divisions in the community was debunked in late twentiethndashcentury

exegesis Recent scholarship now interprets the divisions to be generalized social conflict that is it takes form

in different kinds of disputes rather than organized coherently around specific leaders and their charisma34

At

this point I move from arguments that see the source of division described in the opening of the letter to

explore specific causes of dispute

121 Litigation as a Source of Conflict in the ἐκκλησία

One case of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία involves litigation in which the lawsuits centered on

βιωτικὰ (1 Cor 61ndash11)35

G D Fee in commenting on the passage draws attention to the sociological aspect of

the problem He is of the view that the content in the following paragraph of the passage emphasising

ldquothieveryrdquo gives the clue that the issue relates to ldquomaterial possessionsrdquo36

Alan Mitchell identifies two groups

involved in the conflict in chapter 6 namely the members of the community who had status in the Grecondash

Roman society and those who did not have He opines that Paul understands the ldquolitigiousnessrdquo of some of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as being part of a larger problem of social division of the ἐκκλησίαι in

Corinth37

He suggests that the ldquohigher status peoplerdquo were summoning the ldquolower status peoplerdquo before the

courts and that members of the latter group were those who were offended Bruce W Winter shares a similar

view and states that the use of κριτήριον ἐλάχιστον in 1 Cor 62 makes it likely to consider the case at stake to be

a breach of a civil law rather than criminal38

G Theissen remarks that the administration of justice could favor

those who were of the upper class and they could have the advantage when it comes to interpreting the law

33

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo in

Redescribing Paul and the Corinthians (ed Ron Cameron and M P Miller SBL Early Christianity and its

Literature Atlanta Society of Biblical Literature 2011) 187ndash218 at 209 (Emphasis original)

34 Cf R F Collins First Corinthians 16

35 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 258 n 200 ldquoa recurring word in the Greek world for the

matters of everyday liferdquo G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth trans and

ed J H Schutz (Philadelphia Fortress 1982) 97 ldquoprobably affairs of property or incomerdquo

36 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 251

37 Alan C Mitchell ldquoRich and Poor in the Courts of Corinth Litigiousness and Status in 1 Corinthians 61ndash11rdquo

NTS 39 (1993) 562ndash86 at 562

38 See B W Winter ldquoCivil Litigation in Secular Corinth and the Church The Forensic Background to 1

Corinthians 61 ndash 8rdquo NTS 37 (1991) 559ndash572 for the forensic background of litigation in the first century

13

especially in the matter of paying for good attorneys Moreover it is unlikely that those who do not possess

property would pursue litigation39

122 Meat Sacrifices as a Source of Division

Scholarship focused on the issue of meat sacrifices locates the conflict in the fractiousness between the

ldquoweakrdquo and the ldquostrongrdquo40

Gail R Oday considers the second set in the opening triad of 1 Cor 126

(strongweak ) as what ldquoconstitutes the heart of Paulrsquos argument in chapters 8ndash10 where the growing breach

between strong and weak Christians threatens the unity of the churchrdquo41

Gerd Theissen asserts that the conflict

between the two sociondasheconomic groups ndash the socially weak and strong explains the disagreement over the

consumption of meat in 1 Cor 8 and 10 In evaluating the causes of conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Theissen by sociological analysis shows that Paulrsquos use of strong and weak is associated with status Paul

introduces ldquoa specific sociological categoryrdquo by linking of εὐγενεῖς with σοφοὶ and δυνατοί42

In 410 Paul

establishes the contrast between the weak and strong The idea is reiterated in 922 in relation to the sacrifice of

meat to idols where Paul identifies himself with the weak Theissen theorizes that the ldquosocially weak of 126ndash27

are identical with those who are weak in the face of consecrated meatrdquo43

He argues that the only way to assess

this hypothesis is to unearth status specifics in the behavioral patterns of the weak and strong by identifying

traits that ldquocan be correlated with wealth occupation and education and thus to a higher or lower social

statusrdquo44

Theissen indicates that if a conflict occurred between different groups in the ἐκκλησία as a result of the

eating of meat it could hardly be attributed to the behavior of members of the ἐκκλησία of ldquolower social

statusrdquo45

He points out that the term δυνατοί that Paul uses for the ldquoinfluentialrdquo is the same that he uses in Rom

151 The incident here is to him comparable to what pertains in 1117ff Paulrsquos solution is the application of

ldquolove patriarchalismrdquo (Liebespatriarchalismus) that ldquoallows social inequities to continue but transfers them with

a spirit of concern of respect and of personal solicituderdquo46

39

G Theissen ldquoSocial Stratification in the Corinthian Communityrdquo in The Social Setting of Pauline

Christianity 69ndash119 at 97

40 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 182 states ldquoFor the weak Christian (the Christian who possesses a

weak syneidesis) unprotected by gnosis idol meat pollutes the syneidesis ndash that is the bodyrdquo

41 Gail R Oday ldquoJeremiah 922ndash23 and 1 Corinthians 126ndash31 A Study in Intertextualityrdquo JBL 109 (1990)

259ndash67 at 265 identifies three terms namely wisdom strongweak and noble lowly birth

42 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 70ndash73

43 G Theissen ldquoThe Strong and the Weak in Corinth A Sociological Analysis of a Theological Quarrelrdquo in The

Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash143 at 125

44 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 125

45 Ibid 126ndash7 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 75 concurs with Theissen in his analysis ldquoHighlighting

the social implications of eating meat in the Greco-Roman city enables Theissen to suggest convincingly that

those Corinthian Christians opposed to eating meat offered to idols were probably of lower status whereas

those who defended the practice by using arguments and slogans learned from popular moral philosophy were

of higher statusrdquo

46 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

14

Justin J Meggitt admits that Theissenrsquos hypothesis has advanced the position of the ldquoNew

Consensusrdquo47

However Meggitt rejects Theissenrsquos reconstruction and also regards the assigning of the conflict

to two clearly defined groups ndash strong and weak ndash by Theissen to be ldquoproblematicrdquo48

Meggitt contends that

whereas Paul uses ἀσθενὴς as a group words such as δυνατός ἰσχυρός and κράτος are not found in chapters 8

or 10 but have been introduced by Theissen49

It is noteworthy that Paul does not mention the term strong in 1

Cor 8 The terminology strong as used by commentators is an adaptation from Rom 14ndash1550

Theissen

nevertheless responds to Meggittrsquos argument that Paul uses the corresponding term in Romans 15 with regard to

the opposition between ldquoδυνατοίrdquo and ldquoἀδύνατοιrdquo51

A different claim about the weak and strong depends instead upon the ability to afford meat The

strong are those of high social standing who could procure meat at the markets and also hold on to their position

because of their ldquognosisrdquo52

The eating of idolndashmeats was extended to banquets in pagan temples where it was

usual to serve such meat and those who claimed to have knowledge maintained that the conscience of the weak

should be builtndashup (οἰκοδομηθήσεται) to the level of eating idolndashmeats without scruples (810)53

The

environment of the Asklepion and its adjacent resort of Lerna with its dining facilities and spring could enhance

such gatherings54

The occasion for eating idolndashmeats could as well be extended to homes Plutarch records an

incident in which diners were served with a cock that was slaughtered as a sacrifice to Heracles55

J Murphyndash

47

J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo 107 ldquoNew Consensusrdquo is a title used by Abraham J Malherbe

Social Aspects of Christianity 2d ed (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 The new consensus has been widely

articulated for the Pauline epistles by G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on

Corinth and Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle Paul 2nd ed

(New Haven Yale University Press 2003)

48 Ibid 107

49 Ibid 108ndash109 ἀσθενὴς can be found at 1 Cor 87 9ndash12 922

50 See Gregory W Dawes ldquoThe danger of idolatry First Corinthians 87ndash13rdquo CBQ 58 (1996) 82ndash98 esp 86ndash

88

51 G Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Community Further Remarks on J J Meggitt Paul Poverty

and Survivalrdquo JSNT 25 (2003) 371ndash91 at 381 n 26 However Paul alludes only to those who are ldquoweak in

their faithrdquo in 141 and continues with those who have ldquofaithrdquo and who are ldquoweakrdquo (142) The same treatment

may be applicable to 1 Corinthian

52 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash44 esp 121 and 132 Idem

ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 389 ldquoThe lsquostrongrsquo based their liberty to eat sacrificial meat on

their lsquoknowledgersquo (γνῶσις) Meat sold at the macella would usually be offered to some deity before sale

53 See J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology Good News Studies 6 (Wilmington

Del Glazier 1983) 79

54 Carl Roebuck Corinth XIV The Asklepeion and Lerna (Princeton The American School of Classical Studies

at Athens 1951) 1ndash2 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology (3d ed rev and exp

Collegeville Minnesota The Liturgical Press 2002) 35 129 186ndash89 Ben Witherington Conflict and

Community in Corinth A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 1995) 15

55 Plutarch Quastiones Conviviales 6101 (696 E) Ἀριστίωνος εὐημέρει παρὰ τοῖς δειπνοῦσι μάγειρος ὡς τά τrsquo

ἄλλα χαριέντως ὀψοποιήσας καὶ τὸν ἄρτι τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τεθυμένον ἀλεκτρυόνα παραθεὶς ἁπαλὸν ὥσπερ χθιζόν

νεαρὸν ὄντα καὶ πρόσφατον εἰπόντος οὖν τοῦ Ἀ ρ ι σ τ ί ω ν ο ς ὅτι τοῦτο γίνεται ταχέως εἰ σφαγεὶς εὐθὺς ἀπὸ

συκῆς κρεμασθείη ldquo[Aristionrsquos cook spent the day cheerfully with the dinner guests not only because of his

15

OrsquoConnor mentions that while there is no evidence that the incident recorded by Plutarch happened in Corinth

ldquothe situation is that evoked by Paul in 1 Cor 1027ndash30 where a guest is offered meat sacrificed to idolsrdquo56

123 Disorder during Public Worship

There are also differences of opinion concerning the disorder about public worship practices in the

ἐκκλησία (Chapter 14) These include the import of charismatic gifts closely associated with pneumatic

practices (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20) Some have argued that the nature of the division in the

correspondence of 1 Cor 12ndash14 concerns status Dale B Martinrsquos thesis on σῶμα and its relation to status is

instructive Martin argues that in 1 Cor 12ndash14 Paul adopts a ldquostatusndashreversal strategyrdquo57

Martin proposes a

kind of σῶμα typified by the reversal of ldquostatus indicatorsrdquo58

Greater honor is accorded to members of the

ἐκκλησία of lower status and less esteem is conferred on those having high social standing For example the gift

of tongues that is recognized by at least one group at Corinth as a status indicator is ldquorepeatedly relativizedrdquo It

is placed at the last position at 1228 in a list ldquothat is explicitly hierarchicalrdquo59

Paulrsquos rhetoric in the placement

of the apostle at the first position and the gift of tonguesndashspeaking at last position is consistent By worldly

standards the apostles were of lowest status however they are placed first on the list Conversely the gift of

tongues that the strong at Corinth regard as a ldquohighndashstatusrdquo indicator is placed last Paul is then able to reverse

the ldquonormal valuationsrdquo as he shifts the location for ldquostatus attributionrdquo from the world to the ἐκκλησία60

Martin finds further support in the fact that Paul adopts the same ldquorhetorical strategyrdquo in the ldquobody

analogy and the mindspirit dichotomyrdquo61

He upholds the ldquostatus significancerdquo that pertains in the ἐκκλησία and

calls for a sacrifice on the part of the strong for the weak62

He therefore identifies with the strong and appeals

to them to make sacrifices for the benefit of the weak Even though Paul maintains that he speaks in tongues

more than any of the members of the ἐκκλησία he prefers to speak in few words that are intelligible In adopting

this strategy Martin observes that ldquothe human body becomes a microcosm for the macrocosm of the social

bodyrdquo63

Paulrsquos strategy involves the surrendering of the bodyrsquos ldquohigher elementsrdquo to the ldquolower elementsrdquo In

effect the higherndashstatus members of the ἐκκλησία are to surrender to the members of lower status so that the

great skills but because he set before them a cock just offered as a sacrifice to Hercules as tender as if it had

been slaughtered a day before Aristion said that a cock comes into a new state quickly if as soon as it is

slaughtered it is hung on a fig tree] My translation

56 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 106

56 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν hellip(1 Cor 1118) [For

first of all when you assemble in (the) ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you] My translation

57 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 102

58 Ibid

59 Ibid

60 Ibid 103

61 Ibid

62 Ibid

63 Ibid

16

ἐκκλησία by application the body of Christ might be void of schism (1225 cf 110)64

The foregoing discussion has been on various kinds of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

categories of divisiveness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be summarized into sociondashpolitical theological or

ideological65

statusndashbased as well as ideas about a single cause or specific isolated problems Martin argues that

all the categories of divisiveness that I have identified are results of a basic conflict that can be attributed to the

composition of the body He identifies two parts of the body namely the ancient hierarchical structure of the

body and how it is vulnerable to pollution He cites examples from the GrecondashRoman context and relates them

to the structure of the body in GrecondashRoman concept He achieves this by focusing on the bodyndashrelated matters

mentioned in 1 Corinthians Martin sees the theories about the divisions in 1 Corinthians as a general pattern in

the epistle He argues that the quest for sociondasheconomic positions triggered theological conflicts He thus

maintains that all the theological differences stemmed from conflicts between different groups in the ἐκκλησία

in relation to the respective ldquoideological constructions of the bodyrdquo66

1 3 The Meal as a Source of Division

After reviewing the divisions in general terms I now focus specifically on the meal as a cause of

division As mentioned it has long been recognized that the practice of the δεῖπνον as described in 1 Cor

1117ndash34 is another occasion for division in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In contemporary scholarship various

theories have been propounded concerning the problem at the Lordrsquos Table in Corinth in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Three

main positions in the scholarship may be identified First there are some critics who are of the view that the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were turning the sacred meal into an ordinary common meal Paul

therefore had to write to ldquoreinstituterdquo the sacred meal (ie ritual practice)67

The second category of scholars

involves those who dwell on the theological meaning of the δεῖπνον68

A subndashset of the theological category are

commentators who attribute the problem to gnosticism (ie theological philosophical)69

The third category of

scholars seeks a solution to the problem from a sociondasheconomic dimension (ie statusndashbased)70

Within this

64

Ibid

65 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 205 Here I adopt the distinction made by J S Kloppenborg

66 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body xv

67 Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief MKNT 9 Aufl (Gottingen Vandenhoeck u Ruprecht 1910)

283 Hans Lietzmann An die Korinther III HNT (ed W G Kummel Tubingen 1949) 256

68 See Ernst Kaumlsemann Essays on New Testament Themes (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1982) esp 108ndash135

T Engberg-Pedersen ldquoProclaiming the Lordrsquos Death 1 Cor 1117ndash34 and the Forms of Paulrsquos Theological

Argumentrdquo in Pauline Theology vol 2 1 and 2 Corinthians ed David M Hay (Minneapolis Fortress 1993)

116

69 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 U

Wilckens Weisheit und Torheit eine exegetisch-religions-geschichtliche Untersuchung zu 1 Kor und 2

(Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1959) Robert Jewett Paulrsquos Anthropological Terms A Study of their Use in Conflict

Settings (Leiden Brill 1971)

70 S C Barton ldquoPaulrsquos Sense of Place An Anthropological Approach to Community Formation in Corinthrdquo

NTS 32 (1986) 225ndash46

17

category there are critics who attribute the conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to internal social

stratification71

It is valuable to examine some types of meals that the early disciples shared that may have been

precursors to the meal in Corinth Hans Lietzmann writing on the Lordrsquos Supper identifies two primal types of

meals According to Lietzmann the first type is the meal taken by the first disciples in Jerusalem It is likened

to the Jewish ḥaburah as they partook in the common meal The second type is what is found in Paulrsquos epistles

and can be traced to an old tradition recorded in Markrsquos Gospel Whereas the first type can be described as the

continuation of daily ldquotable fellowshiprdquo (κοινωνία) the second cannot However as stated by Lietzmann the

second type is connected with the last of such meals that the disciples had with their Master The Lordrsquos Supper

thus serves as a memorial of Christrsquos death ldquoThe meal is regarded as an analogue to the Hellenistic meals held

as memorials to great men founders of religious communitiesrdquo72

Lietzmann by framing a conjectural

reconstruction designates the first type ldquoJerusalem typerdquo and the second one ldquoPauline typerdquo73

With regard to the

first category of scholars who hold the view that members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were reverting to a

common meal Lietzmann states ldquoIf the Corinthians had gone over to the Jerusalem practice they had certainly

given up the idea of partaking of the body of Christ the blessed bread was no longer lsquoσῶμαrsquo to them and they

partook of it as ordinary foodrdquo74

In contrast G Bornkamm describes the Corinthians as ldquorobust sacramentalistsrdquo and is of the view that

the Corinthians had not neglected the sacramental Lordrsquos Supper75

On the contrary following H von Soden

Bornkamm states that ldquothey so completely regarded this as the main thing that the preceding meal became a

thing which one could shape according to his own likes and for his own enjoymentrdquo76

In effect the Corinthians

gave due significance to the sacramental act that was celebrated at the end of the worship to the extent that ldquothe

common meal was made a matter of indifferencerdquo77

Scholars in a subndashset of the first category attribute the problem in Corinth to gnosticism W

Schmithals presents a version of the point made by scholars in the second category He argues that the gnostics

were trying to observe the Lordrsquos Supper in an irreverent manner and turn it into profane feast He attributes the

source of the problem to spiritualizing gnostics who purposefully opted for a profane meal instead of

participating in the external elements as though they symbolized Christ78

H Conzelmann holds on to an

71

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 69ndash70

72 H Lietzmann Mass and the Lordrsquos Supper (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 205 See also Karl G Goetz Der

Upsprung des kirchlichen Abendmahls blosse Mahlegemeinschaft von Jesus und seinen Juumlngern oder eine

besondere Handlung und Worte von Jesus (Basel Druck von F Reinhardt 1929) 27 R Otto Kingdom of

God and Son of Man (London Lutterworth Press 1938) 278ndash80 esp 278 n1

73 Ibid 206

74 Ibid 208 See also Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief 283 285 292

75 G Bornkamm Early Christian Experience (London Student Christian Movement Press 1969) 147

76 Ibid 128

77 Ibid 147

78 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 esp 255

18

opposite view and agrees with H von Soden that the Corinthians perceive of the magical effect of the

sacrament which has intensified their individualism ldquoeachrdquo enjoying his ldquoown supperrdquo79

It is worth considering the views of some scholars on the purpose of Paulrsquos comments in the passage

under review Gordon D Fee commenting on 1123ndash26 states that by the ldquomealrdquo the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία ldquoproclaimrdquo Christrsquos death until Christrsquos return that is ldquothey declare the good news of their salvation

that makes them all onerdquo80

Paul repeats ldquoDo this in remembrance of merdquo and adds ldquoas often as you drinkrdquo

According to Fee the added words imply ldquoa frequently repeated action suggesting that from the beginning the

Last Supper was for Christians not an annual Christian Passover but a regularly repeated meal in ldquohonor of the

Lordrdquo hence the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo81

C H Talbert in comparing 1 Cor 101ndash14 and 1117ndash34 is of the view that

the problem in 1117ndash34 stems from underrealized eschatology and it may be due to the interference of the

religious significance of the meal by the social conventions He points out that Pauline statements about the

Lordrsquos Supper are ldquoconditioned by the contexts in which they are utteredrdquo The message of 1117ndash34 then is

ldquothe Supperrsquos purpose is lsquofor my remembrancersquo and must be partaken of with full sensitivity to its social

ramificationrdquo82

There have been responses to the view that attributes the Corinthian problem to theological reasons P

Lampe writes that the sacraments do not occupy a dominant place in Pauline thought Moreover Paul in

practice does not regard baptizing as his major role (1 Cor 116ndash17)83

D E Garland also mentions that the

problem in Corinth was caused neither by their ldquotheological confusion about sacramental facets of the Lordrsquos

Supper nor by a conflict over Eucharistic theologyrdquo84

Garlandrsquos response generates a rhetorical question What

then 85

In short we need alternative reconstructions that are more persuasive and convincing than the aforendash

stated ones Moreover there is the need to find out what Paul is trying to accomplish A pivotal question is Do

we know what theology pertained to the meal My response is that there is not yet a stable theology attached to

the meal at the time of the writing of the epistle Other related questions are Is it a theology for its own sake or

a theology in service of a particular form of a community P Lampe points out that we need not interpret all the

characteristics of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoin terms of a particular theological backgroundrdquo86

The members

were still affiliated with the GrecondashRoman culture of which they were part prior to their baptism Here I agree

with Lampe that ldquo[o]nly slowly did they realize that the church was a new cultural setting where new customs

79

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 194

80 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 613

81 Ibid 614 (emphasis original)

82 C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians 80

83 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 48 (1994) 36ndash49 at 36

84 D E Garland 1 Corinthians (Michigan Baker Academic 2003) 533

85 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

86 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 (Emphasis original)

19

and habits needed to be developed in some areasrdquo87

Paulrsquos instructions to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία for example on the need to wait for one another instead of taking meals before others (1121 cf

1133) point to the need for a change in their culinary habits His comments in 1117ndash34 are part of this

transformation process88

The third category of scholars argues that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία exhibited an ldquointernal stratificationrdquo

displaying the differences between the rich and the poor89

and thus creating a social problem90

These scholars

suggest that the rich ldquodevouredrdquo their ldquoown mealrdquo instead of sharing with the poor Furthering this point some

also argue that class distinctions were manifested in the quantity and quality of food consumed91

The wealthy

had in abundance and thus were accused of gluttony and drunkenness while the poor had little or nothing to

present Consequently they were left hungry and did not enjoy ldquodecent mealsrdquo92

The older viewpoint (what I designate ldquophase onerdquo) regarding this situation was that members of the

Christndashgroup were among the ldquopoorrdquo of the Roman Empire For example Adolf Deissmann described members

of Paulrsquos assemblies as those of the lower strata93

In some instances earlier social approaches charted a

ldquoRomanticist notionrdquo of the early Christian poor94

This view was tempered in more recent models as reflected

in the works of E A Judge A J Malherbe W A Meeks and Gerd Theissen They are representative of a

87

Ibid

88 Some critics translate προλαμβάνειν as ldquoto take or do something in advance or beforehandrdquo having in mind

its temporal sense Έκδέχομαι in verse 33 which also has temporal connotation is thus translated ldquowait forrdquo

See P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 3

states ldquobegin prematurelyrdquo An alternative meaning is ldquoto devourrdquo (their own meal) See also B W Winter

ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo RTR 37 (1978) 73ndash82 at 75 Winter further

argues that ἐκδέχομαι may be translated as ldquoreceiverdquo in the context of hospitality 79 J A Fitzmyer First

Corinthians A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (The Anchor Yale Bible 32 Yale Yale

University Press 2008) 434 ndash 35 opts for the first nuance In referencing Mark 148 he states that

ldquoProlambanei means lsquotakes in advance ofrsquo (others)rdquo Regarding the second meaning he asserts ldquoSome maintain

that prolambanei does not mean lsquotake in advance but merely lsquoconsumersquo or lsquodevourrsquo Such meanings however

are questionable especially in this context with v 33 despite numerous attempts so to understand itrdquo

89 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 96 E A Judge The Social

Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century Some Prolegomena to the Study of New Testament Ideas

of Social Obligation (London Tyndale Press 1960) 60ndash62 J J Meggitt ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT

25 (2003) 371ndash91 Steven J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo

JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

90 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 5 D

E Garland 1 Corinthians states that ldquothe problem is simply this when they eat the Lordrsquos Supper they divide

along socio-economic linesrdquo 533

91 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activity An Analysis of 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174

92 I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1980) 109

93 Adolf Deissmann Paul A Study in Social and Religious History trans William E Wilson (Gloucester

Mass Smith 1972) 241-43 The word Deisssmann uses is Schicht S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo

326 translates Schicht as ldquostratumrdquoand Klasse as ldquoclassrdquo

94 See for example Shirley J Case The Social Origins of Christianity (New York Cooper Square Publishers

1975 reprint of 1923 ed)

20

scholarly consensus (what I designate ldquophase twordquo) during the second half of the twentieth century about the

socio-economic perspective of the problem in Corinth A J Malherbe observed that the ldquosocial status of early

Christians may be higher than Deissmann had supposed hellip and that lsquoa new consensusrsquo may be emergingrdquo95

Another traditional interest in the study of the sociondasheconomic aspects of the Corinthian meal practice

is the physical setting of the gathering I thus make a shift to the historical setting of Corinth The mode of

meeting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with regard to the organization and procedure coupled with the manner in

which the members participated in the Lordrsquos Supper has engaged the attention of scholars There are pieces of

evidence within the political ἐκκλησίαι of GrecondashRoman world which might illuminate what took place in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ancient Mediterranean world banquets took place in varied spaces Some scholars

are of the view that banquets could take place at homes For example Jerome MurphyndashOrsquoConnor a

representative of the second phase considers the triclinium to be the meeting place for the house congregation96

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor basing his evidence on architectural structure of a classic Roman villa points out the

disparity that social class portrayed in the GrecondashRoman social context On invitation to banquets the hostrsquos

ldquoclosest friends hellipwho would have been of the same social class and from whom he might expect the same

courtesy on a future occasionrdquo would recline in the triclinium while the rest would be compelled to sit ldquoin the

atrium where conditions were greatly inferiorrdquo97

James N Davidson buttresses the fact of the disparity in

social class by arguing from Petroniusrsquos narrative of Trimalchiorsquos feast that ldquoin the Roman context the banquet

becomes a theatre of wealth and property of social distinction or social climbingrdquo98

G Linton finds evidence for house churches in some cities that were loosely connected Corinth for

instance had a total number of ldquosix churchesrdquo that met in the homes of the following people Aquila and

Priscilla (Acts 182ndash4) Titius Justus (Acts 187) Crispus (Acts 188 Chloe (1 Cor 111) Stephanas (1 Cor

116) and Gaius (Rom 1623)99

Floyd V Filson notes that the tendency for party strife in the apostolic era

could be attributed to the existence of several house churches in one city He however states that house

churches contributed to the development of the early church He draws attention to the importance and function

95

Abraham J Malherbe Social Aspects of Christianity (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 W A Meeks The

First Urban Christians E A Judge The Social Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century G

Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth

96 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 178ndash185 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl

im Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo

ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

97 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 183 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl im

Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucisrdquo 183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe

Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

98 J N Davidson Courtesans amp Fishcakes The Consuming Passions of Classical Athens (London Harper

Collins 1997) 311

99 G Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo StonendashCampbell Journal 8 (2005) 229ndash

244) at 233 However in n17 he cites Bradley Blue ldquoActs and the House Church ldquoBradley Bluerdquo in The Book

of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting (ed David W J Gill and Conrad Gempf vol 2 of the The Book of Acts in

Its First Century Setting ed B W Winter (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1994) 174ndash75 that it is likely that Gaius

was the praelignomen of Titius Justus cited in Acts 187 If this were so then the number of house churches in

Corinth would be five

21

of house churches for an understanding of the polity of the church and the physical state in which the early

Christians lived and also gathered100

In recent discussions Gerd Theissen has developed this notion of social status of early Christians

stressing its related subject of social stratification Theissen identifies two groups ldquothose who lack food the

μὴ ἔχοντες and those who can make provision for their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He however does not rule

out the possibility of a more ldquoindividualistic interpretationrdquo as the words ἕκαστος and ἴδιον can connote101

He

submits that it is likely that those members of the ἐκκλησία who enjoy a private meal have a high social status

not only on the basis that they in contrast with other members can provide meals for themselves and for others

he also suggests the probability that the phrase gives a hint of house ownership102

Thus he concludes that ldquothe

conflict over the Lordrsquos Supper is a conflict between poor and rich Christiansrdquo103

He also proposes that the

wealthy Christians consumed in both greater quantity and quality of food than the poor104

Theissen regards

Paulrsquos response to the questions of status and ldquofeeling of rejectionrdquo which could threaten the ἐκκλησία as an

endeavor to promote ldquolove-patriarchalismrdquo which is Paulrsquos dominant ethic105

Robert Jewett points out that typical of the profile of the house church model is a patron who is in

charge of affairs whereas the lower class members are ldquorecipients of hisher largesserdquo Alluding to the house

church model he mentions that Theissenrsquos ldquopatriarchalism of loverdquo is probably a ldquobyndashproduct of this modelrdquo106

Bruce Winter considers the household as an essential social unit of the first century While Theissen identifies

the social context of Corinth as comprising the rich and the poor Winter insists that we need to be cautious in

dividing society in the first century into the rich and the poor if we really consider the social context of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία107

Anthony C Thiselton observes that the establishment of the possible role played by the

hostndashpatron may call into question G D Feersquos contention that the splits (σχίσματα 1118) of the present section

are different in nature from those of 110108

C S Keener intimates that ldquo[s]ociological models must be used

heuristically hence adapted according to ancient Mediterranean evidence but social history focuses on many

questions that prove paramount in 1 Corinthians especially the conflict between lowndashand highndashstatus

membersrdquo109

100

F V Filson ldquoThe Significance of Early House Churchesrdquo JBL 58 (1939) 105ndash12 at 105ndash6

101 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activityrdquo 148

102 Ibid 150

103 Ibid 151

104 Ibid155

105 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

106 R Jewett ldquoTenement Churches and Communal Meals in the Early Church The Implications of a Form ndash

Critical Analysis of 2 Thessalonians 310rdquo BR 38 (1983) 23ndash43 at 23 See also 32ff

107 B W Winter ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo 73ndash82 esp 81

108 A C Thiselton The First Epistle to the Corinthians A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids

Mich WB Eerdmans Carlisle Paternoster Press 2000) 850

109 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

22

Tempering these claims recent studies (what I designate ldquophase threerdquo) have added further complexity

to the economic realities within the Corinthian community110

J J Meggitt examines the economic reality that

characterized the churches associated with Paul He contends that the economy of the Roman Empire was

ldquoessentially prendashindustrialrdquo and that it was the kind that could hardly support ldquoa mid-range economic grouprdquo111

Placing the economic system in a wider context he considers it to be stagnant and at its lowest ebb112

He also

finds it inappropriate to ldquouncriticallyrdquo flip through primary sources and use them as assumptions to establish

what in reality might have regulated Paulrsquos association with his companions113

He rather opts for the works of

historians and the use of their methodologies In writing on Paulrsquos background he does not see how πολίτης

informs us about ldquoPaulrsquos economic historyrdquo114

In appealing to epigraphic sources he writes that Paulrsquos use of

εὐγενής in conjunction with other words in 1 Cor 126 do not specifically inform us about the ldquosocial

constituencyrdquo of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoexcept that a small number were more fortunate than the othersrdquo115

Meggitt states that it is impossible to determine the extent of the privilege the small number enjoyed What is a

bit puzzling in Meggittrsquos argument is that he denies the interpretation of 1 Cor 1122 that οἱ ἔχοντες are more

socially privileged than οἱ μὴ ἔχοντες In summation Meggitt consistently rejects that the problems at the

communal meals in Corinth can be interpreted in wealth and status terms He expresses his conflict with the sondash

called New Consensus and contends that the reconstructions of both phases one and two are not only

ldquodependent upon anachronistic and inappropriate interpretations of the first centuryrdquo but also that the pieces of

evidence to support their interpretation ldquocannot stand up to close scrutinyrdquo116

Theissen concedes that some of

Meggittrsquos arguments need to be taken seriously He therefore had to rework some of his arguments on that

basis He moreover admits that his interpretation does not explain all of the conflicts117

Another scholar who has also challenged the viewpoint of the scholars of both phases one and two is

110

Critics who do not concur to this view include J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival (TampT Clark 1998)

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo 323ndash361 and A Lindemann Der Erste Korintherbrief (HNT 9I

Tuumlbingen Mohr 2000)

111 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 7

112 Ibid ldquo The economy remained weak and rudimentary with little or no growthrdquo 42

113 Ibid The phenomenon Meggitt mentions is ldquofriendshiprdquo and he cites the example of P Marshall Enmity in

Corinth Social Conventions in Paulrsquos Relations with the Corinthians (Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1987 p x) 12

He opines that we can make far reaching impact if we use ldquothe imperatives and techniques of lsquoHistory from

Belowrsquo and Popular Culturerdquo 18

114 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 83

115 Ibid 105ndash6

116 Ibid 75ndash154 at 99 Meggitt expresses his conflict with the so called New Consensus For responses to

Meggitt see Gerd Theissen ldquoThe Social Structure of Pauline Communities Critical Remarks on J J Meggitt

ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 65ndash84 idem ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo

Dale B Martin ldquoReview Essay J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 51ndash64 For further

reconstruction of economic conditions see Steven J Friesen ldquoThe Wrong Erastus Ideology Archaeology and

Exegesisrdquo in Corinth in Context Comparative Studies on Religion and Society (ed S J Friesen et al Leiden

Brill 2010) 231ndash56

117 Gerd Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 391

23

Steven J Friesen He is of the view that the notion of old or new consensus is inapplicable to the state of affairs

in the Roman Empire In comparing the work of Adolf Deissmann with the works of scholars of the late

twentieth century he sees a shift in the interpretation of society based on ldquoclassrdquo to one that is based on ldquosocial

statusrdquo He considers such a definition of social status to be inappropriate and rather suggests one that is based

on measuring the economic resources of the Roman Empire He proposes seven categories ranging from ldquobelow

subsistence levelrdquo to ldquoimperial elitesrdquo instead of the binary classification of ldquorichpoorrdquo 118

Friesen observes

that the basic category of analysis has become ldquothe social status of individualsrdquo as defined by Meeks119

Friesen

refutes this concept as an unmeasurable one for three reasons First the relationship that exists between the ten

variables by which social status is determined is not clearly defined Second there is no indication of the nature

of a socialndashstatus profile in the Roman Empire in the absence of ldquocomparable datardquo Third we lack information

about even one of the cited variables about persons in Paulrsquos ἐκκλησίαι120

1 4 A New Set of Questions

From the foregoing it becomes evident that rhetorical and sociondashhistorical studies have contributed to

the understanding of Paulrsquos instructions in the passage under review Nonetheless there is room to explore

further because we do not have a satisfactory answer yet for the fractiousness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Given

the shortcomings exhibited in the attempts by these studies to resolve the issues at stake make it compelling for

a new approach This dissertation will examine Paulrsquos instructions in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 through a ritual lens

Several scholars have handled the passage I am surveying in a rhetorical fashion121

C S Keener

rightly states that ldquoBecause letters were not speeches and even later rhetorical handbooks treat them differently

rhetorical outlines of Paulrsquos letters (as if they were handbook model speeches) are suspectrdquo122

The passage

under review is one that has generated scholarly discussions but little detailed attention has been turned to its

ritual setting and also the potency of rituals to shape collective experience and thus foster greater unity in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία Richard Demaris rightly observes that in recent times as discussed above the social and

historical background has been a major focus of interest for New Testament scholars Even though the

exploration of ritual is an integral part of this ldquofocus on the communities behind the written text yet to date

118

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

at 323 The seven categories are PS1 ndash Imperial elites PS2 ndash Regional or provincial elites PS3 ndash Municipal

elites PS 4 ndash Moderate surplus resources PS5 ndash Stable near subsistence level PS6 ndash At subsistence level and

PS7 ndash Below subsistence level See Figure 1 Poverty scale for the Roman Empire at 341 for the full details

The shift is from ldquoan industrial capitalistrdquo to ldquoa consumer capitalist interpretationrdquo

119 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 53ndash55

120 S J Friesen indicates that even though Mary is mentioned in Rom 16 6 that information on her gender as

ldquofemalerdquo cannot be used to determine her social status

121 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation Wilhelm Wuellner ldquoWhere is Rhetorical

Criticism Taking Usrdquo CBQ 49 (1987) 448ndash63 esp 458ndash63 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo 1ndash27

Michael Buumlnker Briefformular und Rhetorische Disposition im 1 Korintherbrief (Goumlttingen Vandenhoeck amp

Ruprecht 1984) S M Pogoloff Logos and Sophia The Rhetorical Situation of 1 Corinthians SBL

Dissertation Series 134 ed DL Petersen and P Perkins (Georgia Scholars Press 1992) esp 237 ff

122 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

24

there has been comparatively little work done in this areardquo123

While there are sociondashhistorical studies pertaining

to the social setting of the house church and the disparity in wealth distribution in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία few

if any work with ritual

The existing examinations of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveal that varying explanations have

been given Instead of doing a kind of mirror reading of 1 Cor 11 to determine what is wrong with the

Corinthian beliefs and behavior I will look at how Paulrsquos rituallyndashoriented interventions would build greater

strength in the community whatever the source of their division I will therefore examine the effect Paulrsquos

directions would have upon the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will demonstrate in detail in chapter 4 how Paulrsquos

intervention can be seen as a remedy to the Corinthian problem I will argue that for Paul to ensure that the

instructions given could materialize he needed a strategy that might help improve their relationship and

promote greater stability The antidote to the Corinthian problem as this dissertation purports to demonstrate

might be the introduction of a ritual viz κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I will therefore advance an argument in the next

chapter that the δεῖπνον practiced in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an ordinary meal of the sort that we encounter

in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman world

123

Richard E DeMaris The New Testament in its Ritual World (New York Routledge 2008) 2

25

2

The State of the Meal at Corinth

In fact the man of sense who comes to dinner does not betake himself there just to fill himself up as though he

were a sort of pot but to take some part be it serious or humorous and to listen and to talk regarding this or

that topic as the occasion suggests it to the company if their association together is to be pleasant

ndash Plutarch Moralia

In the previous chapter I reviewed current scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία on their meal practices and the various kinds of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία In this chapter I will focus

on the general pattern of GrecondashRoman meals make an excursus on meals and shift to the pattern of meals of

voluntary associations in particular and compare and contrast that with the state of the meal in Corinth This

strategy acclaims itself for the following reasons It will set up the case for what a ritual is and provide me the

context and occasion to demonstrate what ritual looks like in chapter 3 It will also help me to determine

whether the Corinthian δεῖπνον is like other meals or not Moreover it will help me to embark on a ritual

analysis of the passage under review in chapter 4 I thus argue that the Corinthian δεῖπνον is an ordinary meal of

the sort we see in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu and that in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34 Paul

by mentioning κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might be launching a ritual that is separate and distinct from the Corinthian

δεῖπνον

In the first section I will focus on the two parts of the GrecondashRoman meals and the table fellowships at

Jewish banquets respectively1 The second section undertakes a comparative study of the meal practices of

GrecondashRoman associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία The findings from the study will form the data for a

comparative analysis with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The voluntary associations I will use for the comparative

analysis include the collegia or thiasoi2 The third section of the chapter further reviews more recent studies by

1 A banquet is a social institution and associated with it are meals and drinks It is a dual-purpose occasion

which features the δεῖπνον ldquosupperrdquo ie the meal proper and the συμπόσιον ie the drinking party See

Katherine M D Dunbabin The Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality (Cambridge University Press 2003)

4 who opts for the word as a ldquogeneric term for the festive consumption of food and drink in Roman societyrdquo

Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early

Christian Culture (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2012) 6 συμπόσιον literally means ldquodrinking

togetherrdquo The institution may be traced to the ldquoarchaic period from the eighth to sixth centuries B C Erdquo

2 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 209 see esp

194ndash96 Richard S Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg Associations in the Greco-Roman

World A Sourcebook (Waco Texas Baylor University 2012) 5 Other ldquorecurring association self-designations

or names for association membersrdquo used in the dissertation include collegium (association) koinon

(associationrdquo) eranos (club) orgeōnes (sacrificing associates) cf W S Ferguson ldquoThe Attic OrgeonesrdquoHTR

37 (1944) 61ndash174 at 128 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity A Guide to Graeco

Roman Religions trans Brian McNeil (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2003) 44 The members of the oldest

Athenian associations were called ὀργεῶνες Collegium is the commonest term in the Latin sources used to

describe all kinds of Roman associations See Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity

46 See also B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo Dictionary of New Testament Background (ed Craig A Evans

and Stanley E Porter Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 2000) 136 Voluntary associations were

designated ldquothiasoi or eranistai (Gk) and (collegia) in Latinrdquo Cf Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the

Professional Associations in the Roman East Dutch Monographs on Ancient History and Archaeology 17

26

Annette Weissenrieder with regard to the physical setting of the meal in Corinth Finally I will explore the state

of the meal in Corinth As a means of facilitating the probing I will examine the view expressed by George

May that the synoptic Gospels do not suggest the institution of a ritual that is to be repeated after Jesusrsquo

crucifixion The main contribution of the present chapter to my argument is that all the features that we see in

the current Corinthian practice can be accounted for on the basis of normal GrecondashRoman meals

The nutritional aspect of food is indisputable however while food is taken for nutritional purposes and

building the body physically its social significance cannot be underestimated Mary Douglas observes that

ldquofood always has a social dimension of the utmost importancerdquo3 In the social universe ldquoeach meal is a

structured social event which structures others in its own imagerdquo4 Gerard Rouwhorst referencing social and

cultural anthropologists intimates that meals and meal customs are significant markers for social identity

ldquo[E]very meal ndash especially when taken together by more than one person ndash encodes significant messages about

social and hierarchical patterns prevailing in the grouprdquo5 Dennis E Smith is of the view that a meal conveys a

ldquosymbolic languagerdquo that can be regarded as being peculiar to a specific society6 Apparently the notion of

sharing a meal together as strengthening social bonds is a universal symbol However the mode and extent of

communication varies ldquofrom culture to culturerdquo7

21 The General Pattern of Formal Meals

In this section I will examine the general pattern of meals in the GrecondashRoman world in specific

terms the Greek meal namely δεῖπνονσυμπόσιον (the Roman equivalents are cœnaconvivium or comissatio)

and make an excursus into Jewish banquet The Greek meal is relevant to the present study because it bears on

whether the use of the bread and cup were already separate I will apply the paradigm of the GrecondashRoman

meal formulated by D E Smith and Matthias Klinghardt to a spectrum of literature and social settings of the 1st

century B C E to the 4th

century C E The common thesis of Smith and Klinghardt ldquowas thoroughly

investigated in the SBL Consultation (2002ndash2004) and adopted by the SBL Seminar (2005ndash 2010) itself as

(Amsterdam J C Gieben 1997) 8 Associations were characteristic of Greek way of life Orgeōnes ldquowas the

oldest name for private associationsrdquo ldquothiasotai denotes associations of worshippers while it is likely that

eranistai might have been ldquoof a more social characterrdquo

3 Mary Douglas ldquoFood as a System of Communicationrdquo in In the Active Voice (London Routledge amp Kegan

Paul 2011) 82

4 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 esp 65ndash 69 at 69

5 Gerard Rouwhorst ldquoTable Community In Early Christianity in A Holy People Jewish and Christian

Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (ed Marcel Poorthuis and Joshua Schwartz Jewish and Christian

Perspectives 12 (Leiden Boston Brill 2006) 69ndash84 at 69 referencing Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo

Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 idem Implicit Meanings Selected Essays in Anthropology (2nd ed London New

York Routledge1999) 231ndash51

6 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist the Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 14

7 Ibid

27

foundationalrdquo8 I will follow the main features that can be designated as the typology of the Hellenistic meal as

proposed by Smith and Klinghardt and that are relevant to the present research They comprise

1 the custom of reclining

2 the structure of the δεῖπνον

3 the transition between the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον with ceremonial libation

4 the συμπόσιον characterized by drinking conversation and or entertainment

5 leadership especially the appointment of a συμποσίαρχος

6 membershipguests9 In addition I would add

7 physical setting of meals

In the ancient Mediterranean culture the common meal was one of the most significant social

institutions The partaking of a common meal usually was the core activity for the gathering of people whether

it was religious or social occasion10

Matthias Klinghardt and Dennis E Smith in their theses proposed that

there is a common meal tradition that characterised the meal practices in the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean

whether they be gentile Jewish or Christian11

D E Smith suggests that even though the meal customs as

observed in different social settings in the Mediterranean world portrayed minor differences ldquothe evidence

suggests that meals took similar forms and shared similar meanings and interpretations across a broad range of

the ancient worldrdquo12

Klinghardt concurs with D E Smith and contends that there is ldquono difference between

Hellenisticndashpagan and Jewish community meals helliprdquo and that ldquoit is not advisable to separate the consideration of

private and association mealtimesrdquo13

Essentially there is a shift from the proposal of different types of meals to a common meal paradigm

that was practiced in ldquothe Mediterranean world of the first century BCE to the fourth century CErdquo14

There is

8 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm The Work of the Society of Biblical Literaturersquos Seminar on

Meals in the GrecondashRoman Worldrdquo in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum ed Matthias

Klinghardt and Hal E Taussig TANZ 56 (Tuumlbingen Francke 2012) 25ndash40 at 28ndash29

9 Cf Ibid esp 28ndash30

10 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist states ldquowhen any group of people in the ancient Mediterranean

world met for social or religious purposes their gatherings tended to be centered on a common meal or

banquetrdquo1ndash 2 See also Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven Conn Yale

University Press 2003) 44 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo in Meals in the Early

Christian World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed Dennis E Smith and Hal

E Taussig (New York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) 14

11 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft Soziologie und Liturgie fruumlhchristlicher

Mahlfeiern (Tuumlbingen Francke Verlag 1996) D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist

12 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

13 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 24f Cited by Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a

New Paradigm 30

14 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroductionrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian World Social Formation Experimentation

and Conflict at the Table 2 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9 14 Linked with this

paradigm is the typology of the communal meal The typology is distinct from that of previous scholarship that

associated itself with the ldquolsquoreligionsgeschichtliche Schulersquo which identified with many different lsquotypesrsquo of

mealsrdquo The ritual structure of the common meal in the ancient Mediterranean life had a similar pattern in

28

therefore the need for us to adequately capture the essence of ldquothe larger phenomenon of the banquet as a social

institutionrdquo if we are to understand the respective cases of ldquoformalized meals in the GrecondashRoman world such

as Greek philosophical banquets or Jewish festival meals or early Christian community mealsrdquo15

211 The Mode of reclining

Greek meal practices matured during the classical period (the sixth and fifth centuries B C E)16

While many of the meal practices were preserved from the Homeric era some changes nevertheless took place

in the structure of the meal and reflected a basic change in the overall nature of the meals For example one of

the means through which the common meal tradition can be discovered is by observing the form of the custom

of reclining that the several peoples of Mediterranean world adopted at formal meals Prior to adopting the norm

of reclining there was the tradition that Greeks Romans and Jews sat at meals17

There is the probability that

the practice of reclining originated in the Eastern Mediterranean world and that the Greeks adopted the custom

from the Assyrians and observed it as early as the sixth century18

JeanndashMarie Dentzer establishes close

resemblances between the oriental iconography of Greek banquets and reliefs of Assyrian kings for example

TiglathndashPilesser III and Ashurbanipal19

D E Smith acknowledges that Dentzerrsquos study has revealed that the

custom of reclining was not adopted merely for the sake of a change of posture but as a change of ldquosocial coderdquo

ndash one of ldquoadopting a fully developed social institution namely the GrecondashRoman banquetrdquo20

Dentzerrsquos study

thus discloses a point of symbolism or coding The norm of reclining was to create awareness of prestige

accorded to persons in society

ldquodifferent cultures and timesrdquo Solutions based on ldquosimilar basic valuesrdquo were equally found to address the

problems it generated Idem Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft See also Gerd Theissen The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians D

E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist idem ldquoMeals and Moralityrdquo in Paulrsquos World Society of Biblical

Literature Seminar Papers SBL 1981 319 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the

New Testament and Liturgy Today (London SCM Press 1990) Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und

Mahlgemeinschaft Idem ldquoThe Typology of the Greco-Roman Banquetrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian

World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed D E Smith and Hal E Taussig (New

York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) The Spartans call their communal meals syssitia meaning ldquocommunal citizen

dining groupsrdquo Cf Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-

Roman and Early Christian Culture 5

15 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

16 Ibid 19

17 Ath Deip 115ndash19ndash25 29ndash33 In Homer the posture for meals was sitting ndash εὐωχοῦνται δὲ παρ᾽ Ὁμήρῳ

καθήμενοι 1 20 cf Hom Od 332ndash39 and 3429 where the word ἕδρα is used Iliad 9200 218 24473 See

also the use of ἵζω at 9218 and 24472 See Gerda Bruns ldquoKuumlchenwesen und Mahlzeitenrdquo in Archaeologia

Homerica II Kap Q (Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht 1970) 49ndash50

18 Jean-Marie Dentzer ldquoAux Origines de Lrsquoiconographie du Banquet Coucheacuterdquo RA (1971) 215ndash258 idem Le

Motif du Banquet Coucheacute dans le Proche-Orient et le Monde Grec du VIIe au IVe Siegravecle avant J-C Rome

Eacutecole Franccedilaise de Rome Palais Farnese 1982 There was cultural assimilation circa the eighth century and

this tendency did not only affect the posture for formal meals but attracted other meal conventions 227

19 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo discusses Dentzerrsquos work esp 215ndash17 221 223

228ndash229 236 244 250ndash58

20 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 18

29

212 The Structure of the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον

The Greek practice was to organize a dualndashpurpose banquet and this twofold structure of the

communal meal helps in illuminating our conception of the Christian meals during the first two centuries of the

Common Era The first session was the δεῖπνον which constituted the major meal of the day The second

session συμπόσιον was devoted to drinking in the midst of entertainment21

The Greek δεῖπνον the main and

last meal became the most important meal of the day Greek culture had some influence on the customs of the

Romans and the Romans in turn acquired new culinary habits22

The Romans followed the Greek tradition of

three meals in a day ndash the ientaculum (also iantaculum) or breakfast the prandium or midday meal and the

cœna or evening meal

Peter Lampe in applying historicalndashcontextual exegesis uses GrecondashRoman dinner party of the first

century to shed light on the cultural context of the Gentile Christians in Corinth He makes a distinction

between the sondashcalled ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and the ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo Dinner takes place during the ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and

after a break spicy dishes seafood and bread are served in addition to sweet desserts and fruits during the

symposium at ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo23

The symposium was celebrated at both private and public levels It is

debatable whether the συμπόσιον had any formal relation with the δεῖπνον or it took place independently The

sources reveal two viewpoints The first is that the συμπόσιον appears to assume independence from the

δεῖπνον In the symposium literature there are records of drinking and philosophical discourses for example in

the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon Moreover there are instances where clients were invited solely for the

21

Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10 expands the terms δεῖπνον or συσσίτον in

Greek sources and cena (cœna) in Latin Cena was the name given by the Romans to the main meal (evening

meal) Roman meals were taken in courses (fercula) There were three divisions namely prima cœna altera

cœna and tertia cœna See Mart Epig 4 8 1ndash2 Cf Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of

Pericles (trans Peter Green 1st American ed New York Macmillan 1966) 167ndash81) at 173 opts for two

successive stages of every formal dinner for all religious brotherhood or any other association (thiasos) Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus The Search for the Authentic Deeds of Jesus (San

Francisco HarperSan Francisco 1998) 352 The second part was ldquothe drinking partyrdquo that follows the meal

22 See Katherine M D Dunbabin Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality 4 states ldquothe Greek traditionhellip had

a profound impact upon the iconography of Roman arthelliprdquo

23 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor1117ndash34)rdquo

Affirmation 4 (1991)1ndash15 esp 2ndash3 Idem ldquoDas Korinthische Herrenmahl im Schnittpunkt Hellenistisch-

Roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und Paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1 Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 at 186ndash

87 who mentions a break between primae und secundae mensae as part of the format Cenaδεῖπνον) primae

mensae Pause -Uumlbergang Secundae mensaeDesserts und Trinken See Athenaeus Deipnosophists 1450 The

ancients usually served desserts Ephippus in his Ephebi lists the various dishes served for dessert groats and a

cask of rich palm wine cakes and other sweetmeats cheese cakes and eggs Comparatively sweetmeats and

cheesecakes were integral part of the dessert course Both sweetmeats and cheesecakes are mentioned by Alexis

in his Philiscus while Ephippus mentions sweetmeats and cakes of sesame in his Cydon among others Other

scholars who share a similar viewpoint of Lampe include Carolyn Osiek and David L Balch Families in the

New Testament World Households and House Churches (The Family Religion and Culture Louisville

Westminster John Knox 1997) 200ndash203 Bradley B Blue ldquoThe House Church at Corinth and the Lordrsquos

Supperrdquo 233ndash34 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 26 Henk J de Jonge ldquoThe Early History of the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo in Religious Identity and the

Invention of Tradition Papers Read at a NOSTER Conference in Conference in Soesterberg January 4ndash6 1999

(ed Jan Willem van Henten amp Anton Houtepen Assen Royal Van Gorcum 2001) 209ndash37 at 209ndash10 Gregory

Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo 243

30

συμπόσιον24

The second viewpoint is that a formal meal could hardly be taken without drinking Hence despite

the general distinction neither the likelihood of drinking during the δεῖπνον nor the eating of food during the

συμπόσιον should be ruled out25

Special rituals were performed and they were indicative of a transition ndash the end of one phase (δεῖπνον)

and the beginning of second phase the συμπόσιον Furthermore the evidence becomes clearer when a

comparison is made with the transition between the Roman cœna and the comissatio The rituals started with

the removal of the tables followed by the bringing in of the wine bowl for the purpose of mixing the wine26

Ritual libation27

and singing a paeligan or hymn served as an interlude between the eating of meals and the

drinking session There were other times songs were sung to suit the occasion Plato succinctly captures this

aspect of the banquet μετὰ ταῦτα ἔφη κατακλινέντος τοῦ Σωκράτους καὶ δειπνήσαντος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων σπονδάς

τε σφᾶς ποιήσασθαι καὶ ᾁσαντας τὸν θεὸν καὶ τἆλλα τὰ νομιζόμενα τρέπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν πότον 28

The beginning of the συμπόσιον was marked by the election of a συμποσίαρχος (symposiarch or a

presiding officer) from among the guests29

The συμποσίαρχος had the responsibility of determining the

proportion of wine to water in the krateacuter and to decide the amount of wine each guest has to drink30

Another

important decision to be made was how the time was to be spent Moreover it was his duty to determine the

kind of entertainment to be held Aristotle in his Treatise on Drunkenness uses the term δεύτεραι τραπέζαι The

expression ldquoδεύτεραι τραπέζαιrdquo is appropriate since it is served after the meal proper as the second part of the

meal A conscious effort was made to ensure that enough room is left in the bodies of the guests not only for the

meal and the dessert but for a drinking spree31

The method of drinking was also considered This becomes

evident in Platorsquos Symposium

τὸν οὖν Παυσανίαν ἔφη λόγου τοιούτου τινὸς κατάρχειν εἶεν ἄνδρες φάναι τίνα τρόπον ῥᾷστα

πιόμεθα ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι τῷ ὄντι πάνυ χαλεπῶς ἔχω ὑπὸ τοῦ χθὲς πότου καὶ δέομαι ἀναψυχῆς

24

Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles notes ldquoSome guests might only have been

invited for the symposium proper and these would arrive when dinner was overrdquo 175

25 Ibid ldquoBut it should not be supposed that the first half of the proceedings excluded drink while the second

half per contra excluded solid food far from itrdquo173

26 There was no fixed amount of water to wine Commonly there could be five parts of water to two parts wine

or three parts of water to a part of winerdquo See Ath Deip10426d Cf D E Smith From Symposium to

Eucharist 32

27 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 352 Each (phase) ldquocourse began with a

benediction or libation over the food and wine a custom that was adapted in different ways by Greeks Romans

and Jewshellipcf Mark 8 6 1422ndash25)rdquo

28 Plato Symposium 176 α ldquoAfter these things he said when Socrates had reclined and dined with the others

they poured libation and sang a chant to the god and so forth as custom demands till they took to drinkingrdquo

My translation

29 See Platorsquos Symposium 213 ε The guests of Agathon reached the consensus to drink volitionally without the

appointment of a συμποσίαρχος When Alcibiades came to the scene he appointed himself συμποσίαρχος in

order that they could drink to their satisfaction

30 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the Time of Pericles 175

31 Plut De Tuen 4

31

τινοςndashοἶμαι δὲ καὶ ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλούς παρῆστε γὰρ χθέςndash32

The δεῖπνον was characterized by leisure in consonance with the posture of reclining Associated with

the δεῖπνον was an entertainment scheduled for the whole evening Not only did the δεῖπνον become the one

formal meal of the day but also potentially ldquothe social highlight of the day as wellrdquo33

The institution of the

evening meal as a banquet offered them the opportunity to spend three or more hours Entertainment played a

vital role at banquets and took place in several ways Music was performed to serve therapeutic as well as

psychological purposes for those given in to drunkenness and gluttony It was valued as a means of curbing

emotional disturbances and puts vitality into the lives of the guests34

Another kind of entertainment was the performance of drama using mythological stories at the

banquets of religious associations The statutes of the Iobakchoi a Bacchic club provide an example of this

form of entertainment In their case deities and other mythological characters are given specific ldquorolesrdquo to be

performed at the banquet D E Smith explains that such kinds of entertainment serve as a ldquospecial lsquoreligiousrsquo

function analogous to what we might identify as a lsquoliturgicalrsquo functionrdquo35

A subject that developed in the

philosophical tradition of the symposium was one in which philosophers would engage in wise and learned

conversation during the session for entertainment36

Conversation during the partaking of a meal was very

important Questions were proposed by the company for discussions after dinner37

Importance was accorded to

philosophical conversation On one occasion a flute player was dismissed in order that philosophical

conversation could take place This decision was recorded in Platorsquos Symposium

ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν φάναι τὸν Ἐρυξίμαχον τοῦτο μὲν δέδοκται πίνειν ὅσον ἂν ἕκαστος βούληται ἐπάναγκες

δὲ μηδὲν εἶναι τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο εἰσηγοῦμαι τὴν μὲν ἄρτι εἰσελθοῦσαν αὐλητρίδα χαίρειν ἐᾶν αὐλοῦσαν

ἑαυτῇ ἢ ἂν βούληται ταῖς γυναιξὶ ταῖς ἔνδον ἡμᾶς δὲ διὰ λόγων ἀλλήλοις συνεῖναι τὸ τήμερον38

32

Plato Symp 176 α β ldquoThen Pausanias began a conversation after this manner lsquoWell gentlemen what way

of drinking will be best for us I therefore on one hand declare to you that am altogether in a very poor state

by yesterdayrsquos drinking bout I request for some refreshment on the other hand for most of you for you were

present yesterday hellip therefore contemplate on which way of drinking will be best for usrdquo My translation

33 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Meal in 1 Corinthians in

Comparison with Graeco-Roman Meals 6

34 Ath Deip 424 Entertainment took place in several ways It included dance music comedy the

performance and discussion of poetry

35 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 27

36 See Ath Deip 5 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 The kind of

conversation was ldquoenlightened conversation on philosophical topics as their symposium entertainmentrdquo and it

followed the format in the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon

37 Plutarch describes them as ldquoPlatonic Questionsrdquo Moralia 13999 c

38 Plato Symp 176 ε ldquoTherefore since it has been resolvedrdquo said Eryximachus ldquothat we are to drink as much as

each desires with no compulsion on any I take the lead after this that the flutendashgirl who entered just now be

dismissed let her play the flute to herself or if she wishes to the women within but let us understand one

another through conversation todayrdquo Translation mine

32

Conversation and toasts took place as the cup handled by a cupbearer went round39

However during the

Roman period wine was usually served during both the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον Closely linked to entertainment

is the number of guests The guests who participated in the Greek symposium ndash δεῖπνον ndash could be 36 or more

Matthias Klinghardt assumes a lower limit of thirty ndash five persons who partook in the meal40

καὶ γὰρ συμποσίου

μέγεθος ἱκανόν ἐστιν ἄχρι οὗ συμπόσιον 6 ἐθέλει μένειν ἐὰν δ᾽ ὑπερβάλῃ διὰ πλῆθος ὡς μηκέτι προσήγορον

ἑαυτῷ μηδὲ συμπαθὲς εἶναι ταῖς φιλοφροσύναις μηδὲ γνώριμον οὐδὲ συμπόσιόν ἐστι 41

The table served as a site that marked honor Associated with the number of guests is the seating

arrangement of guests Usually the host would offer positions to the guests Plutarch handles the question in

Table Talk as to whether an entertainer should take his seat with others or that each person should find a place

for himself His brother Timon who invited people from all walks of life desired that the guests would choose

places for themselves A stranger came after the glasses had gone round When he stared around those who

were already seated he refused to sit with them Other guests entreated him to sit but he responded that there

was no befitting place left for him After supper Plutarchrsquos grandfather Lamprias commented that if Timon had

followed his instructions and given the invited guests their proper places they would not be regarded as

unskillful in such matters42

Timon commented on the tendency to deprive many in order to honor one The

discussion led into a dispute about the honor accorded to places since it varies from one locality to another It

raised another question ldquoOn what account is the place at table called consular regarded honorablerdquo43

Plutarch

did not find it difficult to make distinctions among guests For him persons were to be given places at banquets

according to their quality44

Lamprias on the other hand emphasized conversation and fraternity and the

common good for all at table but not to ldquolook after everymanrsquos quality but their agreement and harmony with

one anotherrdquo45

In Plutarchrsquos imaginative account of Septem Sapientium Convivium he vividly describes the custom of

ranking at table One guest regarded the place that was assigned to him as being disreputable He felt ignored

and degraded Moreover he compared himself with other guests who were Aeolians and those from the islands

whom he thought were set above the one (Thrasybulus) who delegated him (the guest) to represent him at the

dinner Thales comments that it is not worth finding out who has been placed above others Rather what was

essential was for them to promote friendship with whoever has been placed with them ὡς ὅ γε τόπῳ κλισίας

39

Lucian Symp 14ndash15

40 M Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 325

41 Plut Table Talk 551 cf 678 d ldquoFor there is a certain number that is apropos for a symposium and still

remains a symposium but if it exceeds that so that by reason of that number you can no longer affectionately

address each other or even know one another then it ceases to be symposium at allrdquo

42 Plut Quaest conv 12 2

43 In Persia the proper place of honor for the king is in the midst of his people in Rome the place called

consular is the lowermost of the middle bed while the Greeks regard the upper most of the middle bed to be the

chief

44 Plut Table Talk (Quaest conv) 1

45 Ibid 1 2 It is noteworthy that Lamprias was sitting on a low bed

33

δυσχεραίνων δυσχεραίνει τῷ συγκλίτῃ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ κεκληκότι καὶ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἀπεχθάνεται46

On inquiring

about the place that the guest refused to sit Thales sat at the very place with other guests47

Lucian also recounts

the prestige that is accorded guests

δέον δὲ ἤδη κατακλίνεσθαι ἁπάντων σχεδὸν παρόντων ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν εἰσιόντων αἱ γυναῖκες ὅλον τὸν

κλιντῆρα ἐκεῖνον ἐπέλαβον οὐκ ὀλίγαι οὖσαι καὶ ἐν αὐταῖς ἡ νύμφη πάνυ ἀκριβῶς ἐγκεκαλυμμένη ὑπὸ

τῶν γυναικῶν περιεχομένη ἐς δὲ τὸ ἀντίθυρον ἡ ἄλλη πληθύς ὡς ἕκαστος ἀξίας εἶχε κατ᾽ ἀντικρὺ δὲ

τῶν γυναικῶν πρῶτος ὁ Εὔκριτος εἶτα Ἀρισταίνετος48

An important aspect of GrecondashRoman banquets is the involvement and role of patrons According to Paul

Veyne the associations (collegia) had noble patrons The main purpose of the collegia was to organize

banquets The power the patrons exerted was manifested in the decision they took with regard to the kind of

menu of the feast which they sponsored49

J S Kloppenborg confirms the sponsorship offered by the patrons

ldquoThe collegium whether domestic professional or cultic also afforded the elite an opportunity to display

largesse in the form of benefactions given to collegiardquo50

213 An Excursus on Jewish Meals

I now probe whether or not Jewish meals relate to questions at Corinth To be able to achieve this I

will seek answers to the question Does a specific kind of Jewish meal lie behind the Lordrsquos Supper The

Passover is regarded as a special meal in Jewish practice The debate on the relationship between the Last

Supper and the Jewish Passover has been a longndashstanding one Scholars have debated whether the Last Supper

was a Paschal meal or not There are pieces of evidence from both the Synoptic and the Johannine accounts that

suggest that the Last Supper was a Passover meal (Mark 141ndash2 12ndash16 cf Matt 262ndash517ndash18 Luke 221ndash16

John 1321ndash30) The Passover meal was commonly celebrated in the night of Nisan (ie prior to Nisan 15 by

our reckoning of time)51

The Johannine account (John 1828 cf 19 14 31 and 42) implies that beginning of

46

Plut Sept sap conv 149 β ldquoas in every case the one who objects to a place at table is not objecting to the

neighbor but rather to the host and incurs hatred for bothrdquo My translation

47 Ibid 149 F

48 Lucian Symp 8 9α ldquoAnd by the time it was needful to recline for nearly everyone was there On the right

on entering the women occupied the whole couch as they were not a few of them with the bride among them

altogether accurately veiled and surrounded by the women And out of the back door came the rest of the

retinue according to the worth each had Right opposite the women the first was Eucritus and then

Aristaenetusrdquo My translation

49 Paul Veyne ldquoThe Roman Empire ldquo in A History of Private Life 5 vols ed Philippe Ariegraves and Georges Duby

(Cambridge Mass Belknap Press of Harvard University Press) 1987ndash1991 vol 1 5ndash207 at 92 states that

ldquothe economic power that the household exerted over its peasants bound by sharecropping contracts was

coupled with a kind of moral authorityrdquo For a thorough description of the collegia see John S

KloppenborgldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquoin Voluntary

Associations in the Graeco-Roman World ed John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson (London New

York Routledge) 1996 16ndash30

50John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 27

51 It can be inferred from Mark 1412 that the Last Supper was a Passover meal and the day that Jesus was

arrested condemned and crucified was Nisan 15th

reckoning that day from sundown to sundown

34

Nisan 15th

was the sundown of Friday52

Johnrsquos account includes the details that the Jews did not enter the

palace in order not to defile themselves so as to be able to eat the Passover (John 1828) and Jesusrsquo crucifixion

took place on the day of Preparation (John 1914 cf 1931)Thus the fourth gospel indicates that Jesus ate the

supper with his disciples before the Passover Feast (John 131 2)53

The impression John creates then is that the

Last Supper was not a Passover meal Presumably John wanted to project a theological truth that Jesus is the

accredited Paschal Lamb (cf 129 1936) Scholars who hold this view embrace the Synoptic tradition They

reckon Johnrsquos perception of Jesus himself as the Lamb of the Passover (John 129 cf 1914)

There is a close relationship between Rabbinic Jewish and earliest Christian meals As already

mentioned from the earlier sections there was a common meal tradition in the Mediterranean region during this

period that was adapted to various groups including Rabbinic and Christian groups The format for a Jewish

meal was similar to that of a meal taken at a formal gathering54

Even though rabbinic literature is usually

applied in determining the standard forms of Judaism in the earlier periods especially the late Hellenistic and

early Roman periods there is no scholarly consensus to which extent it can be applicable Nonetheless Dennis

Smith advocates the application of rabbinic literature as a ldquobookendrdquo for the latest stage of the study on meals

thus maintaining the continuous influence of GrecondashRoman banquet tradition55

It is worth mentioning the similarities with the exception of some particular religious elements

between the Jewish ldquofestive mealrdquo of the Tannaitic period and the contemporary GrecondashRoman festive meal

For example the timing for prayers in both meals was similar however the content was not the same The Jews

were associated with the GrecondashRoman world in their culinary habits as well as other spheres of life ldquobut yet

not fully integratedrdquo56

The Tannaitic literature provides different shades of the form or liturgy of the Jewish

52

C E B Cranfield The Gospel According to Saint Mark (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1979)

413 observes that ldquothe meal was eaten between sundown and midnight on the 15th

Nisan i e early on the 15th

since the Jewish day began at sunsetrdquo F C Burkitt ldquoThe Last Supper and the Paschal Mealrdquo JTS 17 (1916ndash

17) 291ndash297 at 292 notes that prior to regarding the agreement between Matthew Mark and Luke as a single

tradition that was replicated any other alternative view appeared like a ldquominority protestrdquo There was that

tendency that the consensus fidelium could be ldquoinvoked for a theory of a Paschal mealrdquo E Schweizer The

Lordrsquos Supper According to the New Testament trans James M Davis (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1969) 5 is

of the view that by Paulrsquos time the participation in the bread and wine had moved to the end of the meal See G

Bornkamm Early Christian Experience 129 who shares a similar view Hermann L Strack and Paul

Billerbeck Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch 2 812ndash53 (Muumlnchen C H Beck

1922) See I H Marshall Last Supper and Lords Supper for a similar view 57ndash75 Hermann L Strack and

Paul Billerbeck proposed that two calendars each a day out of step with the other were in vogue and were used

by the Pharisees and Sadducees respectively According to A Jaubert John could have followed the solar

calendar of the Qumran community rather than the templersquos lunar calendar Other scholars argue that it was not

likely that Jesusrsquo crucifixion took place on the feast of the Passover On this basis therefore the evening before

the act simply was not the beginning of the Passover See for example H Lietzmann Mass and Lordrsquos Supper

A Study in the History of the Liturgy (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 173 rejects the Paschal theory of the Supper as

hardly containing ldquothe least vestige of probabilityrdquo

53 Cf I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1981) 57ndash75

54 Cf D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 178

55 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 144ndash145

56 Gordon J Bahr ldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo Nov T 12 (1970) 181ndash202 at 181

35

festive meal The following example from the Tosefta illustrates the point that Jewish meals parallel Grecondash

Roman banquet in form

What is the order of the meal The guests enter [the house] and sit on the benches and on the chairs

until all have entered They all enter and they [servants] give them water for their hands Each one

washes one hand They [servants] bring them the appetizers each one says the benediction for himself

They [guests] go up [to the dining room] and they recline and they [servants] give them [water] for

their hands although they have [already] washed one hand they [now] wash both hands They

[servants] mix for them the cup although they have said a benediction over the first [cup] they say a

benediction [also] over the second They [servants] bring them the dessert although they said a

benediction over the first one they [now] say a benediction over the second and one says the

benediction for all of them He who comes after the third course has no right to enter57

Moreover there is a close similarity between the Seder meals and GrecondashRoman table manners and culinary

habits Some features which are similar to the Seder meal and GrecondashRoman meal practices include the

washing of hands the hors drsquooeuvre the wine served before during and after the meal and the reclining on beds

or couches at dinner58

Furthermore there are parallels between meals held within Judaism and the Grecondash Roman milieu at

large during the GrecondashRoman period Previously some scholars such as J BrumbergndashKraus and Bruce

Chilton J Neuser proposed a link between GrecondashRoman meals and the development of the Passover seder in

the GrecondashRoman59

However Susan Marks BrumbergndashKraus and Jordan Rosenblum have demonstrated that

ldquoby and large Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman era participated inrdquo the Klinghardt Smith paradigm 60

For

example Susan Markrsquos 61

research investigates Jewish weddings in the GrecondashRoman period and the late

antiquity She demonstrates that the meals at such weddings were associated with the Grecondash Roman meal

typology Similarly Jordan D Rosenblum referencing Shaye J D Cohen62

explores ldquothe commensal practices

that erect the tannaitic boundary in the mindrdquo63

He draws from both tannaitic and nearly contemporary (Greek

Roman and Christian) sources and shows the relationship between early Rabbinic handling of food and the

57

t Berakot 4 8 98 Cf Gordon J BahrldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo 182 Bahrrsquos

translation adapted by the candidate It is worth noting that Luke mentions 2 cups in his account (Luke 2217ndash

20)

58 S Stein ldquoThe Influence of Symposia Literature on the Literary Form of the Pesah Haggadahrdquo JJS 8 (1957)

13ndash 44

59 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36 See J Brumberg-Kraus ldquoldquoNot by Bread Alonehelliprdquo The

Ritualization of Food and Table Talk in the Passover Seder and in the Last Supperrdquo Semeia 86 (1999) 165ndash91

Bruce Chilton and Neuser Judaism in the New Testament Practices and Beliefs (London New York

Routledge 1995)

60 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

61 Susan Marks ldquoJewish Weddings in the Greco-Roman Period A Reconsideration of Received Ritualrdquo

(January 1 2003) Online at httprepositoryupennedudissertationsAA13087427

62 Shaye J D Cohen The Beginnings of Jewishness Boundaries Varieties Uncertainties (Berkeley University

of California Press 1999) 341 ldquoBetween Us and Them is a line a boundary drawn not in the sand or stone but

in the mindrdquo

63 Jordan D Rosenblum Food and Identity in Early Rabbinic Judaism (New York Cambridge University

Press 2010) 10

36

GrecondashRoman meal code64

On this premise Hal E Taussig states that ldquoone of the strongest contributionsrdquo the

SBL Seminar has made recently is the shift in understanding of Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman period 65

As

Klinghardt rightly points out the sacramental aspects of a token meal appeared during the third century C E

The Christian meals ldquowere not lsquosacramental mealsrsquo in token form but real mealsrdquo66

In conclusion the discussion on Greek Roman and Jewish meals reveals that there is an expected form

and some meaning or symbolism pertaining to the meals There is a ritual structure common to Greek Roman

and Jewish meals and that to some extent suggest that all collective meals are ritualized (a point that I will

expand in chapter 3)

2 2 Comparison between the Meal Practices of GrecondashRoman Associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία

At this juncture I make a shift from the general description of formal meals to associations in

particular The section seeks an understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association of the

GrecondashRoman world I will cite some features prominent in GrecondashRoman banquets and compare and contrast

them with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will examine the Corinthian meal practices through the lenses of the

banqueting customs of the voluntary associations I will seek answers to the questions What are the parameters

that constitute the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to be analogous to an association To what extent did the meal practices

of the GrecondashRoman world influence the meal practices in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Originally in the Greek polis reclining was the preserve of nobility but it became decentralized and an

act enjoyed by free men The third century witnessed the waning of the political significance of the polis and the

involvement of citizens in political affairs leading to the ldquodepoliticization of the mealrdquo67

Gradually the banquet

became open to women and to slaves and it absorbed the social functions of the polis primarily in the

voluntary associations that represented public life The significance of this development can hardly be

overestimated the central event in the many associations coming into being in early Hellenism as well as in

early Principate was the communal banquet meal68

Festive meals were a common feature of the voluntary associations of all kinds in the GrecondashRoman

milieu B W R Pearson is of the view that ldquothe most frequent activity of associations whatever their particular

stripe was social gatheringrdquo69

A festive meal was commonly celebrated on ldquothe feast of the god or of the

foundation annually once a month or even more frequently depending on the aims and statues of the

associationrdquo70

One feature that is common to the first century and the present is the tendency towards the

64

It is noteworthy that the primary source for his research is the tannaitic corpus

65 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

66 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10

67 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9ndash10

68 Ibid 10

69 B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo 136

70 Ibid 44

37

establishment of associations There was a proliferation of associations for multiple purposes in the early

Roman Empire These included trade guilds dramatic guilds clubs and societies of all kinds71

Kloppenborg

observes that it is problematic to categorize collegia by their sondashcalled main activities or their functions which

may be interndashrelated He maintains that it is expedient to classify the associations based on their membership

rather than functions He identifies three major bases of membership namely those connected with a household

(collegia domestica) those formed in relation to a common trade (professional) and collegium built around the

cult of a deity (religious) which he describes as most inclusive of voluntary associations The taxonomy is thus

based on profile of the members rather than the purpose of the association72

With the decline of the Greek πόλις voluntary associations bloomed during the Hellenistic and Roman

periods People in the society found solace in associations operating with ldquostructures on a more personal

scalerdquo73

The ldquoPauline movementrdquo as part of its social organization worked out structures including

ldquobelongingrdquo74

In addition to these structures the members of the associations participated in several rituals one

of which was the partaking in a ldquocommon mealrdquo75

2 2 1 External evidence

For an effective analysis it is important to resort to external evidence that has a parallel to Corinthian

practice Establishing this kind of evidence is relevant to assert that what I am arguing is an ordinary Grecondash

Roman meal For legal reasons Jewish groups within the Roman Empire were known as collegia The

synagogues were among other ldquolongndashestablished groupsrdquo that were exempted when Julius Caesar issued a

decree banning all collegia from operation76

Pliny the Younger in writing to the emperor Trajan employed two

terms namely superstitio ldquosuperstitionrdquo and hetaeria ldquopolitical clubrdquo to describe Christians77

Pliny mentions a

71

Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches Eight Lectures delivered before the

University of Oxford in the year 1880 on the Foundation of the Late John Bampton (New York B Franklin

1972) 26

72 John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 20ndash27 For further discussion on the categorization of

associations see idem ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and Method Towards A New

Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd (ed Bradley H McLean JSNT

Sup 86 JSOT Press 1993) 212ndash238 at 237 is of the view that Pauline ἐκκλησίαι like collegia ldquocan be fitted into

the spectrum of formal designations organization and membership profiles of Greek and Roman voluntary

associationsrdquo W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 77ndash80 observes both similarities and differences

between the Christian group and typical voluntary associations See also Philip A Harland Associations

Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 2 9 28ndash29 B L Mack ldquoRereading the Christ Mythrdquo writes ldquoThe Corinthians were apparently

meeting together as an association of non-native persons in the recently repopulated city of Corinthrdquo52

73 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 43 See also Robert L Wilken The

Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35

74 Ibid See Meekrsquos comprehensive discussion of the language of belonging and boundaries 84ndash110 Cf

Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35ndash36

75 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 31 n 13 Cf J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin

Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 237

76 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 35

77 hetaeria derived from the Greek word ἑταιρας (ἑταιρία) that has been transliterated into Latin It is

38

custom (mos) that Christians practiced that involved separating themselves and reassembling to partake of food

(quibus) He regarded the Christian Supper to be in the same category as that of the hetaeriai Christians

however abandoned this practice when Pliny forbade such meals in BithyniandashPontus in early second century

after Trajan had issued an edict banning the hetaeriai78

Kloppenborg deducing from Plinyrsquos statement

expresses the view that it is an indication that both ldquothe Christians involved saw themselves as constituting an

association and that this judgement was shared by Plinyrdquo79

Christians were seen by outsiders as being part of

mystery religions One possible way of clarifying this notion ldquowas to call themselves an ἐκκλησίαrdquo a means of

intensifying social integration80

Almost all associations seemed to have a religious flavor Edwin Hatch agrees with the notion that

Christian churches were analogous with voluntary associations With the Greek associations the common meal

was inferred by its regular provision for sacrifice at their meetings while with Roman associations it was

stipulated in the extant bylaws81

Meeks mentions the partaking in ldquocommon mealsrdquo as one of the significant

similarities between the Pauline groups and the private associations82

Kloppenborg basing his observation on

Edwin Hatchrsquos comments about how cultic associations thrived irrespective of political pressures notes that as

Christian mission expanded it did not have to create the ldquonotion of a religious society distinct from the family

and the polis or staterdquo 83

Kloppenborg argues that ldquothere was a broad spectrum of forms of collegia broad

enough that most of the particularities seen in Pauline churches could fit comfortably within that spectrumrdquo84

Likewise P Richardson maintains that synagogues started as collegia in diaspora setting and early synagogues

(pre 70 synagogues) were in all details analogous to collegia85

Aristotle in his Ethica Nichomachea states that αἱ δὲ κοινωνίαι πᾶσαι μορίοις ἐοίκασι τῆς

πολιτικῆς86

Aristotle further mentions that ἔνιαι δὲ τῶν κοινωνιῶν δι᾽ ἡδονὴν δοκοῦσι γίνεσθαι θιασωτῶν καὶ

commonly known as political club or association Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them

34 indicates that ldquoAlthough the term hetaeria highlights the political aspects of these associations most clubs

were not political as Trajan recognizedrdquo

78 Pliny the Younger Ep 10 96 7

79 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo228 Peter Richardson Building Jewish in the

Roman East (Waco Baylor University Press 2004) 187 Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw

Them 44ndash 47

80 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 54 Cf Edwin Hatch The Organization of

the Early Christian Churches 30 mentions that from the perspective of an outsider the Christians were in the

ldquosame categoryrdquo with the association

81 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 16ndash54 esp 31 n13

82 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 78

83 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 213

84 Ibid esp 231ndash38

85 P Richardson ldquoEarly Synagogues as Collegia in the Diaspora and Palestinerdquo in Voluntary Associations in

the Graeco-Roman World 90ndash109

86 Aristotle Eth Nic 8 9 4 (1160α) ldquoBut all associations are as parts of the Staterdquo My translation

39

ἐρανιστῶν αὗται γὰρ θυσίας ἕνεκα καὶ συνουσίας87

From Aristotlersquos statement two kinds of associations

(κοινωνίαι) can be identified namely religious guild (θιασος) and dining club (ἐρανος) While it is likely that the

terms were used interchangeably the clubs as religious clubs offered sacrifices and promoted companionship at

the social level

Association banquets provide analogies that contribute in shedding light on the behavior of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the physical setting and the ritual structure of the Corinthian meal

Furthermore certain parameters enhanced the banquet tradition of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

Certain features of the meal practices of GrecondashRoman associations bear comparison with the evidence of 1

Corinthians 11 social stratification social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character

1 Social Stratification

The social structure of the GrecondashRoman world was displayed at the gathering for meals In the

associations seating arrangement was one of the ldquoindicators of statusrdquo 88

In professional associations the

arrangement of tables underscored hierarchy and rank and penalties were imposed on those who attempted to

take the seat of others89

In the Roman period such positions became well defined90

Lucian mentions

Alcidamas the Cynic who went to a banquet as an uninvited diner Aristaenetus after commending him asked

him to sit on a chair because there were virtually no other important places for reclining Alcidamas retorted

that it was γυναικεῖον καὶ μαλθακὸν (womanish and weak) to sit on a chair or stool during a banquet He opted

to eat while walking about in the dining room and to exhibit his unique social standing would ultimately choose

to recline on the floor should he get tired91

The mode of reclining was indicative of social rank The reason was that a unique order of reclining

prevailed with the ldquomost honoredrdquo position accorded to the person on the right of the συμποσίαρχος and the

ldquoleast honoredrdquo position given to the person at the other end of the circle and ldquofaced the back of the

συμποσίαρχος Almost always those with the places closest to the right hand of the συμποσίαρχος had the most

prestige and honor in the larger societyrdquo92

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the members were not at a single level

There were differences in status As a stratified community this discrepancy reflected in the sharing of meal

Paul claims that some were satisfied while others were hungry (1 Cor 1121) It is plausible that the rhetorical

question posed by Paul ndash μὴ γὰρ οἰκίας οὐκ ἔχετεhellip (1 Cor 1122) could mean the ownership of houses by the

87

And some associations seem to be established on the account of pleasure for example religious guilds

(thiasotai) and dining-clubs (eranistai) that are unions for sacrifice and companionship Ibid 8 9 5 (1160 α)

88 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211 Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 ldquoMeals functioned as social boundary markers not

only defining by seating arrangement who outranked whom But relegating to the bottom of the social heap

those not invited in the first placerdquo Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 Reclining at meals

ldquounderlined status and stratificationrdquo

89 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

90 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 8

91 Lucian Symp 13

92 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 See also Rachel M McRae ldquoEating with Honor The

Corinthian Lordrsquos Supper in Light of Voluntary Association Meal Practicesrdquo JBL 130 (2011)165ndash81

40

elite93

G Theissen attributes the discrepancy to class distinction ie between the wealthy and poor He draws a

distinction between those who have houses and those who do not As I will discuss in the third section of the

chapter ldquoancient space typologyrdquo is one of the means of resolving the conflict in Corinth Annette

Weissenrieder also makes a distinction between ldquoancient house structurerdquo and ldquogatherings of associationsrdquo

An indicator of status is the quantity of food served at the tables94

The hierarchies of the associative

order were openly given places of honor at banquets and were served larger portions of meal95

Thus the

ldquoleading members and benefactorsrdquo in professional associations were given the first cut of ldquosacrificial meatrdquo

Nonetheless they were supposed to help defray the cost of the meetings and banquets96

The conflict in Corinth

arises as a result of ldquotwo different patterns of conductrdquo both of which the wealthier Christians can trace to the

social setting It could be attributed to internal stratification of the community By virtue of the fact that some

members could contribute more than others it equally gave them the opportunity to attain a position of

superiority97

Within the associations the larger allocation to certain members was not considered as an offence The

regulations of the associations stipulated that the officers were to receive greater portions of all distributions

basically in the food and drink for the performance of administrative assignments G Theissen referencing E

Kornemann states that the portions varied from between ldquoone and onendashhalf to two and three times the normal

giving rise to the terms sesquiplicarii duplicarii triplicarii for the various categories of officialsrdquo 98

A case in

point is the collegium in Lanuvium Campania Italy 136 CE [June 9] (CIL XIV 2112 =ILS 7212= Bendlin

2011 136 CE June 9) In one of the bylaws of the collegium for example it was voted that any member who is

elected a president (quinquennalis) shall receive a double portion in all distributions 99

Also it was further

voted that officers such as secretary (scriba) and the messenger (viator) shall receive a portion and a half in

every distribution and that any former president who rendered distinguished and honest service shall receive a

portion and a half of everything as an indicator of honor This was to serve as an incentive for the presidents to

93

G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 602 points out that the question implies ldquoownershiprdquo

οἰκίας ἔχετε not ldquohomesrdquo

94 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211

95 K Verborven ldquoAssociative Order Status and Ethos of Roman Businessmen in the Late Republic and Early

Empirerdquo Athenaeum 95 (2007) 861ndash893 at 887 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 159 following G

Theissenrsquos construction writes ldquothe hosts provide both greater quantity and better quality of food and drink to

their social equals than to participants of lower status ldquo

96 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

97 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 162

98 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154 See E Kornemann sv

ldquoCollegiumrdquo PRE 7 3 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

80ndash480 esp 441

99 AGRW 310 (150 [11]) Cf G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 212 A quinquennalis was one of the most important officers in

an association

41

execute their duties effectively100

Furthermore the custom of Liopesi Attica regarding the purchasing of

priesthood was that it included a double portion of food with the exception of wine after the payment has been

made to the head of the club (SEG 31 [1981] no 122 = AGRW 9 early II CE) Theissen adds that ldquo[s]uch

discrepancies were in fact considered fair and properrdquo101

Seniority was another mark necessary to accord a person a place of honor at a table Such a position

offers one the opportunity to start discussing a subject Plutarch records ldquoSolon was the right man to make the

beginning of the subject not only because he was senior to all the rest and was in the place of honor at the table

but because having legislated for the Athenians he held the greatest and completest position of a rulerrdquo102

Similarly Plato mentions Phaedrus as occupying the topmost place at table and being the father of their debate

On the right of the host were guests who were seated routinely in a way depending on their status103

In contrast

with this is the lowest position

2 Social Ethics

Within the GrecondashRoman associations emphasis was placed on decorum during meals Eating a meal

is not merely an anatomical exercise but it offers diners the opportunity to foster social relationships It is only

when the ἔρανος meal is taken in a friendly manner that the beneficent principle becomes effective The diners

are expected to make friends rather than have enemies Socialness is of utmost significance during symposium

Plutarch laments that some rich men build rooms large enough to contain thirty or even more tables According

to him ldquoὅθεν οὐκ ὀρθῶς οἱ πλούσιοι νεανιεύονται κατασκευάζοντες οἴκους τριακοντακλίνους καὶ μείζους

ἀμίκτων γὰρ αὕτη καὶ ἀφίλων δείπνων ἡ παρασκευὴ καὶ πανηγυριάρχου μᾶλλον ἢ συμποσιάρχου δεομένωνrdquo104

Corporate values and norms were enforced This enhanced fellowship105

which was the mainstay of

banquets Plutarch in establishing the essence of fellowship makes the following statement ldquoἀλλrsquo ὅπου τὸ ἴδιον

ἔστιν ἀπόλλυται τὸ κοινόνrdquo 106

Comparing this statement to the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία evokes the

questions that Paul posed in 1 Cor 1016 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ

αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστιν107

100

CIL XIV 2112 = ILS 7212 = AGRW 310 [11] ndash [13]

101 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

102 Ibid 151 Plutarch ldquoDinner party of the seven sagesrdquo

103 Plato Symposium 177 DndashE In the discourse Phaedrus the father of debate is given the privilege to start

(Φαῖδρο[ς]hellip πρῶτος κατάκειται καὶ ἔστιν ἅμα πατὴρ τοῦ λόγου) It is followed by the one on the right (ἐπὶ

δεξιὰ) and to those at the lowest position at table (ἡμῖν τοῖς ὑστάτοις κατακειμένοις)

104 Plut Quaestconv 5 5 2 ldquoAnd therefore some rich men are immature who fully furnish houses big enough

with thirty couches or more at once for such a preparation is for unsociable and friendless dinners and such as

are suitable for a panegyriarch rather than symposiarch to preside overrdquo My translation

105 Ibid 717 A

106 Ibid 644 C ldquobut fellowship perishes when idiosyncrasy persistsrdquo My translation

107 ldquoThe cup of blessing that we bless is it not the koinōnia of the blood of Christ The bread that we break is it

not the koinōnia of the body of Christ My translation

42

Related to fellowship is friendship Friendship is a beneficent principle108

Friendship and hospitality

revolve around the table Plutarch regards friendship as the best of possessions109

ldquoTake away food and you

take away the table ndash that is to say gods of the altar of friendship and hospitalityrdquo110

The rationale for friends to

be invited was for them to share their moments of delight in common Archilochus is known to have said ldquoYou

come and drink full of Chian wine and yet give no return for them nor wait to be invited as a friend would

dordquo111

True friendship involves trust and the level of trust should be just as one trusts himself112

The act of

sharing food is also an indication of level of friendship that exists between people

Closely related to social ethics is social equality113

Equality was an essential ingredient of the social

code of the GrecondashRoman setting The notion of social equality was in vogue in the time of Homer where

ldquoequal feastsrdquo was a trait of the meals of the Heroes114

Plutarch promoted the spirit of equality He enjoined all

persons irrespective of status to participate in the ἔρανος on friendship terms This instruction was given to

ensure that meals were equitably distributed to all and sundry irrespective of their social status and it conforms

to the expectations of the Grecondash Roman milieu where dinner is a democratic affair (δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ

δεῖπνον)115

This speaks to Paulrsquos dissatisfaction about the Corinthians Paulrsquos dissatisfaction is seen in his

remarks that some of the members become satisfied and drunk while others are hungry Paulrsquos concern is that

the members of the ἐκκλησία would exhibit ἰσότητος (1121 cf1333ndash34)116

Furthermore in 1 Cor 14 Paul

expresses his gratitude to God for the Corinthians However he does not commend them for the proceedings of

their assembly (1 Cor 1117) Paul claims that their assembly was not for the better but for the worse (1117)

This situation could not merit his commendation He successively poses four questions in 1122 and ends with

ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ117

3 Timing

Punctuality was the standard for banquets however some diners arrived late If the hypothesis that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία had a common meal typology as other GrecondashRoman associations holds then it is

plausible that some members of the ἐκκλησία could arrive late for meals Plato indicates that at one time when

108

See Plut ldquoIsis and Osirisrdquo 370 e in Moralia V where Empedocles calls this principle ldquofriendshiprdquo or

ldquofriendlinessrdquo or and usually ldquoconcordrdquo

109 Plut ldquoOn Calumniatingrdquo Moralia V 156

110 Plut ldquoDinner Party of the Seven Sagesrdquo 158

111 Ath Deip 114

112 Sen Ad Luc 32

113 There is a tension between the notion of social equality and social stratification

114 Hom Ill 1468 602 2432

115 See Quaest Conv 616 F of Plutarchrsquos Moralia Timon expresses social equality in the following words τί

οὐκ ἐντεῦθεν ἀρξάμενοι πρῶτον ἐθίζομεν ἀτύφως καὶ ἀφελῶς κατακλίνεσθαι μετrsquo ἀλλήλων εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῶν

θυρῶν ὁρῶντας ὅτι δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ οὐκ ἔχει τόπον ἐξαίρετον ὥσπερ ἀκρόπολιν ἐφrsquo

οὗκατακλιθεὶς ὁ πλούσιος ἐντρυφήσει τοῖς εὐτελεστέροις

116 For further study on Paulrsquos desire for ἰσότητος see 2 Cor 813ndash15

117 ldquoIn this I do not praise yourdquo 1 Cor 1122e My translation

43

dinner had begun one of his diners Socrates was absent Even though Agathon the host gave the directive to go

for him he did not allow it However he later arrived about midndashway through the dinner118

The incidence of diners arriving late for a meal was similar to the Corinthian situation where some

members of the ἐκκλησία took their meal before the arrival of others It illuminates how the ἐκκλησία could fit

into the category of an association If the assumption that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was akin to the Grecondash

Roman associations holds then the comparison helps in interpreting 1 Corinthians in the following ways It

helps in deciding on for example the verb προλαμβάνειν In his reconstruction of Corinthian scenario P

Lampe translates προλαμβάνειν as ldquopremature beginningrdquo119

He suggests that the wealthy Corinthians began

eating their own meal before the arrival of others According to the eranos custom therefore latecomers who

for time constraint or lack of money to prepare their own food baskets had to remain hungry120

4 Drunkenness

This feature fits all meals and not just associations I include it because it provides a parallel to 1 Cor

1121 Drunkenness is evident during the partaking of the meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία121

The συμπόσιον

would usually end in general drunkenness122

This is similar to Corinthian ἐκκλησία It also buttresses the fact

that the meal taken was analogous to what other associations partook Drunkenness was a regular feature at

banquets and was ldquoa convenient excuse for any other wise abnormal behaviorrdquo123

If the meal was already

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον at the time Paul was writing then the portion given to an individual would be such that it could

hardly make one intoxicated H Conzelmann comments that ldquoFellowship is canceled when one suffers want

and another is drunk this holds even if the reproach of drunkenness is not taken too strictlyrdquo124

J A Fitzmyer

commenting on 1122 states that ldquo[t]he further description of one such diner who goes ahead as ldquohungryrdquo and

another as ldquodrunkrdquo stands in contrast to ldquothose who have nothingrdquo125

The understanding therefore is that the

situation of a diner lacking an element would not arise if the celebration were the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

5 Character

The character of some of the members in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was similar to that of some of the

guests at festive meals According to Plato ldquomenrsquos characters are brought to light over winerdquo 126

The text under

review is explicit that some of the members were drunk This to some extent reveals their character It can be

inferred that they had more than enough and could have shared with other members but they declined The

118

Plato Symp 175 CndashD

119 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 39 poses the question ldquoCan their

lsquopremature beginningrsquo (prolambanein) be interpreted in the light of the Greco-Roman meal custom

120 Ibid

121 It is noteworthy that here Paul is engaged in rhetorical exaggeration

122 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles 175

123 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 36

124 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 195

125 J A Fitzmyer First Corinthians A New with Introduction and Commentary 434

126 Plato Symp 129

44

behavior put up by the members of the ἐκκλησία could have its roots in the prevailing culture where invited

guests could be marginalized It was part of the regulations of some associations to give ldquopreferential treatmentrdquo

to members who had offered distinguishing service127

Theissen expresses the view that there is the likelihood

that the rich Christians did not experience any guilty conscience in all that transpired They would have thought

of their actions as a means of offering help to the poorer members Moreover P Lampe referencing Plato

Lucian and Athenaeus points out that the wealthy Christians had a clear conscience when they started their

meals before others Their behavior was in consonance with the cultural context where guests who were late

could participate in the Second Tables128

One element that is common to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and GrecondashRoman associations is

fractiousness Fractiousness often characterized the associations especially at meals129

Evidence for infighting

is found in a guild regulation of the cult association of Zeus Philadelphia (Arsinoites Fayucircm Egypt) P Lond

VII 2193 69ndash58 B C E) 130

It specifies that 1 all members respect the leader and the assistant in matters

regarding the κοινον (association)131

2 it is illegal to foment σχίματα or for a member to leave the φράτρα

(brotherhood) of the leader to join another φράτρα and 3 no member may insult one another at a συμπόσιον

(banquet)132

From the Lanuvium inscription regulations were given concerning disputes at communal meal in

the bylaws of a benevolent association The bylaws prohibited members from causing disturbance133

In the case

of the Iobacchi at Athens for example a member was not supposed to speak without the permission of the

priest or the vicendashpriest134

In 1 Cor 1428 29 Paul is making a similar kind of argument when he asks the

prophets within the ἐκκλησία to take turns

2 2 2 Social Mobility Internal Evidence about Voluntary associations

Social mobility provides one of the pieces of evidence that Corinth is an association Citing examples

of Greek elections in Hellenistic and Roman epigraphic and literary sources and drawing examples from

associations and correspondences Richard Last submits that αἱρέσις is a technical term used in antiquity for the

127

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 161 ff

128 Cf Plato Symp 212 CD 223 B Lucian Lex 9 13 and Ath Deip 5 180 A

129 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

130 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 39ndash88 Richard S

Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

131 P Lond VII 2193

132 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo Richard S Ascough Philip A

Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

133 R S Ascough P A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW Lanuvium (Campania Italy) CIL XIV 2112

AGRW 310 Specifically line 50 [15] stipulates ldquohellip any member who moves from one seat to another so as to

cause a disturbance shall be fined four sestercesrdquo Cf J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia

at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

134 SIG 1109 108 D Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 130 ldquoIn the gathering no one was allowed to sing

cause a disturbance or applaud Rather with all order or decorum members shall speak and do their parts as the

priest or the head of the bacchic devotees directsrdquo

45

kind of elections held in voluntary associations135

In a philological study he demonstrates that the verb αἱρέομαι

and the cognate noun αἱρέσις as employed by Paul connote ldquothe act of electingrdquo and the ldquoactual electionrdquo

respectively136

He cites an example of this use from Tebtynis (P PragueDem1 137 BCE) on ldquofactious

behaviorrdquo137

Likewise he alludes to an example from the Lanuvium inscription (CIL XIV 2112 = AGRW 310

Italy 136 CE) that mentions the involvement of magistrates in ldquofactiousnessrdquo138

Just as Paul instructed that

there be no σχίσματα in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία it is specified here that fines will be imposed on officers who

struck members139

While the object of meeting at a banquet is to promote social interaction the distribution of food can

bring disunity because ldquofood is a subject so sensitive to social manipulationhelliprdquo140

There is the likelihood that

some of them could be officers The physical setting of the gathering offers us the opportunity to understand the

dynamics of social mobility in the GrecondashRoman world Related to this feature is Richard Lastrsquos argument

about the election of officers in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Last completely reorients the typical understanding of

αἱρέσεις in this passage 141

He contends that the use of αἱρέσις in 1 Cor 1119 by Paul indicates that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία elected rotating administrative leaders whose duties included the managing of affairs at the

Lordrsquos Supper In Lastrsquos reading the ldquobanquet problems (ie σχίσματα)rdquo associated with the communal meal

were due to the lack of election of officers when their tenure of office expired142

This evidence also supports a

parallel with a voluntary association rather than a patriarchal housendashchurch arrangement

In Lastrsquos reading the composition of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was such that members could be elected

into office for administrative purposes and exercise control over the distribution of food at table This is

indicated by the language Paul uses in 1 Cor 1119 The notion of ldquoflat hierarchyrdquo of temporary and rotating

officers gave room for social mobility The refusal to allow elections to be held has been identified as one of the

possible causes of the banquet problems which the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced143

These examples provide evidence for establishing the presence of leaders in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in

the following ways First the organizational structure of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία allows that there were officers

135

R Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo NTS 59 (2013) 365ndash381 at 375 Other

words he employs include αἱρεθείς οἱ αἱρεθέντες αἱρέσεως ἑλέσθαι and αἱρεθῆναι He cites an example where

ldquoa certain Mēnis was elected (αἱρέσεις) to become the grouprsquos treasurer (IG 2 127 = GRA I 13 Attica 2998

BCE)rdquo374

136 Ibid 375

137 Ibid 372

138 Ibid

139 Ibid See also n 22 The examples include ldquoSEG 31 122= GRA I 50 Attica early II CE P Lond VII 21938

11ndash12= AGRW 295 Philadelphia Egypt 69ndash58 BCE P Mich VIII 511 unknown location in Egypt D E

Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 99ndash102

140 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo 83

141 Richard Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo esp 374ndash378

142 Ibid 380

143 Ibid esp 368 ff

46

in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Second related to the first point is Paulrsquos use of two terms that are commonly

employed in civic and association elections namely αἱρέσεις and δόκιμοι (1 Cor 1119) The examples serve as

indicators of how the Corinthian ἐκκλησία operated in a manner similar to the GrecondashRoman associations

Moreover it confirms that the σχίσματα that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced during their banquets were typical of

the proceedings of thiasoi and collegia144

Furthermore the examples provide key information regarding the

social and religious life in Roman Corinth and supplement data in literary sources and give insight into ldquocivic

life at ground level as well as from the heightsrdquo145

In the analysis I notice that GrecondashRoman meals can explain most of the features of the Corinthian

δεῖπνον By way of summary I have observed that the structure of the Greek Roman and Jewish meals follow

the same pattern146

The ancient peoples of the Mediterranean world within the period circa 300 B C E and

circa 300 C E seemed to have common dining customs with some variations147

The rules of the associations in

the GrecondashRoman world influenced the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία There were marked similarities

between the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the voluntary associations of the GrecondashRoman milieu Members of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in the δεῖπνον The associations had rules which governed the behavior of

members at table The problem of σχίσματα was typical of the meetings of the thiasoi and collegia Just as Paul

had to address the problem of fractiousness in Corinthian ἐκκλησία so it was with the thiasoi and collegia For

instance the bylaws of the Gild of Hypsistos prohibited σχίσματα μηδε σχίματα συνίστασ[θαι]148

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the quantity and quality of food the posture of reclining reflecting statuses

of guests the relaxed atmosphere coupled with late dining all contributed to the keen desire for social status

among the guests The lack of an equitable distribution of food contributed towards the instability within the

community Some members were fully satisfied while others were hungry Furthermore there were others who

got drunk This state of affairs can be accounted for by referring to the nature of sociondashcultural setting with its

values within which the members of the ἐκκλησία found themselves The comparison between the voluntary

associations in the GrecondashRoman world and the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveals that there were similar ritual

dynamics The meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία had not yet been shaped as a distinctively Christian ritual On

this premise I posit that some of the practices for example some members eating before others could have

accounted for the σχίσματα that persisted within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Based on the persistent nature of ritual

144

See for example D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 32 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 72

145 James Rives ldquoCivic and Religious Life in Epigraphic Evidence Ancient History from Inscriptionsrdquo ed

John Bodel (Approaching the Ancient World London Routledge 2011) 118ndash19

146 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19 idem Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 21

147 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 14 Depending on the basic data he further asserts that ldquothe

evidence supports the hypothesis that basic customs tended to be the same throughout the Mediterranean world

during this periodrdquo 19

148 Colin Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsisitosrdquo 40ndash42 50 The original word

σχίματα is probably an error for σχίσματα Cf Dennis E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist

in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 32

47

rather than the temporary conditions in the socioeconomic life of a people I postulate that Paul as a pastor is

thus capable to effect changes to the existing meal practices so as to bring stability to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

In conclusion one important trait that characterized GrecondashRoman associations was the sacrificial

feast and common meal The comparison of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with the GrecondashRoman associations

depicts that there were similar characteristics and patterns for the meal tradition It was usual for the guests to

recline in accordance to their social status The place given to a guest was a reflection of their social status An

influence may be either positive or negative depending on the prevailing circumstances Invariably some of the

cultural values of the GrecondashRoman associations specifically in the area of honor and status adversely affected

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I have discussed the fact that there were debates about status in the literature of

associations Notwithstanding the warrants it is likely that in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία some privileged members

held on to the norms and values of the GrecondashRoman associations especially those pertaining to status This

trait could contribute to the σχίσματα with the result that it marred rather than promoted fellowship D E

Garland succinctly captures the state of affairs

Values that were antithetical to the message of the cross ndash particularly those related to honor and status

so basic to the GrecondashRoman social system in which power manifesting itself in ruthlessness and

selfndashadvancement is thought to be the only sensible course ndash percolated into the church destroying its

fellowship and its Christian witness as some members sought to balance civic norms and Christian

norms149

2 3 Physical Setting

As mentioned in chapter one another traditional interest in the study of the Corinthian banquet praxis is

the physical setting of the gathering The discussion will be expanded further by reviewing more recent views

expressed by Annette Weissenrieder on the setting for supper The location and ritual status of the communal

meal in Corinth are significant in understanding the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Recent studies

have now shifted the location from house churches to public places There has not been any consensus with

regard to the ritual status of the communal meal a concern which the present thesis addresses

There is both archaeological and literary evidence that portrays indigenous designs and physical

structures of dining rooms in the GrecondashRoman world Both Greeks and Romans used similar fashions even

though the patterns for designing the dining rooms were developed differently and conveyed different social

messages150

In a Greek house the dining room commonly known as ὁ ἀνδρὼν was a place where the

paterfamilias was to entertain the male guests There are the dining rooms of ldquoandron typerdquo and ldquoPindashformedrdquo

type of arrangement151

While the Greek andron type signifies social equality the Pindashshaped ones do not152

It

149

D E Garland 1 Corinthians 5ndash6

150 See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoTriclinum and Stibadiumrdquo in Dining in a Classical Context ed William J

Slater (Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press 1991) for the details of Greek and Roman evidence

151 ὁ ἀνδρὼν is derived from Xenophon Symposium 14 meaning ldquomenrsquos roomrdquo Couches in the Pi-shaped

rooms are arranged in a ldquoPirdquo shape See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Biberetur Greeks and

Romans on the Dining Couchrdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic

and Roman World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998)

82 86ndash98 for a description of the ldquoandrōn typerdquo and ldquoPi-formedrdquo dining rooms Jason Koumlnig Saints and

48

was usual to have rooms which held seven or eleven couches in buildings for the purpose of dining153

Jonathan

Z Smith considers space to be one of the important elements of ritual which translates actions which in other

contexts are meaningless or carry a different meaning into meaningful ones and thus communicates to both

participants and observers154

More recently and convincingly Annette Weissenrieder has argued that the

Corinthian church was actually meeting in public space not in homes155

In contrast to the views expressed by

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor Weissenrieder making use of topography architectural details and drawing from selected

texts from 1 Corinthians mentions that in ancient times the customs of sitting and reclining were an important

indication of the social organization of a community156

She uses the spaces in 1 Cor 11ndash14 (ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ οἰκία

and ἐν οἴκῳ for her evidence She points out that Paul does not use οἶκος when he mentions συνέρχομαι but

rather ἐκκλησία ldquoin the space of an assemblyrdquo157

This evidence shifts the Corinthian meal more firmly into the territory of a voluntary association

There are various kinds of space in antiquity Further Weissenrieder cites instances of posture (standingsitting

reclining) in relation to GrecondashRoman social models She observes that the word used for sitting (κάθημαι) in

James 22ndash3 in a community assembly is the same as that used in 1 Cor 1430 In considering the issue whether

1 Cor 14 is about a reclining meal or a seated meal she assumes ldquotwo orders of worship ndash a Communion liturgy

and a liturgy of the Word in chapters 11 and 14rdquo158

In Pro Flacco 16 Cicero topographically links the ldquopolitical structurerdquo of the Greek society with the

ldquospacerdquo used by the theater for political functions159

Weissenrieder notes that one thing that is evident with

seating in different spaces is that the issue is not so much with the space per se but rather ldquothe capacity of the

space to be experiencedrdquo and the manner it is utilized by the ldquoperceiving subjectsrdquo160

The space being the

ldquospatial expression of the physical energyrdquo of the members of the assembly symbolizes the ldquosocietyrsquos way of

Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture 7

literally ὁ ἀνδρὼν means ldquoroom for menrdquo It was ldquoan intimate inward-looking spacerdquo and represents the

ldquophysical space of the Greek dining roomrdquo

152 Katherine MD Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Bibereturrdquo 89 95 98

153 Ibid 83

154 Jonathan Z Smith To Take Place 26ndash29 45ndash 4668ndash 6994ndash95 103ndash117

155 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo

156 Ibid 63

157 Ibid 83

158 Ibid 64 P Lampe ldquoldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 is not certain about the

situation He states ldquo[M]aybe the worship activities of 1 Cor 12ndash14rdquo

159 Cited by A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 59 ldquoBut all Greek

states are wholly governed by the rashness of the assembly while sitting (sedentis contionis) hellipWhen

completely unskilled and ignorant men without experience too their seats in the theatre that was when they

undertook profitless wars put seditious men in charge of the state and threw out their most deserving citizensrdquo

160 Ibid 60

49

thinkingrdquo161

Therefore in the passage cited Cicero is not criticizing the choice of the theater as a meeting place

but rather the physical posture which signifies ldquophysical weakness and lack of orderrdquo162

Consequently

ldquosubject and space become variables independent of one anotherrdquo163

The subjects who operate in the space

generate the conceptual representation of space as well as the meaning of space She draws on the conceptual

models of space by Aristotle Emmanuel Kant and Ernst Cassirer to establish her case In consonance with

Greek thought she distinguishes between τοπος and κενον and agrees with P ArztndashGrabner that ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ

should be understood in relation with ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 12 as an axiom as a specific location such as a ldquotown

quarterrdquo or a specific ldquoroomrdquo and not as ldquoeverywhererdquo164

She emphasizes that spaces that host gatherings

convey not only a kind of social order but they also portray a societyrsquos mode of thinking by virtue of the fact

that the spaces symbolize these thoughts through the conduct of the people what she calls semiotic codes

Employing space typology and semiotic codes she gives insight into these conceptual models and organizations

by investigating the posture at gatherings of the Corinthian community

Weissenrieder examines the differences between a seated meal and a reclining meal Through visual

and textual sources she demonstrates that there are cases of both postures of a seated meal and reclining meal

and that there is a distinction between them She supports the evidence with the example of a mosaic from

Carthage 165

Weissenrieder rightly states ldquoWhereas one automatically brings the idea of reclining meal from

chapter 8 to 1 Cor 11 it is surprising that 1 Cor 14 which speaks of sitting during worship remains relatively

unconsidered in scholarly literaturerdquo166

She accedes that only Dennis E Smith proposes that a meal was eaten

while sitting during the meeting167

She sees only one issue ndash that related with sitting and that concerning the

number of participants at the meal

Weissenrieder makes the point that the completion of the creation of the space of the ἐκκλησία by the

subject does not embody only those who already regard themselves as members of the ἐκκλησία She orients the

meaning of ἰδιώτης to mean a private citizen ldquoHere the important distinction is not between inside ndash outside

learned ndash unlearned but rather between official and private citizenrdquo168

She substantiates her claim by

considering the gathering place of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as characterized by ldquochristological forcesrdquo

A gathering place of the ekklēsia in 1 Corinthians is therefore also always the spatial expression of

christological forces which constitutes itself in social reality in hte space of the political ekklēsia and

161

Ibid

162 Ibid

163 Ibid (italics in the original)

164 Ibid 61

165 Ibid 66

166 Ibid 64

167 Ibid ldquoTo my knowledge only Smith in his book From Symposium to Eucharist has addressed this issue

proposing that there was a meal eaten while sitting and an assembly meeting in this case at a table No further

conclusions however are drawn from this observationrdquo See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash

201

168 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 106

50

also contains its conceptual spatial representation by adopting the organization of meaning of the

spatial construction of a political ekklēsia169

In 1 Corinthians the proceedings in chapter 11 are Christological Like the other ἐκκλησίαι in the

GrecondashRoman world they met for social interaction which facilitated social cohesion As it will be

demonstrated in chapter 3 the possible vehicle for the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to have attained

stability was by means of a distinct and heightened form of ritual specifically the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) Weissenrieder captures this notion in the following words ldquoThe ekklēsia

represents not only the gathering of the Corinthian community and is therefore a symbol of their cohesion but it

is also by means of the celebration of the Last Supperrdquo170

Moreover it was through the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία could launch their ldquochristological selfndash understandingrdquo171

Weissenrieder rightly remarks that ldquothe Corinthian ekklēsia not only possessed a space but rather was this

spacerdquo172

At this stage it is worth deciding whether Paul is imagining a single ritual setting or occasion or a

division between the setting of the meal and the worship setting in 10ndash14 From the arguments made the

Corinthians participated in all the status divisions that are implied with reclining I wish to assess the possible

postures in 10ndash14 The first possibility relates to the structure of GrecondashRoman meals In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 no

mention is made of the custom of reclining however reclining (κατακείμενον) is used in 810173

If the

assumption that some of the practices of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were akin to the GrecondashRoman associations

holds then it is likely that the posture for meals in chapter 11 could be reclining The social setting could make

room for class distinction and exhibition of social prowess This dynamic could probably give some members

the audacity to despise others (cf 1 Cor 1122)

The second possibility has a semantic flavor Paul uses both κατάκειμαι (810) and κάθημαι (1430)

The probability is that Paulrsquos use of κάθημαι could indicate a variation of posture during the meetings of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία The basis for this probability is that while there was a standard structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquet regarding the practices of the first century there were some distinctions In Homer for

example his heroes do not recline but sit at their banquets

169

Ibid

170 Ibid

171 Ibid

172 Ibid (emphasis original)

173 Ibid 64 n18 cites other verses to support the translation of ldquokatakeimenonrdquo as reclining Mark 215 Luke

529 [143]rdquo The third reference is a typographical error The actual reference is Mark 143 The other

examples in the NT that can be added to the list are John 56 Acts 933 ldquoOtherwise anakeimairdquo which

specifically means lsquoreclining on cushionsrsquo is more common for example in Mark 1418 1614 Matt 910

2210 11 267 20 Luke 2227 John 611 12 2 1323 28rdquo I agree with Weissenrieder especially as one

looks at Matt 99 10 where the evangelist uses κάθημαι to describe the posture of a tax-collector (9 9) and

ἀνάκειμαι to indicate the posture at ldquomealsrdquo (910)

51

Πυργίων δ᾽ ἐν τρίτῳ Κρητικῶν Νομίμων lsquoἐν τοῖς συσσιτίοις φησίν οἱ Κρῆτες καθήμενοι συσσιτοῦσι174

Dures

indicates that sitting at meals was occasionally the practice of Alexander the king He at one time directed

about six thousand of his captains to sit on silver chairs and couches wrapped with purple covers175

If the

second probability gives credence then it is plausible that by way of variety the προφῆται sat during the

assembly (1429ndash30) There is no mention of meals in the discussions in chapters 12ndash14 The context helps us

to determine the activity In 1 Cor 1430 the activity is prophesying In prophesying the one prophesying has to

be silent if the other prophet who is sitting (καθημένῳ) receives a revelation ἐὰν δὲ ἄλλῳ ἀποκαλυφθῇ

καθημένῳ ὁ πρῶτος σιγάτω (1 Cor 1430)176

1 Cor 12ndash14 could indicate the second part of the banquet ie

συμπόσιον not for a meal but other activities as implied by the text

In antiquity the term ἐκκλησία pertains to the meeting of an association177

In applying the

KinghardtSmith paradigm that indicates that a common praxis typified all kinds of associations I consider 1

Corinthians 10ndash14 as one unit178

The reasons are that in the entire epistle συνέρχομαι appears only in 1117

18 20 22 33ndash34 and 1423 and 26 The use of συνέρχομαι in all the instances cited is about gathering In 1 Cor

14 the posture indicated is sitting (κάθημαι) Paul does not mention reclining It is worth considering the

frequency of meeting of the ἐκκλησία This gives me the prospect to imagine how often the members of the

ἐκκλησία were able to gather to have a meal Could they meet for a meal and gather for worship as another

event or did they gather for both as a single event If it was a single setting then the possibility was that the

members changed their posture from reclining to sitting thus moving away from the tables This explanation fits

in with 1430 where Paul uses κάθημαι Moreover the use of ὅταν lends support to this explanation It sheds

light on the temporal nature of the meetings The use of συνέρχομαι in conjunction with εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν makes it a

purpose clause (1133) Its use with ἵνα μὴ indicates result (1134) Furthermore taking a clue from the

expression Paul uses in 1125 ndash μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι ndash it is probable to consider that the worship setting in

174

Ath Deip 4 143 ϵ ldquoPyrgion in the third book of his treatise on The Cretan Laws states at their

(συσσίτιον) common meal the Cretans sit and eatrdquo My translation

175 Ath Deip 131 See also 120 432 52 18 20 1 See also D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19

who states that according to Athenaeus the Cretans continued sitting at table ldquolong after the Greeks had adopted

the practice of recliningrdquo Smith further mentions another ancient writer Plutarch in addition to Athenaeus that

they paid close attention to the variations in table customs in ldquodifferent regions and ethnic divisions of the

Roman Empirerdquo

176 ldquoBut if it is revealed to the other sitting let the first be silentrdquo My translation

177 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches ldquoἐκκλησία is used of the meeting of an

association in e g Le Bas et Waddington vol viii No 1831 1832 Le Bas vol iv 1915= Corp Inscr Graec

No 2271 hellip so τὸ κοινόν which is in ordinary use for the general body of an association is used e g in Euseb

H E 6 19 16 73227 for the general body of the churchrdquo Furthermore Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested

Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo states that ἐκκλησία ldquoappears in numerous official documents of

the Achaean league in which Corinth had a leading role The examples she cites include Polybius 2466

Plutarch Aratos 42 and Dio Cassius 21721 See 96 n 152 for the detailed list

178 See Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 104 who poses the

question ldquohow can the Corinthiansrsquo sitting described in 1430 be explained given that chapters 11ndash14 belong

together formally and in terms of contentrdquo

52

chapters 12 and 14 is the kind that follows the δεῖπνον179

If this interpretation is right then I suggest that Paul is

addressing the έκκλησία in a single setting with two parts Following the GrecondashRoman pattern they would

partake in the δεῖπνον (11) followed by the συμπόσιον (12 and 14) The evidence is sparse for me to decide

whether the posture for the assembly was reclining throughout the meeting of the έκκλησία or it involved both

reclining and sitting This necessitates further research beyond the scope of the present research What matters

most is a ritual space ndash a good site for assembling

2 31 The State of the Meal in Corinth already a specifically Christian Ritual

In this section I will argue that the practice of the δεῖπνον in the Roman Corinth έκκλησία was not yet

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and that the ritual theories of Harvey Whitehouse and Roy A Rappaport (as will be discussed

in chapter 3) demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal meal might help to strengthen the identity

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία A recent wave of meal studies has shown that early Christian meals as ldquoform and

practicerdquo were virtually identical with private meals and meals of associations180

Andrew B McGowan suggests

that ldquo[v]arious groups seem to have had different explicit understandings and purposes in mind to have used

eating and drinking together in a variety of ritual formsrdquo181

I will turn next to address George Mayrsquos

presentation that the communal meal is not yet a specifically Christian ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians

In a twondashpart article George May consistently argues that the texts on the accounts of the Last Supper

ldquodo not need to be understood as teaching or recording the institution of a ritual meal or a command to repeat

the practice of such a mealrdquo182

He rightly notes that Paulrsquos allusion to the ldquoLordrsquos tablerdquo in 1 Cor 10 serves as a

prolepsis in anticipation of a longer discussion in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34183

By implication just because Paul

talks about the blood of Christ and the body of Christ in turn does not mean the Lordrsquos Supper is an existing

title He mentions it there with the idea of talking about it very soon May contends that Jesusrsquo words of

institution are applicable only to the meal that he shared with his disciples before his crucifixion and it climaxes

the series of meals he had with them and the outcasts Moreover the significance of the meal is the

commemoration of him rather than the Exodus from Egypt184

May claims that the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία assembled for a meal that was not ldquoa token or symbolic meal but a real meal nourishing dinnerrdquo

185

179

See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash201 who proposes that the worship activities recorded

in chapters 12 and 14 take place at table

180 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Meals

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 15ndash23 at 20 ldquomeals of workersrsquo guilds a festive

birthday celebration or a meal hosting an honored guest from the next townrdquo

181 Andrew B McGowan ldquoFood Ritual and Power in Late Ancient Christianity (Minneapolis Fortress Press

2005) 145ndash164 at 146

182 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 1 Meals in

the Gospels and Actsrdquo RTR 60 (2001) 138ndash150 here 139ndash40 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or

Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 2 Meals at Corinthrdquo RTR 61 (2002) 1ndash18

183 Ibid Part 2 3

184 Ibid Part 1 142

185 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 2 13

53

He thus in referencing G D Fee intimates that the table practice at Corinth was perceived as a ldquoreal meal and

not as a sacrament in the modern senserdquo186

Paulrsquos reason for stating the Lordrsquos Supper narrative is that it was to

serve as a reminder of the manner in which they should share their meals which would reflect the visual

manifestation of their unity What was of significance was the participation of the members in the meal but not

ldquothe elements of bread and winerdquo187

May asserts that none of that evidence makes it seem likely that the Lucan Jesus was trying to

establish a continuing practice Jesus was doing something special at that meal but not setting up something that

it was meant to be repeated over and over Moreover not only was Jesus doing something special but

everything special is seen in the account of Paul as features of the GrecondashRoman meal Although I agree with

George May to some extent the pertinent question is if Jesus Christ did not institute a ritual meal and give

directive to his disciples to be perpetuated in his remembrance then how come that the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

persists

Paulrsquos mention of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in 1120 was plausibly a means of introducing an enhanced form

of ritual that was distinct from the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1121) In the present day the exact words used by Paul

are basically used in the celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper This practice makes it even harder to imagine that it

was not always that way Ritual studies helps us to understand Paulrsquos comments even if the Lordrsquos Supper was

already fully instituted at the time of the letter In other words whether Paul established it or it was prendash

existing it was fairly new to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul as an Apostle had the option to give instructions

concerning the practices of the ἐκκλησία and in doing so he chose to emphasize particular features

This observation buttresses the significant point made on the physical location for assembling and that

even gives me more support that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was analogous to the GrecondashRoman association As

discussed earlier the specificities are all about associations While the symposium affords guests the

opportunity to drink lavishly it is not the case with the setting of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον given that there is a limit

to the extent of drinking in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον It seems probable that in 1 Cor 11 Paulrsquos introduction of a

ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could serve as a means to ensuring fair distribution of wine

The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an integral part of the social milieu of the Mediterranean world as

separate Christian culture was not yet established At this point the members of the ἐκκλησία were part of

GrecondashRoman culture Every choice that they made gave them the opportunity to create a new reality There

were the ἐκκλησίαι of Christ or Christndashgroups From the earlier discussion I can surmise that the expressions

that Paul uses are indicative of the fact that the members were involved in practices that were similar to that

practiced by the associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu Paulrsquos use of ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo is instructive in this

regard He states Συνερχομένων οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν (1 Cor 1120) He

contrasts ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo with ldquoτὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνονrdquo The meal that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

partaking was simply not κυριακὸν δεῖπνον but their own meals The fact that they were partaking in their own

meals gave Paul the opportunity to introduce the ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo Moreover Paulrsquos use of ldquoπρολαμβάνεινrdquo

186

Ibid 8

187 Ibid

54

suggests that some members of the ἐκκλησία preferred eating earlier than others This becomes evident when it

is linked with his instructions in 1133 34 This kind of behavior by some of the members of the ἐκκλησία was

similar to that of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

24 Conclusion

The foregoing discussion has been on the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and the divisions associated

with it The passage under review (1 Cor 1117ndash34) is the earliest extant written account of the celebration of

what became the Christian Eucharist I have demonstrated that there is a shift from the proposal of different

types of meal to a common meal paradigm that was practiced in the Mediterranean region of the first century

BCE to the fourth century BCE In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul plausibly had his own theological preoccupation ndash

one of introducing a ritual specifically the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to replace an existing one ndash the Corinthian δεῖπνον

ndash as I will demonstrate in chapter 4

In this chapter I have discussed the standard pattern of GrecondashRoman meals making an excursus into

Jewish Table Fellowships The evidence that the Corinthian meal could be traced back to the historical Jesus is

scarce The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were partaking in a real meal It was not yet κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

(οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν 1 Cor 1120) At the time of writing 1 Corinthians the meal the members of

the ἐκκλησία were partaking did not have the sacramental feature The sacramental nature of Christian meals

emerged during the third century C E Therefore the members of the ἐκκλησία did not abuse the Lordrsquos Supper

nor neglect it because they were partaking in a meal that was analogous to the GrecondashRoman meal

In the discussion we noted the difference in opinion in public worship within the ἐκκλησία Paul as a

pastor of the ἐκκλησία needed to respond to the state of affairs The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was part of the social

community within which there were voluntary associations Their organization and procedure of meetings were

akin to that of the voluntary associations In conclusion it was Paul who was creating a new and Christocentric

ritual structure for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoFood is a powerful symbolic mediumrdquo and the partaking in food

plays a significant role in the rituals of many communities It can be used to ldquoshape group identityrdquo and it helps

in making rules to regulate relations within a group188

If Paul claims that σχίσματα persisted in the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία then it is probable that in 1 Corinthians he was introducing a distinct ritual to shape their identity

Moreover that could also be an avenue to give instructions to the members to improve relations within the

ἐκκλησία

On the basis of the arguments of George May Richard Last and Annette Weissenrieder therefore it

can be inferred that instead of abusing a ritual that was distinctive to the Christndash group the Corinthians were

practicing a GrecondashRoman association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special ndash a

distinct ritual structure Paul thus exhibited his skill as a pastor in helping to create a ritual that would shape the

Corinthian community Recent scholarship has established the ldquorelatedness between identity and religionrdquo in all

spheres of life of the ancient Mediterranean world GrecondashRoman meals including early Christian meals attest

to the amalgamation of religion and identity

188

Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 151

55

The GrecondashRoman and (therefore) early Christian mealsrsquo thorough subliminal and (for moderns)

quirky integration of religion and identity is perhaps a classic case in point for the inseparability

between that erarsquos religion and identitieshellip It is at this juncture that the relatively new role ritual

studies is now playing in the study of early Christian meals comes into play189

By way of developing the pattern in 1 Cor 1125 and Luke 2220 it can be inferred that the meal that

the members of the ἐκκλησία were partaking was an association meal and was not yet a heightened ritual form

It was not established as a ritual in the same way that Rappaport may call it selfndashreferential aspect of ritual as I

will discuss in chapter 3 The meal in 1 Corinthians or elsewhere in Pauline contexts was not in any way

associated with Passover elements Paul by way of his instructions in chapter 11 intervenes to introduce a new

reality so as to bring stability into the ἐκκλησία The concept of ritual particularly its characteristics that are

relevant to elucidating the meal practice in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is the subject of the next chapter

189

Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Mealsrdquo

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 21 Cf idem In the Beginning was the Meal Social

Experimentation amp Early Christian Meal (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2009) 55ndash85

56

3

Two Ritual Models for Analysis of Paulrsquos Comments

ldquoThe meaning of ritual is deep indeed He who tries to enter it with the kind of perception that distinguishes

hard and white same and different will drown thererdquo

ndash Xunzi (3rd

century BCE)

In the preceding chapter I have undertaken to show that the application of ritual studies in examining

what Paul intended has not received the attention it deserves Words play an obvious and important role in

communication however rituals are able to transmit messages in ways that words do not In this chapter I will

pursue the notion that rituals are a vehicle of communication The aim is to attempt to explore how ritual studies

can be used to unearth what might be Paulrsquos intention in mentioning the tradition that he received from the Lord

in the passage under review The chapter will be in three parts In the first part I will introduce the field of ritual

studies the definitions of ritual and approaches to the study of rituals The second part of the chapter explores

some of the functions of ritual relevant to the study and the appearance of new rituals Part three expands the

discussion on the models of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose works will inform my analysis of

the Corinthian meal

Ritual studies is a subfield in social sciences Social scientists attest to the potency of rituals in

effecting social cohesion and collective identity1 Harvey Whitehousersquos divergent modes of religiosity

(hereafter DMR ) theory offers an explanation to why some religions spread fast in many instances becoming

wellndashestablished institutions with a large following while others have much a smaller localized following even

though they also persist over the years

S C Barton gives four reasons for the use of social sciences approaches The first is a corrective to

ldquotheological Docetismrdquo2 Paulrsquos letters cannot be divorced from the lives and settings of humans in Paulrsquos time

as well as later generations Frequently Barton argues the assumption has been that what is significant about

Paulrsquos letters are ldquothe theological ideas irrespective of their being embedded in the lives of people and

communitiesrdquo3 The next is that in addition to paving way for giving fresh insights on old and pertinent issues

social sciences ldquomake possible a more holistic interpretation of Pauline Christianityrdquo4 Third social sciences

help in handling cultural differences They assist in removing biases and help overcome the tendency for the

reader to find in the texts ldquoa reflection of their own imagerdquo5 By drawing systematic attention to the sociological

1 For discussions of major social scientists on social cohesion see Alexis de Tocqueville The Old Regime and

the French Revolution trans Stuart Gilbert (Garden City NY Doubleday 1955) Eacutemile Durkheim The

Division of Labour in Society trans WD Halls (London Macmillan 1984) Talcott Parsons The Structure of

Social action A Study in Social Theory and Special Reference to a Group of Recent European Writers vols 1

and 2 (New York Free Press 1968)

2 S C Barton ldquoSocial-Scientific Approaches to Paulrdquo in Dictionary of Paul and His Letters ed G F

Hawthorne R P Martin and D G Reid (Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 1993) 892

3 Ibid

4 Ibid

5 Ibid 893

57

dimensions of the world behind the text they pose the question ldquoWhat are the sociological dimensions of the

world in front of the text the world of the readerrdquo Fourth C S Barton cites the gains of theology and ethics

Aware of the unique place of Paul in the formulation of ldquobeliefs practices and selfndashunderstandingrdquo of the

followers of Christ it is expedient for ldquothe integrity of Christian faith and discipleship that the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony be subject to the scrutiny of all disciplines of critical enquiry including the social sciencesrdquo6

3 1 The Difficulty of Definition

A study of some of the definitions of ldquoritualrdquo indicates that the task of defining ritual is an arduous

one7 Gerald A Klingbeil points out the distinction between the common use of the term and its technical use

He notes specifically that the term ritual has a wide range of meaning and because of that it is usually used

ldquoindiscriminatelyrdquo Its common usage is for dayndash tondash day (nonndashscholarly nonndashtechnical) works while it is also

used in an academic (scholarly and technical) context8 David Parkin gives a minimal definition of ritual as ldquoa

formulaic spatiality carried out by groups of people who are conscious of its imperative or compulsory nature

and who may or may not further inform this spatiality with spoken wordsrdquo9 Four important characteristics of

ritual can be identified from David Parkinrsquos definition (1) space ndash where the ritual is situated (2) character ndash

6 Ibid As Barton himself points out there are limitations to the approaches of social sciences He mentions

ldquoanachronismrdquo ldquothe limitations of statisticsrdquo the fact that social sciences sometimes make too much of their

claims and ldquoPost-Enlightenment presuppositionsrdquo He points out that the social sciences like all theories of

interpretation have a history Rooted in ldquopost-Enlightenment atheism and hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo it gives

theology and religion an ldquoepiphenomenalrdquo status The forces that contend with Theology and Religion include

the ldquohuman unconsciousrdquo (Freud) class conflict (Marx) the maintenance of society (Durkheim) and the

legitimation of patriarchal domination (feminism) This therefore calls for the awareness for the interpreters of

Paul At least two effects might develop by creating such awareness First it might forestall the tendency of

driving Pauline interpretation in a ldquosecularizing directionrdquo Second the reactive nature of ldquoatheism and the

hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo might cause the interpreter of Pauline interpretation to embrace ldquohermeneutical

insights from the social sciences which make possible a more clear-sighted engagement with the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony and with perversions of itrdquo 893ndash95

7 See the Appendix I of J Platvoet in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behaviour ed Platvoet Jan and

Karel van der Toorn (SHR 67 Leiden EJ Brill 1995) 42ndash45 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and

Dimensions (New York Oxford University Press 2009) 1ndash60 equally provides a historical review of ritual

idem ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol11 ed Lindsay Jones 2d ed (Detroit

Macmillan 2005) 7848 (emphasis original) ldquoThe term ritual remains difficult to definehelliprdquoR A Rappaport

Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 70 states ldquothe kinds of meaning to be found in ritual might be

indefinitely manifoldrdquo G A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14 writes

ldquoDefining ritual is a dangerous and risky undertakingrdquo (Emphasis original) Jan Koster ldquoRitual Performance

and the Politics of Identity On the Functions and Uses of Ritualrdquo Journal of Historical Pragmatics (2003)

211ndash248 at 2 states ldquoThe notion lsquoritualrsquo is notoriously hard to definerdquo Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too

Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the European Enlightenment and a Search

for New Foundations (Albany State University of New York Press 1992) 27 notes that ldquothe word that is

difficult for post-Enlightenment thinkers is ritual or the symbolic act of a community in which the community

gives expression to and informs itself in the transconceptual reality of human existencerdquo Ronald L Grimes

Beginnings in Ritual Studies (Columbia SC University of South Carolina Press 1995) 5 writes ldquoritual is the

hardest religious phenomenon to capture in texts or comprehend by thinkingrdquo

8 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14

9 David Parkin ldquoRitual as Spatial Direction and Bodily Divisionrdquo in Understanding Rituals ed Daniel de

Coppet EASA (London Routledge 1992) 18

58

ritual being repeated (3) (minimally) informed participants and (4) function ndash its role within a given community

Richard Schechner states that ldquo[r]itual action is the thought of the peoplerdquo10

Writing from an

ethological perspective he notes that

in ritual ordinary behavior is condensed exaggerated repeated made into rhythms or pulses (often

faster or slower than usual) or frozen into poseshellipRitual action is similar to what happens in theater

and dance There too behavior is rearranged condensed exaggerated and made rhythmic while

colorful costumes masks and face and body painting enhance the movement displays11

Evan M Zuesse considers ritual to be understood as ldquothose conscious and voluntary repetitious and

stylized symbolic bodily actions that are centered on cosmic structures andor sacred presencesrdquo12

He also

identifies two main types of ritual viz confirmatory and transformatory By confirmatory rituals he means

rituals in which the divine orderrsquos ldquobasic boundariesrdquo and ldquointernal spacesrdquo are duly confirmed while

transformatory rituals ldquobridge divisions and regenerate the structurerdquo13

Jonathan Z Smith defines ritual as ldquoa

means of performing the way things ought to be in conscious tension to the way things are in such a way that

this ritualized perfection is recollected in the ordinary uncontrolled course of thingsrdquo14

J Z Smith focuses on

ldquoincongruityrdquo and ldquoincredulityrdquo A classic example of incongruity is his reading of the akicirctu festival15

Also in

his reading of bearndashhunting rituals especially of the paleondashSiberian peoples he suggests that there is

incoherence between word and deed in actual life For him there is often discrepancy in the affairs of the world

Ritual then provides the means of doing things as they ought to be and by which all things can be controlled He

argues that the discrepancy that exists between the ritual and nonndashritual world creates the opportunity for

ldquoreflection and rationalizationrdquo to the extent that we get to know what ought to have been done which was not

done and what ought to have taken place which did not16

Ritual thus provides a ldquofocusing lensrdquo that allows

people to grasp the full significance of an event in life17

His definition like that of Zuesse focuses on ritual

action

Ronald L Grimes critiques the view of ritual exclusively as ldquotraditional (rather than invented)

collective (rather individual) prendashcritical (rather than selfndashconscious and reflective) and meaningfulrdquo18

While

10

Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo JRitSt 11(1987) 12

11 Ibid5

12 Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7833ndash7848 at 7834

13 Ibid 7841

14 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown (CSHJ

Chicago University of Chicago Press 1982) 53ndash65 at 63 (emphasis original) idem ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual (CSHJ Chicago University of Chicago Press 1987) 109

15 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoA Pearl of Great Price and a Cargo of Yams A Study in Situational Incongruityrdquo in

Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 90ndash101 Smith exhibits the incongruities that exist between

the ideal situations and the ldquohistorical realiardquo of a people 95 Akicirctu festival is the New Year ritual of ancient

Mesopotamia and Babylonia

16 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 61 63

17 Ibid 57 63ndash65

18 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRe-inventing Ritualrdquo Soundings 75 (1992) 21ndash41 at 23

59

in time past we could affirm that ritual is ldquonecessarily traditional collective prendashcritical and meaningful we

now have to say lsquoTaint necessarily sorsquordquo 19

Grimesrsquos definition informs us of the state of persons (personae) the

kind of actions the significance of time and space involved in rituals Ritual emerges as a group of lively people

perform Their performance involves creativity The acts they perform are meant to shape the group as they

make themselves accessible during critical moments of their existence at their place of origin Grimes states

that ldquoRitualizing transpires as animated persons enact formative gestures in the face of receptivity during

crucial times in founded placesrdquo20

Rites as events have their lifecycles and lifespans As compared to breathing

ritual wavers in ldquofrequency force and volumerdquo depending on a particular cultural context Just like breath

escapes from human mouth transforms and generates new modes so does ritual21

Victor Turner formed his ritual theory in part through field work with the Ndembu people of

Zambia22

He describes ritual as ldquoprescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to technological

routine having reference to beliefs in mystical beings or powersrdquo23

R A Rappaport takes ldquothe term lsquoritualrsquo to

denote the performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not entirely encoded

by the performersrdquo24

Catherine Bell mentions the essence of ritual for new forms of cultural analysis in diverse

disciplines especially in anthropological and sociological fields In addition to anthropologists sociologists and

historians of religions are sociobiologists philosophers and intellectual historians who use ritual as a lens to

understand their worldview25

Bell explains that there are two streams of ritual theorists with regard to language

analogy One school of thought stresses the semiotic (or hermeneutic) aspect of ritual sign language They thus

concentrate on the interpretation of ritual symbols Examples are Victor Turner26

and Clifford Geertz Turner

considers the symbol as ritualrsquos smallest unit that ldquostill retains the specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo as well

as the ldquoultimate unit of specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo27

By use of a paradigm Geertz discusses how

sacred symbols ldquosynthesizerdquo a grouprsquos ethos and worldview28

He buttresses this point by indicating that an

indispensable trait of any religious ritual ldquono matter how apparently automatic or conventionalrdquo is the

19

Ibid 38

20 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 60 cf 63 (trans spirare = to breathe across)

21 Ibid 63

22 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca NY Cornell University Press

1970) 19 Zambia was formerly Northern Rhodesia

23 Ibid 19

24 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 24

25 Catherine Bell Ritual Theory Ritual Practice (New York Oxford University Press 1992) 3

26 Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure (New Brunswick Aldine Transaction 2007)

14 ndash43 52ndash93

27 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual 19

28 Clifford Geertz Interpretation of Cultures Selected Essays (New York Basic Books 1973) 113 127 The

ethos embodies ldquotone character and quality of their life hellipits moral and aesthetic style and moodrdquo

60

ldquosymbolic fusion of ethos and worldviewrdquo29

From the foregoing discussion it becomes evident that although there is no single agreed definition for

ritual there is nonetheless a loose consensus about a set of relevant characteristics This observation takes us to

reviewing some of the approaches to the study of ritual that will contribute to the purpose of this study

3 1 2 Approaches to the Study of Rituals

The study of ritual has its roots in the debate about the origins of religion that led to different styles of

interpretation namely ldquoevolutionary sociological and psychologicalrdquo30

One of the four main schools of

thought was phenomenology of religion31

Those within this category include Rudolf Otto and Mircea Eliade a

distinguished advocate for the phenomenological study of religion In recent times Jonathan Z Smith has

contributed towards the phenomenological approach to the study of ritual Smith pays attention to historical

details of particular situations By this he deemphasises universal structures in preference to historical forms of

religion He shows how an act or object used in the history of a particular society can open avenues for the

ldquopossibility of significancerdquo give new meaning and exhibit the potency for use in another context depending on

the place of performance32

By this notion the question of whether something is ldquoinherently sacred or profanerdquo

becomes a ldquosituationalrdquo rather than a ldquosubstantiverdquo category of ritual33

Thus as Catherine Bell suggests because

of ldquoSmithrsquos influence phenomenology has come to see religion as central to the cognitive need to understand

explain order and adaptrdquo34

The research of Robertson Smith yielded fruits in the inception of three influential schools of

interpretation of religion The first was the ldquomyth and ritualrdquo school spearheaded by James George Frazer

Smithrsquos student The second interpretive approach was the sociological approach to religion and was associated

with Eacutemile Durkheim These anthropologists classify rituals based on what they regard as its main function or

purpose Examples of such classification are ldquorites of passagerdquo ldquodivinatory ritualsrdquo ldquorites of afflictionrdquo

ldquopropitiatory ritualsrdquo ldquoancestral ritualsrdquo ldquofertility ritualsrdquo ldquoexpiatory ritualsrdquo etc35

With regard to the

sociological approach to the study of religion there are both functionalist and neofunctionalist systems to the

29

Ibid 113 cf 126ndash141 esp 127

30 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 3

31 Ibid 3 phenomenologists of religion ldquotended to emphasize mythrdquo Among other definitions of

phenomenology of religion Mircea Eliade uses the term phenomenology of religion as a particular discipline

within Religionswissenschaft It is noteworthy that other translations of the term Religionswissenschaft include

ldquocomparative religionsrdquo ldquoScience of Religionrdquo or most formally ldquohistory of religionsrdquo

32 J Z Smith ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual The example he cites is the temple

ldquoThe temple serves as a focussing lens establishing the possibility of significance by directing attention by

requiring the perception of differencerdquo104

33 J Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54ndash56 idem To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual 103ndash104 He thus defines ritual as ldquoa mode of paying attentionrdquo and it

plays the role of directing attention 103

34 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 12

35 Cf Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology (London Routledge 2003) xviii Evan M

Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7843

61

study of rituals Typically the functionalist approach is ascribed to both Alfred Reginald RadcliffendashBrown and

Bronislaw Malinowski It was rare in a functionalist interpretation of a social phenomenon to incorporate either

history or ideas and practices from other disciplines Society was viewed as ldquoa static structured system of social

relationsrdquo36

This notion gave rise to two standardized ldquometaphorsrdquo for social phenomena namely the organic

and mechanical37

RadcliffendashBrown called to mind the first of the metaphors when he expressed the view that just as

ldquoevery organ of a living bodyrdquo contributes to the general functioning of the organism so each custom and belief

plays a vital role in the social life of a primal group38

This total ldquomass of institutions customs and beliefs

forms a single whole or system that determines the life of the societyrdquo as it really pertains to the life of an

organism39

Social functionalists therefore regard ritual as ldquoa means to regulate and stabilize the life of this

system adjust its internal interactions maintain its group ethos and restore a state of harmony after any

disturbancerdquo40

Arnold van Genneprsquos approach on the structure of ritual was the ldquosequential methodrdquo It was a

threendashphase sequence of separation transition or margin41

and reincorporation or aggregation for example

lifendashcrisis rites In structuralist analyses ritual can be understood only in terms of how they are used in their

original social setting moreover the most immediate context for any one rite is the sequence of rituals that

immediately precede and follow it42

The third fruit of Robertson Smithrsquos research was the psychoanalytical school established by Sigmund

Freud43

The school adopted the psychoanalytic approach in examining ritual The investigations of Robertson

Smith into the social role of ritual revealed the factor of ldquounconscious forcesrdquo that helped shape the social

behavior of a people44

Their social cohesiveness could be attributed to the primal sacrifice and communal

sharing In addition to the fruits of Robertson Smithrsquos research there is also the philosophical perspective of

ritual Kevin Schilbrack regards ritual studies as an ldquointerdisciplinary jobrdquo of which philosophy is an integral

part He debunks the notion that ritual activities are thoughtless For him a ritual activity is to be regarded as a

way of thinking itself but not as a vehicle for thought He identifies objectivism and representational theory of

knowledge as the hindrance to the contribution philosophy can make towards the study of ritual Related to the

form of functionalism in the study of rituals is the field of ethology Scholars in this category adopt ethological

36

Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

37 Ibid

38 A R Radcliffe-Brown The Andaman Islanders (New York Free Press of Glencoe 1964) 229

39 Ibid 229ndash30

40 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

41 or limen denoting ldquothresholdrdquo in Latin

42 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 36 Arnold van Gennep cites the example of baptism

ldquoA ldquoborn- again Christianrdquo descends into a pool of water and emerges from the other side spiritually cleansed

committed and ldquomade newrdquo a married couple go through the door of a temple

43 Ibid 11ndash13

44 Ibid 12

62

and biogenetic approaches to ritual Rappaport is renowned in this area45

Ethologists advanced an argument

about the communicative aspect of ritual action and claimed that ldquothe ritual gestures of animals serve as codes

or signals that transmit information useful to the wellndashbeing of the grouprdquo46

Rituals involve symbolic behavior for example the clasping of hands while praying While functional

structuralism was concerned about how religion or ritual functions scholars who went beyond it were

concerned about what it means They are known as ldquosymbolists culturalists and more awkwardly symbolicndash

culturalistsrdquo47

They regard ldquoculturerdquo as autonomous because it can be analyzed independently of social

structure They focus on the meaning of a symbol in a cultural context rather than what it does in a social

organization In effect the symbolists concentrate on what a particular symbol communicates (i e its

languagelike aspect) within the context of a set of symbols in which it finds itself The meaning of symbols used

in rituals may be readily known to the members of a group With regard to people outside the group the

meaning is made known to them through interaction with members of the group and with the passage of time as

they witness the performance48

From anthropological perspective David Hicks defines ldquoritualsrdquo as ldquoforms of

behavior by which human beings communicate ideas values and sentiments they share in commonrdquo49

In recent currents within the field of ritual studies two major types of ritual theories have been

developed They are the ldquoculturalrdquo and ldquocognitiverdquo types The first type promotes theories that seek cultural

explanation50

while the second type pursues ldquoempirically testable theoriesrdquo51

Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and

Michael Stausberg regard the approaches described earlier in this section as belonging to a period of scholarship

known as ldquothe age of lsquogrand theoriesrsquo rdquo52

Those times are now over They thus suggest a pluralistic approach to

the study of rituals They advocate ldquotheorizing ritualsrdquo meaning shifting from ldquotheories that seek to explain

everythingrdquo to a position that no single theory is adequate to account for the complex nature of the

45

R A Rappaportrsquos model of ritual will be discussed in detail in the third part of this chapter

46 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 31

47 Ibid 61

48 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo in Readings in Ritual

Studies ed R L Grimes (Upper Saddle River NJ Prentice Hall 1996) 149

49 David Hicks Ritual and Belief Readings in the Anthropology of Religion ed David Hicks 3d ed (Lanham

Md AltaMira Press 2010) 93 Hicks gives the following as the definition in the Glossary ldquostereotyped

repetitive behavior or set of behaviors that uses symbols to communicate meaningrdquo502 As regards the third

school of interpretation of religion ritual is used in another broad dimension namely psychoanalytic theory

Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7833 mentions that any kind of ldquonon-rationalrdquo or ldquorationalized symbolic behaviorrdquo

is regarded as ritual as opposed to ldquopragmatic clearly ends-directed behaviorrdquo Religious rituals can even be

ldquoequated to neurotic compulsionsrdquo

50 Catherine Bell ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7848ndash7855 esp

7852

51 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo in Understanding the Social World of the New Testament ed

Dietmar Neufeld and Richard E DeMaris (London Routledge 2010) 227

52 Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and Michael Stausberg ed Theorizing Rituals Issues Topics Approaches

Concepts 2 vols vol 1 (Boston Brill 2006) xxi

63

phenomena53

Risto Uro likewise suggests a piecemeal approach as a solution to theoretical methodological

problems in the study of ritual in early Christianity

Theoretical and methodological problems in the study of early Christian ritual can be best addressed

by a piecemeal approach in which different aspects of Christian behavior as reflected in our sources

are examined in view of the insights and knowledge gained from ritual and cognate studies54

A ldquopiecemealrdquo approach will give partial results I am of the view that owing to the complex nature of ritual we

need to apply the features of ritual that are applicable to a particular text in order to attain holistic results

3 2 A Closer Examination of Ritual Function

The two theorists I have chosen are not strictly functionalists yet still they address aspects of the

functional ritual Ritual has a lot of functions However for the purposes of the present study I will limit the

discussion to the communicative social collective and stabilizing cum innovative functions For any fruitful

discussion on the role that rituals play in any given situation there is the need to ascertain the context The first

of the functions of ritual in the discussion is its communicative function Jan Platvoet and Karel van der Toorn

acknowledging the earlier ritual theories contend that apart from the early theories ritual also has

communicative function of transmitting both implicit and explicit messages By use of symbols ritual has the

capacity of transmitting a multitude of messages ndash some overt and most of them covert ndash to serve ldquostrategic

purposesrdquo55

Rituals are therefore performed to achieve effective communication to both the participants and

observers or outsiders According to ritual theories that emphasize communication the performance of ritual

requires at least two participants ndash ldquoa lsquosenderrsquo and a lsquoreceiverrsquo rdquo56

It is noteworthy that it is not always the case

that what is expressed in ritual can be regarded as a message to be communicated between the participants57

For the purposes of analysis of interndashgroup ritual Jan Platvoet outlines four distinctions in the communication

dimension There is the need to make a distinction first between the direct or overt addressee(s) of a ritual and

its indirect or implied addressee(s) second between the overt or stated message(s) of a ritual and the implied

message (s) third between the fields of direct and indirect communication and fourth giving enhancement to

53

Ibid

54 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo 231

55 Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual in Plural and Pluralist Societies Instruments for Analysisrdquo in Pluralism and Identity

Studies in Ritual Behaviour 25ndash51 at 41ndash42

56 Ibid 27 Out of the thirteen dimensions discussed by Platvoet regards this dimension as ldquothe collective

dimensionrdquo G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1980) 34 mentions the ldquotripartite notion of communication (emitter message medium

receiverrdquo

57 See G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual 34ndash35 considers it more appropriate

to conceive in general of the occurrences in ritual in terms of ldquostimulationrdquo rather than communication ldquoTo

limit ritual to its communicative aspect would exclude and falsify its significance for those who perform itrdquo He

mentions other aspects of ritual that ldquoresolve alter or demonstrate a situationrdquo

64

implied messages much more than the overt message to the direct addressee (s) in competitive contexts58

For communication to be effective there is the need for clarification According to J Z Smith a sacred

place is a ldquoplace of clarificationrdquo He regards a ritual place as a focusing lens for the purpose of clarification and

revelation in which the ordinary assumes significance59

This is partly how ritual generates order As

characteristic of all forms of communication distractions are reduced so that the transfer of information can be

heightened In communication the device used to achieve this is ldquoredundancyhellipthrough repetition and

routinizationrdquo60

The advantage in repetition is that it helps the members to remember their past and the raison

drsquoecirctre of their existence They are also able to relate the present with the past based on the effects of the ritual

on the members The disadvantage sometimes is that the members may become familiar with the ritual

procedure to the extent that they tend to go through the performance reluctantly61

Second rituals play social collective functions One such function is the capability to shape and

establish the identity of a group Eacutemile Durkheim establishes the relationship between religion and society

based on his concept of ritualism He regards religion as the basis of society by virtue of the fact that religion

can bring a group of people back to their origin A case in point is his study of the Australian aboriginal

community Durkheim endeared himself to find out what could sustain human social identity and fellowship ndash

solidariteacute This gave rise to his research into totemism what he regarded to be the simplest form of standard

religion among the Aborigines of Australia The totem is the bona fide sign of the Aborigine community and

they put its mark on their bodies An example of a specific detail of Durkheimrsquos research is the performance of

mimetic rites The men take on names of animals for example emus and kangaroos and imitate them In

performing the rites they behave like the animals whose names they bear ldquoBy this means they offer mutual

testimony that they are members of the same moral community and they become conscious of the kinship that

unites themrdquo62

The return of the Aborigines to their origins through rituals was an avenue for the restoration of the

basis of their community Rituals make people deeply engaged in the formation of their religion and society

Rituals lead a group of people to their ancestry and help them to establish a society that holds on to and

ldquoreaffirmrdquo their religious beliefs63

Individuals make a group and each person has some traits which mark

herhim out to be distinct from others On a corporate level a group has distinguishing marks which make one

58

Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual Responses to Plurality and Pluralismrdquo 39

59 Jonathan Z Smith Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54 (emphasis original) idem To Take

Place 104

60 Cf Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo 54

61 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo152

62 Eacutemile Durkheim The Elementary Forms of Religious Life trans Carol Cosman (Oxford University Press

2001) 264

63 Ibid 322 states ldquoNo society can exist that does not feel the need at regular intervals to sustain and reaffirm

the collective feelings and ideas that constitute its unity and its personality Now this moral remaking can be

achieved only by means of meetings assemblies or congregations in which individuals brought into close

contact reaffirm in common their common feelings hence those ceremonies whose goals results and methods

do not differ in kind from properly religious ceremoniesrdquo

65

group distinct from the other Such traits reflect the identity of the group Rituals contribute to the development

of the identity of a group by affirming their belief systems Such belief systems may be rooted in the laurels

status and fame the group had attained over the years As rituals are performed the values and the belief systems

of a group are transmitted to future generations In addition the participants have a sense of belongingness as

they perform a ritual

Ritual likewise helps a community to create social identity Turner developed the liminal phase of

Arnold van Genneprsquos rites de passage and that of Max Gluckmannrsquos on the ritualization of social conflict into a

powerful analytical model Turner identifies two main ldquomodelsrdquo for ldquohuman interrelatednessrdquo that are

ldquojuxtaposed and alternatingrdquo The first model considers society as a ldquostructuredrdquo and ldquodifferentiatedrdquo entity and

the second as ldquoan unstructured and relatively undifferentiated comitatus communityrdquo Turner prefers the Latin

term ldquocommunitasrdquo ldquoLiminal entities are neither here nor thererdquo64

Turner regards liminality to connote the

antistructural quality of the phase between separation and reincorporation and communitas to the

undifferentiated ldquomodality of social relationshiprdquo that generates interaction with one another65

According to

him rituals belong to an ldquoongoing processrdquo which gave the community the room to continually ldquoredefinerdquo and

ldquorenewrdquo itself66

Ritual thus plays a significant role in times of disaster and effects purification and transition through

life changes Gerrie ter Haar in her case study of the True Teachings of Christ Temple observed that African

communities in Bijlmer of Netherlands endeavor to solve life crises by ritual means Ritual serves as a transition

for people to go through life changes The migrants go through a transitional cycle similar to that proposed by

Arnold van Gennep They separate themselves from their home countries and settle in an entirely new and

insecure environment Of significance is the passage through a transitional phase of life which like other ldquolife

crisesrdquo requires ldquoritual or ceremonial validationrdquo67

Whenever there is a disaster the appropriate ritual is

performed for restoration

Gerrie ter Haar further applies Victor Turnerrsquos liminal phase In her study she observes that many of

the migrants have no official status in the wider setting of the Dutch society Conscious of this state of affairs

they make the effort to alter their social status by moving from the lower strata to a higher one The church

communities in the Bijlmer make a significant contribution in this endeavor They create the ldquoinstitutional

contextrdquo for a kind of ritual behavior specially meant to help their members move from one social stratum to the

other and from severance from an old setting into being identified with a new one Ritual thus helps to give the

marginalized a new identity as they are incorporated into a new community It is in such liminal state of affairs

that the performance of ritual helps to bring stability to the marginalized those in transitional stages and those

64

Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure 95

65 Ibid 96ndash97

66 Victor Turner Dramas Fields and Metaphors Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca NY Cornell

University Press 1990) 23ndash35

67 Gerrie ter Haar ldquoRitual as Communication A Study of African Christian Communities in the Bijlmer District

of Amsterdamrdquo in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behavior) 135

66

without status in society This point leads to the third main function of rituals relevant to the discussion ndash its

stabilizing function

Many incidents occur within communities that can jeopardize the community and in such situations

rituals are one means to help restore stability Some dangers may be attributed to the behavior or utterances of

persons within a particular community Ritual plays a vital role in stabilizing persons in the midst of the danger

of ldquoretrogressionrdquo Robbie E DavisndashFloyd calls it ldquocognitive stabilizationrdquo68

Moreover van Gennep contends

that rites of passage help to maintain order in ldquochaotic social changesrdquo that have the potential of destabilizing

society ldquoSuch rites distinguish status groups with clearly marked boundaries which contribute to the stability

of social identities and rolesrdquo69

Ritual plays a significant role in ensuring the stability of a community Hal Taussig observes that even

though in recent times the major theories in ritual studies vary in some ways ldquothey all convincingly provide

reason to see rituals contributing substantially to social stability and social changerdquo70

Taussig in agreement

with recent thinkers deems ritual no longer as ldquosimply a set of cosmically or inwardly directed gesturesrdquo but

ldquosocial negotiationrdquo71

As a grouprsquos belief system is enacted ritual works both to ldquopreserve and to transmit that belief

systemrdquo and thus helps in the preservation of its status quo72

Moreover rituals generate hope that words cannot

express ldquoRitual expresses a hope that cannot be expressed in words concepts or even in symbols it is a

participatory act of a community that affirms the meaning of its existence in actions that can be transmitted

from generation to generationrdquo73

There exists a relationship between rituals and the belief system of a group

and because of this relationship rituals help to effect changes for the betterment of society ldquoRitual might be said

to shortndashcircuit thinking providing atndashhand solutions to impossible problemsrdquo74

Problems arise within human

institutions Some of them are readily solved others become perennial The performance of appropriate rituals

helps to solve problems which seem unsolvable that arise within human institutions In some cases the

performance of rituals saves time and brings instantaneous results In effect ritual ldquoprovides readyndashmade

answers to what thinking works throughrdquo75

The flip side of ritualrsquos function of stability is its capacity to bring about innovations and

transformation in societies Gerd Baumann suggests that instead of holding on to the presupposition that rituals

68

Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 152 states ldquoritualhellip

stabilizes individuals under stress by giving them a conceptual handle-hold to keep them from lsquofalling apartrsquo or

lsquolosing itrsquo rdquo

69 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 37

70 Hal Taussig In the Beginning was the Meal 57

71 Ibid

72 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 155

73 Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the

European Enlightenment and a Search for New Foundations 27

74 Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo 12

75 Ibid

67

are used solely to preserve social values and selfndashknowledge it is worthwhile noting that they equally have the

potency to effect cultural changes and thus they do not speak only to ldquoinsidersrdquo but also ldquooutsidersrdquo76

Finally irrespective of ritualrsquos potency for ldquocontinuity and orderrdquo it can be instrumental not only in

transformation at the individual but also at the corporate level The introduction of new rituals becomes the

basis for enacting and transmitting new belief and value systems DavisndashFloyd intimates that ldquo[e]ntrenched

belief and value systems are more effectively altered through alterations in the rituals that enact themrdquo77

3 2 1 The appearance of New Rituals

In chapter 2 I established that the Corinthian δεῖπνον was an ordinary meal In this section I examine

the emergence of new rituals with the anticipation to argue in chapter 4 that Paulrsquos interventions are really steps

in transforming the Corinthian δεῖπνον into a heightened ritual Grimesrsquos analysis is germane here It

distinguishes between ldquohardrdquo and ldquosoftrdquo definitions of ritual and proposes to comment on a ldquosoftrdquo definition He

mentions a new view of ritual and observes that the increase of ldquohyphenated terms and coining of neologismsrdquo

by scholars points to the fact that ldquoa nascent genre of action which he terms ldquoritualizingrdquo is giving rise to a

new view of ritual78

In evaluating the foregoing discussions it is evident that there are manifold definitions and

characteristics of rituals They all contribute towards the general picture of what a ritual is No single element of

ritual has to dominate other equally important elements of ritual It can be said that among other characteristics

rituals involve symbolic actions that are repeated It requires a locus

Grimes prefers describing the phenomenon of ldquoinvented ritesrdquo as ldquoritualizingrdquo or occasionally

ldquoemerging ritualrdquo This phenomenon is very helpful for the context of 1 Cor 1117ndash 34 and it will be developed

in chapter 4 as a Grimesian category By way of elaborating this point it can be said that while ritualizing has

some relationship with ldquoritualization moderdquo there are some differences with regard to ldquoconsciousness and

intentionrdquo Ritualizing is more intentional than ritualization it involves activation and creation of awareness of

ldquopreconscious ritualization processesrdquo79

Grimes cautions that in our scholarly taxonomy there is the danger of

not paying attention to both ldquonascentrdquo and ldquomore traditional ritesrdquo The result of such a tendency is that we

become victims of the conservative fallacy that purports that rites are immutable or as he puts it that ldquorites

originated but cannot presently originate ndash that rites do not changerdquo80

In ritualizing we look for emergent ritual

gestures Effective identification of ritualizing cases their management maintenance and development can lead

to new forms of rites practices and celebrations

What interests me is the historical memory of the last meal that Jesus had with his disciples and its

relation to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον How did the meal evolve to become the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in Paulrsquos language

76

Gerd Baumann ldquoRitual Implicates lsquoOthersrsquo Rereading Durkheim in a Plural Societyrdquo in Understanding

Rituals 99 ldquoI suggest that they may equally speak towards the aspirations toward cultural changerdquo It is

noteworthy that one of the points that are debated is ldquocultural changesrdquo

77 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 156

78 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 59

79 Ibid 61

80 Ibid

68

How has it been perpetuated In 1 Corinthians 11 I note that there is the probability that Paul by citing the

words of institution is reinventing the δεῖπνον This notion is accounted for by the statements he makes In 1

Corinthians Paul states τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν81

(1124 c and repeated in

25c) The key issues that go with these injunctions are First ritual action ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν

ἄρτον τοῦτον καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ (v 26) 82

This verse

and the succeeding verses (1127ndash32) unpack the words of institution and are quite open to ritual analysis

Second ritual paradigm the pericope (1126ndash32) forms an important ritual paradigm for understanding

what Paul is trying to achieve so far in front of the text It points out the sense of danger connected to the meal

if the members of the ἐκκλησία participate it ἀναξίως83

The repercussions are clearly stated that if they

participate in the meal in the wrong manner they would be eating and drinking κρίμα84

to themselves It is this

ritual connotation of the passage that I will explore in detail in chapter 4 It involves the impact the wrong

manner in which the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated could have on the members if they do not act in accordance

with Paulrsquos directives85

A similar case of retribution appears in the inscriptions on a slab of a white marble given to the

household association of Dionysios in Philadelphia (Lydia) SIG3 = AGRW 121 (late second century to early

first century BCE) On entering the house of Dionysios people were made to declare their innocence about

any deceptive action against fellow humans or any drug harmful to people People who violated the instructions

were to be exposed and punished It was required of the members who exhibit confidence in themselves to

touch the stone during sacrifices to verify those who are either obedient or disobedient to the instructions86

In seeking a definition for the process of reinventing ritual I find the following insightful

The process of reinventing ritual is defined by the urge to strip rituals down to their essentials and

reconceive them to speak to contemporary issues ndash creating everything from a comix version of the

Book of Esther to video prayer garments to an environmentalist synagogue building87

Three main points may be developed from this idea (1) getting hold of the essentials of rituals (2) rendash

conception and (3) function First rituals can be rendashinvented but there is the need to know its essentials before

rendashinvention takes place Second being aware of the essentials of rituals will provide the arena for rendash

conceiving them what I term rendashbirth As ideas are reconceived the essentials of ritual are taken into

81

ldquoDo this as many times as you drink in my memoryrdquo (1 Cor 1124c cf 25c) My translation

82 ldquoAs many times as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the Lordrsquos death till he comesrdquo (1

Cor 1126) My translation

83 ldquoUnworthilyrdquo or ldquoin an unworthy mannerrdquo

84 ldquoJudgmentrdquo or ldquocondemnationrdquo

85 Some of the ideas in this and succeeding paragraph were developed from the contributions made by my New

Testament Professors John S Kloppenborg of the University of Toronto Ann L Jervis Colleen Shantz and

Terence L Donaldson of Toronto School of Theology during the presentation I made at the Biblical

Department Seminar on September 24 2015

86 SIG

3 = AGRW 121

87 Daniel Belasco Reinventing Ritual Contemporary Art and Design for Jewish Life on view at The Jewish

Museum 2009 Online at httpzeekforwardcomarticles115626 Accessed 26 November 2014

69

consideration Third the rendashconceived essentials of ritual are used to address contemporary issues What Paul

does in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would have had the potential to create a heightened ritual88

3 3 Models of Harvey Whitehouse and R A Rappaport

In this section I will examine two models namely Harvey Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity

and RA Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication The character of 1 Cor 11 suggests a particular

approach in elucidating the Corinthian problem First the problem is a social problem the kind related to the

infighting within the ἐκκλησία and within this conversation Paul begins to talk about ritual This calls for the

combination of social and ritual theories and Harvey Whitehousersquos model provides that Second the situation in

Corinth is one that involves the identity of the community and Rappaportrsquos model focuses on messages I

therefore consider these as the methods that might help answer the question of the present research The choice

for Whitehouse and Rappaport to be the best suited among all other scholars to my project commends itself for

a number of reasons These two theorists help to establish the criteria by which we might unearth Paulrsquos

intention in citing the words of institution in the passage

Harvey Whitehouse89

is one of the pioneers in the field of cognitive science of religion and is

renowned for his theory of the modes of religiosity Whitehouse focused his work on different kinds of religion

and spent almost two years with a cargo cult in Papua Guinea He concluded that religions tend to be stable in

one of two contrasting forms and designated them as imagistic and doctrinal modes respectively For example

in his examination of small localized religions in Melanesia90

he observed that the religions coalesce strongly

towards one or the other of the two modes of religiosity or towards both but within the context of ldquoreadily

distinguishable domains of operationrdquo91

He submitted that while the doctrinal mode in ldquoprendashcontactrdquo Melanesia

was ldquounelaboratedrdquo imagistic forms were well known in many parts of the subndashregion92

Contrastingly some

Christian missions ldquotended towards a purely doctrinal mode of operationrdquo and usually led to the overshadowing

of the imagistic practices of both Melanesian and European initiative93

Consequently the indigenous religions

of Papua New Guinea in recent times provide a scene for a ldquodramatic confrontation between divergent modes of

religiosityrdquo94

Using archaeological evidence as his basis he attributes the origin of the imagistic mode to ldquoUpper

88

The full discussion will be in chapter 4 of the present study

89 He is currently the Chair of Social Anthropology Director of the Institute of Cognitive and Evolutionary

Anthropology and a Professorial Fellow of Magdalen College at the University of Oxford

90 Melanesia is a culture area of Oceania and stretches from the western part of the Pacific Ocean to the Arafura

Sea with Fiji bordering on its eastern part It consists of four countries including Papua New Guinea The other

two countries are Vanuatu and Solomon Islands

91 Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons Divergent Modes of Religiosity (Oxford Oxford University Press

2000) 2

92 Ibid

93 Ibid

94 Ibid

70

Palaeolithic hunterndashgatherersrdquo and that of the doctrinal mode to the era of writing technologies95

He began

thinking about the factors necessary to make one religion more stable than the other He developed the DMR

theory after embarking on a twentyndashmonth field research on a ldquocargo cultrdquo in East New Britain Papua New

Guinea96

He describes religion as a ldquodistributed phenomenonrdquo97

What Whitehouse has been trying to account for with his theory is that religious traditions tend to be

attracted to one of these two modes ndash imagistic or doctrinal The doctrinal mode of religion is diffusely

cohesive operates on a largendashscale hierarchical structure and it is characterized by ldquoroutinized ritualsrdquo98

The

imagistic mode of religion is highly cohesive operates on a smallndashscale structure and is characterized by ldquorare

and traumatic ritual ordealsrdquo99

Two different memory systems are responsible for religious traditions namely

semantic and episodic memories The semantic memory stores religious ideas doctrines and narratives derived

from religious leaders while episodic memory stores autobiographical knowledge100

The semantic memory

controls the organization and transmission of knowledge stored in the doctrinal mode101

A religious tradition

relies on both semantic and episodic memories for its transmission Thus high transmissive frequency coupled

with low level arousal episodes generates the conditions for largendashscale diffusely integrated communities

while low transmissive frequency coupled with high arousal episodes helps bind smallndashscale groups102

The

advantage of such episodes is that they are readily captured and retained in the memory Episodic memory

further facilitates vividness in subsequent performances when it comes to recollecting ritual procedures The

condition in which the imagistic mode thrives is that of a group whose survival is contingent on extremely high

levels of cohesion103

The condition conducive to a grouprsquos survival with regard to doctrinal mode is dependent

95

Ibid 3 Idem Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 77 ldquoUpper Paleolithic

periodrdquo and ldquono less recently than the emergence of Bronze Age civilizationsrdquo respectively

96 Cf Harvey Whitehouse Inside the Cult Religious Innovation and Transmission in Papua New Guinea

Oxford Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology (Oxford Oxford University Press 1995) 1 6 He was ldquoin

the fieldrdquo from October 1987 to June 1989

97 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 16 ldquoThat is to say

it inheres not merely in the thoughts and feelings of an individual devotee but also in the recognizably similar or

complementary thoughts and feelings of a population of religious adherentsrdquo

98 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Violence ed Juergensmeyer Mark Margo Kitts and Michael

Jerryson (Oxford New York Oxford University Press 2013) 1 cf H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A

Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 68

99 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 1

100 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 65ndash71 Whitehouse

acknowledges the distinction psychologists make between ldquosemanticrdquo and ldquoepisodicrdquo (or ldquoautobiographicalrdquo)

memory See idem Arguments and Icons 5ndash12

101 Similarly the episodic memory controls the organization and transmission of the imagistic mode It is

noteworthy that even though Christian groups operate in the doctrinal mode there is room for imagistic

practices See Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 11

102 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 8 74 See Table 31

103 In such cases the incentives for a member to defect are exceptionally strong

71

on more unexceptional acts of cooperation involving much larger populations which demand more extensive

kinds of cohesion if the impact is milder104

According to Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity memory and motivation are essential for

making religions including rituals take the form that they do For a religious tradition to be established

members of a group need to remember their beliefs and rituals in order that they can be handed over from one

generation to the next Highndashfrequency rituals (routinization) are known to help in the preservation of complex

religious teachings in semantic memory and promote the dissemination of ldquodoctrinal orthodoxies and

standardized interpretations of ritual meaningrdquo 105

There is a further correlation between frequency and

emotionality High frequency correlates to low emotionality and low frequency to high emotionality

As regards the doctrinal mode of religiosity Whitehouse demonstrates how rituals help in promoting

stability and strengthening community structures He draws distinction between disciplines like medicine

engineering etc in which you stop attending lectures after graduation and occasionally attend inndashservice

training and the behavior of adherents to a religious orthodoxy The latter after gaining mastery of the relevant

doctrines are expected to ldquocontinue listening to endless repetitions of that information through processes of

ritualized public oratoryrdquo106

Routinization has its effects on religious thinking The result of undertaking the

same ritual procedures on regular basis results in ldquohabituationrdquo 107

When participants go through ritual

procedures as a matter of mechanized practice they lose the urge to reflect on the symbolic significance of the

rituals In this regard ldquoroutinization suppresses revelationrdquo108

This is equally true of religious speech

Participants may be accustomed to doctrinal repetition and they can easily lose focus However ldquoverbal

repetition can also ensure the stable reproduction of a substantial corpus of knowledgerdquo109

Whitehouse by use

of the modes of religiosity thus shows how the repetition of a ritual can create a stable community

The lack of performance of rituals can result in people forgetting their beliefs and the procedures for

the performance of their rituals One way to forestall this is to adopt ldquoa very repetitive regime of religious

transmissionrdquo110

Ritual action involves elements that lack ldquotechnical relevancerdquo111

Ritual may be similar to art

insofar as elements are concerned but the intentions are different Whereas the intentional states of an artist lies

in the artistrsquos mind and is internal that of a ritual is tied in successively with the past and is external112

Concerning the doctrinal mode of religiosity there is the tendency for ritual action to be highly routinized This

104

Examples of such acts of cooperation include the payment of levies and dues

105 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 2

106 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 5

107 Ibid

108 Ibid

109 Ibid6

110 Ibid 64 This accounts for the significance of Whitehousersquos theory of divergent modes of religiosity

111 Ibid 3

112 Ibid 4 ie ldquoare accorded to a procession of shadowy predecessors primordial ancestors or godsrdquo

72

helps in ldquothe storage of elaborate and conceptually complex religious teachings in semantic memory but also

activating implicit memory in the performance of most ritual proceduresrdquo 113

Routinization stimulates semantic

memory for religious doctrines It has both advantages and disadvantages One advantage is that it provides a

receptacle for the acquisition of ldquoexplicit verbal knowledge in semantic memoryrdquo and the sustenance of

doctrines and narratives that would be impracticable to learn let alone retain in the memory114

Notwithstanding

routinization can lead to boredom and a low level of motivation Other means for retaining adherents of

routinized religions may be by the provision of incentives and the enforcing of ldquosupernatural sanctionsrdquo115

The

effectiveness of these mechanisms depends to a large extent on the level of belief in the doctrines of a religious

group When the features of the doctrinal mode meld they tend to be enduring historically and may persist ldquofor

centuries and even for millenniardquo116

Consequently it allows the religious group to become stabilized

Table 31 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity

Variable Doctrinal Imagistic

Psychological Features

1 Transmissive frequency High Low

2 Level of arousal Low High

3 Principal memory system Semantic schemas and implicit

scripts

Episodic flashbulb memory

4 Ritual meaning Learned Acquired Internally generated

5 Techniques of revelation Rhetoric logical integration

narrative

Iconicity multivocality and

multivalence

Sociopolitical Features

6 Social cohesion Diffuse Intense

7 Leadership Dynamic Passive absent

8 Inclusivityexclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

9 Spread Rapid efficient Slow inefficient

10 Scale Large scale Small scale

113

Ibid 65 semantic memory is a sub-division of long-term memory and comprises general knowledge about

the world Implicit memory a basic kind of memory concerns ldquothings we know without being aware of

knowingrdquo Whitehouse specifically hypothesizes the following features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity (1)

Routinization (2) Religious Leaders (3) Need for orthodoxy checks (4) Implicit memory for religious rituals (5)

Semantic Memory for Religious Teachings (6) Centralization (7) Anonymous Communities and (8) Religion

spreading widely 66ndash70

114 Ibid 66

115 Incentives may include salvation which leads to eternal life Example of sanctions may be eternal damnation

66ndash 67

116 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 70 Cf idem

Arguments and Icons 2

73

11 Degree of uniformity High Low

12 Structure Centralized Noncentralized

Whitehouse draws a contrast between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity There are two

kinds of the contrasting features of these modes First the ldquocognitive featuresrdquo which relate to psychological

valences of religious activities Second are the sociopolitical features that comprise ldquosocial organization and

politicsrdquo of a more demographic nature117

As mentioned religious groups tend to be more stable when they

embrace the features of one or the other mode ndash so the more they cluster around a position the better suited they

are for survival Innovations which are distant from these attractor positions are less likely to persist118

For

example a new prophet might make pronouncements about his own personal revelations and receive attention

from people For his pronouncements to develop into a corpus of doctrines would require consistent repetition

and the maintenance of ldquoa system of effective policingrdquo119

Anything less than that would likely lead to the

distortion of the pronouncements or the people forgetting about them A similar observation may be made about

the introduction of a new ritual According to the modes of religiosity for a ritual to be able to establish the

basis for a new religious tradition it must be ldquosufficiently arousing shocking and personally consequential to

drive subsequent revelationsrdquo120

The ritual cannot stabilize as a tradition if this is not done Notwithstanding

boring rituals can stabilize in the doctrinal mode where other elements contribute to the stability of the

movement With regard to imagistic rituals Whitehouse points out that people may be disturbed emotionally

upset and go through experiences which are hard to forget This may lead to a state of seeking answers to

unanswerable questions Distressing ritual episodes thus become the ground for seeking answers to such

questions

At this point I switch to a discussion on the strengths and weaknesses of the DMR theory Harvey

Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity is not immune from criticisms The ritual form and ritual frequency

hypotheses proposed by Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson to some extent diverge from the DMR

theory121

Part of the critique of Whitehousersquos model is that there are not many examples that exist in pure form

117

H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 74

118 Ibid 85 n 29 admits that there are exceptions to this

119 Ibid 74

120 Ibid 75

121 See Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 42ndash43 The ritual frequency hypothesis purports that ldquothe amount of sensory pageantry and

therefore the amount of emotional stimulation any religious ritual involves are inversely proportional to the

frequency with that ritual is performedrdquo121

According to McCauley and Lawson two means that boost memory

and are routinely associated with ritual are performance frequency and emotional arousal121

They apply the

Chart of two attractors namely ldquoSensory Pageantryrdquo and ldquoFrequencyrdquo for the ritual form hypothesis They

propose that within the same community the sensory pageantry caused by low-frequency rituals ldquowill only be

higher relative to more frequent ritualsrdquo They argue that if religious rituals evolve then it will evolve either (1)

in relation to rituals with low amounts of ldquosensory stimulationrdquo and consequently produce low level of

ldquoemotional arousalrdquo that are repeated and have a capacity of high ldquoperformance frequenciesrdquo or (2) in relation

74

that is truly low arousal ritual However that does not defeat his theory The model does not require that the

perfect example of doctrinal mode should exist every moment and everywhere Rather there are attractor

positions when most of the features are together they tend to be more stable In spite of the criticisms of

McCauley and Lawson the DMR has its merits One of its strength is its capability to unite large groups of

participants Its main weakness is that there is the tendency for ldquothis unity to be based on comparatively diffuse

cohesion at least in the long runrdquo122

In the ensuing paragraphs I will describe some characteristics of the doctrinal tradition that I will

discuss in detail in the next chapter in consonance with the structure of the present research The import of the

description of these features is that it will set the tone for me to muster evidence to establish that even though

the features identified were present in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία they were in a flux and have not stabilized yet at

the time of the writing of the epistle The doctrinal attractor position includes several characteristics relevant to

1 Corinthians namely ritual meaning social cohesion leadership inclusivityexclusivity spread scale degree

of uniformity and structure

1 Ritual meaning

As stated earlier there are contrasting features of the modes of religiosity One of the psychological

features relevant for the analysis is ritual meaning In contrasting the doctrinal mode with that of imagistic

mode ritual meaning is learned or acquired in doctrinal mode while it is internally generated in the imagistic

mode I will undertake the full discussion in chapter 4

2 Social cohesion

In order to establish how a ritual could help effect social cohesion in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία there is

the need to identify traits of instability in the ἐκκλησία and to demonstrate how the mode of religiosity could be

applied to achieve cohesion On the basis of the DMR model high levels of arousal in the performance of

rituals promote strong cohesion Moreover high levels of arousal help in the passing on of religious practices

from one generation to another Some of the effects when performances are not regular are that the participants

tend to ldquoforget the procedures and especially their meaningsrdquo123

3 Leadership

In contrast to the imagistic mode members of a doctrinal religious group depend largely on teachings

for their edification and spiritual growth For members to believe in a set of doctrines of a group the teachings

have to be formulated ldquoin a highly persuasive fashionrdquo124

For semantic memory and religious teachings to be

onndashgoing would require religious leaders These leaders should be persons who possess oratory skills and are

conversant with the set of doctrines and traditions of the group For effective transfer of knowledge the orators

to rituals that combine higher levels of sensory stimulation and emotional arousal but are not repeated i e

rituals in which each participant has only one opportunity to serve in the role of the patient McCauley and

Lawson contend that the theory of the modes of religiosity is found wanting in explicating the divergence it

purports

122 H Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 127

123 Ibid 71

124 Ibid 67

75

must necessarily be outstanding Most religious traditions have renowned leaders

4 InclusivityExclusivity

There are different variables responsible for encoding messages Their selection which is

psychological involves different kinds of ldquomemory and exegetical learningrdquo coupled with ldquovarying levels of

arousal familiarity and consequentialityrdquo125

These variables contribute significantly to the formation of the

social structure of religious traditions yielding features which include inclusivity and exclusivity Religious

traditions that are characterized by features including inclusivity tend to fall into the doctrinal category of

religiosity while those which produce features including exclusivity represent the imagistic mode of

religiosity126

These features can be applied to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ἐκκλησία there were traits of

partiality in the mode of distribution of meals There was also disparity in the kind of food which was served

The seating arrangement also signified class distinction The noted traits reflected an exclusive religious

tradition Perhaps these issues were in play in Corinth Paulrsquos use of the following words supports this notion

σχίσματα (v 18) and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει (v 21) In introducing the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

Paul might have impressed upon the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the need for an inclusive rather than

an exclusive religious tradition This is evidenced in his use of εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον (v 17) συνέρχομαι (vv 17 20)

and ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε (v 33)

5 Degree of uniformity

The religious mode of religiosity enhances uniformity of ideas within the group Whereas the degree of

uniformity in doctrinal mode is high that of the imagistic mode is low (see Table 31) In the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία some members preferred to eat their own meal127

The introduction of the tradition of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might have brought greater uniformity (1 Cor 1133ndash34) Instead of the lapse in the intake of

the meal there would be uniformity in the eating of the ἄρτος and drinking of the wine It could have eliminated

the occasion of the disparity in the partaking of the meal Moreover it could have regulated excesses

Specifically it could have prevented the situation where some would be satisfied and drunk while others were

hungry

Table 32 Sociopolitical features summarized (adapted from Whitehouse 2004)

Variable Doctrinal Mode Predictions Imagistic Mode Predictions

1 Social cohesion Diffusely cohesive Intense within small congregations

2 Leadership Dynamic necessity for orthodoxy

checks

Lack of dynamic leadership and hindrance

to transmission

3InclusivityExclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

4 Degree of uniformity High Low

125

Ibid 8

126 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians 160) considers the symbolism of the Supper ritual as

ldquosymbolism of exclusivity ldquonot only to ensure internal coherence unity and equality of the Christian group but

also to protect its boundaries vis-agrave-vis other kinds of cultic associationrdquo

127 The probable meaning of the verb προλαμβάνει will be discussed in chapter 4

76

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication

I will be using R A Rappaportrsquos models to assess how rituals can help transfer messages or

communicate in addition to words128

Rappaport considers ritual as the fundamental act of a society He

expressed the recognition of ritual as the basis for any type of social life in the following words ldquohellip I take ritual

to be the basic social actrdquo129 He emphatically rendashechoes the idea

In enunciating accepting and making conventions moral ritual contains within itself not simply a

symbolic representation of social contract but tacit social contract itself As such ritual which also

establishes guards and bridges boundaries between public systems and private processes is the basic

social act130

Rappaport focuses on the communicative dynamics of ritual and emphasizes that rituals are largely

symbolic and different from other forms of communication131

Rappaport makes a distinction between two main

classes of natural processes He illustrates this notion of communication by giving two principles In the first

class of action matter and energy are applied to achieve results The second principle concerns the attainment

of effects by means of the dissemination of information That is the transmission of messages to receivers Acts

and utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special

objects and substances Physical display involves postures and movements and plays a vital role in rituals

Physical display is a peculiar form of communication and has endured ldquomany thousands or even hundreds of

thousands of years into the time of languagerdquo132

The advantage of physical display is that it ldquoindicates more more clearly or other than what words are

able to communicaterdquo133

Whereas paralinguistics and kinesics convey ldquoanalogic signalsrdquo134

ritualrsquos physical

display is the kind which is consciously controlled and involves the ldquopublic orderrdquo and the participantrsquos

involvement in it Moreover communication basically takes place in the digital rather than the analogic

128

R A Rappaport was the President of the American Anthropological Association from 1987 to 1989

Rappaport like Whitehouse includes ldquowordsrdquo in his assessment of ritual This is the part of his model that helps

to round out Whitehousersquos

129 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion (Richmond Calif North Atlantic Books 1979) 174

Emphasis in the original

130 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 138 (emphasis in the original)

131 Ibid 118 (emphasis original) states ldquoHe is not merely transmitting messages he finds encoded in the liturgy

He is participating in ndash that is becoming part of ndash the order to which his own body and breath give liferdquo In this

context the ldquotransmitterrdquo is the ldquoparticipantrdquo Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 22

agrees with Rappaport and defines ritual as ldquopre-eminently a form of communicationrdquo She applies Basil

Bernsteinrsquos approach to the analysis of ritual as a means to understand religious behavior By this approach

ritual forms are handled like speech forms as transmitters of culture which are produced ldquoin social relations

and which by their selections and emphases exercise a constraining effect on social behaviourrdquo

132 Ibid 139

133 Ibid 140

134 Ibid Analogic signals embrace shift in expression and are subjected to frequent changes They are indexical

ndash a term used by Rappaport to indicate physical and psychic conditions ndash involving ldquothe states of the private

processes and changes in those statesrdquo

77

mode135

Even though there is the possibility for ritual acts to also convey messages analogically that is not the

central issue It may be strongly alluded that digital messages overshadow analogic messages ldquocontinuously and

inevitably transmitted kinesically and parallinguistically thus rendering them irrelevantrdquo136

Rappaport

considers the view that ritual is not entirely symbolic to be one of its most invaluable characteristics ldquofor

through ritual some of the embarrassments and difficulties of symbolic communication are overcomerdquo137

He

disagrees that ritual is functional and accepts that ritual has a form and a structure He suggests that to

participate in a ritual implies that one accepts that which it encodes138

Rituals are thus able to communicate

meaning

The performance of a ritual establishes conventions that are in place and readily embraces them

According to Rappaport it is characteristic of religion to formulate the ldquoWord the True Word upon which the

truths of symbols and the convictions that they establish standrdquo139

Ritual is the ldquofoundryrdquo within which the

Word is formed By this understanding the scope of definition is broadened and it gives room for an expanded

notion of communication Therefore ritual can hardly be substituted with other modes of communication It

stands in its own special class and becomes an inimitable vehicle ldquosuited to the transmission of certain

messages and certain sorts of informationrdquo140

Before I expand on the topic of mode of communication it is worthwhile commenting on the

difference in the transmission of selfndashreferential and canonical messages Rappaport establishes that all

religious rituals carry two streams of messages namely selfndashreferential (indexical) and canonical The

distinction between them lies in the semiotic realm because there is a marked difference between the

relationship of signs to which these two message streams connote Canonical messages are the kind of messages

that are not limited to the present Although they may use secondarily icons and even indices141

in a restricted

manner their ldquosignificata may be indeed usually are spiritual conceptual or abstract in nature are and can

only be founded upon symbolsrdquo142

On the contrary selfndashreferential messages which are transmitted about ldquothe

current state of the transmitters hellip may transcend mere symbolic signification and be represented

indexicallyrdquo143

In other words a selfndashreferential message does not merely ldquosay somethingrdquo about the

135

Ibid 87 There are two types of computation namely analogic and digital The distinction between them is

the kind that exists between ldquomeasuringrdquo and ldquocountingrdquo Whereas the term ldquoanalogicrdquo signifies ldquoentities and

processesrdquo in which the values can alter by continuous gradations that of ldquodigitalrdquo cannot

136 Ibid 140

137 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion 175

138 Ibid 209

139 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 21

140 Ibid 52 He uses the term ldquoinformationrdquo in a broad non-technical sense See 473 n14

141 Ibid 54 referencing J Buchler Philosophical Writings of Peirce (New York Dover Publications 1956)

102 An index (a phrase of Peirce) is ldquoa sign which refers to the Object it denotes by being really affected by

that Objectrdquo

142 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 54 (emphasis original)

143 Ibid (emphasis original)

78

performerrsquos state it does ldquosomethingrdquo as well144

For example in dancing a performer may pledge to support

his audience in a battle The performer by an act of dancing will signal a pledge thus putting the pledge into

effect The signal thus becomes ldquoindexical (and not merely symbolic)rdquo because the gestures in the dance

tantamount to the pledge 145

Ritual communicates both indexical (selfndashreferential) messages and canonical (related to cultural

tradition) messages In performance the signals used in communication become effective if they are readily

distinguished from everyday technical actions The distinction is drawn between ritual words and acts and

ordinary words and actions The means of communication may include ritual utterances special time and

places postures and gestures objects and structures The assigning of special times and places for the

performance of ritual naturally brings into play senders and receivers of messages and may also indicate the

content of what has to be transmitted In summation ldquothe formality and nonndashinstrumentality characteristic of

ritual enhances its communicational functioningrdquo 146

An objection could be raised regarding the communicative

aspect of ritual in light of the interiority of the communication

Notwithstanding ldquothe subjective experiencerdquo involved in private devotions promotes the notion of

applying the term ldquocommunicationrdquo to ritual for it gives the participants themselves the occasion to apparently

testify that they communicate with spiritual beings Moreover considering the fact that the emotions of the

performers may respond to ldquothe stimuli of their own ritual acts it is reasonable to take ritual to be autondash

communicative as well as allondashcommunicativerdquo147

34 Conclusion

Ritual is a multindashfaceted social behavior which forms an integral part of human life While its

significance cannot be underestimated it does not have a universal definition In this chapter I examined

samples of definitions and established that the purposes of rituals are manifold and pervasive Ritual per se

transcends religious social and other boundaries The relationship between the belief system of a group and the

rituals its members perform is very close and helps in the development of the identity of a group of people

It is credible to employ ritual studies to seek understanding of Paulrsquos interventions in the meal practice

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will therefore demonstrate in the succeeding chapter how Paulrsquos instructions could

probably help shape the δεῖπνον in ritual ways Harvey Whitehousersquos models of religiosity especially the

doctrinal mode helps to demonstrate the potentiality of rituals in taking on stable forms that have bearing on and

also strengthen community structures For example the description portrayed the lack of stability in the

ἐκκλησίαThis feature of social separation warrants Paulrsquos interventions and plausibly the need to introduce the

tradition of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I also described Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication and described

how ritual words and acts are distinct from ordinary dayndashtondashday words and actions The discussions on the

144

Ibid 107

145 Ibid 108

146 Ibid 51

147 Ibid

79

potentialities of ritual especially as a communicative tool thus become the bedrock to investigate the ritual

context of the meal at Corinth in the subsequent chapter

Rituals are symbolic acts or form of behavior Rituals involve actions have functions and require a

place for its participation or performance Two of the functions viz communicative and stabilizing functions of

ritual and one characteristic ndash its repetitive nature are fertile grounds for an exploration of the Corinthian text on

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον through a ritual lens Mary Douglas observes that ldquoonly a ritual structure makes possible a

wordless channel of communication that is not entirely incoherentrdquo148

With the only exceptions of

ldquohypothetical ritualsrdquo ie rituals that a ritual system assumes without any human participation ldquovery nearly all

religious rituals are performed over and over again and certainly all rituals in which human participants take

part arerdquo149

There is the need to find out reasons for the repetition persistence universality and canonicity of

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual models of Whitehouse and Rappaport will be used in addressing these issues in

the next chapter

148

Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 54

149 Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 86

80

4

Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective

εἰ ὅλον τὸ σῶμα ὀφθαλμός ποῦ ἡ ἀκοή εἰ ὅλον ἀκοή ποῦ ἡ ὄσφρησις

If the whole body were an eye where would be the means of hearing If it were a cavity for hearing where

would be the sense of smelling ndash 1 Cor 1217

In the previous chapter I have examined ritual theories and established that even though no single

ritual theory can describe what ritual embodies there is a loose consensus of a set of significant characteristics

of rituals In assessing the debate about whether ritual is traditional or invented I adopted Ronald L Grimesrsquo

observations about the invention and transformation of rituals as that relevant to the situation in Corinth I also

introduced the work of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose theories will inform my analysis in the

present chapter As regards Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity I established that religious traditions tend to be

more stable when they embrace one or the other mode The result is that the more they bundle around an

attractor position the better enhanced they are for survival With this background I will explore an alternative

question about the conflicts at meals in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The present chapter seeks answers to the

question How might the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provide a distinctive opportunity for Paul to try

to end the fractiousness in the ἐκκλησία I will examine the passage under review through the lens of ritual

theory to unearth Paulrsquos ritual intention

Ritual works not just at the level of ideas but also with bodies and relationships For example ritual

practices help communities that experience identity crisis to reach amicable resolutions because the practice of a

ritual has the potential to generate shared identity Generally speaking the act of sharing meals provides the

occasion for the formation of new identities In the case of the divisions at Corinth I am exploring how the

practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a ritual might have had this effect The passage under review may be divided

into three main parts (namely vv17ndash22 23ndash26 and 27ndash34) Each of these sections serves a slightly different

function in the epistle The first section sets up the problem of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the way Paul sees it In

the second section Paul introduces the ritual proper and provides a form that could endure over time The third

section intensifies the relationship between the problem and the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe parts

work together to generate many of the characteristics relevant to ritual theory

41 A New Model

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul makes interventions regarding the praxis of the eating of the δεῖπνον by the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In 1 Cor 1120 he states Συνερχομένω οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖνhellip1 Paul further indicates what the members of the ἐκκλησία were actually eating

τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He thus distinguishes between τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον In the entire NT the

1 ldquoFor in your gathering it is not the Lordrsquos supper that you eatrdquo (1 Cor 1120) My translation Ἕστιν is a 3

rd

person singular present indicative active of the verb εἰμί

81

phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax legomenon However the word δεῖπνον can be found in various forms2

Paul claims that ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor

11 21)3 Paul maintains the individualistic tone εἴ τις πεινᾷ ἐν οἴκῳ ἐσθιέτω (v 34) The phrase τὸ ἴδιον

δεῖπνον makes it probable that some members brought their own individual meals If this assertion is correct

then it is likely that some would prefer eating what they had brought4

The expression Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν (1123)5 fits into

Rappaportrsquos canonical communication Paul establishes the canonical status of the words by tracing a chain of

authority that links back from himself to Jesus The addition of ἐγὼ to παρέλαβον emphasizes his role Paulrsquos

use of the same verb (παρέλαβον) within the epistle helps shed light on its use in 1123 παρέδωκα γὰρ ὑμῖν

ἐν πρώτοις ὃ καὶ παρέλαβον (1 Cor 153 cf Gal 112) In 1 Cor 153 Paul neither includes ἐγὼ nor ἀπὸ

τοῦ κυρίου Whereas the subject in 1 Corinthians 11 is a meal that of 1 Cor 15 is about Christrsquos death and

resurrection Gal 112 indicates that the source of the tradition Paul received is not human and the means of

reception is by revelation

At this point I shift from discussing the formula which Paul introduces to discussing how it is

different from the practice of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul conveys the notion that in eating their own meals

their personal desires and interests overshadowed the purpose of the tradition he delivered to them This

practice therefore led to the manifestation of the traits of idiosyncracy and individualism Paul expresses this

by conjoining ἕκαστος with ὃς (twice) The addition of ἴδιον to τὸ δεῖπνον shows the idiosyncratic manner in

which the members practiced the δεῖπνονThe praxis of eating of the δεῖπνον was consequential καὶ μὲν πεινᾷ

ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor 1121b) The formula that Paul introduces would be effective in interrupting the logic of

their current practice if the members of the ἐκκλησία recognized that the authority was connected to Jesus their

Lord The fact that the members were eating in a variety of ways indicates that the δεῖπνον was in its formative

stage and had not yet been shaped as a specifically Christian ritual

Here I move to the idea of ordinary things in 1117ndash34 becoming special Certain features of ordinary

meal practices are in a sense elevated For example the δεῖπνον at least in some sense becomes special It is

2 δεῖπνον (Mark 621 Luke 1412 John 122) τοῦ δείπνου (Luke1417 John 132) μου τοῦ δείπνου (Luke

1424) ἐν τῷ δείπνῳ (John 2120) ἐν τοῖς δείπνοις (Matt 236 Mark 1239 Luke 2046) τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor

1121) τὸ δεῖπνον τοῦ γάμου (Rev 199) εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον τὸ μέγα (Rev 1917) δεῖπνον μέγα (Luke 1416)

3 ldquoFor in eating each takes onersquos own individual meal On one hand one is hungry and on the other hand

another is drunkrdquo (1Cor 1121)rdquo My translation

4 Scholarly opinion varies regarding the meaning of προλαμβάνειν W Dittenberger considers προλαμβάνειν a

mistake for προσλαμβάνειν which relates to the partaking of a meal in later Greek He cites both U

Wilamowitz who indicates that the ldquotemporal forcerdquo of the προ had effaced and JF Baunack who opts for the

notion of praeferre In 1 Cor 1121 the possibility of some members of the ἐκκλησία ldquoforestallingrdquo others is

therefore minimized Dittenberger contends that ldquothe gravamen of Paulrsquos charge is that lsquothere was

no Lordrsquos supper to eatrsquo lsquoeveryone devours his own supper at the mealrsquo (brought with him in a κίστη ndash cf the

last scene of AristophanesrsquoAcharnaians)rdquo B Winter using papyri inscriptions and literary sources argues for

(to devour) Whereas Winter is of the view that ldquothe havesrdquo of the ἐκκλησία were eating their own meal in the

context of the Lordrsquos Supper I argue that Paul was rather reshaping the δεῖπνον

5 ldquoFor I received from the Lord that which I also delivered to yourdquo (1 Cor 1123) Translation mine

82

given a new designation ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash and thus becomes distinguished from other meals Moreover a

meal that was celebrated daily or weekly is now placed within a larger cosmic time frame Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον

marks the earlier time while ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ also indicates another time The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον thus links people

to one another in relation to time for years Its celebration also becomes special A celebration of a meal that

was punctiliar is now to be repeated becomes perpetuated and an integral part of the liturgy Paulrsquos language is

parallel to the liturgy in most traditions6

Another feature operative in the passage is the diversity of persons at the meal The introduction of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον gives the members of the ἐκκλησία the occasion to share (cf 1016) There are some features

of the GrecondashRoman banquet which help in understanding what was taking place in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

the custom of reclining and social stratification There are very few facilities that would allow many people to

recline at the same time In the preceding chapter I developed the idea that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

meeting in a more public space as argued by Weissenrieder In determining the possible postures I established

that it is likely that the members reclined during the δεῖπνον (810 ndash1134) and sat during the συμπόσιον (1 Cor

1430) The potency of the practice of reclining is seen in the way it brings people of different statuses in the

larger society to recline as compeers at a meal There was a tension between the custom of reclining and what

the real way of life in the larger society pertained The meal brought persons of different standing together In

practical terms there was the tension between stratification and ἰσονομία (the concept of equal distribution) at

meals which was a reflection of GrecondashRoman social values It is a ritual theory that helps to unravel this

tension Paul in giving his instructions was calling for equality among the members and for them to observe the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in κοινωνία (1 Cor 1016 cf 2 Cor 1313 Phil 21 2)

On one hand the meals brought persons of different statuses together at table On the other hand the

posture of reclining created social boundaries and stratification People have been thoughtful about how meals

can be reflective of larger systems of valuing and have structured their ritual accordingly As described in

chapter 2 diners were seated in accordance with their statuses in the larger society In the Spartan state by

contrast dining associations are formed compulsorily with a diversity of membership with differences in status

as a means of promoting the ideology of the State Examples of the variety include ldquoNikokles the guardian of

the laws (patronomos) Aristomenes son of Aristomenes overseer Pratonikos freedman of Perphila Clodia

slave of Akamantia dealer in crownsrdquo7 This inscription reinforces the point that meals can bring people of

diverse statuses together However it also demonstrates how ideology can influence the compositions of dining

associations In another inscription Marcus Minatius son of Sextus a Roman banker exhibited generosity both

to individuals and the association by contributing the interest and also providing financial support towards the

construction of the sanctuary He also invited the members to a sacrifice The association (koinon) of Berytian

immigrants by way of honoring him for his benefaction resolved to allocate the foremost dining couch in all the

6 The ideas in this paragraph were developed from the response given by Dr Colleen Shantz to the presentation

I made at the Biblical Department Seminars on September 24 2015

7 An inscription of an association of banqueters in Sparta that displays a list of members of varied statuses is (IG

V 209 = AGRW 29 I BCE)

83

other synods (I Delos1520 = AGRW 224 Post ndash 153152 BCE ll 6ndash20) This inscription shows how some

associations honor people who support them Nevertheless it broadens the gap between those who are well to

do and those who lack financially

A ritual characteristic that pertains to the discussion is innovation In hypothesizing about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον it is convincing that Paul by mentioning the expression ἡ καινὴ διαθήκη was introducing an

innovation (1 Cor 1125b) For any innovation to be established it requires a means to achieve the acceptance

of all dedicated adherents Paul tries to do it in this way by introducing an act that involves bonding Rappaport

mentions that the respective psyche of the participants which under normal circumstance are inaccessible to

each other may be connected during rituals which are performed in solitude8 The formula is one that matches

with Rappaportrsquos canonical communication It is recognizable as more formal and contractual language than the

rest of the verse It involves commitment and responsibilities on the part of the members of the ἐκκλησία Paul

by introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to the members was initiating a special or new practice to the community

Ritual symbols come to play in this innovation Rappaportrsquos model confirms the symbolic aspect of this new

covenant The cup symbolises the new covenant in Christrsquos blood It is not merely drinking wine but rather

enacting a new relational bond or covenant The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps in understanding Paulrsquos

instructions in vv 25 and 26 The eating of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον becomes covenantal rather than merely

physiological

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode

Whitehousersquos categories of imagistic and doctrinal societies bring into focus Paulrsquos sense of the cluster

of traits that are best for the upndashbuilding of the ἐκκλησία The features to be discussed are structure degree of

uniformity inclusivityexclusivity social cohesion leadership spread and ritual meaning The distinctions

between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity are first the degree of uniformity in doctrinal mode is

high whereas that of the imagistic mode is low Second while the imagistic mode thrives in exclusive societies

the doctrinal mode embraces inclusive societies Exclusive societies are those where kinship is necessary or

there is a special teaching associated with them In antiquity the Mysteries were exclusive however voluntary

associations were more inclusive depending on their focus Third social cohesion is diffuse in the doctrinal

mode while the imagistic mode is intense Fourth while leadership is passive or absent in the imagistic mode it

plays a key role in the doctrinal mode Whitehouse basically suggests that doctrinalndashmode leaders have to be

persuasive usually in their rhetoric Fifth concerning spread of tradition we see more rapid and efficient

growth in the doctrinal mode but slow and inefficient transmission in the imagistic mode relatively speaking

Whitehouse also identifies a sociopolitical feature of the modes of religiosity namely scale The doctrinal mode

tends to operate on large scale while the imagistic mode operates on small scale Lastly and related to the

preceding characteristics is that ritual is routinized in the doctrinal mode Although the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a

new ritual Paul provides an introductory formula that includes the means for preserving the words of

8 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51

84

institution This element of routinization contributes to the ritual stability

At this juncture with the evidence given I will discuss some of the details of the evidence provided

and demonstrate how they coordinate with the theories that I am employing In applying the modes of

religiosity Whitehouse states that the two modes coordinate factors across these two categories sociopolitical

and psychological The divisions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be described as social First they are meeting

to partake in a δεῖπνον (1120 21) Second the social statuses of members in the larger society displayed at

their meals especially with regard to seating arrangement with a συμποσίαρχος signified class distinction

Moreover there was social disruption This is evinced by Paulrsquos use of καταφρονεῖτε καταισχύνετε and

τοὺς μὴ ἔχοντας (1122) The state of some members not having what others have and being looked down upon

could have repercussions on them This point is supported by Rappaportrsquos identity (selfndashreferential) information

that is inscribed by the standard meal practice Finally the divisions were of political nature As discussed in

chapter 2 there were leaders in the ἐκκλησία A bone of contention within the ἐκκλησία was that elections were

not conducted regularly when the term of office of leaders was due The situation in Corinth was one that lacked

central authority The absence of election of leaders when the tenure of office was due could probably lead to

decentralization in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία If this interpretation is acceptable then it helps in justifying Paulrsquos

use of τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1121) The members then would operate on their own whims and caprices

(1119) even though such options were part of standard meal practices This situation prepares the ground for

the discussion of sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity

Both stratification and equality fall within the category of the sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos

modes of religiosity The first sociopolitical feature that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness of

Paulrsquos interventions is structure The structure of the doctrinal mode of religiosity tends to be centralized unlike

the imagistic mode of religiosity The cognitive features combine with specific ldquosocial morphology including

hierarchical centralized institutional arrangementsrdquo9 Ritual forms can be created and can be stable and

replicated in new situations Rappaport states that the term ldquolsquoritualrsquo designates hellip a form or structurerdquo and he

contends that even though none of the composition of the elements of this structure is ldquounique to ritual the

relationships among them arerdquo10

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 two kinds of a threendashfold ritual structure can be derived

from physical displays The first kind is a triad comprising ἄρτος ndash σῶμα ndash κλάω The second kind is a triad

consisting of ποτήριον ndash αἷμα ndash πίνω Some of the ritual acts are the breaking of the ἄρτος and the drinking of

the ποτήριον In ritual terms ἄρτος takes on a new meaning It represents the σῶμα of the Lord Jesus Christ11

Paul instructs the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on the various parts of the ritual The various parts of the

ritual are structured to be replicable over and over again to achieve uniformity The characteristics of the ritual

structure that allow it to be repeated include the acts of thanksgiving the breaking of bread and drinking of

wine In addition is the temporal dimension which involves the frequency and duration of celebrating the ritual

Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to celebrate the ritual until Christrsquos return

9 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 66

10 Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 26

11 Paul uses ἐστιν (cf 1127)

85

The second sociopolitical feature of Whitehouse that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness

of Paulrsquos interventions is the degree of uniformity Ritual has the potency of effecting uniformity in cases where

there is lack of uniformity In verses 33 and 34 Paul enjoins them to wait for one another (ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε)12

and to take care of their hunger outside of the meeting This further increases the scope for uniformity by

mandating shared action and eliminating one reason for violating it Instead of fragmentation of the meal there

could be homogeny in the ἐκκλησία

A third sociopolitical feature that helps in expounding the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions is inclusivityexclusivity Under Whitehousersquos theory these traits could contribute to the possible

expulsion of members from a group and make them disenfranchised Such exclusivity more naturally pertains to

the predictions of imagistic mode of religiosity whereas the prediction of doctrinal mode of religiosity is

inclusivity Inclusivity is more about everyone being able to take part Inclusivityexclusivity is one feature that

does not fit with the overall doctrinal shape toward which Paul seems to be moving the Corinthian assembly

Paul specifies that they have to ldquodiscern the bodyrdquo which suggests exclusiveness However a larger case for

inclusion can be built from the entire epistle In 1 Cor 1422 Paul talks about tongues speaking being a sign for

unbelievers This information provides some evidence of the openness of the community Moreover it gives

credence to the view regarding the venue for the eating of the meals and makes my observation about where the

members of the ἐκκλησία are eating becomes more relevant If the place of meeting is not a private home but a

more public space (as argued by Weissenrieder) then it is likely to be more inclusive13

The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

creates a core that draws people together and is more about the participation of everyone (even the ἰδιῶται or

ἄπιστοι) in the meal without discrimination It has greater potential to incorporate members irrespective of class

or status

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on shared identity The two forms of communication of Rappaport

contribute to establishing shared identity in terms of the meaning of the rite Paul states hellipἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ

εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶνmiddot (1123c 24 a b cf 1127)14

1 Cor

1124b reveals the canonical aspect of the ritual Christ was referring to himself This part of the ritual is fixed

unchanging and communicates the canonical meaning of the meal The rhetoric question with its response in v

22 ndash ἐπαινέσω ὑμᾶς ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ ndash concludes the section for Paulrsquos nonndashrecommendation for the

members This gives him the opportunity to introduce a ritual that he received from the Lord Considering the

fact that Paul had already commended them (112) ritual theory helps to explain this dilemma of commendation

and nonndashcommendation within the same chapter of the epistle

12

The base form is ἐκδέχομαι Apart from 1 Cor 1133 and 1611 it appears in John 53 Acts 1716 Heb 1110

and Ja 57 In those contexts it connotes expectlook for waiting or awaiting Other possible meanings are to

take or receive

13 A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 83 The obvious question is

would they be reclining if they were meeting in a public space As stated earlier both postures of reclining and

sitting are likely as evidenced in the Corinthian correspondence

14 ldquoHe took the bread and having giving thanks he broke it and said ldquoThis is my body for yourdquo (1 Cor 1123c

24 a b) My translation

86

A fourth element of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps in explicating the possible worth of Paulrsquos

interventions is social cohesion Rappaportrsquos theory describes an additional means of creating social cohesion

Part of Rappaportrsquos theory is about words and what they communicate He makes a distinction between two

main classes of natural processes In the first class actions attain effects by the application of natural laws

while in the second class transmitters attain effects by means of information An additional point is about ritual

action According to Rappaportrsquos model ldquocommunication includes not only simple lsquosayingrsquo but also the sorts

of lsquodoingrsquo in which the efficacious principle is informative rather than powerfulrdquo15

Ritual incorporates physical

displays which comprise postures and movements Some of the movements in 1 Corinthians include λαμβάνειν

and κλάω while some of the physical displays are the ἄρτος and the ποτήριον What is being communicated

canonically about Christ in the passage is that the ldquosignificatardquo of the symbols convey a ldquospiritualrdquo meaning16

The messages that the ritual act communicates are First ritual theorizing about the ἄρτος in 1 Cor

1123 the ἄρτος is no longer the individualrsquos meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) or merely a physical loaf of bread Second

the use of μού personalizes the element (ἄρτος) The gesture of breaking the ἄρτος is a ritual act signifying the

offering of the Lord himself instead of the individuals providing their own meals It thus depicts its sacrificial

character (1 Cor 1124)The expressions Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα (1124) and ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ αἵματι (1125b)

shift the emphasis from the individual member of the ἐκκλησία to the Lord himself They would gather at the

Lordrsquos table rather than their individual tables (1 Cor 1021) and eat the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The expressions

signified the Lordship of Jesus Christ instead of an individualrsquos personal tastes and status One of Paulrsquos

interventions was the contrast he made between the idiosyncratic attitude exhibited at table and the corporate

disposition in celebrating the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual Paul was helping to create could shape the Corinthian

community through ritual action in the following ways the distribution and eating of the bread could always

remind them of a unified body rather than fragmented This point falls within Rappaportrsquos selfndashreferential

category From a ritual standpoint the ἄρτος is not fragmented but it is one whole element it signifies oneness

The acts of taking the ἄρτος and breaking it and the drinking from the ποτήριον are ritual acts and transmit ritual

messages The message that the ἄρτος conveys is that there are no traces of division in it it is purely holistic

Moreover the act of breaking the ἄρτος signifies sharing from one source In the same vein drinking from the

same ποτήριον transmits the message of oneness The act of eating and drinking is not merely a physical display

but has a Christological connotation It is an act τοῦ κυρίου (1127) When the members of the ἐκκλησία eat they

are reconstituted as part of something bigger The consequence would be unity instead of σχίσματα There could

be a reversal of status Persons of different statuses could recline for meals in κοινωνία There is therefore no

room for idiosyncrasy but rather social cohesion

Third the new meaning is made clearer in the subsequent verses It is associated with the death and

15

R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51 Rappaport indicates that acts and

utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special objects

and substances

16 Ibid54

87

return of Christ (1126)17

In 1117ndash34 σῶμα is thus defined christologically18

An analysis of 1 Cor 1016 in

conjunction with 1123ndash26 further sheds light on this interpretation Paul uses the following expressions

ldquoτὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίαςrdquo and ldquoτὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμενrdquo in two rhetorical questions successively19

The images

Paul employs in 1017 are ldquoεἷς ἄρτοςrdquo and ldquoἓν σῶμαrdquo The import of oneness instead of σχίσματα is seen in the

use of εἷς20

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on the interpretation of the passage Paulrsquos use of εἷς affirms the

transmission of a selfndashreferential message that he is communicating here The selfndashreferential message

communicated to the participants by the action of eating part of that single loaf is that it creates the sense of

belongingness and reminds them that they belong to the same body

In these ways the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον encodes a new relationship and responsibility There is a duty of

proclamation It is an obligation that has to be sustained and maintained until Christrsquos return It is a ritual theory

that helps shed illumination on the possibility of such an injunction of the Lord Jesus Christ Whitehousersquos

model of religiosity further helps in understanding Paulrsquos instruction For such an injunction to proclaim

requires repetition The result of frequent repetition is the activation of implicit memory for a particular

religious ritual To a large extent as religious rituals are performed routinely they come to be treated in

ldquoprocedural or implicit memoryrdquo21

An advantage of implicit memory is that it serves as a receptacle for the

preservation of standardized doctrines in semantic memory which can be reactivated with relative stability in

content This feature is made possible because of Paulrsquos formalizing of the meal and explains how the doctrine

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has survived to the present day

Notwithstanding the advantages of memory and motivation there are possible threats There is the

tendency to forget a particular ritual or how to perform it appropriately especially if it is not observed ὁσάκις

From a ritual viewpoint the remedy is to resort to routinization However this advantage negates motivation to

some extent One disadvantage of repeating the same ritual time and again is that it might lead to boredom This

could be a deterrent for the members to carry on the practice let alone hand it over to subsequent generations

This point prepares the ground for a response to George May

George May in a twondashpart article argues that there is no hint of the institution of a ritual in the synoptic

Gospels that necessitates its repetition by the followers of Jesus22

As stated earlier the internal evidence

affirms that Paul introduced what he received from the Lord to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul instructs the

17

ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτο καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε

ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ ldquofor as often as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the death of the lord till he

comesrdquo (1 Cor 1126) My translation

18 Cf A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 106

19 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμενοὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν

οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστινrdquo The cup of blessing which we bless is it not a koinōnia in the

blood of Christ The bread which we break is it not the body of Christ My translation

20 Cf 1 Cor 1017 1211 13 14 18ndash20 26 cf Rom 125 1 Cor 617 Eph 44 5

21 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 68

22 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 1 esp 146148ndash50 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper

Ritual or Relationship Part 2 esp 1 7ndash9

88

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to practice the new ritual within a temporal setting (1 Cor 1125c 26 cf

Luke 2219) ποιεῖτε23

could be linear or punctiliar However the addition of ὁσάκις (twice vv 24 25) implies

its repetitive nature Moreover ποιεῖτε in conjunction with the phrase ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ suggests that the instruction

is not punctiliar but linear

Significantly the institution of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has persisted through millennia For Paulrsquos

instructions to be crystallized into a stable body of teachings would mean subjecting them to regular reiteration

and being safeguarded by a system of policing24

Anything less than that could lead to a state of forgetting or

transforming them From a ritual perspective for any religious tradition to be established it would require a

handing over from one generation to the other Furthermore doing so attests to the worth of that particular

ritual Otherwise its future is bleak and can be defunct If this ritual analysis is correct then it follows that

Paulrsquos introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον successfully established conditions for its persistence to the present

day irrespective of the possibility of experiencing boredom25

The ritual of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is practiced

universally and in the liturgies of some churches the exact words stated by Paul to the ἐκκλησία in their

translated versions into different languages are used26

The members of the ἐκκλησία received the tradition

remembered practised and passed it on to the next generation and successively to the present generation The

praxis of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the present day exhibits how potent Paulrsquos intervention could have possibly

been

In the Corinthian correspondence Paul desires that there should not be any division in the ἐκκλησία27

He expands the canonical message by elaborating on the metaphor of σῶμα and the use of ἕν (1 Cor 1212) The

selfndashreferential part is that the participants would potentially understand themselves to be Christrsquos disciples

gathered around the mimetic table The σῶμα is a complex phenomenon Paul develops the concept of unity

from Chapter 8 stressing the adjective εἷς εἷς θεὸς ὁ πατήρ hellip καὶ εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστός (86)28

In 1 Cor

12 Paul defines the social body christologically (1212) In 1213 it is by one Spirit that ldquowe were all baptized

into one bodyrdquo without any distinctions The ritual tone of the instruction is that the σῶμα is one yet it has

many members καὶ γὰρ τὸ σῶμα ἔστιν οὐκ ἓν μέλος ἀλλὰ πολλά (1 Cor 1214)29

The individual parts

collaborate in its functioning to the extent that the overall outcome is unity Paul thus emphasizes the

23

ποιεῖτε is a 2nd

active imperative plural of the verb ποιέω

24 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67ndash69

25 The celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is not boring yet It is in its embryonic stage However we cannot

assume that because it survived it did not suffer from the effects of fatigue In some traditions it is practiced

rarely (a few times a year and on special occasions such Confirmation Holy Matrimony etc) In traditions

where it is more regular it is often mandated (as in Catholicism)

26 ie in English translation with additional liturgical words See Appendix 1

27 Paul mentions that ldquodivisionrdquo should not be entertained in the body but rather care for one another (1 Cor

1225 cf 1 Cor 110) μεριμνῶσις is a word I derived from μεριμνῶσιν 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω meaning ldquoto care forrdquo ie ἀλλήλων μεριμνῶσιν meaning ldquo should care for one anotherrdquo

28 [There is one God the Father hellipand one Lord Jesus Christ]

29 ldquoBut indeed the body is not one member but manyrdquo (1 Cor 1214) My translation

89

heterogeneous nature of the body as well as its homogeneity

As part of the tradition Paul introduces he instructs them to celebrate the ritual in Christrsquos memory

(1124c 25a) First the ritual Paul is introducing needs to assume the form that the members of the ἐκκλησία

can remember Second they need motivation to hand it over to later generations The feature of ἀνάμνησις helps

in establishing the purpose of the ritual act It shows its specificity and sets the scope of the ritual act Its

repetition shows its ritual significance for both σῶμα and αἷμαThe advantage of this feature is that it involves

memory In the traditional δεῖπνον there were other contesting purposes to exhibit onersquos status The memorable

formula also falls within Rappaportrsquos canonical category of communication of the ritual because of its

unchanging nature The simple memorable formula for the meal and the implication of a tradition to be passed

on place the phrases30

into canonical categories of unchanging meaning It communicates something about

Christ and the meal that will not change depending on which individuals are eating it The feature of ἀνάμνησις

would redirect the members of the community toward the ritual purpose of remembering their Lord It could

serve as a reminder to act bearing in mind the sacrifice made by the Lord Jesus Christ on their behalf They will

be reminded that they are always to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance and not in any

other personrsquos

The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps to illustrate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

giving the instruction to observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance by stimulating memory and

motivation Ritual has the ability to trigger implicit knowledge There is high arousal in the consequence of

practicing τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον with some becoming weak falling sick and dying Even though the arousal level in

the doctrinal mode of religiosity is low Whitehouse admits that in reality there is no religion that is either

purely doctrinal or imagistic based on the features captured in his model31

It is possible for a particular

religious tradition to contain all the elements of the doctrinal mode as well as a few of the features of the

imagistic mode For example the frequency of some rituals might be low and still have variables of low levels

of arousal The frequency of other rituals might not be regular and thus can result in sporadic performances

These instances might temper the claims of the theory of modes of religiosity However there are explanations

to the seeming inconsistencies It is noteworthy that modes of religiosity acknowledge two divergent attractor

positons and the tendency for religious traditions to lean toward them32

Moreover they do not outline

regulations for developing peculiar behavior It is not the case that any time that there is a ritual action it should

correspond to one or the other mode of religiosity Pragmatically it cannot be contended that a specific ritual

can be designated doctrinal or imagistic

Furthermore regarding the highndasharousal nature of the ritual Paul claims that they were drinking κρίμα

to themselves33

Here there is a play on words on the following κρίμα κρίνω and διακρίνω The σῶμα that

30

τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησινhellip τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν ldquoDo this in

my remembrance Do this as often as you drink for my remembrancerdquo (1 Cor 1124c 25a) My translation

31 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 75

32 Ibid 75ndash76 (emphasis original)

33 ὁ γὰρ ἐσθίων καὶ πίνων κρίμα ἑαυτῷ ἐσθίει καὶ πίνει μὴ διακρίνων τὸ σῶμα διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ὑμῖν πολλοὶ ἀσθενεῖς

90

Paul alludes to is that of the Lord (v28) Paul does not specify whether it is Christrsquos physical and or resurrected

body the Eucharistic elements themselves or the gathered community which he also describes as the body of

Christ In this regard Paul is being deliberately ambiguous Κρίμα comes upon the person who eats the bread

and drinks cup of the Lord in an unworthy manner (v27) In eating the ἄρτος and drinking from the ποτήριον of

the Lord therefore there is the need to classify το σῶμα and το αἷμα Ritual practice helps to illumine the

meaning of the terms By classification I mean that the σῶμα and the αἷμα are to be placed in their own ritual

category

Another sociopolitical feature of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps elucidate the possible

effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is leadership Leadership is

one of the sociopolitical features of the modes of religiosity Whereas in the imagistic mode of religiosity

leadership is passiveabsent that of the doctrinal mode is as Whitehouse puts it dynamic This means that

religious leaders are esteemed to be the source of authoritative religious knowledge They play a central role in

securing adherence to and preservation of the teachings of the group The authoritative nature of any such

tradition is determined by the ldquoadherents agreeing what the teachings arerdquo even if there are other traditions

which may be regarded as alternatives and possibly even in conflict with the official versions34

Paul claims

leadership and asserts to have received the tradition that he is passing on to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία Paulrsquos assertion of his own authority is evident in the ldquoI receivedrdquo formula His letter thus becomes a

vehicle for dynamic communication The notion of leadership in this context will be extended to the kind of

leaders Paul mentions in the Corinthian correspondence These include apostles prophets and teachers (1 Cor

124ndash11 28ndash30)35

Part of the function of the officials is ldquoto police the orthodoxyrdquo in general terms36

From a ritual

perspective that fractiousness persisted in the ἐκκλησία points to the potential usefulness of orthodoxy checks

Religious centralization is a key to stability We can conjecture that in the initial stages the lack of orthodoxy

checks in Corinthian ἐκκλησία partly led to the divisions At a number of points Paul intervenes to encourage

the appointment of officials (1 Cor 124ndash11 28ndash31 cf Rom 126ndash8) Such officials would be in a position to

monitor and promote orthodoxy that would further secure their leadership Paul places himself in the

transmission process when he says ldquoI received from the Lordhellip I pass on to yourdquo Thus he becomes essential to

the ritual transmission which secures his leadership Paul is just trying to establish the conditions for orthodoxy

by generating a stronger sense of his own authority over the shape of this ritual which transmits canonical (ie

orthodox) communication

καὶ ἄρρωστοι καὶ κοιμῶνται ἱκανοί εἰ δὲ ἑαυτοὺς διεκρίνομεν οὐκ ἂν ἐκρινόμεθαmiddot ldquoFor shehe who eats and

drinks without distinguishing the body (of the Lord) eats and drinks judgement to her himself For this reason

many among you are weak and sick and many have fallen asleep But if we judged ourselves we would not be

judged anyhowrdquo (1 Cor 1129ndash31) My translation

34 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67 (emphasis original) He describes this as ldquoprinciple of agreementrdquo

35 Apostles (including Apollos) are the primary leaders at this point

36 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 69

91

The presence of religious leaders also facilitates a more rapid ldquospreadrdquo of religions37

By virtue of the

fact that the proclamations of eminent religious leaders (or other appointed representatives) are made by word

of mouth they become ldquoreadily transportablerdquo38

The tenets of a grouprsquos belief system are based on the

proclamations (original or attributed) of the leaders and their deeds ldquobecome the basis for widely recounted

religious narratives transmitted orallyrdquo39

Ritual theory helps in understanding the kerygmatic aspect of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Associated with proclamation is the spread of a particular tradition In the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι

apostles including Paul were tasked with the spread of the gospel They would have the special responsibility

of spreading their religious tradition by oratory40

In the case of Paul he makes the effort to defend his

apostleship throughout the epistle (1 Cor 34ndash10 46ndash21 91ndash27 151ndash11)

One means that could make Paulrsquos intervention effective was to introduce a kind of ritual that could be

ongoing Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to practice the meal ὁσάκις He consequently sets up the

conditions that would facilitate routinization and the tradition for the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to

become widespread Religious routinization helps in both the detection and subjection of orthodox and

nonorthodox doctrines by making the former forms more pronounced than the latter ones Regular repetition of

the doctrines of a religious community has the potency of making members retain them in their memory

Instability will not augur well for the purpose of the ἐκκλησία to be realized The expectation of Christrsquos return

could possibly make the members of the community bury their differences in preparation of the return of their

Lord Paul thus provides the tools that would make the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to become

widespread This feature helps to validate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in 1 Corinthians

The observation of Grimes helps see the possible effectiveness of a new ritual in bringing stability in the

ἐκκλησία What Paul was helping to create can be described as an emergent ritual The merits of this suggestion

are that the members of the ἐκκλησίαwere already practicing a δεῖπνον although with inherent social

distinctions and looseness in its form Thus the collective meal was one of the occasions that displayed the

divisive character of the assembly The introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would replace the δεῖπνον of the

ἐκκλησία Unlike the δεῖπνον that structured difference the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provided a new structuring of

union in the name of one Lord It is no longer individual meals but one ἄρτος By recognizing with Grimes that

new rituals can arise for new purposes the traditional δεῖπνον would give way to the nascent ritual namely

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This could perhaps eradicate the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία

In 1127 the admonition is that whoever eats the bread or drinks of the cup of the Lord ldquounworthily hellip

shall be guilty of the Lordrsquos body and bloodrdquo There are repercussions when the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated

ἀναξίως In the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία their act of performing the meal ἀναξίως resulted in some of

them becoming weak others falling sick and dying (1129 30) In the NT ἀναξίως is a hapax legomenon Its

use here is ritually situated and calls for a ritual explanation From a ritual stance the members of the

37

See Table 31

38 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 70

39 Ibid 67 ldquoBoth forms of knowledge are stored in the semantic memoryrdquo

40 This is exactly the case of Paul (Timothy Titus and Barnabas)

92

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were consuming their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον ndash just like any other GrecondashRoman

meal and not the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) In ritual performance some persons can falter advertently or

inadvertently An inappropriate act is thought to result in disaster and that requires restoration by means of the

performance of a ritual41

When there is a disaster in a community rituals are performed to ward off danger and

evil Ritual studies helps in explaining the situation in Corinth This state of affairs could feasibly give Paul the

opportunity to arrest the situation In effect Paulrsquos institution of a new ritual will help the members of the

ἐκκλησία to deal with the trauma of illness and death the community is experiencing By instructing them to

observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in accordance with the tradition he handed to them Paul could help stem any fatal

consequences The proper way of observing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could then merit Paulrsquos commendation

instead of κρίμα and also provide the community a means of coping with the circumstances Ritual meaning is a

variable that falls within the psychological features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity Paulrsquos use of

δοκιμαζέτω in his injunction in 1 Cor 112842

provides the community with a mechanism for managing the

situation The rationale is that the members of the ἐκκλησία would have to disengage the former way of

practicing the traditional δεῖπνον and adopt a new way The old way and manner of eating the δεῖπνον would

bring κρίμα The ritual process that could bring restoration is one of learningacquiring new ways of celebrating

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον43

At this stage of the discussion it is appropriate to review how effective Paulrsquos interventions possibly

could have been Three main areas may be identified for evaluating the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The first is the sociondasheconomic dimension As discussed earlier there

was social stratification within the ἐκκλησία thus making the members socially distant from one another Grimes

points out that the self is a ldquocultural constructionrdquo44

He contends that ldquosocieties have their most persistent root

in the human body itself and the body is always ndash no matter how closeted or private ndash socially inscribedrdquo45

Paul in using the metaphor of σῶμα helps to neutralize class distinctions The need for one another is reciprocal

Each member needs the other ldquobut the eye cannot say to the hand lsquoI have no need of yoursquo nor again the head to

the feet lsquoI have no need of yoursquo rdquo (1 Cor 1221)46

Participating in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον requires solidarity

41

It is noteworthy that the case of disaster is not applicable to all cultures The proper ritual practice of the Inuit

people for example after they kill a whale does not necessarily save them from disaster It is known of the Inuit

people that Beluga whales are their staple food See M Tyrell ldquoNunavik Inuit Perspectives on Beluga Whale

Management in the Canadian Arcticrdquo in Human Organization 673 (2008) 322ndash334

42 ldquoLet a man examine himselfrdquo (1 Cor 1128) Δοκιμαζέτω is the 3

rd person singular imperative of the verb

δοκιμάζω It means ldquoI put to the test prove or examinerdquo

43 A passage that sheds light on this interpretation is Job 343 4 ὅτι οὖς λόγους δοκιμάζει καὶ λάρυγξ γεύεται

βρῶσιν κρίσιν ἑλώμεθα ἑαυτοῖς γνῶμεν ἀνὰ μέσον ἑαυτῶν ὅ τι καλόν ldquoFor the ear examines words as the

larynx tastes food Let us discern for ourselves what is right let us learn (know) among ourselves what is

goodrdquo Septuagint (Job 343 4) My translation

44 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRendashinventing Ritualrdquo 21

45 Ibid 27

46 οὐ δύναται δὲ ὁ ὀφθαλμὸς εἰπεῖν τῇ χειρί Χρείαν σου οὐκ ἔχω ἢ πάλιν ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῖς ποσίν Χρείαν

ὑμῶν οὐκ ἔχωmiddot (My translation in English)

93

strengthening the weak among the members in the ἐκκλησία (1222) ldquobut much rather those members of our

body that seem to be weaker are indispensablerdquo47

The praxis of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον does not give the occasion to

ignore or dispense with fellow members of the ἐκκλησία Paul in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could

probably have effected changes so far as class distinctions were concerned

The second area is the political realm Politically the political structure of GrecondashRoman polis

reflected the standard symposium The συμποσίαρχος presided over the symposium The symposium in turn

reflected the values of the society at large The afore-stated values reflected during the partaking in the meals in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul in his interventions establishes the Lordship of Jesus Christ It requires the

enablement of the Holy Spirit for one to acclaim the Lordship of Jesus Christ (1 Cor 123) The Lordship of

Jesus manifests in the distribution of gifts (1 Cor 125) In the traditional setting of the ἐκκλησία the leaders

assumed positions depicting their statuses In this new reality that Paul introduces it is God who places the

members in the positions in consonance with his will (1 Cor 1218 cf 1228 ff)

In the physiological realm Paul shifts the attention from physiology to pneumatology He applies the

metaphor of τὸ σῶμα beginning in 1212 ndash τὸ σῶμα ἕν ἐστιν ndash in his instructions on the exercise of the gifts of

the Spirit (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20)48

He introduces a different ritual while discussing the concept of

σῶμα in chapter 12 to illustrate unity He maintains the formula ldquothe same Spiritrdquo (124 8 9 (twice) 11 cf

ldquosame Lordrdquo 125 ldquosame Godrdquo 126) to relate the σῶμα to Christ Such a shift becomes relevant because the

Spirit becomes the medium through whom all are baptized Consequently in the emerging ritual the members

were given one Spirit to drink (1 Cor 1213)49

The inference that I can make from this verse is that the new

reality abhors σχίσματα and strengthens the bond of unity Paulrsquos illustration of the nature and function of the

σῶμα confirms the viability of this inference His use of ἓν for both πνεῦμα and σῶμα further underscores this

point The pneumatological implication is that there would be a reversal of consequence As they drink of the

Spirit they thus become strengthened spiritually instead of drinking κρίμα to themselves (cf1 Cor 1129) The

new reality that is emerging is devoid of ethnicity status or gender (1 Cor 1213 cf Gal 328)

The overarching factor in the analysis is the evolving of a ritual complex It is a complex that involves

(1) a ritual act (2) a ritual purpose which is dual in nature and (3) a ritual timing The first aspect is that the

members of the ἐκκλησία were to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This is in consonance with the directive τοῦτο

ποιεῖτε The second dimension of the complex is the ritual purpose which is dual On one side of the coin they

were to perform the ritual act in remembrance of the Lord Jesus Christ while on the other side they were to

proclaim the death of Jesus Christ The third facet is ritual timing and concerns the duration of the ritual act

The members of the ἐκκλησία were to perform the ritual act until Christrsquos return In practice therefore the

47

ἀλλὰ πολλῷ μᾶλλον τὰ δοκοῦντα μέλη τοῦ σώματος ἀσθενέστερα ὑπάρχειν ἀναγκαῖά ἐστιν (1 Cor 1122) (My

translation in English)

48 Cf Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 157ndash164 She uses the expression ldquothe

body metaphor for unityrdquo J Murphy-OrsquoConnor 1 Corinthians (Wilmington Delaware M Glazier 1979) 9

who remarks that ldquo[t]he most distinctive note of a christian community should be its organic unity (1212ndash27)rdquo

49καὶ πάντες ἓν πνεῦμα ἐποτίσθημεν (1 Cor 1213)

94

features of the traditional δεῖπνον could hardly manifest concurrently in the practice of the emerging ritual that

the new ritual in turn could serve for the stability of the ἐκκλησία From the foregoing analysis it becomes

evident that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in

Corinth at the time of writing of the letter However Paulrsquos interventions helped shape the Corinthian

community and that could possibly have generated stability in the ἐκκλησία

43 Conclusion

In this chapter I have attempted to examine Paulrsquos interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία concerning

the δεῖπνον and how they could possibly be effective in dealing with the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία The ritual

theories of Whitehouse and Rappaport help to demonstrate the potential effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

Corinth I have demonstrated that at the time of writing 1 Corinthians the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was in its embryonic

stage Paul was introducing a ritual structure to achieve stronger bonds of fellowship and enhance the spirit of

unity Put together with the analogies from the voluntary associations inscriptions papyrilogical documents

etc and the interpretation I have given to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 I suggest that the ritual approach of elucidating the

conflict at the table is more convincing than simply rendering a theological interpretation of the passage

Specifically by mentioning the tradition he received from the Lord Paul was reshaping a ritual I have

demonstrated how Paul could have effected changes in the meal practice of the Corinthian that would in turn

affect their social life

Whitehousersquos doctrinal mode of religiosity explains how it is probable that in a stratified community

hierarchy and equality can blend and thus produce a more homogenous group at least during the ritual itself

One of Paulrsquos pivotal interventions is ensuring stability which is closely related to innovation in the ἐκκλησία

As stated earlier modes of religiosity are complementary attractor positions around which ritual actions and

religious concepts merge Only innovations that are close to these attractor positions last The features of the

doctrinal mode of religiosity are highly potential The combination of these features produces a strong and

lasting legacy that persists historically for centuries and even millennia The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is the most

celebrated praxis of the present day universal Church Most liturgies follow the format in 1 Corinthians 11

Ritual theory offers the rationale for this state of affair

Rappaportrsquos model of communication argues that a canonical message is not restricted to the present

The words of institution combined with repetition of the ritual helped to establish the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a

meal that is still practiced today as it was practiced over the years Paul states explicitly that he was delivering

to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία what he had received from the Lord (1123) This expression makes the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paul is introducing Christological and authentic for the community Paul proposed the new

ritual in the context of their fractured relationships and I have shown why it was likely to be a successful

strategy Furthermore we do not need to argue that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were abusing the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον rather that they were practicing the δεῖπνον and observing the regulations just as the

associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing the

normative meal practices of the first century in GrecondashRoman world As a result of this their behavior was in

95

consonance with the social parameters of the GrecondashRoman society

96

5

Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims

In the preceding chapters I demonstrated that there was a common meal typology that was practiced in

the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean world The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in a δεῖπνον while

drinking also featured during their gathering These characteristics had parallels with the structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquets in general and association meals in particular I also established that Paul intervened in the

meal praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία so as to introduce a new ritual namely κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The analysis

has been on how rituals can produce effects that traditionally have received little attention My focus in the

concluding chapter is to demonstrate the interndashrelationship between ritual studies and theological themes

Rituals unlike theological themes are not expressed propositionally Ritual studies intensifies the meaning of

what can be achieved in theological discourses The scope of Paulrsquos theological claims extends beyond the

ritual elements of the supper However to some extent ritual relates to the identified themes that I will be

exploring

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον

In this section I will focus on the new meaning that Paul gives to the Corinthian δεῖπνον as I explore

theological themes The Corinthian δεῖπνον was a meal that was comparable to the δεῖπνον which was the main

and important meal taken at the close of the day of the associations in the GrecondashRoman setting The fact that

the Corinthian δεῖπνον was a real meal is substantiated by Paulrsquos reiteration of hunger in 1 Cor 1134 (cf

1124) Furthermore it is confirmed by some members of the ἐκκλησία getting satiated and others remaining

hungry Paul thus instructs that if they are hungry they should satisfy their hunger at home (1 Cor 1134) At the

time of writing the epistle the praxis of the δεῖπνον by the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was the kind

that could not merit Paulrsquos commendation Τοῦτο δὲ παραγγέλλων οὐκ ἐπαινῶ (1 Cor 1117a) The ὅτι clause

that follows gives the reason for Paulrsquos nonndashcommendation ὅτι οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸ ἧσσον

συνέρχεσθε Paulrsquos use of οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον and εἰς τὸ ἧσσον suggests that a particular type of practice is better

than another when the members of Corinthian ἐκκλησία assemble Part of what characterises the current praxis

is the disparity in the partaking of the meal where an individual prefers eating herhis own meal before the

other The effect is despising fellow members and shaming the havendashnots In a comparative tone Paul

maintains that the current praxis is worse than what he expects He thus intervenes by introducing the tradition

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

As stated earlier in the whole of the New Testament the phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax

legomenon The meal is in its emergent stage at the time of writing Paul by mentioning the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

is introducing a new praxis with an entirely different meaning from the Corinthian δεῖπνον The new meaning

Paul attaches to the meal is that first the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has a Christological dimension in the sense that Paul

indicates that Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου This sets the meal Paul is introducing on Christological

foundation Whereas the practice has been that the members partook in their own meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has its roots in ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς (1 Cor 1123) Moreover the quality of the meal is of

97

Christological significance This is attested to by the nomenclature Paul introduces ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The

distinction Paul makes between κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον is informative The meal is no longer the

individual meal as pertains in the general culture but it is the Lord who owns it It is the Lordrsquos Supper

Moreover the meal incorporates the ποτήριον κυρίου1 This expression sets the ποτήριον associated with the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from other ποτήρια in the social context and assigns it as that which belongs to the

Lord Furthermore closely linked to this notion is the phrase τραπέζης κυρίου While there are other τραπέζαι

such as δεύτεραι τραπέζαι and τραπέζης δαιμονίων Paul introduces a new concept of the τραπέζης κυρίου

Similarly the expression τραπέζης κυρίου sets the τραπέζης associated with the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from all

other τραπέζαι (1 Cor 1022)

At other points in First Corinthians Paul introduces the concept of Jesusrsquo Lordship and gradually

develops it throughout the letter The Corinthian ἐκκλησία with other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus

Christ the Lord ἐπικαλουμένοις τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (1 Cor 12) Paul pronounces the

grace and peace ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ2 to the members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 13)

In responding to the cases where some members would take others to the law courts Paul contrasts the way of

life between the righteous and unrighteous and notes that previously the lifestyle of some of the members was

like the unrighteous Consequently he confirms the new state of the members of the ἐκκλησία as cleansed

sanctified and justified ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ἐν τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν3 Concerning

Paulrsquos response to marital issues he further acknowledges the lordship and authority of Jesus Christ He draws

the distinction between the Lordrsquos commands and his own commands (1 Cor 710) Paul affirms the singularity

of the lordship of Jesus Christ ndash εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστόςndash (1 Cor 86)

The ritual analysis I have undertaken in the previous chapter coordinates to the theological themes that

I will explore in this chapter First Paulrsquos view of the lordship of the historical Jesus is that it is eternal The

members of the ἐκκλησία were called into εἰς κοινωνίαν τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν4 In 1

Corinthians Paul presents the historical Jesus as Lord both on earth and also when he was highly exalted In

both 1 Corinthians and Philippians the name of Jesus is professed Whereas in 1 Corinthians the members of

the ἐκκλησία with members of other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus in Philippians it is universal

profession of the highly exalted Jesus Paul consistently refers to the meal as the Lordrsquos (1 Cor 1121 cf vv 26

27) He traces the reception of the tradition to the Lord Jesus The ritual elements are the body and blood of the

Lord (1127) In case there should be judgment it is the same Lord who executes it in their interest to save them

from condemnation with the world It is the Lord who controls the ritual cycle The cycle begins with the Lord

(regarding the reception of the tradition) and the time of the Lordrsquos return (1126) Accordingly the δεῖπνον that

Paul is displaying here has Christological underpinning

1 Paul admonishes the members that they cannot drink the ποτήριον κυρίου as well as the ποτήριον δαιμονίων (1

Cor 1021)

2 ldquofrom God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christrdquo (1 Cor 13) My translation

3 ldquohellipin the name of Lord Jesus Christ and in the spirit of our Godrdquo (1 Cor 611) My translation The words

Paul uses to describe their new state are ἀπολούω ἁγιάζω and δικαιόω 4 ldquo into koinōnia with the Lord Jesus Christ our Lordrdquo (1 Cor 19) My translation

iv

Table of Contents

Abstract ii

Acknowledgements iii

Table of Contents iv

List of Tables vi

Abbreviations vii

Primary Sources vii

Secondary Sources ix

Introduction 1

1 The State of the Question 6

11 Views about Divisions in General 7

12 Conflict over Specific Issues 12

121 Litigation as a Source of Conflict in the ἐκκλησία 12

122 Meat Sacrifices as a Source of Division 13

123 Disorder during Public Worship 15

1 3 The Meal as a Source of Division 16

1 4 A New Set of Questions 23

2 The State of the Meal at Corinth 25

21 The General Pattern of Formal Meals 26

211 The Mode of reclining 28

212 The Structure of the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον 29

213 An Excursus on Jewish Meals 33

2 2 Comparison between the Meal Practices of GrecondashRoman Associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία 36

2 2 1 External evidence 37

2 2 2 Social Mobility Internal Evidence about Voluntary associations 44

2 3 Physical Setting 47

2 31 The State of the Meal in Corinth already a specifically Christian Ritual 52

24 Conclusion 54

3 Two Ritual Models for Analysis of Paulrsquos Comments 56

3 1 The Difficulty of Definition 57

3 1 2 Approaches to the Study of Rituals 60

3 2 A Closer Examination of Ritual Function 63

3 2 1 The appearance of New Rituals 67

3 3 Models of Harvey Whitehouse and R A Rappaport 69

v

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication 76

34 Conclusion 78

4 Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective 80

41 A New Model 80

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode 83

43 Conclusion 94

5 Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims 96

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον 96

5 2 Unity and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον 103

53 Implications greater group unity 106

5 4 Summary and Conclusion 107

Bibliography 109

APPENDIX 122

vi

List of Tables

Table Page

1 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity 72

2 Sociopolitical features summarized 75

vii

ABBREVIATIONS

PRIMARY SOURCES

AGRW Ascough R S PA Harland and J S Kloppenborg ed Associations in the Greco-

Roman World A Sourcebook Waco 2012

Aristotle

Eth nic Ethica nichomachea Nichomachean Ethics

Aristophanes

Wasps

Ath Athenaios

Deip Deipnosophitae Deipnosophists

Ber Berakot

Chrysostom

Hom1 Cor Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

CIL Corpus inscriptionum latinarum Consilio et Auctoritate Academiae Litterarum

Regiae Borussicae editum (17 vols Berlin Reimer 1863ndash1989)

1 Clem 1 Clement

I Delos Roussel Pierre and Marcel Launey ed Inscriptions de Deacutelos Deacutecrets posteacuterieurs agrave

166 avJ-C (nos1497ndash1524 ) Deacutedicaces posteacuterieures agrave 166avJ-C (nos1525 ndash

2219) Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettresParis Librairie Ancienne Honoreacute

Champion 1937

GThom Gospel of Thomas

GRA Kloppenborg John S Philip A Harland and Richard SAscough Greco-Roman

Associations Texts Translations and Commentary BZNW 181Berlin Walter de

Gruyter 2011 ndashVol 1 Attica Central Greece Macedonia Thrace (2011)

Hom Homer

Il The Iliad

Od The Odyssey

IG Inscriptiones gracae Bonnae A Marcus and E Weber 1913

Jos Asen Joseph and Aseneth

Justin

1 Apol First Apology

Lucian

Dial Deo Dialogi Deorum

Lex Lexiphanes

Symp Symposium

Mart Martial

viii

Epig Epigrammata (Epigrams)

Ovid

Fast Fasti

PG Migne J-P ed Patrologiae cursus completus (series Graeca) Paris 1857 ff

Plato

Symp Symposium

Pliny the Younger

Ep Epistulae

Plut Plutarch

De Tuen De Tuenda Sanitate Praecepta

Quaest conv Quaestiones convivales

Sept sap conv Septem sapientium convivium

P Lond PLond edKenyon F G and H I Bell Greek Papyri in the British Museum 7

vols London 1893ndash1974

PMich Michigan Papyri V Papyri from Tebtunis part 2 ed Elinor Mullett Husselman

Arthur ER Boak and William F Edgerton (Ann Arbor University of Michigan

Press 1944) nos 226ndash356

PRE Realencyclopaumldie fuumlr Protestantische Theologie und Kirche

SEG Supplementum epigraphicum graecum Leiden E J Brill 1923 ndash

Sen Seneca

Ad Luc Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales

SIG Dittenberger Wihelm ed Sylloge inscriptionum graecarum 3rd ed 4 vols Leipzig

S Hirzel 1915ndash24

Xen Xenophon

Symp Symposium

ix

SECONDARY SOURCES

BR Biblical Research

CSSCA Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology

CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CSHJ Chicago Studies in the History of Judaism

CTR Chriswell Theological Review

EASA European Association of Social Anthropologists

ET The Expository Times

GNT Good News Translation

HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament

HTR Harvard Theological Review

IKZ Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift

JAC Jahrbuch fuumlr Antike und Christentum

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature

JHP Journal of Historical Pragmatics

JJS Journal of Jewish Studies

JRitSt Journal for Ritual Studies

JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament

JSNT Sup Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series

JTS Journal of Theological Studies

LQ Lutheran Quarterly

MKNT Meyerrsquos Kommentar zum Neuen Testament

NICNT The New International Commentary on the New Testament

NovT Novum Testamentum

NTS New Testament Studies

RA Revue Archeacuteologique

RTR Reformed Theological Review

SBL Society of Biblical Literature

SCM Student Christian Movement

SHR Studies in the History of Religions

SPCK Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge

TANZ Texte und Arbeiten zum neutestamentlichen Zeitalter

TZTh Tuumlbinger Zeitschrift fuumlr Theologie

TynBul Tyndale Bulletin

ZNW Zeitschrift fuumlr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der aumllteren Kirche

ZWT Zeitschrift fuumlr wissenschaftliche Theologie

1

Introduction

The Corinthian case of conflict at table is analogous to the GrecondashRoman world in general and

voluntary associations in particular Various interpretations have been given by scholars concerning what Paul

intended to convey in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Disunity is particularly evident in eating the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1118ndash

21) Paul tells the members of the ἐκκλησία that when they come together it is not for the better but for the

worse (1117) He claims that there are divisions among them (v 18) and that the collective meal has been

fragmented into individual meals where one eats while another is hungry and another is drunk (v 21) In fact in

Paulrsquos view their thinking and behavior are so seriously disordered that many are weak and feeble and a number

of them have died (v 30) In evaluating these circumstances many have described the behavior of some of the

members as inappropriate1 In Paulrsquos opinion the state of affairs in the ἐκκλησία required his interventions

around the meal to correct the problem of disunity2

My interest is to attempt to answer the question How might Paulrsquos comments about the δεῖπνον help to

generate greater unity in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The ritual structure of the supper provides a distinctive

opportunity for Paul to try to end the fractiousness I will argue that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not

yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in Corinth and that the ritual theories of Roy A Rappaport3 and

Harvey Whitehouse4 (described in Chapter 3) help to demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal

meal might give Paul a particular kind of leverage in strengthening the identity of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and

thus ending some of the divisions

Generally speaking ritual is an important aspect of Christian communities Rituals are performed at

birth baptism marriage festivals etc The present study addresses the concern that little detailed attention has

been turned to the ritual setting of the passage under review and the potency of rituals to shape collective

experience and thus strengthen unity To gain insight into how the development of the ritual ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

ndash and its use would have strengthened the community there is the need not only to critically engage with the

works of biblical scholars but ritual theorists as well G D Fee suggests that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

abusing the meal and Annette Weissenrieder also writes that they neglected the ldquoLast Supperrdquo5 Contrary to

these views I will make a case that it can be established that instead of abusing or neglecting a ritual that was

1 For example G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians (NICNT rev ed Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 2014) 587 regards it as ldquototally unacceptable behaviorrdquo

2 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharistrdquo Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 4836ndash49 at 36 G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 531 Geert Hallbaumlck ldquoSacred Meal and Social Meeting Paulrsquos Argument

in 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic and Roman

World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998) 167

3 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity CSSCA 110 (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1999)

4 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission (Walnut Creek CA

AltaMira Press 2004)

5 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 15 531ndash545 and Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in

1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo in Contested Spaces Houses and Temples in Roman Antiquity and the

New Testament Ed Balch David L and Annette Weissenrieder (Tubingen Mohr Siebeck 2012) respectively

2

distinctive to the Christndashgroup the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing a GrecondashRoman

association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special In order to assess this hypothesis I

will apply two models of ritualndashnamely Harvey Whitehousersquos ldquodoctrinal moderdquo and Roy Rappaportrsquos selfndash

referential and canonical modes ndash to the text to evaluate the ways in which Paul is formalizing the structure and

meaning of the supper and hence the shared identity and experience of the ἐκκλησία

The current study has manifold advantages First and foremost the research contributes to scholarship

by demonstrating how the ritual Paul is helping to create ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash being in its embryonic stage

shaped the community through action The present study sheds light on the teething problems of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία in particular and the formation of early Christianity in general The study demonstrates the

significance of Paulrsquos interventions by means of a ritual namely the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον beyond rhetorical

persuasions and aims at demonstrating the potency of rituals to shaping collective experience with the overall

effect of strengthening unity The investigation gives insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in helping to create a

ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a self-referential and canonical

identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth It also explores patronageclientele system which helps to

understand the social statuses of the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe study investigates ritual models to

gain understanding of handling conflicts in the Corinthian community and Paulrsquos ways of intervention It is thus

valuable for acquiring principles necessary for attaining unity conflictndashresolution and stability in communities

Chapter 1 of the study briefly outlines the range of scholarly views about divisions in general

indicating specific cases of disunity at the meal The chapter reviews the history of scholarship about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and divisions within the ἐκκλησία and also examines the relationship between the general

conflict in the ἐκκλησία and the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in particular In examining the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the

chapter considers other kinds of division for example litigation as a source of conflict It further explores the

subject of meat sacrifices as a source of division The focus here is on the strong and weak regarding the eating

of meat and the discussion is extended to the historical setting of Corinth In addition to this is an investigation

into the disorder that takes place during worship The chapter also examines the meal as a source of division In

an attempt to evaluate the socioeconomic dimensions of the meal norms of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the

discussion shifts to examining the physical setting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The shift thus prepares the

ground for a discussion that seeks a path for ritual setting

In ascertaining the social status of the members of the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι the chapter surveys three

phases of scholarly opinion What I designate the first phase represents the older viewpoint spearheaded by

Adolf Deissmann that the early Christians were among the people of the lower strata of the Roman Empire

Scholars in the category of what I term the second phase for example Abraham J Malherbe express the view

that the social standing of the early of the Christndashgroups may be higher than what Deissmann presumed and that

there may be an emerging consensus regarding the social standing of the members of the Corrinthian ἐκκλησία

In more recent times Gerd Theissen has advanced the concept of social stratification in the ἐκκλησία and he

assigns the σχίσματα to the grouping of the wellndashtondashdo Christians and the less privileged in the assembly

Scholars in the category of what I label the third phase for example J J Meggitt and S Friesen soften the

3

viewpoints of scholars in both the first and second phases The review covers views of scholars who consider

the σχίσματα to be sociondashpolitical theological or ideological and others who assign the σχίσματα to personal

allegiances or other isolated cases

Chapter 2 deals with the state of the meal at Corinth The chapter examines the general pattern of the

GrecondashRoman meals and establishes that a common meal typology typifies meal practices in the GrecondashRoman

Mediterranean milieu irrespective of the background ndash whether Jewish or nonndashJewish The chapter explores the

GrecondashRoman meal practices including the custom of reclining the structure of the δεῖπνον and συμποσίον and

then makes an excursus on Jewish meals Chapter 2 expands the discussion to embark on a comparative study

of meal practices in the sociondashcultural setting between voluntary associations and Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

rationale for the comparison is to identify the features that are similar to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the

voluntary associations In the comparison the features that are identified as similar include social stratification

social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character Even though all the features identified are

active in 1 Corinthians they are in a state of fluctuation The chapter argues that perhaps the Corinthian δεῖπνον

is an ordinary meal of the kind we see in voluntary associations Furthermore the chapter establishes that the

Corinthian δεῖπνον is not yet developed into a distinctively Christian ritual at the time of writing the epistle For

the purposes of analysis the chapter seeks evidence postndashdating 1 Corinthians as well as exploring social

mobility as internal evidence about voluntary associations This prepares the stage for further probing into

whether the meal in Corinth is already a specifically Christian ritual or not The discussion is extended further

by reviewing more recent views expressed by Weissenrieder and Richard Last on the setting for supper and

George May that the communal meal is not yet a ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians Weissenriederrsquos work

provides the evidence in favor of the Corinthian δεῖπνον correlating with the voluntary associations

Chapter 3 highlights pioneers of ritual studies and investigates the approaches to the study of rituals It

explores the functions of ritual in the following arears first communication by the use of symbols Second it

surveys how rituals help in effecting stability and infusing innovation It further examines the social collective

functions of ritual and how it contributes to social solidarity The second half of the chapter examines new view

of rituals The chapter further introduces the two ritual models that I use in the analysis of Paulrsquos intervention in

1 Cor 1117ndash34 There are some features of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that are recurrent in other rituals Comparative

data from other disciplines (specifically anthropology) might help us to examine how the ritual models help to

analyze a ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον being in its embryonic stage G A Klingbeil rightly observes that

among the Christian ritual practices ldquothe celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper seems to have had the most potential

for integrating the diverse members into a more unified lsquobodyrsquohelliprdquo6 After introducing Whitehousersquos model of

modes of religiosity especially the doctrinal mode and Rappaportrsquos model of rituals as means of

communication and giving the criteria for selecting their models chapter 3 applies the models to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία The chapter further demonstrates first in respect to Whitehousersquos model how rituals produce stability

within a particular kind of community Whitehouse helps to show how rituals take on stable forms that are

6 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible (Winona Lake Ind Eisenbrauns

2007) 222

4

related to and reinforcing of specific community structures Second in a similar vein Rappaportrsquos model

assesses the ways that ritual can transfer or communicate messages apart from words Rappaportrsquos model shows

how ritual conveys meaning largely by symbolic means In applying Rappaportrsquos model the distinction is drawn

between canonical and selfndashreferential messages

An understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association is significant for the study

For a legitimate historicalndashcritical examination chapter 3 pays particular attention to voluntary associations in

the GrecondashRoman world It employs comparative data of the voluntary associations especially the collegia and

thiasoi to ascertain the different meal practices and compare and contrast them with that of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία This becomes crucial taking cognizance of the fact that Christndashgroups were subject to the same social

dynamics that prevailed in other institutions

Chapter 4 is an exegetical study of 1 Cor1117ndash34 It involves an inndashdepth analysis in order to

elucidate the meaning of the passage under review It demonstrates how Paulrsquos comments in 1 Cor 1117ndash34

might strengthen the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and communicate canonical and self-referential

meanings After establishing in chapter 3 the essence for the application of the ritual models of Whitehouse and

Rappaport chapter 4 applies these models analytically to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 In terms of taxonomy the

terminology κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is sui generis in the entire NT The chapter therefore harnesses the available

ritual resources in the passage

Part of the claim of chapter 4 is that rituals operate not just as concepts but that they feature very well

with groups and relationships The chapter therefore identifies the characteristics of both imagistic and doctrinal

types of religious groups and relates them to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The chapter discovers the sociondashpolitical

features of Whitehousersquos modes of religion that are applicable to the Corinthian situation and investigates the

band of traits that in Paulrsquos estimation might contribute towards the development of the ἐκκλησία It further

argues that what Paul is trying to achieve in the ἐκκλησία is to introduce a ritual in its nascent form The ritual

approach by Ronald L Grimes of demonstrating how rituals emerge is adopted to develop this viewpoint The

application of ritual models to the passage under review might help give insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in

helping to create a ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a selfndash

referential and canonical identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth If this hypothesis proves correct then

the dissertation will show the importance of Paulrsquos interventions beyond rhetorical persuasion

Chapter 5 considers the new meaning Paul gives to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον For example Paul by use of

the following expressions Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου τραπέζης κυρίου and ποτήριον κυρίου conveys

the Christological dimension of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paulrsquos use of σῶμα leads to the introduction of ἀγάπη

which I describe as a unity ethic Paul devotes a chapter to ἀγάπη (1 Cor 13) and the overall effect of his

instructions could be that the members of the ἐκκλησία would attain somatic unity The chapter then provides a

summary of the implications of how Paulrsquos new meanings might help create greater unity in Corinth

In conclusion it is noteworthy to make introductory comments on a word that I have used namely

μεριμνῶσις which is derived from μεριμνῶσιν Μεριμνῶσιν is the 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω which means ldquoto care forrdquo Paul enjoins the members of the ἐκκλησία with these words ἀλλήλων

5

μεριμνῶσιν (1 Cor 1225) One of Paulrsquos interventions in writing συνερχόμενοι εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε

(1 Cor 1133b) could be his desire for egalitarianism for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία It is plausible that Paul in

applying the analogy of σῶμα was motivated by the need of the members of the ἐκκλησία to care for one

another

6

1

The State of the Question

πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν καὶ μέρος τι πιστεύω

(1 Cor 1118)

For first of all when you assemble in the ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you and I partly

believe it

(1 Cor 1118)

In 1 Corinthians Paul is concerned that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία should exhibit greater

unity than they currently do Even a cursory reading of the letter suggests that there is instability in the

ἐκκλησία Paul mentions σχίσματα in 110 and ἔριδες in 111 Disunity shows up in multiple places in 1

Corinthians There were those who claim to belong to Paul some to Apollos others to Cephas and still others to

Christ There were cases of litigation where some members were having πρᾶγμα against other members of the

ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) Moreover there were differences of opinion concerning the use of meat sacrificed to idols

(8ndash10) disorder about worship practices (14) and the specific case of disunity at the celebration of the meal in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 11 After having received a report that there were contentions among them

Paul made a passionate appeal that there be no divisions (1 Cor 110ndash11 1117 ff 1225 cf 33) Σχίσματα still

persisted when the Christndashgroup came together for their shared meal (1 Cor 1118)1

The chapter summarizes existing scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on their

meal practices There are other scholars who have attempted to handle some of the problems related to meals in

1 Corinthians However D E Smithrsquos dissertation for example concentrates mainly on the social meal in the

GrecondashRoman world Moreover P Coutsoumpos embarks on a sociondashhistorical study on 1 Cor 8 10 and 112

Although the dissertations of Smith and Coutsoumpos deliberate on some of the issues in the current research

especially GrecondashRoman meals there are significant divergences from my dissertation My dissertation is

distinct from other scholarly works on the passage under review in that it will examine the ritual setting of the

passage It will further demonstrate that it was Paul who was generating the beginnings of a ritual structure

distinct from the ordinary meal practices of voluntary associations for example

1 Some critics are of the view that the members of the ἐκκλησία were abusing the Lordrsquos Supper Cf G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 587 comments ldquoPaul now takes up a second abuse of Christian worship

(cf 112ndash 16) lsquodivisionsrsquo at the Lordrsquos Supper (v18) predicated along sociological lines (v22)rdquo R F Collins

First Corinthians Sacra Pagina Series vol7 (Collegeville The Liturgical Press 1999) 421 In a similar vein

C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (New

York Crossroad 1987) 74 notes ldquoSuch divisions associated with the common meal would be viewed as tragic

by Paul who saw the meal as the catalyst for Christian fellowship (1016ndash17) B B Blue ldquoThe House Church

at Corinth Famine Food Supply and the Present Distressrdquo CTR 5 (1991) 221ndash39 at 234ndash37 identifies the

problem as one related to famine making reference to 1 Cor 726

2 Dennis E Smith ldquoSocial Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Christian Meal in 1

Corinthians in Comparison with Graeco-Roman Mealsrdquo (Unpublished Thesis Harvard University Cambridge

Massachusetts 1980) P Coutsoumpos Paul and the Lordrsquos Supper A Socio-Historical Investigation (New

York Peter Lang 2005)

7

11 Views about Divisions in General

Before proceeding to analysis of Paulrsquos instructions about the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I begin with a review

of scholarship about a generalized social conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Some scholars have argued that

the kind of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία was ideological3 C K Barrett a chief proponent of this view infers that

Apollos could have attracted ldquoa following of his ownrdquo the fact that he was an ἀνὴρ λόγιος (Acts 1824)rdquo4

Moreover he could have been a factor in ldquothe Corinthian development of thought about γνῶσις λόγος and

σοφίαrdquo which were subjects that Paul handles in 1 Cor 1ndash45 The Cephas group Barrett writes had adopted a

Jewish Christian ldquonomisticrdquo attitude that involved a position on litigation that forbade appeal to secular courts

the total rejection of ldquosacrificial mealsrdquo and issues on the Lordrsquos Supper6

Commentators of early twentiethndashcentury regularly held the view that there were various segments of

the Christian community who rallied around the leaders namely Paul Apollos Cephas and Christ (1 Cor 112)

Some scholars especially C F G Heinrici and Johannes Weiss argue that (1) Paul introduces Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ

so as to reduce the other three citations ad absurdum or (2) the phrase is Paulrsquos own declaration but not a fourth

slogan7 They base their argument on 1 Cor 322 1 Clement and Patrologica Graeca with the reason that the

phrase was Paulrsquos own gloss on the divisions8 Some scholars argue for the existence of a Christndashparty based on

the parallelism in the phrasing of the slogans H Conzelmann responds to the hypothesis of Heinrici and Weiss

that the adoption of their interpretation on the addition of Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ would make it to be difficult to

establish a link between verses 12 and 13

Other critics basing their argument on 1 Cor 112 argue that there were two or more parties related to

the leaders mentioned in 112 Chrysostom equally disputed the existence of such a Christndashparty He opines that

the mentioning of four names in 112 is not an indication that different groups rallied around Paul Apollos and

Cephas Paul by mentioning his name first was giving esteem to the others He thus arranged the names in

ascendancy (κατὰ αῦξησιν)9 Ferdinand Christian Baur contends that the divisions that existed among the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were as a result of diverging theologies Pauline Christianity which was represented by the

Pauline and Apollosian parties and Jewish Christianity which was represented by the Petrine and Christndash

3 Cf Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body (New Haven Yale University Press 1995) xvii maintains that

even though the Corinthian ἐκκλησία lacked persons from the ldquohighest levels of Greco-Roman culturerdquo

socioeconomic positions were available and that ldquoprompted theological conflictshellipthat ldquostemmed from conflicts

over ideologyrdquo

4 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo in Essays on Paul (London SPCK 1982) 4

5 Ibid 4 See further 5ndash14

6 Ibid 4 referencing T W Mansonrsquos argument (Studies in the Gospels and Epistles ed Matthew Black

Manchester Manchester University Press 1962) 197ndash208 at 198

7 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1975)

33

8 ldquoOf a truth he charged you in the Spirit concerning himself and Cephas and Apollos because that even then ye

had made partiesrdquo 1 Clem 47 3 J-P Migne PG (1857ndash1912) 1308

9 John Chrysostom Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

8

parties10

Peter Lampe argues that Paul covertly reproaches the members of the Corinthian community by means

of a rhetorical σχημα in 118ndash216 and that the mention of Apollos and Cephas is a clue to all the comments

made by Paul in that section Lampe asserts that Paul does not make a direct allusion to party strife in 118ndash

216 He further states that in these verses Paul assigns the source of legitimate theological knowledge to Godrsquos

spirit In effect the theological statements have divine rather than human origin This therefore does not give

room for boasting Paul thus employs the rhetorical σχημα without hurting the feelings of the two condash

missionaries however it allows Paul to equally deal with the ldquoparty disorderrdquo11

Marion L Soards comments

that ldquo[a]ttempts to identify the distinct theological perspectives of those who would claim affiliation with one or

the other of those named by Paul here are not persuasive and are necessarily speculativerdquo12

Benjamin Fiore regards the source of the Corinthian communityrsquos divisiveness as also being at the root

of specific problems in chapter 5ndash15 According to him Paul uses two exhortationndashformulae to address the facts

of σχίσματα as well as confront them He identifies the rhetorical device of λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος13

as the

technique employed by Paul in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 in addressing both problems of factionalism and possession of

faulty knowledge and wisdom He however finds the device most effective for the resolution of the

factionalism Paul by calling attention to his covert allusion in 46 thus negates the covertness of the rhetorical

form He in effect abandons the secrecy of allusion so as to direct the members of the community towards the

salvation secured in the crucified Christ for them14

During the second half of the twentieth century another group of scholars attributed the tensions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία to some kind of gnosticism Making use of the Gospel of Thomas the authors settled on

some similarities between Christianity and the document The logion which is similar to the enigmatic comment

by Paul in 1 Cor 29 is ldquoJesus said lsquoI shall give you what no eye has seen what no ear has heard what no hand

has touched what has not arisen in the human heartrsquo rdquo15

Likewise in 1 Corinthians there are some slogans that

some critics suggest that Paul cites back to the members of the Corinthian community Some scholars argue that

these slogans are clues that Paulrsquos opponents in Corinth were gnostics16

For example W Schmithals attribute

the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία to gnostic opponents In an attempt to overcome the chronological problem

10

F C Baur ldquoDie Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde der Gegensatz des Paulinischen und

Petrinischen Christentums in der Aumlltesten Kirche der Apostel Petrus in Romrdquo TZTh 4 (1831) 61ff

11 P Lampe ldquoTheological Wisdom and the lsquoWord about the Crossrsquo The Rhetorical Scheme in 1 Corinthians 1ndash

4rdquo Interpretation 44 (1990)117ndash31 esp 127ndash31

12 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

13 λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος means a ldquofigured speech (word)rdquo It is a rhetoric device used to communicate a

message in a frank manner making oblique references without unjustifiably causing offence to the recipients

14 Benjamin Fiore ldquoCovert Allusionrdquo in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 CBQ 47 (1985) 85ndash102 esp 86ndash88 93ndash94 100ndash

101

15 GThom 17

16 Examples are 612 cf 1023 613 possibly 71 81 and 84 In the nineteenth century F C Baur ldquoDie

Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde 61ndash206 contends that Paulrsquos opponents were Judaizers

9

involved some scholars suggest that the opponents were ldquoprotondashGnosticsrdquo17

Recent scholarship has challenged such approaches based on ldquomirrorndashreadingrdquo to interpret the causes

of divisions within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία18

W Baird states the effect of such reconstructions as follows

ldquoThis method of lsquomirror readingrsquo has imposed on the interpretation of the epistles an oppressive rigidity A

fresh reading of 1 Corinthians is needed ndash a reading open to a more flexible analysis of the conflict within the

Corinthian congregationrdquo19

Willem C van Unnik who is of a similar view considers it as a wrong historical

method in New Testament scholarship in recent times

to reconstruct the unknown ideas of the Christians there by reverting Paulrsquos words to the opposite and

by thinking that everything the apostle wrote was prompted by the necessity of contradicting very

explicitly ideas that were held by these enthusiasts in the Corinthian ecclesia and which were leading

the sheep astray20

We need to question the coherence of ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo as a movement Even though philosophic

and other movements sprang up and generated into ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo less than a century after Paulrsquos day

there is little evidence to establish Christian gnosticism before the second century21

Furthermore the proposal

of Schmithals did not account for the evidence in verses 22 33 and 34 of 1 Corinthians 11 in which Paul

explicitly indicates that the behavior of the members of the ἐκκλησία constituted despising the ἐκκλησία of God

and shaming the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo Moreover in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul alludes to the entire assembly This is

confirmed by his use of the second person plural in general terms eg συνέρχεσθε συνερχομένων ὑμῶν (vv17

18 cf v20)

Still other commentators hold the view that the primary source of conflict was not within the

community but rather between Paul and one unified ἐκκλησία G D Fee admits that the Corinthian church was

experiencing internal strife Notwithstanding he argues that the greater problem of ldquodivisionrdquo was between Paul

as a leader and some persons in the ldquocommunity who were leading the church as a whole into an antindashPauline

view of thingsrdquo22

Fee contends that it is doubtful that the ldquodivisionsrdquo described in chapter 11 could be a

reflection of the same reality as that expressed in 112 He assigns the following reasons for his position (1)

17

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 57ndash59 asserts that Paul opposes only

gnosticism1

18 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation An Exegetical Investigation of the Language

and Paul and Composition of 1 Corinthians (Louisville Ky WestminsterJohn Knox Press 1993) 54ndash55 C

S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2005) 8

19 W Baird lsquoldquoOne against the Otherrsquo Intra-Church Conflict in 1 Corinthiansrdquo in The Conversation Continues

Studies in Paul and John in Honor of J Louis Martyn ed R T Fortna and B R Gaventa (Nashville

Abingdon Press 1990) 119

20 Willem C van Unnik ldquoThe Meaning of 1 Corinthians 1231rdquoNov T 35 (1993) 142ndash159 at 144

21 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3 See also W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the

Letters to the Corinthians trans John E Steely (Nashville Abingdon Press 1971) Edwin M Yamauchi Pre-

Christian Gnosticism A Survey of the Proposed Evidences (2d ed Grand Rapids Mich Baker Book House

1983) G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 12 states ldquoNone of the essential phenomena of

Gnosticism is present in this letter except the dualism itself which can be explained on other groundsrdquo

22 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 5ndash6

10

there is an additional dimension of the former divisions While they are characterized by ldquoquarrelsrdquo and

ldquojealousyrdquo the divisions in chapter 11 are spelled out wholly along sociological lines (vv 21ndash 22 33ndash34) (2)

In 112 the contention is around four names and it definitely carries antindashPauline sentiment In chapter 11 only

two groups ndash the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo and the ldquohavesrdquo ndash are involved without any dispute with Paul on the issue (3)

The language Paul uses συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ hellip σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν (1118) implies that the

ldquodivisionsrdquo particularly have to do with their gatherings and not merely to false loyalties to their leaders or to

ldquowisdomrdquo Finally (4) the additional words in the verse ndash ldquoI partly believe itrdquo ndash fit well in the context of

chapter 11 but it is hardly the case in 110ndash42123

It is Paulrsquos way of authenticating the report of his informants

ldquobut also of bridging the sociological gap between them and the wealthy who are guilty of the misdeedsrdquo24

In contrast Margaret M Mitchell is of the view that general disunity was central to Paulrsquos argument

ldquoBecause he returns to this ecclesiological concern in 1133ndash34 we conclude that the disunity of the church is

the main topic of this argument to which the tradition (1123ndash 26) is a responserdquo25

By use of rhetorical

criticism Mitchell demonstrates that 1 Corinthians is a single letter which contains a ldquodeliberative argumentrdquo by

which Paul implores ldquothe community to become reunifiedrdquo26

Annette Weissenrieder agrees stating that it is

likely that the words of praise which Paul uses in 112 can be understood as ldquocaptatio benevolentiaerdquo27

They

amount ldquocataphorically to the antithetical speech act in 1117 and 22 in which Paul explicitly does not praise

the community and points to the Last Supper which has been neglectedrdquo28

In discussing the views about divisions in general it is noteworthy that some scholars for example

John K Chow and Andrew D Clarke have more recently discredited the role of ideology in the divisions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία They attribute the tensions in the ἐκκλησία to personal allegiances Clarke examines the

nature of the leadership structure and dynamics of first century Roman Corinth and compares that to the style of

leadership reflected in 1 Cor 1ndash6 He cites evidence from 1 Corinthians about secular views and style of

leadership The examples include leaders who are involved in litigation in law courts and the incestuous man in

1 Cor 5 Clarke maintains that the conflict in Corinth did not stem from personal policy or manifesto but

patronage For him the personal attachment to certain personalities was an integral part of the system of social

relationship He identifies three different kinds of relationships and insists that they were analogous to the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία With the clientele system clients gained mutual support from the patrons Sophists and

orators also had faithful followers while in the political realm the disputes had their source from the personal

23

Ibid 595

24 Ibid 596

25 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 263 (emphasis original)

26 Ibid 13

27 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 65 See also G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 552 who comments as follows ldquothey serve in a more general way as a

kind of captatio benevolentiae to introduce this entire section regarding their gatherings for worship (chaps 11ndash

14)helliprdquo Cf H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 182 who considers the

captatio as a literary device

28 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 65

11

interests of a particular group Clarke describes the kind of leadership that prevailed as secular and was

characterized by the desire for prestige and oratory Paul was not in favor of this kind of leadership In contrast

with the secular type of leadership he outlines his own perception of nonndashstatus type of leadership and

principles of leadership29

Chow also examines some of the behavioral problems prevalent in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία through the

lens of the phenomenon of patronage His analysis focuses on a kind of network specifically patronndashclient ties

He surmises that those who opposed Paul could be the powerful patrons in the ἐκκλησία He thus examines

signals that could serve as a link between the powerful patrons and some of the tensions in the ἐκκλησία He

like Clarke opines that the incestuous man in 1 Cor 51ndash13 was a powerful patron For Chow the act of taking

fellow members to law courts was to show superiority over other members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) He cites

Rom 161ndash2 in relation to Phoebe as a διάκονος and προστάτις as an example of patronal relations in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In referencing E A Judge and W Sanday and A C Headlam30

he buys the notion of

regarding προστάτις as ldquopatronessrdquo31

He further examines the relationship between Apollos and the members of

the ἐκκλησίαThe members of the ἐκκλησία exhibited unusual attitudes towards Paul and Apollos A case in

point is the paying of a visit to Corinth (1 Cor 1612)32

The attitudes did not only indicate the division in the

church but were also signals of the preference of Apollos to Paul Chow indicates for example that Paulrsquos

refusal of a gift and Apollosrsquo acceptance of financial support could be another signal of the Corinthians

preferring him to Paul (1 Cor 46) Chow concludes that if this was the case then Apollos could be a friend or

client to some of the wealthy members of the ἐκκλησία and that patronal ties would already be in vogue in the

ἐκκλησία

J S Kloppenborg admits the efforts of both Chow and Clarke in seeking an interpretation of the

conflict in Corinth in the light of the social and historical background However he declines Chowrsquos position

for powerful patrons as overstated For example Kloppenborg indicates that it is unlikely that the incestuous

man is powerful According to him if he were a patron and therefore hosted Christian meetings it would not

seem right for Paul to have given the directive ldquoDrive out the wicked man among yourdquo (1 Cor 513)

Kloppenborg suggests that the organizational model that seems most appropriate in capturing the situation in

Corinth is not that of a household directed by a paterfamilias bur rather it is that of a network of collegia

domestica with individual patrons or a cult that has devotees of different families and other family members

The means of comprehending the nature of the conflict in 1 Cor 112 and 11 18 according to him involves

29

Andrew D Clarke Secular and Christian Leadership in Corinth A Social-Historical and Exegetical Study of

1 Corinthians 1ndash6 2d ed (Milton Keynes Paternoster 2006)

30 E A Judge ldquoCultural Conformity and Innovation in Paul Some clues from Contemporary Documentsrdquo The

Tyndale Biblical Archaeology Lecture 1983 TB 36 (1984) 3ndash24 W Sanday and A C Headlam The Epistle

to the Romans (Edinburgh T amp T Clark 5th ed 1902) 418

31 John K Chow Patronage and Power A Study of Social Networks in Corinth (JSNT Sup 75 Sheffield

England JSOT Press 1992) 101

32 Ibid 103 indicates that the problem does not seem to be between Paul and Apollos but rather Paul and some

members of the ἐκκλησία Paul deems Apollos as a brother (1 Cor 39) and co-worker (1 Cor 1612)

12

perceiving ldquoa context in which factionalism and conflict become public ndash that is a context in which various

subgroups appear togetherrdquo33

12 Conflict over Specific Issues

In 1 Corinthians Paul addresses specific subjects and responds to particular cases In some instances

his response is based on a report or communication he has received for example 110ff 51ff 71ff In other

cases he writes in general terms for example 21ff 31ff 41ff Paul therefore seems to have addressed specific

issues rather than responding to specific groups in the argumentation of the epistle Consequently the

perception of 1 Corinthians contingent on divisions in the community was debunked in late twentiethndashcentury

exegesis Recent scholarship now interprets the divisions to be generalized social conflict that is it takes form

in different kinds of disputes rather than organized coherently around specific leaders and their charisma34

At

this point I move from arguments that see the source of division described in the opening of the letter to

explore specific causes of dispute

121 Litigation as a Source of Conflict in the ἐκκλησία

One case of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία involves litigation in which the lawsuits centered on

βιωτικὰ (1 Cor 61ndash11)35

G D Fee in commenting on the passage draws attention to the sociological aspect of

the problem He is of the view that the content in the following paragraph of the passage emphasising

ldquothieveryrdquo gives the clue that the issue relates to ldquomaterial possessionsrdquo36

Alan Mitchell identifies two groups

involved in the conflict in chapter 6 namely the members of the community who had status in the Grecondash

Roman society and those who did not have He opines that Paul understands the ldquolitigiousnessrdquo of some of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as being part of a larger problem of social division of the ἐκκλησίαι in

Corinth37

He suggests that the ldquohigher status peoplerdquo were summoning the ldquolower status peoplerdquo before the

courts and that members of the latter group were those who were offended Bruce W Winter shares a similar

view and states that the use of κριτήριον ἐλάχιστον in 1 Cor 62 makes it likely to consider the case at stake to be

a breach of a civil law rather than criminal38

G Theissen remarks that the administration of justice could favor

those who were of the upper class and they could have the advantage when it comes to interpreting the law

33

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo in

Redescribing Paul and the Corinthians (ed Ron Cameron and M P Miller SBL Early Christianity and its

Literature Atlanta Society of Biblical Literature 2011) 187ndash218 at 209 (Emphasis original)

34 Cf R F Collins First Corinthians 16

35 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 258 n 200 ldquoa recurring word in the Greek world for the

matters of everyday liferdquo G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth trans and

ed J H Schutz (Philadelphia Fortress 1982) 97 ldquoprobably affairs of property or incomerdquo

36 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 251

37 Alan C Mitchell ldquoRich and Poor in the Courts of Corinth Litigiousness and Status in 1 Corinthians 61ndash11rdquo

NTS 39 (1993) 562ndash86 at 562

38 See B W Winter ldquoCivil Litigation in Secular Corinth and the Church The Forensic Background to 1

Corinthians 61 ndash 8rdquo NTS 37 (1991) 559ndash572 for the forensic background of litigation in the first century

13

especially in the matter of paying for good attorneys Moreover it is unlikely that those who do not possess

property would pursue litigation39

122 Meat Sacrifices as a Source of Division

Scholarship focused on the issue of meat sacrifices locates the conflict in the fractiousness between the

ldquoweakrdquo and the ldquostrongrdquo40

Gail R Oday considers the second set in the opening triad of 1 Cor 126

(strongweak ) as what ldquoconstitutes the heart of Paulrsquos argument in chapters 8ndash10 where the growing breach

between strong and weak Christians threatens the unity of the churchrdquo41

Gerd Theissen asserts that the conflict

between the two sociondasheconomic groups ndash the socially weak and strong explains the disagreement over the

consumption of meat in 1 Cor 8 and 10 In evaluating the causes of conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Theissen by sociological analysis shows that Paulrsquos use of strong and weak is associated with status Paul

introduces ldquoa specific sociological categoryrdquo by linking of εὐγενεῖς with σοφοὶ and δυνατοί42

In 410 Paul

establishes the contrast between the weak and strong The idea is reiterated in 922 in relation to the sacrifice of

meat to idols where Paul identifies himself with the weak Theissen theorizes that the ldquosocially weak of 126ndash27

are identical with those who are weak in the face of consecrated meatrdquo43

He argues that the only way to assess

this hypothesis is to unearth status specifics in the behavioral patterns of the weak and strong by identifying

traits that ldquocan be correlated with wealth occupation and education and thus to a higher or lower social

statusrdquo44

Theissen indicates that if a conflict occurred between different groups in the ἐκκλησία as a result of the

eating of meat it could hardly be attributed to the behavior of members of the ἐκκλησία of ldquolower social

statusrdquo45

He points out that the term δυνατοί that Paul uses for the ldquoinfluentialrdquo is the same that he uses in Rom

151 The incident here is to him comparable to what pertains in 1117ff Paulrsquos solution is the application of

ldquolove patriarchalismrdquo (Liebespatriarchalismus) that ldquoallows social inequities to continue but transfers them with

a spirit of concern of respect and of personal solicituderdquo46

39

G Theissen ldquoSocial Stratification in the Corinthian Communityrdquo in The Social Setting of Pauline

Christianity 69ndash119 at 97

40 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 182 states ldquoFor the weak Christian (the Christian who possesses a

weak syneidesis) unprotected by gnosis idol meat pollutes the syneidesis ndash that is the bodyrdquo

41 Gail R Oday ldquoJeremiah 922ndash23 and 1 Corinthians 126ndash31 A Study in Intertextualityrdquo JBL 109 (1990)

259ndash67 at 265 identifies three terms namely wisdom strongweak and noble lowly birth

42 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 70ndash73

43 G Theissen ldquoThe Strong and the Weak in Corinth A Sociological Analysis of a Theological Quarrelrdquo in The

Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash143 at 125

44 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 125

45 Ibid 126ndash7 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 75 concurs with Theissen in his analysis ldquoHighlighting

the social implications of eating meat in the Greco-Roman city enables Theissen to suggest convincingly that

those Corinthian Christians opposed to eating meat offered to idols were probably of lower status whereas

those who defended the practice by using arguments and slogans learned from popular moral philosophy were

of higher statusrdquo

46 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

14

Justin J Meggitt admits that Theissenrsquos hypothesis has advanced the position of the ldquoNew

Consensusrdquo47

However Meggitt rejects Theissenrsquos reconstruction and also regards the assigning of the conflict

to two clearly defined groups ndash strong and weak ndash by Theissen to be ldquoproblematicrdquo48

Meggitt contends that

whereas Paul uses ἀσθενὴς as a group words such as δυνατός ἰσχυρός and κράτος are not found in chapters 8

or 10 but have been introduced by Theissen49

It is noteworthy that Paul does not mention the term strong in 1

Cor 8 The terminology strong as used by commentators is an adaptation from Rom 14ndash1550

Theissen

nevertheless responds to Meggittrsquos argument that Paul uses the corresponding term in Romans 15 with regard to

the opposition between ldquoδυνατοίrdquo and ldquoἀδύνατοιrdquo51

A different claim about the weak and strong depends instead upon the ability to afford meat The

strong are those of high social standing who could procure meat at the markets and also hold on to their position

because of their ldquognosisrdquo52

The eating of idolndashmeats was extended to banquets in pagan temples where it was

usual to serve such meat and those who claimed to have knowledge maintained that the conscience of the weak

should be builtndashup (οἰκοδομηθήσεται) to the level of eating idolndashmeats without scruples (810)53

The

environment of the Asklepion and its adjacent resort of Lerna with its dining facilities and spring could enhance

such gatherings54

The occasion for eating idolndashmeats could as well be extended to homes Plutarch records an

incident in which diners were served with a cock that was slaughtered as a sacrifice to Heracles55

J Murphyndash

47

J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo 107 ldquoNew Consensusrdquo is a title used by Abraham J Malherbe

Social Aspects of Christianity 2d ed (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 The new consensus has been widely

articulated for the Pauline epistles by G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on

Corinth and Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle Paul 2nd ed

(New Haven Yale University Press 2003)

48 Ibid 107

49 Ibid 108ndash109 ἀσθενὴς can be found at 1 Cor 87 9ndash12 922

50 See Gregory W Dawes ldquoThe danger of idolatry First Corinthians 87ndash13rdquo CBQ 58 (1996) 82ndash98 esp 86ndash

88

51 G Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Community Further Remarks on J J Meggitt Paul Poverty

and Survivalrdquo JSNT 25 (2003) 371ndash91 at 381 n 26 However Paul alludes only to those who are ldquoweak in

their faithrdquo in 141 and continues with those who have ldquofaithrdquo and who are ldquoweakrdquo (142) The same treatment

may be applicable to 1 Corinthian

52 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash44 esp 121 and 132 Idem

ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 389 ldquoThe lsquostrongrsquo based their liberty to eat sacrificial meat on

their lsquoknowledgersquo (γνῶσις) Meat sold at the macella would usually be offered to some deity before sale

53 See J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology Good News Studies 6 (Wilmington

Del Glazier 1983) 79

54 Carl Roebuck Corinth XIV The Asklepeion and Lerna (Princeton The American School of Classical Studies

at Athens 1951) 1ndash2 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology (3d ed rev and exp

Collegeville Minnesota The Liturgical Press 2002) 35 129 186ndash89 Ben Witherington Conflict and

Community in Corinth A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 1995) 15

55 Plutarch Quastiones Conviviales 6101 (696 E) Ἀριστίωνος εὐημέρει παρὰ τοῖς δειπνοῦσι μάγειρος ὡς τά τrsquo

ἄλλα χαριέντως ὀψοποιήσας καὶ τὸν ἄρτι τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τεθυμένον ἀλεκτρυόνα παραθεὶς ἁπαλὸν ὥσπερ χθιζόν

νεαρὸν ὄντα καὶ πρόσφατον εἰπόντος οὖν τοῦ Ἀ ρ ι σ τ ί ω ν ο ς ὅτι τοῦτο γίνεται ταχέως εἰ σφαγεὶς εὐθὺς ἀπὸ

συκῆς κρεμασθείη ldquo[Aristionrsquos cook spent the day cheerfully with the dinner guests not only because of his

15

OrsquoConnor mentions that while there is no evidence that the incident recorded by Plutarch happened in Corinth

ldquothe situation is that evoked by Paul in 1 Cor 1027ndash30 where a guest is offered meat sacrificed to idolsrdquo56

123 Disorder during Public Worship

There are also differences of opinion concerning the disorder about public worship practices in the

ἐκκλησία (Chapter 14) These include the import of charismatic gifts closely associated with pneumatic

practices (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20) Some have argued that the nature of the division in the

correspondence of 1 Cor 12ndash14 concerns status Dale B Martinrsquos thesis on σῶμα and its relation to status is

instructive Martin argues that in 1 Cor 12ndash14 Paul adopts a ldquostatusndashreversal strategyrdquo57

Martin proposes a

kind of σῶμα typified by the reversal of ldquostatus indicatorsrdquo58

Greater honor is accorded to members of the

ἐκκλησία of lower status and less esteem is conferred on those having high social standing For example the gift

of tongues that is recognized by at least one group at Corinth as a status indicator is ldquorepeatedly relativizedrdquo It

is placed at the last position at 1228 in a list ldquothat is explicitly hierarchicalrdquo59

Paulrsquos rhetoric in the placement

of the apostle at the first position and the gift of tonguesndashspeaking at last position is consistent By worldly

standards the apostles were of lowest status however they are placed first on the list Conversely the gift of

tongues that the strong at Corinth regard as a ldquohighndashstatusrdquo indicator is placed last Paul is then able to reverse

the ldquonormal valuationsrdquo as he shifts the location for ldquostatus attributionrdquo from the world to the ἐκκλησία60

Martin finds further support in the fact that Paul adopts the same ldquorhetorical strategyrdquo in the ldquobody

analogy and the mindspirit dichotomyrdquo61

He upholds the ldquostatus significancerdquo that pertains in the ἐκκλησία and

calls for a sacrifice on the part of the strong for the weak62

He therefore identifies with the strong and appeals

to them to make sacrifices for the benefit of the weak Even though Paul maintains that he speaks in tongues

more than any of the members of the ἐκκλησία he prefers to speak in few words that are intelligible In adopting

this strategy Martin observes that ldquothe human body becomes a microcosm for the macrocosm of the social

bodyrdquo63

Paulrsquos strategy involves the surrendering of the bodyrsquos ldquohigher elementsrdquo to the ldquolower elementsrdquo In

effect the higherndashstatus members of the ἐκκλησία are to surrender to the members of lower status so that the

great skills but because he set before them a cock just offered as a sacrifice to Hercules as tender as if it had

been slaughtered a day before Aristion said that a cock comes into a new state quickly if as soon as it is

slaughtered it is hung on a fig tree] My translation

56 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 106

56 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν hellip(1 Cor 1118) [For

first of all when you assemble in (the) ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you] My translation

57 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 102

58 Ibid

59 Ibid

60 Ibid 103

61 Ibid

62 Ibid

63 Ibid

16

ἐκκλησία by application the body of Christ might be void of schism (1225 cf 110)64

The foregoing discussion has been on various kinds of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

categories of divisiveness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be summarized into sociondashpolitical theological or

ideological65

statusndashbased as well as ideas about a single cause or specific isolated problems Martin argues that

all the categories of divisiveness that I have identified are results of a basic conflict that can be attributed to the

composition of the body He identifies two parts of the body namely the ancient hierarchical structure of the

body and how it is vulnerable to pollution He cites examples from the GrecondashRoman context and relates them

to the structure of the body in GrecondashRoman concept He achieves this by focusing on the bodyndashrelated matters

mentioned in 1 Corinthians Martin sees the theories about the divisions in 1 Corinthians as a general pattern in

the epistle He argues that the quest for sociondasheconomic positions triggered theological conflicts He thus

maintains that all the theological differences stemmed from conflicts between different groups in the ἐκκλησία

in relation to the respective ldquoideological constructions of the bodyrdquo66

1 3 The Meal as a Source of Division

After reviewing the divisions in general terms I now focus specifically on the meal as a cause of

division As mentioned it has long been recognized that the practice of the δεῖπνον as described in 1 Cor

1117ndash34 is another occasion for division in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In contemporary scholarship various

theories have been propounded concerning the problem at the Lordrsquos Table in Corinth in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Three

main positions in the scholarship may be identified First there are some critics who are of the view that the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were turning the sacred meal into an ordinary common meal Paul

therefore had to write to ldquoreinstituterdquo the sacred meal (ie ritual practice)67

The second category of scholars

involves those who dwell on the theological meaning of the δεῖπνον68

A subndashset of the theological category are

commentators who attribute the problem to gnosticism (ie theological philosophical)69

The third category of

scholars seeks a solution to the problem from a sociondasheconomic dimension (ie statusndashbased)70

Within this

64

Ibid

65 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 205 Here I adopt the distinction made by J S Kloppenborg

66 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body xv

67 Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief MKNT 9 Aufl (Gottingen Vandenhoeck u Ruprecht 1910)

283 Hans Lietzmann An die Korinther III HNT (ed W G Kummel Tubingen 1949) 256

68 See Ernst Kaumlsemann Essays on New Testament Themes (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1982) esp 108ndash135

T Engberg-Pedersen ldquoProclaiming the Lordrsquos Death 1 Cor 1117ndash34 and the Forms of Paulrsquos Theological

Argumentrdquo in Pauline Theology vol 2 1 and 2 Corinthians ed David M Hay (Minneapolis Fortress 1993)

116

69 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 U

Wilckens Weisheit und Torheit eine exegetisch-religions-geschichtliche Untersuchung zu 1 Kor und 2

(Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1959) Robert Jewett Paulrsquos Anthropological Terms A Study of their Use in Conflict

Settings (Leiden Brill 1971)

70 S C Barton ldquoPaulrsquos Sense of Place An Anthropological Approach to Community Formation in Corinthrdquo

NTS 32 (1986) 225ndash46

17

category there are critics who attribute the conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to internal social

stratification71

It is valuable to examine some types of meals that the early disciples shared that may have been

precursors to the meal in Corinth Hans Lietzmann writing on the Lordrsquos Supper identifies two primal types of

meals According to Lietzmann the first type is the meal taken by the first disciples in Jerusalem It is likened

to the Jewish ḥaburah as they partook in the common meal The second type is what is found in Paulrsquos epistles

and can be traced to an old tradition recorded in Markrsquos Gospel Whereas the first type can be described as the

continuation of daily ldquotable fellowshiprdquo (κοινωνία) the second cannot However as stated by Lietzmann the

second type is connected with the last of such meals that the disciples had with their Master The Lordrsquos Supper

thus serves as a memorial of Christrsquos death ldquoThe meal is regarded as an analogue to the Hellenistic meals held

as memorials to great men founders of religious communitiesrdquo72

Lietzmann by framing a conjectural

reconstruction designates the first type ldquoJerusalem typerdquo and the second one ldquoPauline typerdquo73

With regard to the

first category of scholars who hold the view that members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were reverting to a

common meal Lietzmann states ldquoIf the Corinthians had gone over to the Jerusalem practice they had certainly

given up the idea of partaking of the body of Christ the blessed bread was no longer lsquoσῶμαrsquo to them and they

partook of it as ordinary foodrdquo74

In contrast G Bornkamm describes the Corinthians as ldquorobust sacramentalistsrdquo and is of the view that

the Corinthians had not neglected the sacramental Lordrsquos Supper75

On the contrary following H von Soden

Bornkamm states that ldquothey so completely regarded this as the main thing that the preceding meal became a

thing which one could shape according to his own likes and for his own enjoymentrdquo76

In effect the Corinthians

gave due significance to the sacramental act that was celebrated at the end of the worship to the extent that ldquothe

common meal was made a matter of indifferencerdquo77

Scholars in a subndashset of the first category attribute the problem in Corinth to gnosticism W

Schmithals presents a version of the point made by scholars in the second category He argues that the gnostics

were trying to observe the Lordrsquos Supper in an irreverent manner and turn it into profane feast He attributes the

source of the problem to spiritualizing gnostics who purposefully opted for a profane meal instead of

participating in the external elements as though they symbolized Christ78

H Conzelmann holds on to an

71

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 69ndash70

72 H Lietzmann Mass and the Lordrsquos Supper (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 205 See also Karl G Goetz Der

Upsprung des kirchlichen Abendmahls blosse Mahlegemeinschaft von Jesus und seinen Juumlngern oder eine

besondere Handlung und Worte von Jesus (Basel Druck von F Reinhardt 1929) 27 R Otto Kingdom of

God and Son of Man (London Lutterworth Press 1938) 278ndash80 esp 278 n1

73 Ibid 206

74 Ibid 208 See also Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief 283 285 292

75 G Bornkamm Early Christian Experience (London Student Christian Movement Press 1969) 147

76 Ibid 128

77 Ibid 147

78 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 esp 255

18

opposite view and agrees with H von Soden that the Corinthians perceive of the magical effect of the

sacrament which has intensified their individualism ldquoeachrdquo enjoying his ldquoown supperrdquo79

It is worth considering the views of some scholars on the purpose of Paulrsquos comments in the passage

under review Gordon D Fee commenting on 1123ndash26 states that by the ldquomealrdquo the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία ldquoproclaimrdquo Christrsquos death until Christrsquos return that is ldquothey declare the good news of their salvation

that makes them all onerdquo80

Paul repeats ldquoDo this in remembrance of merdquo and adds ldquoas often as you drinkrdquo

According to Fee the added words imply ldquoa frequently repeated action suggesting that from the beginning the

Last Supper was for Christians not an annual Christian Passover but a regularly repeated meal in ldquohonor of the

Lordrdquo hence the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo81

C H Talbert in comparing 1 Cor 101ndash14 and 1117ndash34 is of the view that

the problem in 1117ndash34 stems from underrealized eschatology and it may be due to the interference of the

religious significance of the meal by the social conventions He points out that Pauline statements about the

Lordrsquos Supper are ldquoconditioned by the contexts in which they are utteredrdquo The message of 1117ndash34 then is

ldquothe Supperrsquos purpose is lsquofor my remembrancersquo and must be partaken of with full sensitivity to its social

ramificationrdquo82

There have been responses to the view that attributes the Corinthian problem to theological reasons P

Lampe writes that the sacraments do not occupy a dominant place in Pauline thought Moreover Paul in

practice does not regard baptizing as his major role (1 Cor 116ndash17)83

D E Garland also mentions that the

problem in Corinth was caused neither by their ldquotheological confusion about sacramental facets of the Lordrsquos

Supper nor by a conflict over Eucharistic theologyrdquo84

Garlandrsquos response generates a rhetorical question What

then 85

In short we need alternative reconstructions that are more persuasive and convincing than the aforendash

stated ones Moreover there is the need to find out what Paul is trying to accomplish A pivotal question is Do

we know what theology pertained to the meal My response is that there is not yet a stable theology attached to

the meal at the time of the writing of the epistle Other related questions are Is it a theology for its own sake or

a theology in service of a particular form of a community P Lampe points out that we need not interpret all the

characteristics of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoin terms of a particular theological backgroundrdquo86

The members

were still affiliated with the GrecondashRoman culture of which they were part prior to their baptism Here I agree

with Lampe that ldquo[o]nly slowly did they realize that the church was a new cultural setting where new customs

79

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 194

80 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 613

81 Ibid 614 (emphasis original)

82 C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians 80

83 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 48 (1994) 36ndash49 at 36

84 D E Garland 1 Corinthians (Michigan Baker Academic 2003) 533

85 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

86 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 (Emphasis original)

19

and habits needed to be developed in some areasrdquo87

Paulrsquos instructions to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία for example on the need to wait for one another instead of taking meals before others (1121 cf

1133) point to the need for a change in their culinary habits His comments in 1117ndash34 are part of this

transformation process88

The third category of scholars argues that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία exhibited an ldquointernal stratificationrdquo

displaying the differences between the rich and the poor89

and thus creating a social problem90

These scholars

suggest that the rich ldquodevouredrdquo their ldquoown mealrdquo instead of sharing with the poor Furthering this point some

also argue that class distinctions were manifested in the quantity and quality of food consumed91

The wealthy

had in abundance and thus were accused of gluttony and drunkenness while the poor had little or nothing to

present Consequently they were left hungry and did not enjoy ldquodecent mealsrdquo92

The older viewpoint (what I designate ldquophase onerdquo) regarding this situation was that members of the

Christndashgroup were among the ldquopoorrdquo of the Roman Empire For example Adolf Deissmann described members

of Paulrsquos assemblies as those of the lower strata93

In some instances earlier social approaches charted a

ldquoRomanticist notionrdquo of the early Christian poor94

This view was tempered in more recent models as reflected

in the works of E A Judge A J Malherbe W A Meeks and Gerd Theissen They are representative of a

87

Ibid

88 Some critics translate προλαμβάνειν as ldquoto take or do something in advance or beforehandrdquo having in mind

its temporal sense Έκδέχομαι in verse 33 which also has temporal connotation is thus translated ldquowait forrdquo

See P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 3

states ldquobegin prematurelyrdquo An alternative meaning is ldquoto devourrdquo (their own meal) See also B W Winter

ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo RTR 37 (1978) 73ndash82 at 75 Winter further

argues that ἐκδέχομαι may be translated as ldquoreceiverdquo in the context of hospitality 79 J A Fitzmyer First

Corinthians A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (The Anchor Yale Bible 32 Yale Yale

University Press 2008) 434 ndash 35 opts for the first nuance In referencing Mark 148 he states that

ldquoProlambanei means lsquotakes in advance ofrsquo (others)rdquo Regarding the second meaning he asserts ldquoSome maintain

that prolambanei does not mean lsquotake in advance but merely lsquoconsumersquo or lsquodevourrsquo Such meanings however

are questionable especially in this context with v 33 despite numerous attempts so to understand itrdquo

89 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 96 E A Judge The Social

Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century Some Prolegomena to the Study of New Testament Ideas

of Social Obligation (London Tyndale Press 1960) 60ndash62 J J Meggitt ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT

25 (2003) 371ndash91 Steven J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo

JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

90 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 5 D

E Garland 1 Corinthians states that ldquothe problem is simply this when they eat the Lordrsquos Supper they divide

along socio-economic linesrdquo 533

91 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activity An Analysis of 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174

92 I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1980) 109

93 Adolf Deissmann Paul A Study in Social and Religious History trans William E Wilson (Gloucester

Mass Smith 1972) 241-43 The word Deisssmann uses is Schicht S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo

326 translates Schicht as ldquostratumrdquoand Klasse as ldquoclassrdquo

94 See for example Shirley J Case The Social Origins of Christianity (New York Cooper Square Publishers

1975 reprint of 1923 ed)

20

scholarly consensus (what I designate ldquophase twordquo) during the second half of the twentieth century about the

socio-economic perspective of the problem in Corinth A J Malherbe observed that the ldquosocial status of early

Christians may be higher than Deissmann had supposed hellip and that lsquoa new consensusrsquo may be emergingrdquo95

Another traditional interest in the study of the sociondasheconomic aspects of the Corinthian meal practice

is the physical setting of the gathering I thus make a shift to the historical setting of Corinth The mode of

meeting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with regard to the organization and procedure coupled with the manner in

which the members participated in the Lordrsquos Supper has engaged the attention of scholars There are pieces of

evidence within the political ἐκκλησίαι of GrecondashRoman world which might illuminate what took place in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ancient Mediterranean world banquets took place in varied spaces Some scholars

are of the view that banquets could take place at homes For example Jerome MurphyndashOrsquoConnor a

representative of the second phase considers the triclinium to be the meeting place for the house congregation96

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor basing his evidence on architectural structure of a classic Roman villa points out the

disparity that social class portrayed in the GrecondashRoman social context On invitation to banquets the hostrsquos

ldquoclosest friends hellipwho would have been of the same social class and from whom he might expect the same

courtesy on a future occasionrdquo would recline in the triclinium while the rest would be compelled to sit ldquoin the

atrium where conditions were greatly inferiorrdquo97

James N Davidson buttresses the fact of the disparity in

social class by arguing from Petroniusrsquos narrative of Trimalchiorsquos feast that ldquoin the Roman context the banquet

becomes a theatre of wealth and property of social distinction or social climbingrdquo98

G Linton finds evidence for house churches in some cities that were loosely connected Corinth for

instance had a total number of ldquosix churchesrdquo that met in the homes of the following people Aquila and

Priscilla (Acts 182ndash4) Titius Justus (Acts 187) Crispus (Acts 188 Chloe (1 Cor 111) Stephanas (1 Cor

116) and Gaius (Rom 1623)99

Floyd V Filson notes that the tendency for party strife in the apostolic era

could be attributed to the existence of several house churches in one city He however states that house

churches contributed to the development of the early church He draws attention to the importance and function

95

Abraham J Malherbe Social Aspects of Christianity (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 W A Meeks The

First Urban Christians E A Judge The Social Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century G

Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth

96 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 178ndash185 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl

im Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo

ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

97 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 183 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl im

Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucisrdquo 183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe

Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

98 J N Davidson Courtesans amp Fishcakes The Consuming Passions of Classical Athens (London Harper

Collins 1997) 311

99 G Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo StonendashCampbell Journal 8 (2005) 229ndash

244) at 233 However in n17 he cites Bradley Blue ldquoActs and the House Church ldquoBradley Bluerdquo in The Book

of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting (ed David W J Gill and Conrad Gempf vol 2 of the The Book of Acts in

Its First Century Setting ed B W Winter (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1994) 174ndash75 that it is likely that Gaius

was the praelignomen of Titius Justus cited in Acts 187 If this were so then the number of house churches in

Corinth would be five

21

of house churches for an understanding of the polity of the church and the physical state in which the early

Christians lived and also gathered100

In recent discussions Gerd Theissen has developed this notion of social status of early Christians

stressing its related subject of social stratification Theissen identifies two groups ldquothose who lack food the

μὴ ἔχοντες and those who can make provision for their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He however does not rule

out the possibility of a more ldquoindividualistic interpretationrdquo as the words ἕκαστος and ἴδιον can connote101

He

submits that it is likely that those members of the ἐκκλησία who enjoy a private meal have a high social status

not only on the basis that they in contrast with other members can provide meals for themselves and for others

he also suggests the probability that the phrase gives a hint of house ownership102

Thus he concludes that ldquothe

conflict over the Lordrsquos Supper is a conflict between poor and rich Christiansrdquo103

He also proposes that the

wealthy Christians consumed in both greater quantity and quality of food than the poor104

Theissen regards

Paulrsquos response to the questions of status and ldquofeeling of rejectionrdquo which could threaten the ἐκκλησία as an

endeavor to promote ldquolove-patriarchalismrdquo which is Paulrsquos dominant ethic105

Robert Jewett points out that typical of the profile of the house church model is a patron who is in

charge of affairs whereas the lower class members are ldquorecipients of hisher largesserdquo Alluding to the house

church model he mentions that Theissenrsquos ldquopatriarchalism of loverdquo is probably a ldquobyndashproduct of this modelrdquo106

Bruce Winter considers the household as an essential social unit of the first century While Theissen identifies

the social context of Corinth as comprising the rich and the poor Winter insists that we need to be cautious in

dividing society in the first century into the rich and the poor if we really consider the social context of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία107

Anthony C Thiselton observes that the establishment of the possible role played by the

hostndashpatron may call into question G D Feersquos contention that the splits (σχίσματα 1118) of the present section

are different in nature from those of 110108

C S Keener intimates that ldquo[s]ociological models must be used

heuristically hence adapted according to ancient Mediterranean evidence but social history focuses on many

questions that prove paramount in 1 Corinthians especially the conflict between lowndashand highndashstatus

membersrdquo109

100

F V Filson ldquoThe Significance of Early House Churchesrdquo JBL 58 (1939) 105ndash12 at 105ndash6

101 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activityrdquo 148

102 Ibid 150

103 Ibid 151

104 Ibid155

105 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

106 R Jewett ldquoTenement Churches and Communal Meals in the Early Church The Implications of a Form ndash

Critical Analysis of 2 Thessalonians 310rdquo BR 38 (1983) 23ndash43 at 23 See also 32ff

107 B W Winter ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo 73ndash82 esp 81

108 A C Thiselton The First Epistle to the Corinthians A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids

Mich WB Eerdmans Carlisle Paternoster Press 2000) 850

109 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

22

Tempering these claims recent studies (what I designate ldquophase threerdquo) have added further complexity

to the economic realities within the Corinthian community110

J J Meggitt examines the economic reality that

characterized the churches associated with Paul He contends that the economy of the Roman Empire was

ldquoessentially prendashindustrialrdquo and that it was the kind that could hardly support ldquoa mid-range economic grouprdquo111

Placing the economic system in a wider context he considers it to be stagnant and at its lowest ebb112

He also

finds it inappropriate to ldquouncriticallyrdquo flip through primary sources and use them as assumptions to establish

what in reality might have regulated Paulrsquos association with his companions113

He rather opts for the works of

historians and the use of their methodologies In writing on Paulrsquos background he does not see how πολίτης

informs us about ldquoPaulrsquos economic historyrdquo114

In appealing to epigraphic sources he writes that Paulrsquos use of

εὐγενής in conjunction with other words in 1 Cor 126 do not specifically inform us about the ldquosocial

constituencyrdquo of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoexcept that a small number were more fortunate than the othersrdquo115

Meggitt states that it is impossible to determine the extent of the privilege the small number enjoyed What is a

bit puzzling in Meggittrsquos argument is that he denies the interpretation of 1 Cor 1122 that οἱ ἔχοντες are more

socially privileged than οἱ μὴ ἔχοντες In summation Meggitt consistently rejects that the problems at the

communal meals in Corinth can be interpreted in wealth and status terms He expresses his conflict with the sondash

called New Consensus and contends that the reconstructions of both phases one and two are not only

ldquodependent upon anachronistic and inappropriate interpretations of the first centuryrdquo but also that the pieces of

evidence to support their interpretation ldquocannot stand up to close scrutinyrdquo116

Theissen concedes that some of

Meggittrsquos arguments need to be taken seriously He therefore had to rework some of his arguments on that

basis He moreover admits that his interpretation does not explain all of the conflicts117

Another scholar who has also challenged the viewpoint of the scholars of both phases one and two is

110

Critics who do not concur to this view include J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival (TampT Clark 1998)

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo 323ndash361 and A Lindemann Der Erste Korintherbrief (HNT 9I

Tuumlbingen Mohr 2000)

111 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 7

112 Ibid ldquo The economy remained weak and rudimentary with little or no growthrdquo 42

113 Ibid The phenomenon Meggitt mentions is ldquofriendshiprdquo and he cites the example of P Marshall Enmity in

Corinth Social Conventions in Paulrsquos Relations with the Corinthians (Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1987 p x) 12

He opines that we can make far reaching impact if we use ldquothe imperatives and techniques of lsquoHistory from

Belowrsquo and Popular Culturerdquo 18

114 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 83

115 Ibid 105ndash6

116 Ibid 75ndash154 at 99 Meggitt expresses his conflict with the so called New Consensus For responses to

Meggitt see Gerd Theissen ldquoThe Social Structure of Pauline Communities Critical Remarks on J J Meggitt

ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 65ndash84 idem ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo

Dale B Martin ldquoReview Essay J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 51ndash64 For further

reconstruction of economic conditions see Steven J Friesen ldquoThe Wrong Erastus Ideology Archaeology and

Exegesisrdquo in Corinth in Context Comparative Studies on Religion and Society (ed S J Friesen et al Leiden

Brill 2010) 231ndash56

117 Gerd Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 391

23

Steven J Friesen He is of the view that the notion of old or new consensus is inapplicable to the state of affairs

in the Roman Empire In comparing the work of Adolf Deissmann with the works of scholars of the late

twentieth century he sees a shift in the interpretation of society based on ldquoclassrdquo to one that is based on ldquosocial

statusrdquo He considers such a definition of social status to be inappropriate and rather suggests one that is based

on measuring the economic resources of the Roman Empire He proposes seven categories ranging from ldquobelow

subsistence levelrdquo to ldquoimperial elitesrdquo instead of the binary classification of ldquorichpoorrdquo 118

Friesen observes

that the basic category of analysis has become ldquothe social status of individualsrdquo as defined by Meeks119

Friesen

refutes this concept as an unmeasurable one for three reasons First the relationship that exists between the ten

variables by which social status is determined is not clearly defined Second there is no indication of the nature

of a socialndashstatus profile in the Roman Empire in the absence of ldquocomparable datardquo Third we lack information

about even one of the cited variables about persons in Paulrsquos ἐκκλησίαι120

1 4 A New Set of Questions

From the foregoing it becomes evident that rhetorical and sociondashhistorical studies have contributed to

the understanding of Paulrsquos instructions in the passage under review Nonetheless there is room to explore

further because we do not have a satisfactory answer yet for the fractiousness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Given

the shortcomings exhibited in the attempts by these studies to resolve the issues at stake make it compelling for

a new approach This dissertation will examine Paulrsquos instructions in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 through a ritual lens

Several scholars have handled the passage I am surveying in a rhetorical fashion121

C S Keener

rightly states that ldquoBecause letters were not speeches and even later rhetorical handbooks treat them differently

rhetorical outlines of Paulrsquos letters (as if they were handbook model speeches) are suspectrdquo122

The passage

under review is one that has generated scholarly discussions but little detailed attention has been turned to its

ritual setting and also the potency of rituals to shape collective experience and thus foster greater unity in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία Richard Demaris rightly observes that in recent times as discussed above the social and

historical background has been a major focus of interest for New Testament scholars Even though the

exploration of ritual is an integral part of this ldquofocus on the communities behind the written text yet to date

118

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

at 323 The seven categories are PS1 ndash Imperial elites PS2 ndash Regional or provincial elites PS3 ndash Municipal

elites PS 4 ndash Moderate surplus resources PS5 ndash Stable near subsistence level PS6 ndash At subsistence level and

PS7 ndash Below subsistence level See Figure 1 Poverty scale for the Roman Empire at 341 for the full details

The shift is from ldquoan industrial capitalistrdquo to ldquoa consumer capitalist interpretationrdquo

119 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 53ndash55

120 S J Friesen indicates that even though Mary is mentioned in Rom 16 6 that information on her gender as

ldquofemalerdquo cannot be used to determine her social status

121 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation Wilhelm Wuellner ldquoWhere is Rhetorical

Criticism Taking Usrdquo CBQ 49 (1987) 448ndash63 esp 458ndash63 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo 1ndash27

Michael Buumlnker Briefformular und Rhetorische Disposition im 1 Korintherbrief (Goumlttingen Vandenhoeck amp

Ruprecht 1984) S M Pogoloff Logos and Sophia The Rhetorical Situation of 1 Corinthians SBL

Dissertation Series 134 ed DL Petersen and P Perkins (Georgia Scholars Press 1992) esp 237 ff

122 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

24

there has been comparatively little work done in this areardquo123

While there are sociondashhistorical studies pertaining

to the social setting of the house church and the disparity in wealth distribution in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία few

if any work with ritual

The existing examinations of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveal that varying explanations have

been given Instead of doing a kind of mirror reading of 1 Cor 11 to determine what is wrong with the

Corinthian beliefs and behavior I will look at how Paulrsquos rituallyndashoriented interventions would build greater

strength in the community whatever the source of their division I will therefore examine the effect Paulrsquos

directions would have upon the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will demonstrate in detail in chapter 4 how Paulrsquos

intervention can be seen as a remedy to the Corinthian problem I will argue that for Paul to ensure that the

instructions given could materialize he needed a strategy that might help improve their relationship and

promote greater stability The antidote to the Corinthian problem as this dissertation purports to demonstrate

might be the introduction of a ritual viz κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I will therefore advance an argument in the next

chapter that the δεῖπνον practiced in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an ordinary meal of the sort that we encounter

in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman world

123

Richard E DeMaris The New Testament in its Ritual World (New York Routledge 2008) 2

25

2

The State of the Meal at Corinth

In fact the man of sense who comes to dinner does not betake himself there just to fill himself up as though he

were a sort of pot but to take some part be it serious or humorous and to listen and to talk regarding this or

that topic as the occasion suggests it to the company if their association together is to be pleasant

ndash Plutarch Moralia

In the previous chapter I reviewed current scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία on their meal practices and the various kinds of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία In this chapter I will focus

on the general pattern of GrecondashRoman meals make an excursus on meals and shift to the pattern of meals of

voluntary associations in particular and compare and contrast that with the state of the meal in Corinth This

strategy acclaims itself for the following reasons It will set up the case for what a ritual is and provide me the

context and occasion to demonstrate what ritual looks like in chapter 3 It will also help me to determine

whether the Corinthian δεῖπνον is like other meals or not Moreover it will help me to embark on a ritual

analysis of the passage under review in chapter 4 I thus argue that the Corinthian δεῖπνον is an ordinary meal of

the sort we see in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu and that in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34 Paul

by mentioning κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might be launching a ritual that is separate and distinct from the Corinthian

δεῖπνον

In the first section I will focus on the two parts of the GrecondashRoman meals and the table fellowships at

Jewish banquets respectively1 The second section undertakes a comparative study of the meal practices of

GrecondashRoman associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία The findings from the study will form the data for a

comparative analysis with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The voluntary associations I will use for the comparative

analysis include the collegia or thiasoi2 The third section of the chapter further reviews more recent studies by

1 A banquet is a social institution and associated with it are meals and drinks It is a dual-purpose occasion

which features the δεῖπνον ldquosupperrdquo ie the meal proper and the συμπόσιον ie the drinking party See

Katherine M D Dunbabin The Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality (Cambridge University Press 2003)

4 who opts for the word as a ldquogeneric term for the festive consumption of food and drink in Roman societyrdquo

Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early

Christian Culture (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2012) 6 συμπόσιον literally means ldquodrinking

togetherrdquo The institution may be traced to the ldquoarchaic period from the eighth to sixth centuries B C Erdquo

2 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 209 see esp

194ndash96 Richard S Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg Associations in the Greco-Roman

World A Sourcebook (Waco Texas Baylor University 2012) 5 Other ldquorecurring association self-designations

or names for association membersrdquo used in the dissertation include collegium (association) koinon

(associationrdquo) eranos (club) orgeōnes (sacrificing associates) cf W S Ferguson ldquoThe Attic OrgeonesrdquoHTR

37 (1944) 61ndash174 at 128 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity A Guide to Graeco

Roman Religions trans Brian McNeil (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2003) 44 The members of the oldest

Athenian associations were called ὀργεῶνες Collegium is the commonest term in the Latin sources used to

describe all kinds of Roman associations See Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity

46 See also B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo Dictionary of New Testament Background (ed Craig A Evans

and Stanley E Porter Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 2000) 136 Voluntary associations were

designated ldquothiasoi or eranistai (Gk) and (collegia) in Latinrdquo Cf Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the

Professional Associations in the Roman East Dutch Monographs on Ancient History and Archaeology 17

26

Annette Weissenrieder with regard to the physical setting of the meal in Corinth Finally I will explore the state

of the meal in Corinth As a means of facilitating the probing I will examine the view expressed by George

May that the synoptic Gospels do not suggest the institution of a ritual that is to be repeated after Jesusrsquo

crucifixion The main contribution of the present chapter to my argument is that all the features that we see in

the current Corinthian practice can be accounted for on the basis of normal GrecondashRoman meals

The nutritional aspect of food is indisputable however while food is taken for nutritional purposes and

building the body physically its social significance cannot be underestimated Mary Douglas observes that

ldquofood always has a social dimension of the utmost importancerdquo3 In the social universe ldquoeach meal is a

structured social event which structures others in its own imagerdquo4 Gerard Rouwhorst referencing social and

cultural anthropologists intimates that meals and meal customs are significant markers for social identity

ldquo[E]very meal ndash especially when taken together by more than one person ndash encodes significant messages about

social and hierarchical patterns prevailing in the grouprdquo5 Dennis E Smith is of the view that a meal conveys a

ldquosymbolic languagerdquo that can be regarded as being peculiar to a specific society6 Apparently the notion of

sharing a meal together as strengthening social bonds is a universal symbol However the mode and extent of

communication varies ldquofrom culture to culturerdquo7

21 The General Pattern of Formal Meals

In this section I will examine the general pattern of meals in the GrecondashRoman world in specific

terms the Greek meal namely δεῖπνονσυμπόσιον (the Roman equivalents are cœnaconvivium or comissatio)

and make an excursus into Jewish banquet The Greek meal is relevant to the present study because it bears on

whether the use of the bread and cup were already separate I will apply the paradigm of the GrecondashRoman

meal formulated by D E Smith and Matthias Klinghardt to a spectrum of literature and social settings of the 1st

century B C E to the 4th

century C E The common thesis of Smith and Klinghardt ldquowas thoroughly

investigated in the SBL Consultation (2002ndash2004) and adopted by the SBL Seminar (2005ndash 2010) itself as

(Amsterdam J C Gieben 1997) 8 Associations were characteristic of Greek way of life Orgeōnes ldquowas the

oldest name for private associationsrdquo ldquothiasotai denotes associations of worshippers while it is likely that

eranistai might have been ldquoof a more social characterrdquo

3 Mary Douglas ldquoFood as a System of Communicationrdquo in In the Active Voice (London Routledge amp Kegan

Paul 2011) 82

4 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 esp 65ndash 69 at 69

5 Gerard Rouwhorst ldquoTable Community In Early Christianity in A Holy People Jewish and Christian

Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (ed Marcel Poorthuis and Joshua Schwartz Jewish and Christian

Perspectives 12 (Leiden Boston Brill 2006) 69ndash84 at 69 referencing Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo

Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 idem Implicit Meanings Selected Essays in Anthropology (2nd ed London New

York Routledge1999) 231ndash51

6 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist the Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 14

7 Ibid

27

foundationalrdquo8 I will follow the main features that can be designated as the typology of the Hellenistic meal as

proposed by Smith and Klinghardt and that are relevant to the present research They comprise

1 the custom of reclining

2 the structure of the δεῖπνον

3 the transition between the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον with ceremonial libation

4 the συμπόσιον characterized by drinking conversation and or entertainment

5 leadership especially the appointment of a συμποσίαρχος

6 membershipguests9 In addition I would add

7 physical setting of meals

In the ancient Mediterranean culture the common meal was one of the most significant social

institutions The partaking of a common meal usually was the core activity for the gathering of people whether

it was religious or social occasion10

Matthias Klinghardt and Dennis E Smith in their theses proposed that

there is a common meal tradition that characterised the meal practices in the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean

whether they be gentile Jewish or Christian11

D E Smith suggests that even though the meal customs as

observed in different social settings in the Mediterranean world portrayed minor differences ldquothe evidence

suggests that meals took similar forms and shared similar meanings and interpretations across a broad range of

the ancient worldrdquo12

Klinghardt concurs with D E Smith and contends that there is ldquono difference between

Hellenisticndashpagan and Jewish community meals helliprdquo and that ldquoit is not advisable to separate the consideration of

private and association mealtimesrdquo13

Essentially there is a shift from the proposal of different types of meals to a common meal paradigm

that was practiced in ldquothe Mediterranean world of the first century BCE to the fourth century CErdquo14

There is

8 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm The Work of the Society of Biblical Literaturersquos Seminar on

Meals in the GrecondashRoman Worldrdquo in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum ed Matthias

Klinghardt and Hal E Taussig TANZ 56 (Tuumlbingen Francke 2012) 25ndash40 at 28ndash29

9 Cf Ibid esp 28ndash30

10 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist states ldquowhen any group of people in the ancient Mediterranean

world met for social or religious purposes their gatherings tended to be centered on a common meal or

banquetrdquo1ndash 2 See also Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven Conn Yale

University Press 2003) 44 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo in Meals in the Early

Christian World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed Dennis E Smith and Hal

E Taussig (New York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) 14

11 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft Soziologie und Liturgie fruumlhchristlicher

Mahlfeiern (Tuumlbingen Francke Verlag 1996) D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist

12 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

13 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 24f Cited by Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a

New Paradigm 30

14 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroductionrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian World Social Formation Experimentation

and Conflict at the Table 2 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9 14 Linked with this

paradigm is the typology of the communal meal The typology is distinct from that of previous scholarship that

associated itself with the ldquolsquoreligionsgeschichtliche Schulersquo which identified with many different lsquotypesrsquo of

mealsrdquo The ritual structure of the common meal in the ancient Mediterranean life had a similar pattern in

28

therefore the need for us to adequately capture the essence of ldquothe larger phenomenon of the banquet as a social

institutionrdquo if we are to understand the respective cases of ldquoformalized meals in the GrecondashRoman world such

as Greek philosophical banquets or Jewish festival meals or early Christian community mealsrdquo15

211 The Mode of reclining

Greek meal practices matured during the classical period (the sixth and fifth centuries B C E)16

While many of the meal practices were preserved from the Homeric era some changes nevertheless took place

in the structure of the meal and reflected a basic change in the overall nature of the meals For example one of

the means through which the common meal tradition can be discovered is by observing the form of the custom

of reclining that the several peoples of Mediterranean world adopted at formal meals Prior to adopting the norm

of reclining there was the tradition that Greeks Romans and Jews sat at meals17

There is the probability that

the practice of reclining originated in the Eastern Mediterranean world and that the Greeks adopted the custom

from the Assyrians and observed it as early as the sixth century18

JeanndashMarie Dentzer establishes close

resemblances between the oriental iconography of Greek banquets and reliefs of Assyrian kings for example

TiglathndashPilesser III and Ashurbanipal19

D E Smith acknowledges that Dentzerrsquos study has revealed that the

custom of reclining was not adopted merely for the sake of a change of posture but as a change of ldquosocial coderdquo

ndash one of ldquoadopting a fully developed social institution namely the GrecondashRoman banquetrdquo20

Dentzerrsquos study

thus discloses a point of symbolism or coding The norm of reclining was to create awareness of prestige

accorded to persons in society

ldquodifferent cultures and timesrdquo Solutions based on ldquosimilar basic valuesrdquo were equally found to address the

problems it generated Idem Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft See also Gerd Theissen The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians D

E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist idem ldquoMeals and Moralityrdquo in Paulrsquos World Society of Biblical

Literature Seminar Papers SBL 1981 319 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the

New Testament and Liturgy Today (London SCM Press 1990) Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und

Mahlgemeinschaft Idem ldquoThe Typology of the Greco-Roman Banquetrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian

World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed D E Smith and Hal E Taussig (New

York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) The Spartans call their communal meals syssitia meaning ldquocommunal citizen

dining groupsrdquo Cf Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-

Roman and Early Christian Culture 5

15 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

16 Ibid 19

17 Ath Deip 115ndash19ndash25 29ndash33 In Homer the posture for meals was sitting ndash εὐωχοῦνται δὲ παρ᾽ Ὁμήρῳ

καθήμενοι 1 20 cf Hom Od 332ndash39 and 3429 where the word ἕδρα is used Iliad 9200 218 24473 See

also the use of ἵζω at 9218 and 24472 See Gerda Bruns ldquoKuumlchenwesen und Mahlzeitenrdquo in Archaeologia

Homerica II Kap Q (Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht 1970) 49ndash50

18 Jean-Marie Dentzer ldquoAux Origines de Lrsquoiconographie du Banquet Coucheacuterdquo RA (1971) 215ndash258 idem Le

Motif du Banquet Coucheacute dans le Proche-Orient et le Monde Grec du VIIe au IVe Siegravecle avant J-C Rome

Eacutecole Franccedilaise de Rome Palais Farnese 1982 There was cultural assimilation circa the eighth century and

this tendency did not only affect the posture for formal meals but attracted other meal conventions 227

19 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo discusses Dentzerrsquos work esp 215ndash17 221 223

228ndash229 236 244 250ndash58

20 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 18

29

212 The Structure of the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον

The Greek practice was to organize a dualndashpurpose banquet and this twofold structure of the

communal meal helps in illuminating our conception of the Christian meals during the first two centuries of the

Common Era The first session was the δεῖπνον which constituted the major meal of the day The second

session συμπόσιον was devoted to drinking in the midst of entertainment21

The Greek δεῖπνον the main and

last meal became the most important meal of the day Greek culture had some influence on the customs of the

Romans and the Romans in turn acquired new culinary habits22

The Romans followed the Greek tradition of

three meals in a day ndash the ientaculum (also iantaculum) or breakfast the prandium or midday meal and the

cœna or evening meal

Peter Lampe in applying historicalndashcontextual exegesis uses GrecondashRoman dinner party of the first

century to shed light on the cultural context of the Gentile Christians in Corinth He makes a distinction

between the sondashcalled ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and the ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo Dinner takes place during the ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and

after a break spicy dishes seafood and bread are served in addition to sweet desserts and fruits during the

symposium at ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo23

The symposium was celebrated at both private and public levels It is

debatable whether the συμπόσιον had any formal relation with the δεῖπνον or it took place independently The

sources reveal two viewpoints The first is that the συμπόσιον appears to assume independence from the

δεῖπνον In the symposium literature there are records of drinking and philosophical discourses for example in

the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon Moreover there are instances where clients were invited solely for the

21

Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10 expands the terms δεῖπνον or συσσίτον in

Greek sources and cena (cœna) in Latin Cena was the name given by the Romans to the main meal (evening

meal) Roman meals were taken in courses (fercula) There were three divisions namely prima cœna altera

cœna and tertia cœna See Mart Epig 4 8 1ndash2 Cf Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of

Pericles (trans Peter Green 1st American ed New York Macmillan 1966) 167ndash81) at 173 opts for two

successive stages of every formal dinner for all religious brotherhood or any other association (thiasos) Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus The Search for the Authentic Deeds of Jesus (San

Francisco HarperSan Francisco 1998) 352 The second part was ldquothe drinking partyrdquo that follows the meal

22 See Katherine M D Dunbabin Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality 4 states ldquothe Greek traditionhellip had

a profound impact upon the iconography of Roman arthelliprdquo

23 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor1117ndash34)rdquo

Affirmation 4 (1991)1ndash15 esp 2ndash3 Idem ldquoDas Korinthische Herrenmahl im Schnittpunkt Hellenistisch-

Roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und Paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1 Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 at 186ndash

87 who mentions a break between primae und secundae mensae as part of the format Cenaδεῖπνον) primae

mensae Pause -Uumlbergang Secundae mensaeDesserts und Trinken See Athenaeus Deipnosophists 1450 The

ancients usually served desserts Ephippus in his Ephebi lists the various dishes served for dessert groats and a

cask of rich palm wine cakes and other sweetmeats cheese cakes and eggs Comparatively sweetmeats and

cheesecakes were integral part of the dessert course Both sweetmeats and cheesecakes are mentioned by Alexis

in his Philiscus while Ephippus mentions sweetmeats and cakes of sesame in his Cydon among others Other

scholars who share a similar viewpoint of Lampe include Carolyn Osiek and David L Balch Families in the

New Testament World Households and House Churches (The Family Religion and Culture Louisville

Westminster John Knox 1997) 200ndash203 Bradley B Blue ldquoThe House Church at Corinth and the Lordrsquos

Supperrdquo 233ndash34 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 26 Henk J de Jonge ldquoThe Early History of the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo in Religious Identity and the

Invention of Tradition Papers Read at a NOSTER Conference in Conference in Soesterberg January 4ndash6 1999

(ed Jan Willem van Henten amp Anton Houtepen Assen Royal Van Gorcum 2001) 209ndash37 at 209ndash10 Gregory

Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo 243

30

συμπόσιον24

The second viewpoint is that a formal meal could hardly be taken without drinking Hence despite

the general distinction neither the likelihood of drinking during the δεῖπνον nor the eating of food during the

συμπόσιον should be ruled out25

Special rituals were performed and they were indicative of a transition ndash the end of one phase (δεῖπνον)

and the beginning of second phase the συμπόσιον Furthermore the evidence becomes clearer when a

comparison is made with the transition between the Roman cœna and the comissatio The rituals started with

the removal of the tables followed by the bringing in of the wine bowl for the purpose of mixing the wine26

Ritual libation27

and singing a paeligan or hymn served as an interlude between the eating of meals and the

drinking session There were other times songs were sung to suit the occasion Plato succinctly captures this

aspect of the banquet μετὰ ταῦτα ἔφη κατακλινέντος τοῦ Σωκράτους καὶ δειπνήσαντος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων σπονδάς

τε σφᾶς ποιήσασθαι καὶ ᾁσαντας τὸν θεὸν καὶ τἆλλα τὰ νομιζόμενα τρέπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν πότον 28

The beginning of the συμπόσιον was marked by the election of a συμποσίαρχος (symposiarch or a

presiding officer) from among the guests29

The συμποσίαρχος had the responsibility of determining the

proportion of wine to water in the krateacuter and to decide the amount of wine each guest has to drink30

Another

important decision to be made was how the time was to be spent Moreover it was his duty to determine the

kind of entertainment to be held Aristotle in his Treatise on Drunkenness uses the term δεύτεραι τραπέζαι The

expression ldquoδεύτεραι τραπέζαιrdquo is appropriate since it is served after the meal proper as the second part of the

meal A conscious effort was made to ensure that enough room is left in the bodies of the guests not only for the

meal and the dessert but for a drinking spree31

The method of drinking was also considered This becomes

evident in Platorsquos Symposium

τὸν οὖν Παυσανίαν ἔφη λόγου τοιούτου τινὸς κατάρχειν εἶεν ἄνδρες φάναι τίνα τρόπον ῥᾷστα

πιόμεθα ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι τῷ ὄντι πάνυ χαλεπῶς ἔχω ὑπὸ τοῦ χθὲς πότου καὶ δέομαι ἀναψυχῆς

24

Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles notes ldquoSome guests might only have been

invited for the symposium proper and these would arrive when dinner was overrdquo 175

25 Ibid ldquoBut it should not be supposed that the first half of the proceedings excluded drink while the second

half per contra excluded solid food far from itrdquo173

26 There was no fixed amount of water to wine Commonly there could be five parts of water to two parts wine

or three parts of water to a part of winerdquo See Ath Deip10426d Cf D E Smith From Symposium to

Eucharist 32

27 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 352 Each (phase) ldquocourse began with a

benediction or libation over the food and wine a custom that was adapted in different ways by Greeks Romans

and Jewshellipcf Mark 8 6 1422ndash25)rdquo

28 Plato Symposium 176 α ldquoAfter these things he said when Socrates had reclined and dined with the others

they poured libation and sang a chant to the god and so forth as custom demands till they took to drinkingrdquo

My translation

29 See Platorsquos Symposium 213 ε The guests of Agathon reached the consensus to drink volitionally without the

appointment of a συμποσίαρχος When Alcibiades came to the scene he appointed himself συμποσίαρχος in

order that they could drink to their satisfaction

30 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the Time of Pericles 175

31 Plut De Tuen 4

31

τινοςndashοἶμαι δὲ καὶ ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλούς παρῆστε γὰρ χθέςndash32

The δεῖπνον was characterized by leisure in consonance with the posture of reclining Associated with

the δεῖπνον was an entertainment scheduled for the whole evening Not only did the δεῖπνον become the one

formal meal of the day but also potentially ldquothe social highlight of the day as wellrdquo33

The institution of the

evening meal as a banquet offered them the opportunity to spend three or more hours Entertainment played a

vital role at banquets and took place in several ways Music was performed to serve therapeutic as well as

psychological purposes for those given in to drunkenness and gluttony It was valued as a means of curbing

emotional disturbances and puts vitality into the lives of the guests34

Another kind of entertainment was the performance of drama using mythological stories at the

banquets of religious associations The statutes of the Iobakchoi a Bacchic club provide an example of this

form of entertainment In their case deities and other mythological characters are given specific ldquorolesrdquo to be

performed at the banquet D E Smith explains that such kinds of entertainment serve as a ldquospecial lsquoreligiousrsquo

function analogous to what we might identify as a lsquoliturgicalrsquo functionrdquo35

A subject that developed in the

philosophical tradition of the symposium was one in which philosophers would engage in wise and learned

conversation during the session for entertainment36

Conversation during the partaking of a meal was very

important Questions were proposed by the company for discussions after dinner37

Importance was accorded to

philosophical conversation On one occasion a flute player was dismissed in order that philosophical

conversation could take place This decision was recorded in Platorsquos Symposium

ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν φάναι τὸν Ἐρυξίμαχον τοῦτο μὲν δέδοκται πίνειν ὅσον ἂν ἕκαστος βούληται ἐπάναγκες

δὲ μηδὲν εἶναι τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο εἰσηγοῦμαι τὴν μὲν ἄρτι εἰσελθοῦσαν αὐλητρίδα χαίρειν ἐᾶν αὐλοῦσαν

ἑαυτῇ ἢ ἂν βούληται ταῖς γυναιξὶ ταῖς ἔνδον ἡμᾶς δὲ διὰ λόγων ἀλλήλοις συνεῖναι τὸ τήμερον38

32

Plato Symp 176 α β ldquoThen Pausanias began a conversation after this manner lsquoWell gentlemen what way

of drinking will be best for us I therefore on one hand declare to you that am altogether in a very poor state

by yesterdayrsquos drinking bout I request for some refreshment on the other hand for most of you for you were

present yesterday hellip therefore contemplate on which way of drinking will be best for usrdquo My translation

33 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Meal in 1 Corinthians in

Comparison with Graeco-Roman Meals 6

34 Ath Deip 424 Entertainment took place in several ways It included dance music comedy the

performance and discussion of poetry

35 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 27

36 See Ath Deip 5 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 The kind of

conversation was ldquoenlightened conversation on philosophical topics as their symposium entertainmentrdquo and it

followed the format in the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon

37 Plutarch describes them as ldquoPlatonic Questionsrdquo Moralia 13999 c

38 Plato Symp 176 ε ldquoTherefore since it has been resolvedrdquo said Eryximachus ldquothat we are to drink as much as

each desires with no compulsion on any I take the lead after this that the flutendashgirl who entered just now be

dismissed let her play the flute to herself or if she wishes to the women within but let us understand one

another through conversation todayrdquo Translation mine

32

Conversation and toasts took place as the cup handled by a cupbearer went round39

However during the

Roman period wine was usually served during both the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον Closely linked to entertainment

is the number of guests The guests who participated in the Greek symposium ndash δεῖπνον ndash could be 36 or more

Matthias Klinghardt assumes a lower limit of thirty ndash five persons who partook in the meal40

καὶ γὰρ συμποσίου

μέγεθος ἱκανόν ἐστιν ἄχρι οὗ συμπόσιον 6 ἐθέλει μένειν ἐὰν δ᾽ ὑπερβάλῃ διὰ πλῆθος ὡς μηκέτι προσήγορον

ἑαυτῷ μηδὲ συμπαθὲς εἶναι ταῖς φιλοφροσύναις μηδὲ γνώριμον οὐδὲ συμπόσιόν ἐστι 41

The table served as a site that marked honor Associated with the number of guests is the seating

arrangement of guests Usually the host would offer positions to the guests Plutarch handles the question in

Table Talk as to whether an entertainer should take his seat with others or that each person should find a place

for himself His brother Timon who invited people from all walks of life desired that the guests would choose

places for themselves A stranger came after the glasses had gone round When he stared around those who

were already seated he refused to sit with them Other guests entreated him to sit but he responded that there

was no befitting place left for him After supper Plutarchrsquos grandfather Lamprias commented that if Timon had

followed his instructions and given the invited guests their proper places they would not be regarded as

unskillful in such matters42

Timon commented on the tendency to deprive many in order to honor one The

discussion led into a dispute about the honor accorded to places since it varies from one locality to another It

raised another question ldquoOn what account is the place at table called consular regarded honorablerdquo43

Plutarch

did not find it difficult to make distinctions among guests For him persons were to be given places at banquets

according to their quality44

Lamprias on the other hand emphasized conversation and fraternity and the

common good for all at table but not to ldquolook after everymanrsquos quality but their agreement and harmony with

one anotherrdquo45

In Plutarchrsquos imaginative account of Septem Sapientium Convivium he vividly describes the custom of

ranking at table One guest regarded the place that was assigned to him as being disreputable He felt ignored

and degraded Moreover he compared himself with other guests who were Aeolians and those from the islands

whom he thought were set above the one (Thrasybulus) who delegated him (the guest) to represent him at the

dinner Thales comments that it is not worth finding out who has been placed above others Rather what was

essential was for them to promote friendship with whoever has been placed with them ὡς ὅ γε τόπῳ κλισίας

39

Lucian Symp 14ndash15

40 M Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 325

41 Plut Table Talk 551 cf 678 d ldquoFor there is a certain number that is apropos for a symposium and still

remains a symposium but if it exceeds that so that by reason of that number you can no longer affectionately

address each other or even know one another then it ceases to be symposium at allrdquo

42 Plut Quaest conv 12 2

43 In Persia the proper place of honor for the king is in the midst of his people in Rome the place called

consular is the lowermost of the middle bed while the Greeks regard the upper most of the middle bed to be the

chief

44 Plut Table Talk (Quaest conv) 1

45 Ibid 1 2 It is noteworthy that Lamprias was sitting on a low bed

33

δυσχεραίνων δυσχεραίνει τῷ συγκλίτῃ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ κεκληκότι καὶ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἀπεχθάνεται46

On inquiring

about the place that the guest refused to sit Thales sat at the very place with other guests47

Lucian also recounts

the prestige that is accorded guests

δέον δὲ ἤδη κατακλίνεσθαι ἁπάντων σχεδὸν παρόντων ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν εἰσιόντων αἱ γυναῖκες ὅλον τὸν

κλιντῆρα ἐκεῖνον ἐπέλαβον οὐκ ὀλίγαι οὖσαι καὶ ἐν αὐταῖς ἡ νύμφη πάνυ ἀκριβῶς ἐγκεκαλυμμένη ὑπὸ

τῶν γυναικῶν περιεχομένη ἐς δὲ τὸ ἀντίθυρον ἡ ἄλλη πληθύς ὡς ἕκαστος ἀξίας εἶχε κατ᾽ ἀντικρὺ δὲ

τῶν γυναικῶν πρῶτος ὁ Εὔκριτος εἶτα Ἀρισταίνετος48

An important aspect of GrecondashRoman banquets is the involvement and role of patrons According to Paul

Veyne the associations (collegia) had noble patrons The main purpose of the collegia was to organize

banquets The power the patrons exerted was manifested in the decision they took with regard to the kind of

menu of the feast which they sponsored49

J S Kloppenborg confirms the sponsorship offered by the patrons

ldquoThe collegium whether domestic professional or cultic also afforded the elite an opportunity to display

largesse in the form of benefactions given to collegiardquo50

213 An Excursus on Jewish Meals

I now probe whether or not Jewish meals relate to questions at Corinth To be able to achieve this I

will seek answers to the question Does a specific kind of Jewish meal lie behind the Lordrsquos Supper The

Passover is regarded as a special meal in Jewish practice The debate on the relationship between the Last

Supper and the Jewish Passover has been a longndashstanding one Scholars have debated whether the Last Supper

was a Paschal meal or not There are pieces of evidence from both the Synoptic and the Johannine accounts that

suggest that the Last Supper was a Passover meal (Mark 141ndash2 12ndash16 cf Matt 262ndash517ndash18 Luke 221ndash16

John 1321ndash30) The Passover meal was commonly celebrated in the night of Nisan (ie prior to Nisan 15 by

our reckoning of time)51

The Johannine account (John 1828 cf 19 14 31 and 42) implies that beginning of

46

Plut Sept sap conv 149 β ldquoas in every case the one who objects to a place at table is not objecting to the

neighbor but rather to the host and incurs hatred for bothrdquo My translation

47 Ibid 149 F

48 Lucian Symp 8 9α ldquoAnd by the time it was needful to recline for nearly everyone was there On the right

on entering the women occupied the whole couch as they were not a few of them with the bride among them

altogether accurately veiled and surrounded by the women And out of the back door came the rest of the

retinue according to the worth each had Right opposite the women the first was Eucritus and then

Aristaenetusrdquo My translation

49 Paul Veyne ldquoThe Roman Empire ldquo in A History of Private Life 5 vols ed Philippe Ariegraves and Georges Duby

(Cambridge Mass Belknap Press of Harvard University Press) 1987ndash1991 vol 1 5ndash207 at 92 states that

ldquothe economic power that the household exerted over its peasants bound by sharecropping contracts was

coupled with a kind of moral authorityrdquo For a thorough description of the collegia see John S

KloppenborgldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquoin Voluntary

Associations in the Graeco-Roman World ed John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson (London New

York Routledge) 1996 16ndash30

50John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 27

51 It can be inferred from Mark 1412 that the Last Supper was a Passover meal and the day that Jesus was

arrested condemned and crucified was Nisan 15th

reckoning that day from sundown to sundown

34

Nisan 15th

was the sundown of Friday52

Johnrsquos account includes the details that the Jews did not enter the

palace in order not to defile themselves so as to be able to eat the Passover (John 1828) and Jesusrsquo crucifixion

took place on the day of Preparation (John 1914 cf 1931)Thus the fourth gospel indicates that Jesus ate the

supper with his disciples before the Passover Feast (John 131 2)53

The impression John creates then is that the

Last Supper was not a Passover meal Presumably John wanted to project a theological truth that Jesus is the

accredited Paschal Lamb (cf 129 1936) Scholars who hold this view embrace the Synoptic tradition They

reckon Johnrsquos perception of Jesus himself as the Lamb of the Passover (John 129 cf 1914)

There is a close relationship between Rabbinic Jewish and earliest Christian meals As already

mentioned from the earlier sections there was a common meal tradition in the Mediterranean region during this

period that was adapted to various groups including Rabbinic and Christian groups The format for a Jewish

meal was similar to that of a meal taken at a formal gathering54

Even though rabbinic literature is usually

applied in determining the standard forms of Judaism in the earlier periods especially the late Hellenistic and

early Roman periods there is no scholarly consensus to which extent it can be applicable Nonetheless Dennis

Smith advocates the application of rabbinic literature as a ldquobookendrdquo for the latest stage of the study on meals

thus maintaining the continuous influence of GrecondashRoman banquet tradition55

It is worth mentioning the similarities with the exception of some particular religious elements

between the Jewish ldquofestive mealrdquo of the Tannaitic period and the contemporary GrecondashRoman festive meal

For example the timing for prayers in both meals was similar however the content was not the same The Jews

were associated with the GrecondashRoman world in their culinary habits as well as other spheres of life ldquobut yet

not fully integratedrdquo56

The Tannaitic literature provides different shades of the form or liturgy of the Jewish

52

C E B Cranfield The Gospel According to Saint Mark (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1979)

413 observes that ldquothe meal was eaten between sundown and midnight on the 15th

Nisan i e early on the 15th

since the Jewish day began at sunsetrdquo F C Burkitt ldquoThe Last Supper and the Paschal Mealrdquo JTS 17 (1916ndash

17) 291ndash297 at 292 notes that prior to regarding the agreement between Matthew Mark and Luke as a single

tradition that was replicated any other alternative view appeared like a ldquominority protestrdquo There was that

tendency that the consensus fidelium could be ldquoinvoked for a theory of a Paschal mealrdquo E Schweizer The

Lordrsquos Supper According to the New Testament trans James M Davis (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1969) 5 is

of the view that by Paulrsquos time the participation in the bread and wine had moved to the end of the meal See G

Bornkamm Early Christian Experience 129 who shares a similar view Hermann L Strack and Paul

Billerbeck Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch 2 812ndash53 (Muumlnchen C H Beck

1922) See I H Marshall Last Supper and Lords Supper for a similar view 57ndash75 Hermann L Strack and

Paul Billerbeck proposed that two calendars each a day out of step with the other were in vogue and were used

by the Pharisees and Sadducees respectively According to A Jaubert John could have followed the solar

calendar of the Qumran community rather than the templersquos lunar calendar Other scholars argue that it was not

likely that Jesusrsquo crucifixion took place on the feast of the Passover On this basis therefore the evening before

the act simply was not the beginning of the Passover See for example H Lietzmann Mass and Lordrsquos Supper

A Study in the History of the Liturgy (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 173 rejects the Paschal theory of the Supper as

hardly containing ldquothe least vestige of probabilityrdquo

53 Cf I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1981) 57ndash75

54 Cf D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 178

55 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 144ndash145

56 Gordon J Bahr ldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo Nov T 12 (1970) 181ndash202 at 181

35

festive meal The following example from the Tosefta illustrates the point that Jewish meals parallel Grecondash

Roman banquet in form

What is the order of the meal The guests enter [the house] and sit on the benches and on the chairs

until all have entered They all enter and they [servants] give them water for their hands Each one

washes one hand They [servants] bring them the appetizers each one says the benediction for himself

They [guests] go up [to the dining room] and they recline and they [servants] give them [water] for

their hands although they have [already] washed one hand they [now] wash both hands They

[servants] mix for them the cup although they have said a benediction over the first [cup] they say a

benediction [also] over the second They [servants] bring them the dessert although they said a

benediction over the first one they [now] say a benediction over the second and one says the

benediction for all of them He who comes after the third course has no right to enter57

Moreover there is a close similarity between the Seder meals and GrecondashRoman table manners and culinary

habits Some features which are similar to the Seder meal and GrecondashRoman meal practices include the

washing of hands the hors drsquooeuvre the wine served before during and after the meal and the reclining on beds

or couches at dinner58

Furthermore there are parallels between meals held within Judaism and the Grecondash Roman milieu at

large during the GrecondashRoman period Previously some scholars such as J BrumbergndashKraus and Bruce

Chilton J Neuser proposed a link between GrecondashRoman meals and the development of the Passover seder in

the GrecondashRoman59

However Susan Marks BrumbergndashKraus and Jordan Rosenblum have demonstrated that

ldquoby and large Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman era participated inrdquo the Klinghardt Smith paradigm 60

For

example Susan Markrsquos 61

research investigates Jewish weddings in the GrecondashRoman period and the late

antiquity She demonstrates that the meals at such weddings were associated with the Grecondash Roman meal

typology Similarly Jordan D Rosenblum referencing Shaye J D Cohen62

explores ldquothe commensal practices

that erect the tannaitic boundary in the mindrdquo63

He draws from both tannaitic and nearly contemporary (Greek

Roman and Christian) sources and shows the relationship between early Rabbinic handling of food and the

57

t Berakot 4 8 98 Cf Gordon J BahrldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo 182 Bahrrsquos

translation adapted by the candidate It is worth noting that Luke mentions 2 cups in his account (Luke 2217ndash

20)

58 S Stein ldquoThe Influence of Symposia Literature on the Literary Form of the Pesah Haggadahrdquo JJS 8 (1957)

13ndash 44

59 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36 See J Brumberg-Kraus ldquoldquoNot by Bread Alonehelliprdquo The

Ritualization of Food and Table Talk in the Passover Seder and in the Last Supperrdquo Semeia 86 (1999) 165ndash91

Bruce Chilton and Neuser Judaism in the New Testament Practices and Beliefs (London New York

Routledge 1995)

60 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

61 Susan Marks ldquoJewish Weddings in the Greco-Roman Period A Reconsideration of Received Ritualrdquo

(January 1 2003) Online at httprepositoryupennedudissertationsAA13087427

62 Shaye J D Cohen The Beginnings of Jewishness Boundaries Varieties Uncertainties (Berkeley University

of California Press 1999) 341 ldquoBetween Us and Them is a line a boundary drawn not in the sand or stone but

in the mindrdquo

63 Jordan D Rosenblum Food and Identity in Early Rabbinic Judaism (New York Cambridge University

Press 2010) 10

36

GrecondashRoman meal code64

On this premise Hal E Taussig states that ldquoone of the strongest contributionsrdquo the

SBL Seminar has made recently is the shift in understanding of Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman period 65

As

Klinghardt rightly points out the sacramental aspects of a token meal appeared during the third century C E

The Christian meals ldquowere not lsquosacramental mealsrsquo in token form but real mealsrdquo66

In conclusion the discussion on Greek Roman and Jewish meals reveals that there is an expected form

and some meaning or symbolism pertaining to the meals There is a ritual structure common to Greek Roman

and Jewish meals and that to some extent suggest that all collective meals are ritualized (a point that I will

expand in chapter 3)

2 2 Comparison between the Meal Practices of GrecondashRoman Associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία

At this juncture I make a shift from the general description of formal meals to associations in

particular The section seeks an understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association of the

GrecondashRoman world I will cite some features prominent in GrecondashRoman banquets and compare and contrast

them with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will examine the Corinthian meal practices through the lenses of the

banqueting customs of the voluntary associations I will seek answers to the questions What are the parameters

that constitute the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to be analogous to an association To what extent did the meal practices

of the GrecondashRoman world influence the meal practices in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Originally in the Greek polis reclining was the preserve of nobility but it became decentralized and an

act enjoyed by free men The third century witnessed the waning of the political significance of the polis and the

involvement of citizens in political affairs leading to the ldquodepoliticization of the mealrdquo67

Gradually the banquet

became open to women and to slaves and it absorbed the social functions of the polis primarily in the

voluntary associations that represented public life The significance of this development can hardly be

overestimated the central event in the many associations coming into being in early Hellenism as well as in

early Principate was the communal banquet meal68

Festive meals were a common feature of the voluntary associations of all kinds in the GrecondashRoman

milieu B W R Pearson is of the view that ldquothe most frequent activity of associations whatever their particular

stripe was social gatheringrdquo69

A festive meal was commonly celebrated on ldquothe feast of the god or of the

foundation annually once a month or even more frequently depending on the aims and statues of the

associationrdquo70

One feature that is common to the first century and the present is the tendency towards the

64

It is noteworthy that the primary source for his research is the tannaitic corpus

65 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

66 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10

67 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9ndash10

68 Ibid 10

69 B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo 136

70 Ibid 44

37

establishment of associations There was a proliferation of associations for multiple purposes in the early

Roman Empire These included trade guilds dramatic guilds clubs and societies of all kinds71

Kloppenborg

observes that it is problematic to categorize collegia by their sondashcalled main activities or their functions which

may be interndashrelated He maintains that it is expedient to classify the associations based on their membership

rather than functions He identifies three major bases of membership namely those connected with a household

(collegia domestica) those formed in relation to a common trade (professional) and collegium built around the

cult of a deity (religious) which he describes as most inclusive of voluntary associations The taxonomy is thus

based on profile of the members rather than the purpose of the association72

With the decline of the Greek πόλις voluntary associations bloomed during the Hellenistic and Roman

periods People in the society found solace in associations operating with ldquostructures on a more personal

scalerdquo73

The ldquoPauline movementrdquo as part of its social organization worked out structures including

ldquobelongingrdquo74

In addition to these structures the members of the associations participated in several rituals one

of which was the partaking in a ldquocommon mealrdquo75

2 2 1 External evidence

For an effective analysis it is important to resort to external evidence that has a parallel to Corinthian

practice Establishing this kind of evidence is relevant to assert that what I am arguing is an ordinary Grecondash

Roman meal For legal reasons Jewish groups within the Roman Empire were known as collegia The

synagogues were among other ldquolongndashestablished groupsrdquo that were exempted when Julius Caesar issued a

decree banning all collegia from operation76

Pliny the Younger in writing to the emperor Trajan employed two

terms namely superstitio ldquosuperstitionrdquo and hetaeria ldquopolitical clubrdquo to describe Christians77

Pliny mentions a

71

Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches Eight Lectures delivered before the

University of Oxford in the year 1880 on the Foundation of the Late John Bampton (New York B Franklin

1972) 26

72 John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 20ndash27 For further discussion on the categorization of

associations see idem ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and Method Towards A New

Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd (ed Bradley H McLean JSNT

Sup 86 JSOT Press 1993) 212ndash238 at 237 is of the view that Pauline ἐκκλησίαι like collegia ldquocan be fitted into

the spectrum of formal designations organization and membership profiles of Greek and Roman voluntary

associationsrdquo W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 77ndash80 observes both similarities and differences

between the Christian group and typical voluntary associations See also Philip A Harland Associations

Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 2 9 28ndash29 B L Mack ldquoRereading the Christ Mythrdquo writes ldquoThe Corinthians were apparently

meeting together as an association of non-native persons in the recently repopulated city of Corinthrdquo52

73 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 43 See also Robert L Wilken The

Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35

74 Ibid See Meekrsquos comprehensive discussion of the language of belonging and boundaries 84ndash110 Cf

Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35ndash36

75 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 31 n 13 Cf J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin

Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 237

76 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 35

77 hetaeria derived from the Greek word ἑταιρας (ἑταιρία) that has been transliterated into Latin It is

38

custom (mos) that Christians practiced that involved separating themselves and reassembling to partake of food

(quibus) He regarded the Christian Supper to be in the same category as that of the hetaeriai Christians

however abandoned this practice when Pliny forbade such meals in BithyniandashPontus in early second century

after Trajan had issued an edict banning the hetaeriai78

Kloppenborg deducing from Plinyrsquos statement

expresses the view that it is an indication that both ldquothe Christians involved saw themselves as constituting an

association and that this judgement was shared by Plinyrdquo79

Christians were seen by outsiders as being part of

mystery religions One possible way of clarifying this notion ldquowas to call themselves an ἐκκλησίαrdquo a means of

intensifying social integration80

Almost all associations seemed to have a religious flavor Edwin Hatch agrees with the notion that

Christian churches were analogous with voluntary associations With the Greek associations the common meal

was inferred by its regular provision for sacrifice at their meetings while with Roman associations it was

stipulated in the extant bylaws81

Meeks mentions the partaking in ldquocommon mealsrdquo as one of the significant

similarities between the Pauline groups and the private associations82

Kloppenborg basing his observation on

Edwin Hatchrsquos comments about how cultic associations thrived irrespective of political pressures notes that as

Christian mission expanded it did not have to create the ldquonotion of a religious society distinct from the family

and the polis or staterdquo 83

Kloppenborg argues that ldquothere was a broad spectrum of forms of collegia broad

enough that most of the particularities seen in Pauline churches could fit comfortably within that spectrumrdquo84

Likewise P Richardson maintains that synagogues started as collegia in diaspora setting and early synagogues

(pre 70 synagogues) were in all details analogous to collegia85

Aristotle in his Ethica Nichomachea states that αἱ δὲ κοινωνίαι πᾶσαι μορίοις ἐοίκασι τῆς

πολιτικῆς86

Aristotle further mentions that ἔνιαι δὲ τῶν κοινωνιῶν δι᾽ ἡδονὴν δοκοῦσι γίνεσθαι θιασωτῶν καὶ

commonly known as political club or association Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them

34 indicates that ldquoAlthough the term hetaeria highlights the political aspects of these associations most clubs

were not political as Trajan recognizedrdquo

78 Pliny the Younger Ep 10 96 7

79 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo228 Peter Richardson Building Jewish in the

Roman East (Waco Baylor University Press 2004) 187 Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw

Them 44ndash 47

80 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 54 Cf Edwin Hatch The Organization of

the Early Christian Churches 30 mentions that from the perspective of an outsider the Christians were in the

ldquosame categoryrdquo with the association

81 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 16ndash54 esp 31 n13

82 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 78

83 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 213

84 Ibid esp 231ndash38

85 P Richardson ldquoEarly Synagogues as Collegia in the Diaspora and Palestinerdquo in Voluntary Associations in

the Graeco-Roman World 90ndash109

86 Aristotle Eth Nic 8 9 4 (1160α) ldquoBut all associations are as parts of the Staterdquo My translation

39

ἐρανιστῶν αὗται γὰρ θυσίας ἕνεκα καὶ συνουσίας87

From Aristotlersquos statement two kinds of associations

(κοινωνίαι) can be identified namely religious guild (θιασος) and dining club (ἐρανος) While it is likely that the

terms were used interchangeably the clubs as religious clubs offered sacrifices and promoted companionship at

the social level

Association banquets provide analogies that contribute in shedding light on the behavior of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the physical setting and the ritual structure of the Corinthian meal

Furthermore certain parameters enhanced the banquet tradition of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

Certain features of the meal practices of GrecondashRoman associations bear comparison with the evidence of 1

Corinthians 11 social stratification social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character

1 Social Stratification

The social structure of the GrecondashRoman world was displayed at the gathering for meals In the

associations seating arrangement was one of the ldquoindicators of statusrdquo 88

In professional associations the

arrangement of tables underscored hierarchy and rank and penalties were imposed on those who attempted to

take the seat of others89

In the Roman period such positions became well defined90

Lucian mentions

Alcidamas the Cynic who went to a banquet as an uninvited diner Aristaenetus after commending him asked

him to sit on a chair because there were virtually no other important places for reclining Alcidamas retorted

that it was γυναικεῖον καὶ μαλθακὸν (womanish and weak) to sit on a chair or stool during a banquet He opted

to eat while walking about in the dining room and to exhibit his unique social standing would ultimately choose

to recline on the floor should he get tired91

The mode of reclining was indicative of social rank The reason was that a unique order of reclining

prevailed with the ldquomost honoredrdquo position accorded to the person on the right of the συμποσίαρχος and the

ldquoleast honoredrdquo position given to the person at the other end of the circle and ldquofaced the back of the

συμποσίαρχος Almost always those with the places closest to the right hand of the συμποσίαρχος had the most

prestige and honor in the larger societyrdquo92

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the members were not at a single level

There were differences in status As a stratified community this discrepancy reflected in the sharing of meal

Paul claims that some were satisfied while others were hungry (1 Cor 1121) It is plausible that the rhetorical

question posed by Paul ndash μὴ γὰρ οἰκίας οὐκ ἔχετεhellip (1 Cor 1122) could mean the ownership of houses by the

87

And some associations seem to be established on the account of pleasure for example religious guilds

(thiasotai) and dining-clubs (eranistai) that are unions for sacrifice and companionship Ibid 8 9 5 (1160 α)

88 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211 Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 ldquoMeals functioned as social boundary markers not

only defining by seating arrangement who outranked whom But relegating to the bottom of the social heap

those not invited in the first placerdquo Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 Reclining at meals

ldquounderlined status and stratificationrdquo

89 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

90 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 8

91 Lucian Symp 13

92 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 See also Rachel M McRae ldquoEating with Honor The

Corinthian Lordrsquos Supper in Light of Voluntary Association Meal Practicesrdquo JBL 130 (2011)165ndash81

40

elite93

G Theissen attributes the discrepancy to class distinction ie between the wealthy and poor He draws a

distinction between those who have houses and those who do not As I will discuss in the third section of the

chapter ldquoancient space typologyrdquo is one of the means of resolving the conflict in Corinth Annette

Weissenrieder also makes a distinction between ldquoancient house structurerdquo and ldquogatherings of associationsrdquo

An indicator of status is the quantity of food served at the tables94

The hierarchies of the associative

order were openly given places of honor at banquets and were served larger portions of meal95

Thus the

ldquoleading members and benefactorsrdquo in professional associations were given the first cut of ldquosacrificial meatrdquo

Nonetheless they were supposed to help defray the cost of the meetings and banquets96

The conflict in Corinth

arises as a result of ldquotwo different patterns of conductrdquo both of which the wealthier Christians can trace to the

social setting It could be attributed to internal stratification of the community By virtue of the fact that some

members could contribute more than others it equally gave them the opportunity to attain a position of

superiority97

Within the associations the larger allocation to certain members was not considered as an offence The

regulations of the associations stipulated that the officers were to receive greater portions of all distributions

basically in the food and drink for the performance of administrative assignments G Theissen referencing E

Kornemann states that the portions varied from between ldquoone and onendashhalf to two and three times the normal

giving rise to the terms sesquiplicarii duplicarii triplicarii for the various categories of officialsrdquo 98

A case in

point is the collegium in Lanuvium Campania Italy 136 CE [June 9] (CIL XIV 2112 =ILS 7212= Bendlin

2011 136 CE June 9) In one of the bylaws of the collegium for example it was voted that any member who is

elected a president (quinquennalis) shall receive a double portion in all distributions 99

Also it was further

voted that officers such as secretary (scriba) and the messenger (viator) shall receive a portion and a half in

every distribution and that any former president who rendered distinguished and honest service shall receive a

portion and a half of everything as an indicator of honor This was to serve as an incentive for the presidents to

93

G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 602 points out that the question implies ldquoownershiprdquo

οἰκίας ἔχετε not ldquohomesrdquo

94 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211

95 K Verborven ldquoAssociative Order Status and Ethos of Roman Businessmen in the Late Republic and Early

Empirerdquo Athenaeum 95 (2007) 861ndash893 at 887 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 159 following G

Theissenrsquos construction writes ldquothe hosts provide both greater quantity and better quality of food and drink to

their social equals than to participants of lower status ldquo

96 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

97 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 162

98 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154 See E Kornemann sv

ldquoCollegiumrdquo PRE 7 3 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

80ndash480 esp 441

99 AGRW 310 (150 [11]) Cf G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 212 A quinquennalis was one of the most important officers in

an association

41

execute their duties effectively100

Furthermore the custom of Liopesi Attica regarding the purchasing of

priesthood was that it included a double portion of food with the exception of wine after the payment has been

made to the head of the club (SEG 31 [1981] no 122 = AGRW 9 early II CE) Theissen adds that ldquo[s]uch

discrepancies were in fact considered fair and properrdquo101

Seniority was another mark necessary to accord a person a place of honor at a table Such a position

offers one the opportunity to start discussing a subject Plutarch records ldquoSolon was the right man to make the

beginning of the subject not only because he was senior to all the rest and was in the place of honor at the table

but because having legislated for the Athenians he held the greatest and completest position of a rulerrdquo102

Similarly Plato mentions Phaedrus as occupying the topmost place at table and being the father of their debate

On the right of the host were guests who were seated routinely in a way depending on their status103

In contrast

with this is the lowest position

2 Social Ethics

Within the GrecondashRoman associations emphasis was placed on decorum during meals Eating a meal

is not merely an anatomical exercise but it offers diners the opportunity to foster social relationships It is only

when the ἔρανος meal is taken in a friendly manner that the beneficent principle becomes effective The diners

are expected to make friends rather than have enemies Socialness is of utmost significance during symposium

Plutarch laments that some rich men build rooms large enough to contain thirty or even more tables According

to him ldquoὅθεν οὐκ ὀρθῶς οἱ πλούσιοι νεανιεύονται κατασκευάζοντες οἴκους τριακοντακλίνους καὶ μείζους

ἀμίκτων γὰρ αὕτη καὶ ἀφίλων δείπνων ἡ παρασκευὴ καὶ πανηγυριάρχου μᾶλλον ἢ συμποσιάρχου δεομένωνrdquo104

Corporate values and norms were enforced This enhanced fellowship105

which was the mainstay of

banquets Plutarch in establishing the essence of fellowship makes the following statement ldquoἀλλrsquo ὅπου τὸ ἴδιον

ἔστιν ἀπόλλυται τὸ κοινόνrdquo 106

Comparing this statement to the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία evokes the

questions that Paul posed in 1 Cor 1016 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ

αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστιν107

100

CIL XIV 2112 = ILS 7212 = AGRW 310 [11] ndash [13]

101 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

102 Ibid 151 Plutarch ldquoDinner party of the seven sagesrdquo

103 Plato Symposium 177 DndashE In the discourse Phaedrus the father of debate is given the privilege to start

(Φαῖδρο[ς]hellip πρῶτος κατάκειται καὶ ἔστιν ἅμα πατὴρ τοῦ λόγου) It is followed by the one on the right (ἐπὶ

δεξιὰ) and to those at the lowest position at table (ἡμῖν τοῖς ὑστάτοις κατακειμένοις)

104 Plut Quaestconv 5 5 2 ldquoAnd therefore some rich men are immature who fully furnish houses big enough

with thirty couches or more at once for such a preparation is for unsociable and friendless dinners and such as

are suitable for a panegyriarch rather than symposiarch to preside overrdquo My translation

105 Ibid 717 A

106 Ibid 644 C ldquobut fellowship perishes when idiosyncrasy persistsrdquo My translation

107 ldquoThe cup of blessing that we bless is it not the koinōnia of the blood of Christ The bread that we break is it

not the koinōnia of the body of Christ My translation

42

Related to fellowship is friendship Friendship is a beneficent principle108

Friendship and hospitality

revolve around the table Plutarch regards friendship as the best of possessions109

ldquoTake away food and you

take away the table ndash that is to say gods of the altar of friendship and hospitalityrdquo110

The rationale for friends to

be invited was for them to share their moments of delight in common Archilochus is known to have said ldquoYou

come and drink full of Chian wine and yet give no return for them nor wait to be invited as a friend would

dordquo111

True friendship involves trust and the level of trust should be just as one trusts himself112

The act of

sharing food is also an indication of level of friendship that exists between people

Closely related to social ethics is social equality113

Equality was an essential ingredient of the social

code of the GrecondashRoman setting The notion of social equality was in vogue in the time of Homer where

ldquoequal feastsrdquo was a trait of the meals of the Heroes114

Plutarch promoted the spirit of equality He enjoined all

persons irrespective of status to participate in the ἔρανος on friendship terms This instruction was given to

ensure that meals were equitably distributed to all and sundry irrespective of their social status and it conforms

to the expectations of the Grecondash Roman milieu where dinner is a democratic affair (δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ

δεῖπνον)115

This speaks to Paulrsquos dissatisfaction about the Corinthians Paulrsquos dissatisfaction is seen in his

remarks that some of the members become satisfied and drunk while others are hungry Paulrsquos concern is that

the members of the ἐκκλησία would exhibit ἰσότητος (1121 cf1333ndash34)116

Furthermore in 1 Cor 14 Paul

expresses his gratitude to God for the Corinthians However he does not commend them for the proceedings of

their assembly (1 Cor 1117) Paul claims that their assembly was not for the better but for the worse (1117)

This situation could not merit his commendation He successively poses four questions in 1122 and ends with

ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ117

3 Timing

Punctuality was the standard for banquets however some diners arrived late If the hypothesis that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία had a common meal typology as other GrecondashRoman associations holds then it is

plausible that some members of the ἐκκλησία could arrive late for meals Plato indicates that at one time when

108

See Plut ldquoIsis and Osirisrdquo 370 e in Moralia V where Empedocles calls this principle ldquofriendshiprdquo or

ldquofriendlinessrdquo or and usually ldquoconcordrdquo

109 Plut ldquoOn Calumniatingrdquo Moralia V 156

110 Plut ldquoDinner Party of the Seven Sagesrdquo 158

111 Ath Deip 114

112 Sen Ad Luc 32

113 There is a tension between the notion of social equality and social stratification

114 Hom Ill 1468 602 2432

115 See Quaest Conv 616 F of Plutarchrsquos Moralia Timon expresses social equality in the following words τί

οὐκ ἐντεῦθεν ἀρξάμενοι πρῶτον ἐθίζομεν ἀτύφως καὶ ἀφελῶς κατακλίνεσθαι μετrsquo ἀλλήλων εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῶν

θυρῶν ὁρῶντας ὅτι δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ οὐκ ἔχει τόπον ἐξαίρετον ὥσπερ ἀκρόπολιν ἐφrsquo

οὗκατακλιθεὶς ὁ πλούσιος ἐντρυφήσει τοῖς εὐτελεστέροις

116 For further study on Paulrsquos desire for ἰσότητος see 2 Cor 813ndash15

117 ldquoIn this I do not praise yourdquo 1 Cor 1122e My translation

43

dinner had begun one of his diners Socrates was absent Even though Agathon the host gave the directive to go

for him he did not allow it However he later arrived about midndashway through the dinner118

The incidence of diners arriving late for a meal was similar to the Corinthian situation where some

members of the ἐκκλησία took their meal before the arrival of others It illuminates how the ἐκκλησία could fit

into the category of an association If the assumption that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was akin to the Grecondash

Roman associations holds then the comparison helps in interpreting 1 Corinthians in the following ways It

helps in deciding on for example the verb προλαμβάνειν In his reconstruction of Corinthian scenario P

Lampe translates προλαμβάνειν as ldquopremature beginningrdquo119

He suggests that the wealthy Corinthians began

eating their own meal before the arrival of others According to the eranos custom therefore latecomers who

for time constraint or lack of money to prepare their own food baskets had to remain hungry120

4 Drunkenness

This feature fits all meals and not just associations I include it because it provides a parallel to 1 Cor

1121 Drunkenness is evident during the partaking of the meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία121

The συμπόσιον

would usually end in general drunkenness122

This is similar to Corinthian ἐκκλησία It also buttresses the fact

that the meal taken was analogous to what other associations partook Drunkenness was a regular feature at

banquets and was ldquoa convenient excuse for any other wise abnormal behaviorrdquo123

If the meal was already

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον at the time Paul was writing then the portion given to an individual would be such that it could

hardly make one intoxicated H Conzelmann comments that ldquoFellowship is canceled when one suffers want

and another is drunk this holds even if the reproach of drunkenness is not taken too strictlyrdquo124

J A Fitzmyer

commenting on 1122 states that ldquo[t]he further description of one such diner who goes ahead as ldquohungryrdquo and

another as ldquodrunkrdquo stands in contrast to ldquothose who have nothingrdquo125

The understanding therefore is that the

situation of a diner lacking an element would not arise if the celebration were the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

5 Character

The character of some of the members in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was similar to that of some of the

guests at festive meals According to Plato ldquomenrsquos characters are brought to light over winerdquo 126

The text under

review is explicit that some of the members were drunk This to some extent reveals their character It can be

inferred that they had more than enough and could have shared with other members but they declined The

118

Plato Symp 175 CndashD

119 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 39 poses the question ldquoCan their

lsquopremature beginningrsquo (prolambanein) be interpreted in the light of the Greco-Roman meal custom

120 Ibid

121 It is noteworthy that here Paul is engaged in rhetorical exaggeration

122 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles 175

123 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 36

124 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 195

125 J A Fitzmyer First Corinthians A New with Introduction and Commentary 434

126 Plato Symp 129

44

behavior put up by the members of the ἐκκλησία could have its roots in the prevailing culture where invited

guests could be marginalized It was part of the regulations of some associations to give ldquopreferential treatmentrdquo

to members who had offered distinguishing service127

Theissen expresses the view that there is the likelihood

that the rich Christians did not experience any guilty conscience in all that transpired They would have thought

of their actions as a means of offering help to the poorer members Moreover P Lampe referencing Plato

Lucian and Athenaeus points out that the wealthy Christians had a clear conscience when they started their

meals before others Their behavior was in consonance with the cultural context where guests who were late

could participate in the Second Tables128

One element that is common to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and GrecondashRoman associations is

fractiousness Fractiousness often characterized the associations especially at meals129

Evidence for infighting

is found in a guild regulation of the cult association of Zeus Philadelphia (Arsinoites Fayucircm Egypt) P Lond

VII 2193 69ndash58 B C E) 130

It specifies that 1 all members respect the leader and the assistant in matters

regarding the κοινον (association)131

2 it is illegal to foment σχίματα or for a member to leave the φράτρα

(brotherhood) of the leader to join another φράτρα and 3 no member may insult one another at a συμπόσιον

(banquet)132

From the Lanuvium inscription regulations were given concerning disputes at communal meal in

the bylaws of a benevolent association The bylaws prohibited members from causing disturbance133

In the case

of the Iobacchi at Athens for example a member was not supposed to speak without the permission of the

priest or the vicendashpriest134

In 1 Cor 1428 29 Paul is making a similar kind of argument when he asks the

prophets within the ἐκκλησία to take turns

2 2 2 Social Mobility Internal Evidence about Voluntary associations

Social mobility provides one of the pieces of evidence that Corinth is an association Citing examples

of Greek elections in Hellenistic and Roman epigraphic and literary sources and drawing examples from

associations and correspondences Richard Last submits that αἱρέσις is a technical term used in antiquity for the

127

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 161 ff

128 Cf Plato Symp 212 CD 223 B Lucian Lex 9 13 and Ath Deip 5 180 A

129 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

130 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 39ndash88 Richard S

Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

131 P Lond VII 2193

132 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo Richard S Ascough Philip A

Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

133 R S Ascough P A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW Lanuvium (Campania Italy) CIL XIV 2112

AGRW 310 Specifically line 50 [15] stipulates ldquohellip any member who moves from one seat to another so as to

cause a disturbance shall be fined four sestercesrdquo Cf J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia

at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

134 SIG 1109 108 D Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 130 ldquoIn the gathering no one was allowed to sing

cause a disturbance or applaud Rather with all order or decorum members shall speak and do their parts as the

priest or the head of the bacchic devotees directsrdquo

45

kind of elections held in voluntary associations135

In a philological study he demonstrates that the verb αἱρέομαι

and the cognate noun αἱρέσις as employed by Paul connote ldquothe act of electingrdquo and the ldquoactual electionrdquo

respectively136

He cites an example of this use from Tebtynis (P PragueDem1 137 BCE) on ldquofactious

behaviorrdquo137

Likewise he alludes to an example from the Lanuvium inscription (CIL XIV 2112 = AGRW 310

Italy 136 CE) that mentions the involvement of magistrates in ldquofactiousnessrdquo138

Just as Paul instructed that

there be no σχίσματα in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία it is specified here that fines will be imposed on officers who

struck members139

While the object of meeting at a banquet is to promote social interaction the distribution of food can

bring disunity because ldquofood is a subject so sensitive to social manipulationhelliprdquo140

There is the likelihood that

some of them could be officers The physical setting of the gathering offers us the opportunity to understand the

dynamics of social mobility in the GrecondashRoman world Related to this feature is Richard Lastrsquos argument

about the election of officers in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Last completely reorients the typical understanding of

αἱρέσεις in this passage 141

He contends that the use of αἱρέσις in 1 Cor 1119 by Paul indicates that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία elected rotating administrative leaders whose duties included the managing of affairs at the

Lordrsquos Supper In Lastrsquos reading the ldquobanquet problems (ie σχίσματα)rdquo associated with the communal meal

were due to the lack of election of officers when their tenure of office expired142

This evidence also supports a

parallel with a voluntary association rather than a patriarchal housendashchurch arrangement

In Lastrsquos reading the composition of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was such that members could be elected

into office for administrative purposes and exercise control over the distribution of food at table This is

indicated by the language Paul uses in 1 Cor 1119 The notion of ldquoflat hierarchyrdquo of temporary and rotating

officers gave room for social mobility The refusal to allow elections to be held has been identified as one of the

possible causes of the banquet problems which the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced143

These examples provide evidence for establishing the presence of leaders in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in

the following ways First the organizational structure of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία allows that there were officers

135

R Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo NTS 59 (2013) 365ndash381 at 375 Other

words he employs include αἱρεθείς οἱ αἱρεθέντες αἱρέσεως ἑλέσθαι and αἱρεθῆναι He cites an example where

ldquoa certain Mēnis was elected (αἱρέσεις) to become the grouprsquos treasurer (IG 2 127 = GRA I 13 Attica 2998

BCE)rdquo374

136 Ibid 375

137 Ibid 372

138 Ibid

139 Ibid See also n 22 The examples include ldquoSEG 31 122= GRA I 50 Attica early II CE P Lond VII 21938

11ndash12= AGRW 295 Philadelphia Egypt 69ndash58 BCE P Mich VIII 511 unknown location in Egypt D E

Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 99ndash102

140 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo 83

141 Richard Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo esp 374ndash378

142 Ibid 380

143 Ibid esp 368 ff

46

in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Second related to the first point is Paulrsquos use of two terms that are commonly

employed in civic and association elections namely αἱρέσεις and δόκιμοι (1 Cor 1119) The examples serve as

indicators of how the Corinthian ἐκκλησία operated in a manner similar to the GrecondashRoman associations

Moreover it confirms that the σχίσματα that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced during their banquets were typical of

the proceedings of thiasoi and collegia144

Furthermore the examples provide key information regarding the

social and religious life in Roman Corinth and supplement data in literary sources and give insight into ldquocivic

life at ground level as well as from the heightsrdquo145

In the analysis I notice that GrecondashRoman meals can explain most of the features of the Corinthian

δεῖπνον By way of summary I have observed that the structure of the Greek Roman and Jewish meals follow

the same pattern146

The ancient peoples of the Mediterranean world within the period circa 300 B C E and

circa 300 C E seemed to have common dining customs with some variations147

The rules of the associations in

the GrecondashRoman world influenced the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία There were marked similarities

between the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the voluntary associations of the GrecondashRoman milieu Members of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in the δεῖπνον The associations had rules which governed the behavior of

members at table The problem of σχίσματα was typical of the meetings of the thiasoi and collegia Just as Paul

had to address the problem of fractiousness in Corinthian ἐκκλησία so it was with the thiasoi and collegia For

instance the bylaws of the Gild of Hypsistos prohibited σχίσματα μηδε σχίματα συνίστασ[θαι]148

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the quantity and quality of food the posture of reclining reflecting statuses

of guests the relaxed atmosphere coupled with late dining all contributed to the keen desire for social status

among the guests The lack of an equitable distribution of food contributed towards the instability within the

community Some members were fully satisfied while others were hungry Furthermore there were others who

got drunk This state of affairs can be accounted for by referring to the nature of sociondashcultural setting with its

values within which the members of the ἐκκλησία found themselves The comparison between the voluntary

associations in the GrecondashRoman world and the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveals that there were similar ritual

dynamics The meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία had not yet been shaped as a distinctively Christian ritual On

this premise I posit that some of the practices for example some members eating before others could have

accounted for the σχίσματα that persisted within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Based on the persistent nature of ritual

144

See for example D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 32 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 72

145 James Rives ldquoCivic and Religious Life in Epigraphic Evidence Ancient History from Inscriptionsrdquo ed

John Bodel (Approaching the Ancient World London Routledge 2011) 118ndash19

146 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19 idem Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 21

147 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 14 Depending on the basic data he further asserts that ldquothe

evidence supports the hypothesis that basic customs tended to be the same throughout the Mediterranean world

during this periodrdquo 19

148 Colin Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsisitosrdquo 40ndash42 50 The original word

σχίματα is probably an error for σχίσματα Cf Dennis E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist

in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 32

47

rather than the temporary conditions in the socioeconomic life of a people I postulate that Paul as a pastor is

thus capable to effect changes to the existing meal practices so as to bring stability to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

In conclusion one important trait that characterized GrecondashRoman associations was the sacrificial

feast and common meal The comparison of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with the GrecondashRoman associations

depicts that there were similar characteristics and patterns for the meal tradition It was usual for the guests to

recline in accordance to their social status The place given to a guest was a reflection of their social status An

influence may be either positive or negative depending on the prevailing circumstances Invariably some of the

cultural values of the GrecondashRoman associations specifically in the area of honor and status adversely affected

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I have discussed the fact that there were debates about status in the literature of

associations Notwithstanding the warrants it is likely that in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία some privileged members

held on to the norms and values of the GrecondashRoman associations especially those pertaining to status This

trait could contribute to the σχίσματα with the result that it marred rather than promoted fellowship D E

Garland succinctly captures the state of affairs

Values that were antithetical to the message of the cross ndash particularly those related to honor and status

so basic to the GrecondashRoman social system in which power manifesting itself in ruthlessness and

selfndashadvancement is thought to be the only sensible course ndash percolated into the church destroying its

fellowship and its Christian witness as some members sought to balance civic norms and Christian

norms149

2 3 Physical Setting

As mentioned in chapter one another traditional interest in the study of the Corinthian banquet praxis is

the physical setting of the gathering The discussion will be expanded further by reviewing more recent views

expressed by Annette Weissenrieder on the setting for supper The location and ritual status of the communal

meal in Corinth are significant in understanding the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Recent studies

have now shifted the location from house churches to public places There has not been any consensus with

regard to the ritual status of the communal meal a concern which the present thesis addresses

There is both archaeological and literary evidence that portrays indigenous designs and physical

structures of dining rooms in the GrecondashRoman world Both Greeks and Romans used similar fashions even

though the patterns for designing the dining rooms were developed differently and conveyed different social

messages150

In a Greek house the dining room commonly known as ὁ ἀνδρὼν was a place where the

paterfamilias was to entertain the male guests There are the dining rooms of ldquoandron typerdquo and ldquoPindashformedrdquo

type of arrangement151

While the Greek andron type signifies social equality the Pindashshaped ones do not152

It

149

D E Garland 1 Corinthians 5ndash6

150 See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoTriclinum and Stibadiumrdquo in Dining in a Classical Context ed William J

Slater (Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press 1991) for the details of Greek and Roman evidence

151 ὁ ἀνδρὼν is derived from Xenophon Symposium 14 meaning ldquomenrsquos roomrdquo Couches in the Pi-shaped

rooms are arranged in a ldquoPirdquo shape See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Biberetur Greeks and

Romans on the Dining Couchrdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic

and Roman World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998)

82 86ndash98 for a description of the ldquoandrōn typerdquo and ldquoPi-formedrdquo dining rooms Jason Koumlnig Saints and

48

was usual to have rooms which held seven or eleven couches in buildings for the purpose of dining153

Jonathan

Z Smith considers space to be one of the important elements of ritual which translates actions which in other

contexts are meaningless or carry a different meaning into meaningful ones and thus communicates to both

participants and observers154

More recently and convincingly Annette Weissenrieder has argued that the

Corinthian church was actually meeting in public space not in homes155

In contrast to the views expressed by

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor Weissenrieder making use of topography architectural details and drawing from selected

texts from 1 Corinthians mentions that in ancient times the customs of sitting and reclining were an important

indication of the social organization of a community156

She uses the spaces in 1 Cor 11ndash14 (ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ οἰκία

and ἐν οἴκῳ for her evidence She points out that Paul does not use οἶκος when he mentions συνέρχομαι but

rather ἐκκλησία ldquoin the space of an assemblyrdquo157

This evidence shifts the Corinthian meal more firmly into the territory of a voluntary association

There are various kinds of space in antiquity Further Weissenrieder cites instances of posture (standingsitting

reclining) in relation to GrecondashRoman social models She observes that the word used for sitting (κάθημαι) in

James 22ndash3 in a community assembly is the same as that used in 1 Cor 1430 In considering the issue whether

1 Cor 14 is about a reclining meal or a seated meal she assumes ldquotwo orders of worship ndash a Communion liturgy

and a liturgy of the Word in chapters 11 and 14rdquo158

In Pro Flacco 16 Cicero topographically links the ldquopolitical structurerdquo of the Greek society with the

ldquospacerdquo used by the theater for political functions159

Weissenrieder notes that one thing that is evident with

seating in different spaces is that the issue is not so much with the space per se but rather ldquothe capacity of the

space to be experiencedrdquo and the manner it is utilized by the ldquoperceiving subjectsrdquo160

The space being the

ldquospatial expression of the physical energyrdquo of the members of the assembly symbolizes the ldquosocietyrsquos way of

Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture 7

literally ὁ ἀνδρὼν means ldquoroom for menrdquo It was ldquoan intimate inward-looking spacerdquo and represents the

ldquophysical space of the Greek dining roomrdquo

152 Katherine MD Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Bibereturrdquo 89 95 98

153 Ibid 83

154 Jonathan Z Smith To Take Place 26ndash29 45ndash 4668ndash 6994ndash95 103ndash117

155 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo

156 Ibid 63

157 Ibid 83

158 Ibid 64 P Lampe ldquoldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 is not certain about the

situation He states ldquo[M]aybe the worship activities of 1 Cor 12ndash14rdquo

159 Cited by A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 59 ldquoBut all Greek

states are wholly governed by the rashness of the assembly while sitting (sedentis contionis) hellipWhen

completely unskilled and ignorant men without experience too their seats in the theatre that was when they

undertook profitless wars put seditious men in charge of the state and threw out their most deserving citizensrdquo

160 Ibid 60

49

thinkingrdquo161

Therefore in the passage cited Cicero is not criticizing the choice of the theater as a meeting place

but rather the physical posture which signifies ldquophysical weakness and lack of orderrdquo162

Consequently

ldquosubject and space become variables independent of one anotherrdquo163

The subjects who operate in the space

generate the conceptual representation of space as well as the meaning of space She draws on the conceptual

models of space by Aristotle Emmanuel Kant and Ernst Cassirer to establish her case In consonance with

Greek thought she distinguishes between τοπος and κενον and agrees with P ArztndashGrabner that ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ

should be understood in relation with ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 12 as an axiom as a specific location such as a ldquotown

quarterrdquo or a specific ldquoroomrdquo and not as ldquoeverywhererdquo164

She emphasizes that spaces that host gatherings

convey not only a kind of social order but they also portray a societyrsquos mode of thinking by virtue of the fact

that the spaces symbolize these thoughts through the conduct of the people what she calls semiotic codes

Employing space typology and semiotic codes she gives insight into these conceptual models and organizations

by investigating the posture at gatherings of the Corinthian community

Weissenrieder examines the differences between a seated meal and a reclining meal Through visual

and textual sources she demonstrates that there are cases of both postures of a seated meal and reclining meal

and that there is a distinction between them She supports the evidence with the example of a mosaic from

Carthage 165

Weissenrieder rightly states ldquoWhereas one automatically brings the idea of reclining meal from

chapter 8 to 1 Cor 11 it is surprising that 1 Cor 14 which speaks of sitting during worship remains relatively

unconsidered in scholarly literaturerdquo166

She accedes that only Dennis E Smith proposes that a meal was eaten

while sitting during the meeting167

She sees only one issue ndash that related with sitting and that concerning the

number of participants at the meal

Weissenrieder makes the point that the completion of the creation of the space of the ἐκκλησία by the

subject does not embody only those who already regard themselves as members of the ἐκκλησία She orients the

meaning of ἰδιώτης to mean a private citizen ldquoHere the important distinction is not between inside ndash outside

learned ndash unlearned but rather between official and private citizenrdquo168

She substantiates her claim by

considering the gathering place of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as characterized by ldquochristological forcesrdquo

A gathering place of the ekklēsia in 1 Corinthians is therefore also always the spatial expression of

christological forces which constitutes itself in social reality in hte space of the political ekklēsia and

161

Ibid

162 Ibid

163 Ibid (italics in the original)

164 Ibid 61

165 Ibid 66

166 Ibid 64

167 Ibid ldquoTo my knowledge only Smith in his book From Symposium to Eucharist has addressed this issue

proposing that there was a meal eaten while sitting and an assembly meeting in this case at a table No further

conclusions however are drawn from this observationrdquo See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash

201

168 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 106

50

also contains its conceptual spatial representation by adopting the organization of meaning of the

spatial construction of a political ekklēsia169

In 1 Corinthians the proceedings in chapter 11 are Christological Like the other ἐκκλησίαι in the

GrecondashRoman world they met for social interaction which facilitated social cohesion As it will be

demonstrated in chapter 3 the possible vehicle for the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to have attained

stability was by means of a distinct and heightened form of ritual specifically the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) Weissenrieder captures this notion in the following words ldquoThe ekklēsia

represents not only the gathering of the Corinthian community and is therefore a symbol of their cohesion but it

is also by means of the celebration of the Last Supperrdquo170

Moreover it was through the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία could launch their ldquochristological selfndash understandingrdquo171

Weissenrieder rightly remarks that ldquothe Corinthian ekklēsia not only possessed a space but rather was this

spacerdquo172

At this stage it is worth deciding whether Paul is imagining a single ritual setting or occasion or a

division between the setting of the meal and the worship setting in 10ndash14 From the arguments made the

Corinthians participated in all the status divisions that are implied with reclining I wish to assess the possible

postures in 10ndash14 The first possibility relates to the structure of GrecondashRoman meals In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 no

mention is made of the custom of reclining however reclining (κατακείμενον) is used in 810173

If the

assumption that some of the practices of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were akin to the GrecondashRoman associations

holds then it is likely that the posture for meals in chapter 11 could be reclining The social setting could make

room for class distinction and exhibition of social prowess This dynamic could probably give some members

the audacity to despise others (cf 1 Cor 1122)

The second possibility has a semantic flavor Paul uses both κατάκειμαι (810) and κάθημαι (1430)

The probability is that Paulrsquos use of κάθημαι could indicate a variation of posture during the meetings of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία The basis for this probability is that while there was a standard structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquet regarding the practices of the first century there were some distinctions In Homer for

example his heroes do not recline but sit at their banquets

169

Ibid

170 Ibid

171 Ibid

172 Ibid (emphasis original)

173 Ibid 64 n18 cites other verses to support the translation of ldquokatakeimenonrdquo as reclining Mark 215 Luke

529 [143]rdquo The third reference is a typographical error The actual reference is Mark 143 The other

examples in the NT that can be added to the list are John 56 Acts 933 ldquoOtherwise anakeimairdquo which

specifically means lsquoreclining on cushionsrsquo is more common for example in Mark 1418 1614 Matt 910

2210 11 267 20 Luke 2227 John 611 12 2 1323 28rdquo I agree with Weissenrieder especially as one

looks at Matt 99 10 where the evangelist uses κάθημαι to describe the posture of a tax-collector (9 9) and

ἀνάκειμαι to indicate the posture at ldquomealsrdquo (910)

51

Πυργίων δ᾽ ἐν τρίτῳ Κρητικῶν Νομίμων lsquoἐν τοῖς συσσιτίοις φησίν οἱ Κρῆτες καθήμενοι συσσιτοῦσι174

Dures

indicates that sitting at meals was occasionally the practice of Alexander the king He at one time directed

about six thousand of his captains to sit on silver chairs and couches wrapped with purple covers175

If the

second probability gives credence then it is plausible that by way of variety the προφῆται sat during the

assembly (1429ndash30) There is no mention of meals in the discussions in chapters 12ndash14 The context helps us

to determine the activity In 1 Cor 1430 the activity is prophesying In prophesying the one prophesying has to

be silent if the other prophet who is sitting (καθημένῳ) receives a revelation ἐὰν δὲ ἄλλῳ ἀποκαλυφθῇ

καθημένῳ ὁ πρῶτος σιγάτω (1 Cor 1430)176

1 Cor 12ndash14 could indicate the second part of the banquet ie

συμπόσιον not for a meal but other activities as implied by the text

In antiquity the term ἐκκλησία pertains to the meeting of an association177

In applying the

KinghardtSmith paradigm that indicates that a common praxis typified all kinds of associations I consider 1

Corinthians 10ndash14 as one unit178

The reasons are that in the entire epistle συνέρχομαι appears only in 1117

18 20 22 33ndash34 and 1423 and 26 The use of συνέρχομαι in all the instances cited is about gathering In 1 Cor

14 the posture indicated is sitting (κάθημαι) Paul does not mention reclining It is worth considering the

frequency of meeting of the ἐκκλησία This gives me the prospect to imagine how often the members of the

ἐκκλησία were able to gather to have a meal Could they meet for a meal and gather for worship as another

event or did they gather for both as a single event If it was a single setting then the possibility was that the

members changed their posture from reclining to sitting thus moving away from the tables This explanation fits

in with 1430 where Paul uses κάθημαι Moreover the use of ὅταν lends support to this explanation It sheds

light on the temporal nature of the meetings The use of συνέρχομαι in conjunction with εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν makes it a

purpose clause (1133) Its use with ἵνα μὴ indicates result (1134) Furthermore taking a clue from the

expression Paul uses in 1125 ndash μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι ndash it is probable to consider that the worship setting in

174

Ath Deip 4 143 ϵ ldquoPyrgion in the third book of his treatise on The Cretan Laws states at their

(συσσίτιον) common meal the Cretans sit and eatrdquo My translation

175 Ath Deip 131 See also 120 432 52 18 20 1 See also D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19

who states that according to Athenaeus the Cretans continued sitting at table ldquolong after the Greeks had adopted

the practice of recliningrdquo Smith further mentions another ancient writer Plutarch in addition to Athenaeus that

they paid close attention to the variations in table customs in ldquodifferent regions and ethnic divisions of the

Roman Empirerdquo

176 ldquoBut if it is revealed to the other sitting let the first be silentrdquo My translation

177 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches ldquoἐκκλησία is used of the meeting of an

association in e g Le Bas et Waddington vol viii No 1831 1832 Le Bas vol iv 1915= Corp Inscr Graec

No 2271 hellip so τὸ κοινόν which is in ordinary use for the general body of an association is used e g in Euseb

H E 6 19 16 73227 for the general body of the churchrdquo Furthermore Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested

Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo states that ἐκκλησία ldquoappears in numerous official documents of

the Achaean league in which Corinth had a leading role The examples she cites include Polybius 2466

Plutarch Aratos 42 and Dio Cassius 21721 See 96 n 152 for the detailed list

178 See Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 104 who poses the

question ldquohow can the Corinthiansrsquo sitting described in 1430 be explained given that chapters 11ndash14 belong

together formally and in terms of contentrdquo

52

chapters 12 and 14 is the kind that follows the δεῖπνον179

If this interpretation is right then I suggest that Paul is

addressing the έκκλησία in a single setting with two parts Following the GrecondashRoman pattern they would

partake in the δεῖπνον (11) followed by the συμπόσιον (12 and 14) The evidence is sparse for me to decide

whether the posture for the assembly was reclining throughout the meeting of the έκκλησία or it involved both

reclining and sitting This necessitates further research beyond the scope of the present research What matters

most is a ritual space ndash a good site for assembling

2 31 The State of the Meal in Corinth already a specifically Christian Ritual

In this section I will argue that the practice of the δεῖπνον in the Roman Corinth έκκλησία was not yet

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and that the ritual theories of Harvey Whitehouse and Roy A Rappaport (as will be discussed

in chapter 3) demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal meal might help to strengthen the identity

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία A recent wave of meal studies has shown that early Christian meals as ldquoform and

practicerdquo were virtually identical with private meals and meals of associations180

Andrew B McGowan suggests

that ldquo[v]arious groups seem to have had different explicit understandings and purposes in mind to have used

eating and drinking together in a variety of ritual formsrdquo181

I will turn next to address George Mayrsquos

presentation that the communal meal is not yet a specifically Christian ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians

In a twondashpart article George May consistently argues that the texts on the accounts of the Last Supper

ldquodo not need to be understood as teaching or recording the institution of a ritual meal or a command to repeat

the practice of such a mealrdquo182

He rightly notes that Paulrsquos allusion to the ldquoLordrsquos tablerdquo in 1 Cor 10 serves as a

prolepsis in anticipation of a longer discussion in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34183

By implication just because Paul

talks about the blood of Christ and the body of Christ in turn does not mean the Lordrsquos Supper is an existing

title He mentions it there with the idea of talking about it very soon May contends that Jesusrsquo words of

institution are applicable only to the meal that he shared with his disciples before his crucifixion and it climaxes

the series of meals he had with them and the outcasts Moreover the significance of the meal is the

commemoration of him rather than the Exodus from Egypt184

May claims that the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία assembled for a meal that was not ldquoa token or symbolic meal but a real meal nourishing dinnerrdquo

185

179

See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash201 who proposes that the worship activities recorded

in chapters 12 and 14 take place at table

180 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Meals

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 15ndash23 at 20 ldquomeals of workersrsquo guilds a festive

birthday celebration or a meal hosting an honored guest from the next townrdquo

181 Andrew B McGowan ldquoFood Ritual and Power in Late Ancient Christianity (Minneapolis Fortress Press

2005) 145ndash164 at 146

182 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 1 Meals in

the Gospels and Actsrdquo RTR 60 (2001) 138ndash150 here 139ndash40 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or

Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 2 Meals at Corinthrdquo RTR 61 (2002) 1ndash18

183 Ibid Part 2 3

184 Ibid Part 1 142

185 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 2 13

53

He thus in referencing G D Fee intimates that the table practice at Corinth was perceived as a ldquoreal meal and

not as a sacrament in the modern senserdquo186

Paulrsquos reason for stating the Lordrsquos Supper narrative is that it was to

serve as a reminder of the manner in which they should share their meals which would reflect the visual

manifestation of their unity What was of significance was the participation of the members in the meal but not

ldquothe elements of bread and winerdquo187

May asserts that none of that evidence makes it seem likely that the Lucan Jesus was trying to

establish a continuing practice Jesus was doing something special at that meal but not setting up something that

it was meant to be repeated over and over Moreover not only was Jesus doing something special but

everything special is seen in the account of Paul as features of the GrecondashRoman meal Although I agree with

George May to some extent the pertinent question is if Jesus Christ did not institute a ritual meal and give

directive to his disciples to be perpetuated in his remembrance then how come that the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

persists

Paulrsquos mention of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in 1120 was plausibly a means of introducing an enhanced form

of ritual that was distinct from the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1121) In the present day the exact words used by Paul

are basically used in the celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper This practice makes it even harder to imagine that it

was not always that way Ritual studies helps us to understand Paulrsquos comments even if the Lordrsquos Supper was

already fully instituted at the time of the letter In other words whether Paul established it or it was prendash

existing it was fairly new to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul as an Apostle had the option to give instructions

concerning the practices of the ἐκκλησία and in doing so he chose to emphasize particular features

This observation buttresses the significant point made on the physical location for assembling and that

even gives me more support that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was analogous to the GrecondashRoman association As

discussed earlier the specificities are all about associations While the symposium affords guests the

opportunity to drink lavishly it is not the case with the setting of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον given that there is a limit

to the extent of drinking in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον It seems probable that in 1 Cor 11 Paulrsquos introduction of a

ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could serve as a means to ensuring fair distribution of wine

The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an integral part of the social milieu of the Mediterranean world as

separate Christian culture was not yet established At this point the members of the ἐκκλησία were part of

GrecondashRoman culture Every choice that they made gave them the opportunity to create a new reality There

were the ἐκκλησίαι of Christ or Christndashgroups From the earlier discussion I can surmise that the expressions

that Paul uses are indicative of the fact that the members were involved in practices that were similar to that

practiced by the associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu Paulrsquos use of ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo is instructive in this

regard He states Συνερχομένων οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν (1 Cor 1120) He

contrasts ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo with ldquoτὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνονrdquo The meal that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

partaking was simply not κυριακὸν δεῖπνον but their own meals The fact that they were partaking in their own

meals gave Paul the opportunity to introduce the ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo Moreover Paulrsquos use of ldquoπρολαμβάνεινrdquo

186

Ibid 8

187 Ibid

54

suggests that some members of the ἐκκλησία preferred eating earlier than others This becomes evident when it

is linked with his instructions in 1133 34 This kind of behavior by some of the members of the ἐκκλησία was

similar to that of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

24 Conclusion

The foregoing discussion has been on the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and the divisions associated

with it The passage under review (1 Cor 1117ndash34) is the earliest extant written account of the celebration of

what became the Christian Eucharist I have demonstrated that there is a shift from the proposal of different

types of meal to a common meal paradigm that was practiced in the Mediterranean region of the first century

BCE to the fourth century BCE In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul plausibly had his own theological preoccupation ndash

one of introducing a ritual specifically the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to replace an existing one ndash the Corinthian δεῖπνον

ndash as I will demonstrate in chapter 4

In this chapter I have discussed the standard pattern of GrecondashRoman meals making an excursus into

Jewish Table Fellowships The evidence that the Corinthian meal could be traced back to the historical Jesus is

scarce The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were partaking in a real meal It was not yet κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

(οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν 1 Cor 1120) At the time of writing 1 Corinthians the meal the members of

the ἐκκλησία were partaking did not have the sacramental feature The sacramental nature of Christian meals

emerged during the third century C E Therefore the members of the ἐκκλησία did not abuse the Lordrsquos Supper

nor neglect it because they were partaking in a meal that was analogous to the GrecondashRoman meal

In the discussion we noted the difference in opinion in public worship within the ἐκκλησία Paul as a

pastor of the ἐκκλησία needed to respond to the state of affairs The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was part of the social

community within which there were voluntary associations Their organization and procedure of meetings were

akin to that of the voluntary associations In conclusion it was Paul who was creating a new and Christocentric

ritual structure for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoFood is a powerful symbolic mediumrdquo and the partaking in food

plays a significant role in the rituals of many communities It can be used to ldquoshape group identityrdquo and it helps

in making rules to regulate relations within a group188

If Paul claims that σχίσματα persisted in the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία then it is probable that in 1 Corinthians he was introducing a distinct ritual to shape their identity

Moreover that could also be an avenue to give instructions to the members to improve relations within the

ἐκκλησία

On the basis of the arguments of George May Richard Last and Annette Weissenrieder therefore it

can be inferred that instead of abusing a ritual that was distinctive to the Christndash group the Corinthians were

practicing a GrecondashRoman association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special ndash a

distinct ritual structure Paul thus exhibited his skill as a pastor in helping to create a ritual that would shape the

Corinthian community Recent scholarship has established the ldquorelatedness between identity and religionrdquo in all

spheres of life of the ancient Mediterranean world GrecondashRoman meals including early Christian meals attest

to the amalgamation of religion and identity

188

Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 151

55

The GrecondashRoman and (therefore) early Christian mealsrsquo thorough subliminal and (for moderns)

quirky integration of religion and identity is perhaps a classic case in point for the inseparability

between that erarsquos religion and identitieshellip It is at this juncture that the relatively new role ritual

studies is now playing in the study of early Christian meals comes into play189

By way of developing the pattern in 1 Cor 1125 and Luke 2220 it can be inferred that the meal that

the members of the ἐκκλησία were partaking was an association meal and was not yet a heightened ritual form

It was not established as a ritual in the same way that Rappaport may call it selfndashreferential aspect of ritual as I

will discuss in chapter 3 The meal in 1 Corinthians or elsewhere in Pauline contexts was not in any way

associated with Passover elements Paul by way of his instructions in chapter 11 intervenes to introduce a new

reality so as to bring stability into the ἐκκλησία The concept of ritual particularly its characteristics that are

relevant to elucidating the meal practice in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is the subject of the next chapter

189

Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Mealsrdquo

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 21 Cf idem In the Beginning was the Meal Social

Experimentation amp Early Christian Meal (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2009) 55ndash85

56

3

Two Ritual Models for Analysis of Paulrsquos Comments

ldquoThe meaning of ritual is deep indeed He who tries to enter it with the kind of perception that distinguishes

hard and white same and different will drown thererdquo

ndash Xunzi (3rd

century BCE)

In the preceding chapter I have undertaken to show that the application of ritual studies in examining

what Paul intended has not received the attention it deserves Words play an obvious and important role in

communication however rituals are able to transmit messages in ways that words do not In this chapter I will

pursue the notion that rituals are a vehicle of communication The aim is to attempt to explore how ritual studies

can be used to unearth what might be Paulrsquos intention in mentioning the tradition that he received from the Lord

in the passage under review The chapter will be in three parts In the first part I will introduce the field of ritual

studies the definitions of ritual and approaches to the study of rituals The second part of the chapter explores

some of the functions of ritual relevant to the study and the appearance of new rituals Part three expands the

discussion on the models of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose works will inform my analysis of

the Corinthian meal

Ritual studies is a subfield in social sciences Social scientists attest to the potency of rituals in

effecting social cohesion and collective identity1 Harvey Whitehousersquos divergent modes of religiosity

(hereafter DMR ) theory offers an explanation to why some religions spread fast in many instances becoming

wellndashestablished institutions with a large following while others have much a smaller localized following even

though they also persist over the years

S C Barton gives four reasons for the use of social sciences approaches The first is a corrective to

ldquotheological Docetismrdquo2 Paulrsquos letters cannot be divorced from the lives and settings of humans in Paulrsquos time

as well as later generations Frequently Barton argues the assumption has been that what is significant about

Paulrsquos letters are ldquothe theological ideas irrespective of their being embedded in the lives of people and

communitiesrdquo3 The next is that in addition to paving way for giving fresh insights on old and pertinent issues

social sciences ldquomake possible a more holistic interpretation of Pauline Christianityrdquo4 Third social sciences

help in handling cultural differences They assist in removing biases and help overcome the tendency for the

reader to find in the texts ldquoa reflection of their own imagerdquo5 By drawing systematic attention to the sociological

1 For discussions of major social scientists on social cohesion see Alexis de Tocqueville The Old Regime and

the French Revolution trans Stuart Gilbert (Garden City NY Doubleday 1955) Eacutemile Durkheim The

Division of Labour in Society trans WD Halls (London Macmillan 1984) Talcott Parsons The Structure of

Social action A Study in Social Theory and Special Reference to a Group of Recent European Writers vols 1

and 2 (New York Free Press 1968)

2 S C Barton ldquoSocial-Scientific Approaches to Paulrdquo in Dictionary of Paul and His Letters ed G F

Hawthorne R P Martin and D G Reid (Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 1993) 892

3 Ibid

4 Ibid

5 Ibid 893

57

dimensions of the world behind the text they pose the question ldquoWhat are the sociological dimensions of the

world in front of the text the world of the readerrdquo Fourth C S Barton cites the gains of theology and ethics

Aware of the unique place of Paul in the formulation of ldquobeliefs practices and selfndashunderstandingrdquo of the

followers of Christ it is expedient for ldquothe integrity of Christian faith and discipleship that the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony be subject to the scrutiny of all disciplines of critical enquiry including the social sciencesrdquo6

3 1 The Difficulty of Definition

A study of some of the definitions of ldquoritualrdquo indicates that the task of defining ritual is an arduous

one7 Gerald A Klingbeil points out the distinction between the common use of the term and its technical use

He notes specifically that the term ritual has a wide range of meaning and because of that it is usually used

ldquoindiscriminatelyrdquo Its common usage is for dayndash tondash day (nonndashscholarly nonndashtechnical) works while it is also

used in an academic (scholarly and technical) context8 David Parkin gives a minimal definition of ritual as ldquoa

formulaic spatiality carried out by groups of people who are conscious of its imperative or compulsory nature

and who may or may not further inform this spatiality with spoken wordsrdquo9 Four important characteristics of

ritual can be identified from David Parkinrsquos definition (1) space ndash where the ritual is situated (2) character ndash

6 Ibid As Barton himself points out there are limitations to the approaches of social sciences He mentions

ldquoanachronismrdquo ldquothe limitations of statisticsrdquo the fact that social sciences sometimes make too much of their

claims and ldquoPost-Enlightenment presuppositionsrdquo He points out that the social sciences like all theories of

interpretation have a history Rooted in ldquopost-Enlightenment atheism and hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo it gives

theology and religion an ldquoepiphenomenalrdquo status The forces that contend with Theology and Religion include

the ldquohuman unconsciousrdquo (Freud) class conflict (Marx) the maintenance of society (Durkheim) and the

legitimation of patriarchal domination (feminism) This therefore calls for the awareness for the interpreters of

Paul At least two effects might develop by creating such awareness First it might forestall the tendency of

driving Pauline interpretation in a ldquosecularizing directionrdquo Second the reactive nature of ldquoatheism and the

hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo might cause the interpreter of Pauline interpretation to embrace ldquohermeneutical

insights from the social sciences which make possible a more clear-sighted engagement with the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony and with perversions of itrdquo 893ndash95

7 See the Appendix I of J Platvoet in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behaviour ed Platvoet Jan and

Karel van der Toorn (SHR 67 Leiden EJ Brill 1995) 42ndash45 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and

Dimensions (New York Oxford University Press 2009) 1ndash60 equally provides a historical review of ritual

idem ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol11 ed Lindsay Jones 2d ed (Detroit

Macmillan 2005) 7848 (emphasis original) ldquoThe term ritual remains difficult to definehelliprdquoR A Rappaport

Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 70 states ldquothe kinds of meaning to be found in ritual might be

indefinitely manifoldrdquo G A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14 writes

ldquoDefining ritual is a dangerous and risky undertakingrdquo (Emphasis original) Jan Koster ldquoRitual Performance

and the Politics of Identity On the Functions and Uses of Ritualrdquo Journal of Historical Pragmatics (2003)

211ndash248 at 2 states ldquoThe notion lsquoritualrsquo is notoriously hard to definerdquo Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too

Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the European Enlightenment and a Search

for New Foundations (Albany State University of New York Press 1992) 27 notes that ldquothe word that is

difficult for post-Enlightenment thinkers is ritual or the symbolic act of a community in which the community

gives expression to and informs itself in the transconceptual reality of human existencerdquo Ronald L Grimes

Beginnings in Ritual Studies (Columbia SC University of South Carolina Press 1995) 5 writes ldquoritual is the

hardest religious phenomenon to capture in texts or comprehend by thinkingrdquo

8 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14

9 David Parkin ldquoRitual as Spatial Direction and Bodily Divisionrdquo in Understanding Rituals ed Daniel de

Coppet EASA (London Routledge 1992) 18

58

ritual being repeated (3) (minimally) informed participants and (4) function ndash its role within a given community

Richard Schechner states that ldquo[r]itual action is the thought of the peoplerdquo10

Writing from an

ethological perspective he notes that

in ritual ordinary behavior is condensed exaggerated repeated made into rhythms or pulses (often

faster or slower than usual) or frozen into poseshellipRitual action is similar to what happens in theater

and dance There too behavior is rearranged condensed exaggerated and made rhythmic while

colorful costumes masks and face and body painting enhance the movement displays11

Evan M Zuesse considers ritual to be understood as ldquothose conscious and voluntary repetitious and

stylized symbolic bodily actions that are centered on cosmic structures andor sacred presencesrdquo12

He also

identifies two main types of ritual viz confirmatory and transformatory By confirmatory rituals he means

rituals in which the divine orderrsquos ldquobasic boundariesrdquo and ldquointernal spacesrdquo are duly confirmed while

transformatory rituals ldquobridge divisions and regenerate the structurerdquo13

Jonathan Z Smith defines ritual as ldquoa

means of performing the way things ought to be in conscious tension to the way things are in such a way that

this ritualized perfection is recollected in the ordinary uncontrolled course of thingsrdquo14

J Z Smith focuses on

ldquoincongruityrdquo and ldquoincredulityrdquo A classic example of incongruity is his reading of the akicirctu festival15

Also in

his reading of bearndashhunting rituals especially of the paleondashSiberian peoples he suggests that there is

incoherence between word and deed in actual life For him there is often discrepancy in the affairs of the world

Ritual then provides the means of doing things as they ought to be and by which all things can be controlled He

argues that the discrepancy that exists between the ritual and nonndashritual world creates the opportunity for

ldquoreflection and rationalizationrdquo to the extent that we get to know what ought to have been done which was not

done and what ought to have taken place which did not16

Ritual thus provides a ldquofocusing lensrdquo that allows

people to grasp the full significance of an event in life17

His definition like that of Zuesse focuses on ritual

action

Ronald L Grimes critiques the view of ritual exclusively as ldquotraditional (rather than invented)

collective (rather individual) prendashcritical (rather than selfndashconscious and reflective) and meaningfulrdquo18

While

10

Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo JRitSt 11(1987) 12

11 Ibid5

12 Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7833ndash7848 at 7834

13 Ibid 7841

14 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown (CSHJ

Chicago University of Chicago Press 1982) 53ndash65 at 63 (emphasis original) idem ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual (CSHJ Chicago University of Chicago Press 1987) 109

15 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoA Pearl of Great Price and a Cargo of Yams A Study in Situational Incongruityrdquo in

Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 90ndash101 Smith exhibits the incongruities that exist between

the ideal situations and the ldquohistorical realiardquo of a people 95 Akicirctu festival is the New Year ritual of ancient

Mesopotamia and Babylonia

16 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 61 63

17 Ibid 57 63ndash65

18 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRe-inventing Ritualrdquo Soundings 75 (1992) 21ndash41 at 23

59

in time past we could affirm that ritual is ldquonecessarily traditional collective prendashcritical and meaningful we

now have to say lsquoTaint necessarily sorsquordquo 19

Grimesrsquos definition informs us of the state of persons (personae) the

kind of actions the significance of time and space involved in rituals Ritual emerges as a group of lively people

perform Their performance involves creativity The acts they perform are meant to shape the group as they

make themselves accessible during critical moments of their existence at their place of origin Grimes states

that ldquoRitualizing transpires as animated persons enact formative gestures in the face of receptivity during

crucial times in founded placesrdquo20

Rites as events have their lifecycles and lifespans As compared to breathing

ritual wavers in ldquofrequency force and volumerdquo depending on a particular cultural context Just like breath

escapes from human mouth transforms and generates new modes so does ritual21

Victor Turner formed his ritual theory in part through field work with the Ndembu people of

Zambia22

He describes ritual as ldquoprescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to technological

routine having reference to beliefs in mystical beings or powersrdquo23

R A Rappaport takes ldquothe term lsquoritualrsquo to

denote the performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not entirely encoded

by the performersrdquo24

Catherine Bell mentions the essence of ritual for new forms of cultural analysis in diverse

disciplines especially in anthropological and sociological fields In addition to anthropologists sociologists and

historians of religions are sociobiologists philosophers and intellectual historians who use ritual as a lens to

understand their worldview25

Bell explains that there are two streams of ritual theorists with regard to language

analogy One school of thought stresses the semiotic (or hermeneutic) aspect of ritual sign language They thus

concentrate on the interpretation of ritual symbols Examples are Victor Turner26

and Clifford Geertz Turner

considers the symbol as ritualrsquos smallest unit that ldquostill retains the specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo as well

as the ldquoultimate unit of specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo27

By use of a paradigm Geertz discusses how

sacred symbols ldquosynthesizerdquo a grouprsquos ethos and worldview28

He buttresses this point by indicating that an

indispensable trait of any religious ritual ldquono matter how apparently automatic or conventionalrdquo is the

19

Ibid 38

20 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 60 cf 63 (trans spirare = to breathe across)

21 Ibid 63

22 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca NY Cornell University Press

1970) 19 Zambia was formerly Northern Rhodesia

23 Ibid 19

24 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 24

25 Catherine Bell Ritual Theory Ritual Practice (New York Oxford University Press 1992) 3

26 Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure (New Brunswick Aldine Transaction 2007)

14 ndash43 52ndash93

27 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual 19

28 Clifford Geertz Interpretation of Cultures Selected Essays (New York Basic Books 1973) 113 127 The

ethos embodies ldquotone character and quality of their life hellipits moral and aesthetic style and moodrdquo

60

ldquosymbolic fusion of ethos and worldviewrdquo29

From the foregoing discussion it becomes evident that although there is no single agreed definition for

ritual there is nonetheless a loose consensus about a set of relevant characteristics This observation takes us to

reviewing some of the approaches to the study of ritual that will contribute to the purpose of this study

3 1 2 Approaches to the Study of Rituals

The study of ritual has its roots in the debate about the origins of religion that led to different styles of

interpretation namely ldquoevolutionary sociological and psychologicalrdquo30

One of the four main schools of

thought was phenomenology of religion31

Those within this category include Rudolf Otto and Mircea Eliade a

distinguished advocate for the phenomenological study of religion In recent times Jonathan Z Smith has

contributed towards the phenomenological approach to the study of ritual Smith pays attention to historical

details of particular situations By this he deemphasises universal structures in preference to historical forms of

religion He shows how an act or object used in the history of a particular society can open avenues for the

ldquopossibility of significancerdquo give new meaning and exhibit the potency for use in another context depending on

the place of performance32

By this notion the question of whether something is ldquoinherently sacred or profanerdquo

becomes a ldquosituationalrdquo rather than a ldquosubstantiverdquo category of ritual33

Thus as Catherine Bell suggests because

of ldquoSmithrsquos influence phenomenology has come to see religion as central to the cognitive need to understand

explain order and adaptrdquo34

The research of Robertson Smith yielded fruits in the inception of three influential schools of

interpretation of religion The first was the ldquomyth and ritualrdquo school spearheaded by James George Frazer

Smithrsquos student The second interpretive approach was the sociological approach to religion and was associated

with Eacutemile Durkheim These anthropologists classify rituals based on what they regard as its main function or

purpose Examples of such classification are ldquorites of passagerdquo ldquodivinatory ritualsrdquo ldquorites of afflictionrdquo

ldquopropitiatory ritualsrdquo ldquoancestral ritualsrdquo ldquofertility ritualsrdquo ldquoexpiatory ritualsrdquo etc35

With regard to the

sociological approach to the study of religion there are both functionalist and neofunctionalist systems to the

29

Ibid 113 cf 126ndash141 esp 127

30 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 3

31 Ibid 3 phenomenologists of religion ldquotended to emphasize mythrdquo Among other definitions of

phenomenology of religion Mircea Eliade uses the term phenomenology of religion as a particular discipline

within Religionswissenschaft It is noteworthy that other translations of the term Religionswissenschaft include

ldquocomparative religionsrdquo ldquoScience of Religionrdquo or most formally ldquohistory of religionsrdquo

32 J Z Smith ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual The example he cites is the temple

ldquoThe temple serves as a focussing lens establishing the possibility of significance by directing attention by

requiring the perception of differencerdquo104

33 J Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54ndash56 idem To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual 103ndash104 He thus defines ritual as ldquoa mode of paying attentionrdquo and it

plays the role of directing attention 103

34 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 12

35 Cf Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology (London Routledge 2003) xviii Evan M

Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7843

61

study of rituals Typically the functionalist approach is ascribed to both Alfred Reginald RadcliffendashBrown and

Bronislaw Malinowski It was rare in a functionalist interpretation of a social phenomenon to incorporate either

history or ideas and practices from other disciplines Society was viewed as ldquoa static structured system of social

relationsrdquo36

This notion gave rise to two standardized ldquometaphorsrdquo for social phenomena namely the organic

and mechanical37

RadcliffendashBrown called to mind the first of the metaphors when he expressed the view that just as

ldquoevery organ of a living bodyrdquo contributes to the general functioning of the organism so each custom and belief

plays a vital role in the social life of a primal group38

This total ldquomass of institutions customs and beliefs

forms a single whole or system that determines the life of the societyrdquo as it really pertains to the life of an

organism39

Social functionalists therefore regard ritual as ldquoa means to regulate and stabilize the life of this

system adjust its internal interactions maintain its group ethos and restore a state of harmony after any

disturbancerdquo40

Arnold van Genneprsquos approach on the structure of ritual was the ldquosequential methodrdquo It was a

threendashphase sequence of separation transition or margin41

and reincorporation or aggregation for example

lifendashcrisis rites In structuralist analyses ritual can be understood only in terms of how they are used in their

original social setting moreover the most immediate context for any one rite is the sequence of rituals that

immediately precede and follow it42

The third fruit of Robertson Smithrsquos research was the psychoanalytical school established by Sigmund

Freud43

The school adopted the psychoanalytic approach in examining ritual The investigations of Robertson

Smith into the social role of ritual revealed the factor of ldquounconscious forcesrdquo that helped shape the social

behavior of a people44

Their social cohesiveness could be attributed to the primal sacrifice and communal

sharing In addition to the fruits of Robertson Smithrsquos research there is also the philosophical perspective of

ritual Kevin Schilbrack regards ritual studies as an ldquointerdisciplinary jobrdquo of which philosophy is an integral

part He debunks the notion that ritual activities are thoughtless For him a ritual activity is to be regarded as a

way of thinking itself but not as a vehicle for thought He identifies objectivism and representational theory of

knowledge as the hindrance to the contribution philosophy can make towards the study of ritual Related to the

form of functionalism in the study of rituals is the field of ethology Scholars in this category adopt ethological

36

Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

37 Ibid

38 A R Radcliffe-Brown The Andaman Islanders (New York Free Press of Glencoe 1964) 229

39 Ibid 229ndash30

40 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

41 or limen denoting ldquothresholdrdquo in Latin

42 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 36 Arnold van Gennep cites the example of baptism

ldquoA ldquoborn- again Christianrdquo descends into a pool of water and emerges from the other side spiritually cleansed

committed and ldquomade newrdquo a married couple go through the door of a temple

43 Ibid 11ndash13

44 Ibid 12

62

and biogenetic approaches to ritual Rappaport is renowned in this area45

Ethologists advanced an argument

about the communicative aspect of ritual action and claimed that ldquothe ritual gestures of animals serve as codes

or signals that transmit information useful to the wellndashbeing of the grouprdquo46

Rituals involve symbolic behavior for example the clasping of hands while praying While functional

structuralism was concerned about how religion or ritual functions scholars who went beyond it were

concerned about what it means They are known as ldquosymbolists culturalists and more awkwardly symbolicndash

culturalistsrdquo47

They regard ldquoculturerdquo as autonomous because it can be analyzed independently of social

structure They focus on the meaning of a symbol in a cultural context rather than what it does in a social

organization In effect the symbolists concentrate on what a particular symbol communicates (i e its

languagelike aspect) within the context of a set of symbols in which it finds itself The meaning of symbols used

in rituals may be readily known to the members of a group With regard to people outside the group the

meaning is made known to them through interaction with members of the group and with the passage of time as

they witness the performance48

From anthropological perspective David Hicks defines ldquoritualsrdquo as ldquoforms of

behavior by which human beings communicate ideas values and sentiments they share in commonrdquo49

In recent currents within the field of ritual studies two major types of ritual theories have been

developed They are the ldquoculturalrdquo and ldquocognitiverdquo types The first type promotes theories that seek cultural

explanation50

while the second type pursues ldquoempirically testable theoriesrdquo51

Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and

Michael Stausberg regard the approaches described earlier in this section as belonging to a period of scholarship

known as ldquothe age of lsquogrand theoriesrsquo rdquo52

Those times are now over They thus suggest a pluralistic approach to

the study of rituals They advocate ldquotheorizing ritualsrdquo meaning shifting from ldquotheories that seek to explain

everythingrdquo to a position that no single theory is adequate to account for the complex nature of the

45

R A Rappaportrsquos model of ritual will be discussed in detail in the third part of this chapter

46 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 31

47 Ibid 61

48 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo in Readings in Ritual

Studies ed R L Grimes (Upper Saddle River NJ Prentice Hall 1996) 149

49 David Hicks Ritual and Belief Readings in the Anthropology of Religion ed David Hicks 3d ed (Lanham

Md AltaMira Press 2010) 93 Hicks gives the following as the definition in the Glossary ldquostereotyped

repetitive behavior or set of behaviors that uses symbols to communicate meaningrdquo502 As regards the third

school of interpretation of religion ritual is used in another broad dimension namely psychoanalytic theory

Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7833 mentions that any kind of ldquonon-rationalrdquo or ldquorationalized symbolic behaviorrdquo

is regarded as ritual as opposed to ldquopragmatic clearly ends-directed behaviorrdquo Religious rituals can even be

ldquoequated to neurotic compulsionsrdquo

50 Catherine Bell ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7848ndash7855 esp

7852

51 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo in Understanding the Social World of the New Testament ed

Dietmar Neufeld and Richard E DeMaris (London Routledge 2010) 227

52 Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and Michael Stausberg ed Theorizing Rituals Issues Topics Approaches

Concepts 2 vols vol 1 (Boston Brill 2006) xxi

63

phenomena53

Risto Uro likewise suggests a piecemeal approach as a solution to theoretical methodological

problems in the study of ritual in early Christianity

Theoretical and methodological problems in the study of early Christian ritual can be best addressed

by a piecemeal approach in which different aspects of Christian behavior as reflected in our sources

are examined in view of the insights and knowledge gained from ritual and cognate studies54

A ldquopiecemealrdquo approach will give partial results I am of the view that owing to the complex nature of ritual we

need to apply the features of ritual that are applicable to a particular text in order to attain holistic results

3 2 A Closer Examination of Ritual Function

The two theorists I have chosen are not strictly functionalists yet still they address aspects of the

functional ritual Ritual has a lot of functions However for the purposes of the present study I will limit the

discussion to the communicative social collective and stabilizing cum innovative functions For any fruitful

discussion on the role that rituals play in any given situation there is the need to ascertain the context The first

of the functions of ritual in the discussion is its communicative function Jan Platvoet and Karel van der Toorn

acknowledging the earlier ritual theories contend that apart from the early theories ritual also has

communicative function of transmitting both implicit and explicit messages By use of symbols ritual has the

capacity of transmitting a multitude of messages ndash some overt and most of them covert ndash to serve ldquostrategic

purposesrdquo55

Rituals are therefore performed to achieve effective communication to both the participants and

observers or outsiders According to ritual theories that emphasize communication the performance of ritual

requires at least two participants ndash ldquoa lsquosenderrsquo and a lsquoreceiverrsquo rdquo56

It is noteworthy that it is not always the case

that what is expressed in ritual can be regarded as a message to be communicated between the participants57

For the purposes of analysis of interndashgroup ritual Jan Platvoet outlines four distinctions in the communication

dimension There is the need to make a distinction first between the direct or overt addressee(s) of a ritual and

its indirect or implied addressee(s) second between the overt or stated message(s) of a ritual and the implied

message (s) third between the fields of direct and indirect communication and fourth giving enhancement to

53

Ibid

54 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo 231

55 Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual in Plural and Pluralist Societies Instruments for Analysisrdquo in Pluralism and Identity

Studies in Ritual Behaviour 25ndash51 at 41ndash42

56 Ibid 27 Out of the thirteen dimensions discussed by Platvoet regards this dimension as ldquothe collective

dimensionrdquo G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1980) 34 mentions the ldquotripartite notion of communication (emitter message medium

receiverrdquo

57 See G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual 34ndash35 considers it more appropriate

to conceive in general of the occurrences in ritual in terms of ldquostimulationrdquo rather than communication ldquoTo

limit ritual to its communicative aspect would exclude and falsify its significance for those who perform itrdquo He

mentions other aspects of ritual that ldquoresolve alter or demonstrate a situationrdquo

64

implied messages much more than the overt message to the direct addressee (s) in competitive contexts58

For communication to be effective there is the need for clarification According to J Z Smith a sacred

place is a ldquoplace of clarificationrdquo He regards a ritual place as a focusing lens for the purpose of clarification and

revelation in which the ordinary assumes significance59

This is partly how ritual generates order As

characteristic of all forms of communication distractions are reduced so that the transfer of information can be

heightened In communication the device used to achieve this is ldquoredundancyhellipthrough repetition and

routinizationrdquo60

The advantage in repetition is that it helps the members to remember their past and the raison

drsquoecirctre of their existence They are also able to relate the present with the past based on the effects of the ritual

on the members The disadvantage sometimes is that the members may become familiar with the ritual

procedure to the extent that they tend to go through the performance reluctantly61

Second rituals play social collective functions One such function is the capability to shape and

establish the identity of a group Eacutemile Durkheim establishes the relationship between religion and society

based on his concept of ritualism He regards religion as the basis of society by virtue of the fact that religion

can bring a group of people back to their origin A case in point is his study of the Australian aboriginal

community Durkheim endeared himself to find out what could sustain human social identity and fellowship ndash

solidariteacute This gave rise to his research into totemism what he regarded to be the simplest form of standard

religion among the Aborigines of Australia The totem is the bona fide sign of the Aborigine community and

they put its mark on their bodies An example of a specific detail of Durkheimrsquos research is the performance of

mimetic rites The men take on names of animals for example emus and kangaroos and imitate them In

performing the rites they behave like the animals whose names they bear ldquoBy this means they offer mutual

testimony that they are members of the same moral community and they become conscious of the kinship that

unites themrdquo62

The return of the Aborigines to their origins through rituals was an avenue for the restoration of the

basis of their community Rituals make people deeply engaged in the formation of their religion and society

Rituals lead a group of people to their ancestry and help them to establish a society that holds on to and

ldquoreaffirmrdquo their religious beliefs63

Individuals make a group and each person has some traits which mark

herhim out to be distinct from others On a corporate level a group has distinguishing marks which make one

58

Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual Responses to Plurality and Pluralismrdquo 39

59 Jonathan Z Smith Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54 (emphasis original) idem To Take

Place 104

60 Cf Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo 54

61 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo152

62 Eacutemile Durkheim The Elementary Forms of Religious Life trans Carol Cosman (Oxford University Press

2001) 264

63 Ibid 322 states ldquoNo society can exist that does not feel the need at regular intervals to sustain and reaffirm

the collective feelings and ideas that constitute its unity and its personality Now this moral remaking can be

achieved only by means of meetings assemblies or congregations in which individuals brought into close

contact reaffirm in common their common feelings hence those ceremonies whose goals results and methods

do not differ in kind from properly religious ceremoniesrdquo

65

group distinct from the other Such traits reflect the identity of the group Rituals contribute to the development

of the identity of a group by affirming their belief systems Such belief systems may be rooted in the laurels

status and fame the group had attained over the years As rituals are performed the values and the belief systems

of a group are transmitted to future generations In addition the participants have a sense of belongingness as

they perform a ritual

Ritual likewise helps a community to create social identity Turner developed the liminal phase of

Arnold van Genneprsquos rites de passage and that of Max Gluckmannrsquos on the ritualization of social conflict into a

powerful analytical model Turner identifies two main ldquomodelsrdquo for ldquohuman interrelatednessrdquo that are

ldquojuxtaposed and alternatingrdquo The first model considers society as a ldquostructuredrdquo and ldquodifferentiatedrdquo entity and

the second as ldquoan unstructured and relatively undifferentiated comitatus communityrdquo Turner prefers the Latin

term ldquocommunitasrdquo ldquoLiminal entities are neither here nor thererdquo64

Turner regards liminality to connote the

antistructural quality of the phase between separation and reincorporation and communitas to the

undifferentiated ldquomodality of social relationshiprdquo that generates interaction with one another65

According to

him rituals belong to an ldquoongoing processrdquo which gave the community the room to continually ldquoredefinerdquo and

ldquorenewrdquo itself66

Ritual thus plays a significant role in times of disaster and effects purification and transition through

life changes Gerrie ter Haar in her case study of the True Teachings of Christ Temple observed that African

communities in Bijlmer of Netherlands endeavor to solve life crises by ritual means Ritual serves as a transition

for people to go through life changes The migrants go through a transitional cycle similar to that proposed by

Arnold van Gennep They separate themselves from their home countries and settle in an entirely new and

insecure environment Of significance is the passage through a transitional phase of life which like other ldquolife

crisesrdquo requires ldquoritual or ceremonial validationrdquo67

Whenever there is a disaster the appropriate ritual is

performed for restoration

Gerrie ter Haar further applies Victor Turnerrsquos liminal phase In her study she observes that many of

the migrants have no official status in the wider setting of the Dutch society Conscious of this state of affairs

they make the effort to alter their social status by moving from the lower strata to a higher one The church

communities in the Bijlmer make a significant contribution in this endeavor They create the ldquoinstitutional

contextrdquo for a kind of ritual behavior specially meant to help their members move from one social stratum to the

other and from severance from an old setting into being identified with a new one Ritual thus helps to give the

marginalized a new identity as they are incorporated into a new community It is in such liminal state of affairs

that the performance of ritual helps to bring stability to the marginalized those in transitional stages and those

64

Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure 95

65 Ibid 96ndash97

66 Victor Turner Dramas Fields and Metaphors Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca NY Cornell

University Press 1990) 23ndash35

67 Gerrie ter Haar ldquoRitual as Communication A Study of African Christian Communities in the Bijlmer District

of Amsterdamrdquo in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behavior) 135

66

without status in society This point leads to the third main function of rituals relevant to the discussion ndash its

stabilizing function

Many incidents occur within communities that can jeopardize the community and in such situations

rituals are one means to help restore stability Some dangers may be attributed to the behavior or utterances of

persons within a particular community Ritual plays a vital role in stabilizing persons in the midst of the danger

of ldquoretrogressionrdquo Robbie E DavisndashFloyd calls it ldquocognitive stabilizationrdquo68

Moreover van Gennep contends

that rites of passage help to maintain order in ldquochaotic social changesrdquo that have the potential of destabilizing

society ldquoSuch rites distinguish status groups with clearly marked boundaries which contribute to the stability

of social identities and rolesrdquo69

Ritual plays a significant role in ensuring the stability of a community Hal Taussig observes that even

though in recent times the major theories in ritual studies vary in some ways ldquothey all convincingly provide

reason to see rituals contributing substantially to social stability and social changerdquo70

Taussig in agreement

with recent thinkers deems ritual no longer as ldquosimply a set of cosmically or inwardly directed gesturesrdquo but

ldquosocial negotiationrdquo71

As a grouprsquos belief system is enacted ritual works both to ldquopreserve and to transmit that belief

systemrdquo and thus helps in the preservation of its status quo72

Moreover rituals generate hope that words cannot

express ldquoRitual expresses a hope that cannot be expressed in words concepts or even in symbols it is a

participatory act of a community that affirms the meaning of its existence in actions that can be transmitted

from generation to generationrdquo73

There exists a relationship between rituals and the belief system of a group

and because of this relationship rituals help to effect changes for the betterment of society ldquoRitual might be said

to shortndashcircuit thinking providing atndashhand solutions to impossible problemsrdquo74

Problems arise within human

institutions Some of them are readily solved others become perennial The performance of appropriate rituals

helps to solve problems which seem unsolvable that arise within human institutions In some cases the

performance of rituals saves time and brings instantaneous results In effect ritual ldquoprovides readyndashmade

answers to what thinking works throughrdquo75

The flip side of ritualrsquos function of stability is its capacity to bring about innovations and

transformation in societies Gerd Baumann suggests that instead of holding on to the presupposition that rituals

68

Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 152 states ldquoritualhellip

stabilizes individuals under stress by giving them a conceptual handle-hold to keep them from lsquofalling apartrsquo or

lsquolosing itrsquo rdquo

69 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 37

70 Hal Taussig In the Beginning was the Meal 57

71 Ibid

72 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 155

73 Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the

European Enlightenment and a Search for New Foundations 27

74 Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo 12

75 Ibid

67

are used solely to preserve social values and selfndashknowledge it is worthwhile noting that they equally have the

potency to effect cultural changes and thus they do not speak only to ldquoinsidersrdquo but also ldquooutsidersrdquo76

Finally irrespective of ritualrsquos potency for ldquocontinuity and orderrdquo it can be instrumental not only in

transformation at the individual but also at the corporate level The introduction of new rituals becomes the

basis for enacting and transmitting new belief and value systems DavisndashFloyd intimates that ldquo[e]ntrenched

belief and value systems are more effectively altered through alterations in the rituals that enact themrdquo77

3 2 1 The appearance of New Rituals

In chapter 2 I established that the Corinthian δεῖπνον was an ordinary meal In this section I examine

the emergence of new rituals with the anticipation to argue in chapter 4 that Paulrsquos interventions are really steps

in transforming the Corinthian δεῖπνον into a heightened ritual Grimesrsquos analysis is germane here It

distinguishes between ldquohardrdquo and ldquosoftrdquo definitions of ritual and proposes to comment on a ldquosoftrdquo definition He

mentions a new view of ritual and observes that the increase of ldquohyphenated terms and coining of neologismsrdquo

by scholars points to the fact that ldquoa nascent genre of action which he terms ldquoritualizingrdquo is giving rise to a

new view of ritual78

In evaluating the foregoing discussions it is evident that there are manifold definitions and

characteristics of rituals They all contribute towards the general picture of what a ritual is No single element of

ritual has to dominate other equally important elements of ritual It can be said that among other characteristics

rituals involve symbolic actions that are repeated It requires a locus

Grimes prefers describing the phenomenon of ldquoinvented ritesrdquo as ldquoritualizingrdquo or occasionally

ldquoemerging ritualrdquo This phenomenon is very helpful for the context of 1 Cor 1117ndash 34 and it will be developed

in chapter 4 as a Grimesian category By way of elaborating this point it can be said that while ritualizing has

some relationship with ldquoritualization moderdquo there are some differences with regard to ldquoconsciousness and

intentionrdquo Ritualizing is more intentional than ritualization it involves activation and creation of awareness of

ldquopreconscious ritualization processesrdquo79

Grimes cautions that in our scholarly taxonomy there is the danger of

not paying attention to both ldquonascentrdquo and ldquomore traditional ritesrdquo The result of such a tendency is that we

become victims of the conservative fallacy that purports that rites are immutable or as he puts it that ldquorites

originated but cannot presently originate ndash that rites do not changerdquo80

In ritualizing we look for emergent ritual

gestures Effective identification of ritualizing cases their management maintenance and development can lead

to new forms of rites practices and celebrations

What interests me is the historical memory of the last meal that Jesus had with his disciples and its

relation to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον How did the meal evolve to become the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in Paulrsquos language

76

Gerd Baumann ldquoRitual Implicates lsquoOthersrsquo Rereading Durkheim in a Plural Societyrdquo in Understanding

Rituals 99 ldquoI suggest that they may equally speak towards the aspirations toward cultural changerdquo It is

noteworthy that one of the points that are debated is ldquocultural changesrdquo

77 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 156

78 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 59

79 Ibid 61

80 Ibid

68

How has it been perpetuated In 1 Corinthians 11 I note that there is the probability that Paul by citing the

words of institution is reinventing the δεῖπνον This notion is accounted for by the statements he makes In 1

Corinthians Paul states τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν81

(1124 c and repeated in

25c) The key issues that go with these injunctions are First ritual action ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν

ἄρτον τοῦτον καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ (v 26) 82

This verse

and the succeeding verses (1127ndash32) unpack the words of institution and are quite open to ritual analysis

Second ritual paradigm the pericope (1126ndash32) forms an important ritual paradigm for understanding

what Paul is trying to achieve so far in front of the text It points out the sense of danger connected to the meal

if the members of the ἐκκλησία participate it ἀναξίως83

The repercussions are clearly stated that if they

participate in the meal in the wrong manner they would be eating and drinking κρίμα84

to themselves It is this

ritual connotation of the passage that I will explore in detail in chapter 4 It involves the impact the wrong

manner in which the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated could have on the members if they do not act in accordance

with Paulrsquos directives85

A similar case of retribution appears in the inscriptions on a slab of a white marble given to the

household association of Dionysios in Philadelphia (Lydia) SIG3 = AGRW 121 (late second century to early

first century BCE) On entering the house of Dionysios people were made to declare their innocence about

any deceptive action against fellow humans or any drug harmful to people People who violated the instructions

were to be exposed and punished It was required of the members who exhibit confidence in themselves to

touch the stone during sacrifices to verify those who are either obedient or disobedient to the instructions86

In seeking a definition for the process of reinventing ritual I find the following insightful

The process of reinventing ritual is defined by the urge to strip rituals down to their essentials and

reconceive them to speak to contemporary issues ndash creating everything from a comix version of the

Book of Esther to video prayer garments to an environmentalist synagogue building87

Three main points may be developed from this idea (1) getting hold of the essentials of rituals (2) rendash

conception and (3) function First rituals can be rendashinvented but there is the need to know its essentials before

rendashinvention takes place Second being aware of the essentials of rituals will provide the arena for rendash

conceiving them what I term rendashbirth As ideas are reconceived the essentials of ritual are taken into

81

ldquoDo this as many times as you drink in my memoryrdquo (1 Cor 1124c cf 25c) My translation

82 ldquoAs many times as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the Lordrsquos death till he comesrdquo (1

Cor 1126) My translation

83 ldquoUnworthilyrdquo or ldquoin an unworthy mannerrdquo

84 ldquoJudgmentrdquo or ldquocondemnationrdquo

85 Some of the ideas in this and succeeding paragraph were developed from the contributions made by my New

Testament Professors John S Kloppenborg of the University of Toronto Ann L Jervis Colleen Shantz and

Terence L Donaldson of Toronto School of Theology during the presentation I made at the Biblical

Department Seminar on September 24 2015

86 SIG

3 = AGRW 121

87 Daniel Belasco Reinventing Ritual Contemporary Art and Design for Jewish Life on view at The Jewish

Museum 2009 Online at httpzeekforwardcomarticles115626 Accessed 26 November 2014

69

consideration Third the rendashconceived essentials of ritual are used to address contemporary issues What Paul

does in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would have had the potential to create a heightened ritual88

3 3 Models of Harvey Whitehouse and R A Rappaport

In this section I will examine two models namely Harvey Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity

and RA Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication The character of 1 Cor 11 suggests a particular

approach in elucidating the Corinthian problem First the problem is a social problem the kind related to the

infighting within the ἐκκλησία and within this conversation Paul begins to talk about ritual This calls for the

combination of social and ritual theories and Harvey Whitehousersquos model provides that Second the situation in

Corinth is one that involves the identity of the community and Rappaportrsquos model focuses on messages I

therefore consider these as the methods that might help answer the question of the present research The choice

for Whitehouse and Rappaport to be the best suited among all other scholars to my project commends itself for

a number of reasons These two theorists help to establish the criteria by which we might unearth Paulrsquos

intention in citing the words of institution in the passage

Harvey Whitehouse89

is one of the pioneers in the field of cognitive science of religion and is

renowned for his theory of the modes of religiosity Whitehouse focused his work on different kinds of religion

and spent almost two years with a cargo cult in Papua Guinea He concluded that religions tend to be stable in

one of two contrasting forms and designated them as imagistic and doctrinal modes respectively For example

in his examination of small localized religions in Melanesia90

he observed that the religions coalesce strongly

towards one or the other of the two modes of religiosity or towards both but within the context of ldquoreadily

distinguishable domains of operationrdquo91

He submitted that while the doctrinal mode in ldquoprendashcontactrdquo Melanesia

was ldquounelaboratedrdquo imagistic forms were well known in many parts of the subndashregion92

Contrastingly some

Christian missions ldquotended towards a purely doctrinal mode of operationrdquo and usually led to the overshadowing

of the imagistic practices of both Melanesian and European initiative93

Consequently the indigenous religions

of Papua New Guinea in recent times provide a scene for a ldquodramatic confrontation between divergent modes of

religiosityrdquo94

Using archaeological evidence as his basis he attributes the origin of the imagistic mode to ldquoUpper

88

The full discussion will be in chapter 4 of the present study

89 He is currently the Chair of Social Anthropology Director of the Institute of Cognitive and Evolutionary

Anthropology and a Professorial Fellow of Magdalen College at the University of Oxford

90 Melanesia is a culture area of Oceania and stretches from the western part of the Pacific Ocean to the Arafura

Sea with Fiji bordering on its eastern part It consists of four countries including Papua New Guinea The other

two countries are Vanuatu and Solomon Islands

91 Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons Divergent Modes of Religiosity (Oxford Oxford University Press

2000) 2

92 Ibid

93 Ibid

94 Ibid

70

Palaeolithic hunterndashgatherersrdquo and that of the doctrinal mode to the era of writing technologies95

He began

thinking about the factors necessary to make one religion more stable than the other He developed the DMR

theory after embarking on a twentyndashmonth field research on a ldquocargo cultrdquo in East New Britain Papua New

Guinea96

He describes religion as a ldquodistributed phenomenonrdquo97

What Whitehouse has been trying to account for with his theory is that religious traditions tend to be

attracted to one of these two modes ndash imagistic or doctrinal The doctrinal mode of religion is diffusely

cohesive operates on a largendashscale hierarchical structure and it is characterized by ldquoroutinized ritualsrdquo98

The

imagistic mode of religion is highly cohesive operates on a smallndashscale structure and is characterized by ldquorare

and traumatic ritual ordealsrdquo99

Two different memory systems are responsible for religious traditions namely

semantic and episodic memories The semantic memory stores religious ideas doctrines and narratives derived

from religious leaders while episodic memory stores autobiographical knowledge100

The semantic memory

controls the organization and transmission of knowledge stored in the doctrinal mode101

A religious tradition

relies on both semantic and episodic memories for its transmission Thus high transmissive frequency coupled

with low level arousal episodes generates the conditions for largendashscale diffusely integrated communities

while low transmissive frequency coupled with high arousal episodes helps bind smallndashscale groups102

The

advantage of such episodes is that they are readily captured and retained in the memory Episodic memory

further facilitates vividness in subsequent performances when it comes to recollecting ritual procedures The

condition in which the imagistic mode thrives is that of a group whose survival is contingent on extremely high

levels of cohesion103

The condition conducive to a grouprsquos survival with regard to doctrinal mode is dependent

95

Ibid 3 Idem Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 77 ldquoUpper Paleolithic

periodrdquo and ldquono less recently than the emergence of Bronze Age civilizationsrdquo respectively

96 Cf Harvey Whitehouse Inside the Cult Religious Innovation and Transmission in Papua New Guinea

Oxford Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology (Oxford Oxford University Press 1995) 1 6 He was ldquoin

the fieldrdquo from October 1987 to June 1989

97 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 16 ldquoThat is to say

it inheres not merely in the thoughts and feelings of an individual devotee but also in the recognizably similar or

complementary thoughts and feelings of a population of religious adherentsrdquo

98 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Violence ed Juergensmeyer Mark Margo Kitts and Michael

Jerryson (Oxford New York Oxford University Press 2013) 1 cf H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A

Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 68

99 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 1

100 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 65ndash71 Whitehouse

acknowledges the distinction psychologists make between ldquosemanticrdquo and ldquoepisodicrdquo (or ldquoautobiographicalrdquo)

memory See idem Arguments and Icons 5ndash12

101 Similarly the episodic memory controls the organization and transmission of the imagistic mode It is

noteworthy that even though Christian groups operate in the doctrinal mode there is room for imagistic

practices See Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 11

102 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 8 74 See Table 31

103 In such cases the incentives for a member to defect are exceptionally strong

71

on more unexceptional acts of cooperation involving much larger populations which demand more extensive

kinds of cohesion if the impact is milder104

According to Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity memory and motivation are essential for

making religions including rituals take the form that they do For a religious tradition to be established

members of a group need to remember their beliefs and rituals in order that they can be handed over from one

generation to the next Highndashfrequency rituals (routinization) are known to help in the preservation of complex

religious teachings in semantic memory and promote the dissemination of ldquodoctrinal orthodoxies and

standardized interpretations of ritual meaningrdquo 105

There is a further correlation between frequency and

emotionality High frequency correlates to low emotionality and low frequency to high emotionality

As regards the doctrinal mode of religiosity Whitehouse demonstrates how rituals help in promoting

stability and strengthening community structures He draws distinction between disciplines like medicine

engineering etc in which you stop attending lectures after graduation and occasionally attend inndashservice

training and the behavior of adherents to a religious orthodoxy The latter after gaining mastery of the relevant

doctrines are expected to ldquocontinue listening to endless repetitions of that information through processes of

ritualized public oratoryrdquo106

Routinization has its effects on religious thinking The result of undertaking the

same ritual procedures on regular basis results in ldquohabituationrdquo 107

When participants go through ritual

procedures as a matter of mechanized practice they lose the urge to reflect on the symbolic significance of the

rituals In this regard ldquoroutinization suppresses revelationrdquo108

This is equally true of religious speech

Participants may be accustomed to doctrinal repetition and they can easily lose focus However ldquoverbal

repetition can also ensure the stable reproduction of a substantial corpus of knowledgerdquo109

Whitehouse by use

of the modes of religiosity thus shows how the repetition of a ritual can create a stable community

The lack of performance of rituals can result in people forgetting their beliefs and the procedures for

the performance of their rituals One way to forestall this is to adopt ldquoa very repetitive regime of religious

transmissionrdquo110

Ritual action involves elements that lack ldquotechnical relevancerdquo111

Ritual may be similar to art

insofar as elements are concerned but the intentions are different Whereas the intentional states of an artist lies

in the artistrsquos mind and is internal that of a ritual is tied in successively with the past and is external112

Concerning the doctrinal mode of religiosity there is the tendency for ritual action to be highly routinized This

104

Examples of such acts of cooperation include the payment of levies and dues

105 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 2

106 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 5

107 Ibid

108 Ibid

109 Ibid6

110 Ibid 64 This accounts for the significance of Whitehousersquos theory of divergent modes of religiosity

111 Ibid 3

112 Ibid 4 ie ldquoare accorded to a procession of shadowy predecessors primordial ancestors or godsrdquo

72

helps in ldquothe storage of elaborate and conceptually complex religious teachings in semantic memory but also

activating implicit memory in the performance of most ritual proceduresrdquo 113

Routinization stimulates semantic

memory for religious doctrines It has both advantages and disadvantages One advantage is that it provides a

receptacle for the acquisition of ldquoexplicit verbal knowledge in semantic memoryrdquo and the sustenance of

doctrines and narratives that would be impracticable to learn let alone retain in the memory114

Notwithstanding

routinization can lead to boredom and a low level of motivation Other means for retaining adherents of

routinized religions may be by the provision of incentives and the enforcing of ldquosupernatural sanctionsrdquo115

The

effectiveness of these mechanisms depends to a large extent on the level of belief in the doctrines of a religious

group When the features of the doctrinal mode meld they tend to be enduring historically and may persist ldquofor

centuries and even for millenniardquo116

Consequently it allows the religious group to become stabilized

Table 31 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity

Variable Doctrinal Imagistic

Psychological Features

1 Transmissive frequency High Low

2 Level of arousal Low High

3 Principal memory system Semantic schemas and implicit

scripts

Episodic flashbulb memory

4 Ritual meaning Learned Acquired Internally generated

5 Techniques of revelation Rhetoric logical integration

narrative

Iconicity multivocality and

multivalence

Sociopolitical Features

6 Social cohesion Diffuse Intense

7 Leadership Dynamic Passive absent

8 Inclusivityexclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

9 Spread Rapid efficient Slow inefficient

10 Scale Large scale Small scale

113

Ibid 65 semantic memory is a sub-division of long-term memory and comprises general knowledge about

the world Implicit memory a basic kind of memory concerns ldquothings we know without being aware of

knowingrdquo Whitehouse specifically hypothesizes the following features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity (1)

Routinization (2) Religious Leaders (3) Need for orthodoxy checks (4) Implicit memory for religious rituals (5)

Semantic Memory for Religious Teachings (6) Centralization (7) Anonymous Communities and (8) Religion

spreading widely 66ndash70

114 Ibid 66

115 Incentives may include salvation which leads to eternal life Example of sanctions may be eternal damnation

66ndash 67

116 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 70 Cf idem

Arguments and Icons 2

73

11 Degree of uniformity High Low

12 Structure Centralized Noncentralized

Whitehouse draws a contrast between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity There are two

kinds of the contrasting features of these modes First the ldquocognitive featuresrdquo which relate to psychological

valences of religious activities Second are the sociopolitical features that comprise ldquosocial organization and

politicsrdquo of a more demographic nature117

As mentioned religious groups tend to be more stable when they

embrace the features of one or the other mode ndash so the more they cluster around a position the better suited they

are for survival Innovations which are distant from these attractor positions are less likely to persist118

For

example a new prophet might make pronouncements about his own personal revelations and receive attention

from people For his pronouncements to develop into a corpus of doctrines would require consistent repetition

and the maintenance of ldquoa system of effective policingrdquo119

Anything less than that would likely lead to the

distortion of the pronouncements or the people forgetting about them A similar observation may be made about

the introduction of a new ritual According to the modes of religiosity for a ritual to be able to establish the

basis for a new religious tradition it must be ldquosufficiently arousing shocking and personally consequential to

drive subsequent revelationsrdquo120

The ritual cannot stabilize as a tradition if this is not done Notwithstanding

boring rituals can stabilize in the doctrinal mode where other elements contribute to the stability of the

movement With regard to imagistic rituals Whitehouse points out that people may be disturbed emotionally

upset and go through experiences which are hard to forget This may lead to a state of seeking answers to

unanswerable questions Distressing ritual episodes thus become the ground for seeking answers to such

questions

At this point I switch to a discussion on the strengths and weaknesses of the DMR theory Harvey

Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity is not immune from criticisms The ritual form and ritual frequency

hypotheses proposed by Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson to some extent diverge from the DMR

theory121

Part of the critique of Whitehousersquos model is that there are not many examples that exist in pure form

117

H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 74

118 Ibid 85 n 29 admits that there are exceptions to this

119 Ibid 74

120 Ibid 75

121 See Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 42ndash43 The ritual frequency hypothesis purports that ldquothe amount of sensory pageantry and

therefore the amount of emotional stimulation any religious ritual involves are inversely proportional to the

frequency with that ritual is performedrdquo121

According to McCauley and Lawson two means that boost memory

and are routinely associated with ritual are performance frequency and emotional arousal121

They apply the

Chart of two attractors namely ldquoSensory Pageantryrdquo and ldquoFrequencyrdquo for the ritual form hypothesis They

propose that within the same community the sensory pageantry caused by low-frequency rituals ldquowill only be

higher relative to more frequent ritualsrdquo They argue that if religious rituals evolve then it will evolve either (1)

in relation to rituals with low amounts of ldquosensory stimulationrdquo and consequently produce low level of

ldquoemotional arousalrdquo that are repeated and have a capacity of high ldquoperformance frequenciesrdquo or (2) in relation

74

that is truly low arousal ritual However that does not defeat his theory The model does not require that the

perfect example of doctrinal mode should exist every moment and everywhere Rather there are attractor

positions when most of the features are together they tend to be more stable In spite of the criticisms of

McCauley and Lawson the DMR has its merits One of its strength is its capability to unite large groups of

participants Its main weakness is that there is the tendency for ldquothis unity to be based on comparatively diffuse

cohesion at least in the long runrdquo122

In the ensuing paragraphs I will describe some characteristics of the doctrinal tradition that I will

discuss in detail in the next chapter in consonance with the structure of the present research The import of the

description of these features is that it will set the tone for me to muster evidence to establish that even though

the features identified were present in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία they were in a flux and have not stabilized yet at

the time of the writing of the epistle The doctrinal attractor position includes several characteristics relevant to

1 Corinthians namely ritual meaning social cohesion leadership inclusivityexclusivity spread scale degree

of uniformity and structure

1 Ritual meaning

As stated earlier there are contrasting features of the modes of religiosity One of the psychological

features relevant for the analysis is ritual meaning In contrasting the doctrinal mode with that of imagistic

mode ritual meaning is learned or acquired in doctrinal mode while it is internally generated in the imagistic

mode I will undertake the full discussion in chapter 4

2 Social cohesion

In order to establish how a ritual could help effect social cohesion in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία there is

the need to identify traits of instability in the ἐκκλησία and to demonstrate how the mode of religiosity could be

applied to achieve cohesion On the basis of the DMR model high levels of arousal in the performance of

rituals promote strong cohesion Moreover high levels of arousal help in the passing on of religious practices

from one generation to another Some of the effects when performances are not regular are that the participants

tend to ldquoforget the procedures and especially their meaningsrdquo123

3 Leadership

In contrast to the imagistic mode members of a doctrinal religious group depend largely on teachings

for their edification and spiritual growth For members to believe in a set of doctrines of a group the teachings

have to be formulated ldquoin a highly persuasive fashionrdquo124

For semantic memory and religious teachings to be

onndashgoing would require religious leaders These leaders should be persons who possess oratory skills and are

conversant with the set of doctrines and traditions of the group For effective transfer of knowledge the orators

to rituals that combine higher levels of sensory stimulation and emotional arousal but are not repeated i e

rituals in which each participant has only one opportunity to serve in the role of the patient McCauley and

Lawson contend that the theory of the modes of religiosity is found wanting in explicating the divergence it

purports

122 H Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 127

123 Ibid 71

124 Ibid 67

75

must necessarily be outstanding Most religious traditions have renowned leaders

4 InclusivityExclusivity

There are different variables responsible for encoding messages Their selection which is

psychological involves different kinds of ldquomemory and exegetical learningrdquo coupled with ldquovarying levels of

arousal familiarity and consequentialityrdquo125

These variables contribute significantly to the formation of the

social structure of religious traditions yielding features which include inclusivity and exclusivity Religious

traditions that are characterized by features including inclusivity tend to fall into the doctrinal category of

religiosity while those which produce features including exclusivity represent the imagistic mode of

religiosity126

These features can be applied to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ἐκκλησία there were traits of

partiality in the mode of distribution of meals There was also disparity in the kind of food which was served

The seating arrangement also signified class distinction The noted traits reflected an exclusive religious

tradition Perhaps these issues were in play in Corinth Paulrsquos use of the following words supports this notion

σχίσματα (v 18) and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει (v 21) In introducing the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

Paul might have impressed upon the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the need for an inclusive rather than

an exclusive religious tradition This is evidenced in his use of εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον (v 17) συνέρχομαι (vv 17 20)

and ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε (v 33)

5 Degree of uniformity

The religious mode of religiosity enhances uniformity of ideas within the group Whereas the degree of

uniformity in doctrinal mode is high that of the imagistic mode is low (see Table 31) In the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία some members preferred to eat their own meal127

The introduction of the tradition of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might have brought greater uniformity (1 Cor 1133ndash34) Instead of the lapse in the intake of

the meal there would be uniformity in the eating of the ἄρτος and drinking of the wine It could have eliminated

the occasion of the disparity in the partaking of the meal Moreover it could have regulated excesses

Specifically it could have prevented the situation where some would be satisfied and drunk while others were

hungry

Table 32 Sociopolitical features summarized (adapted from Whitehouse 2004)

Variable Doctrinal Mode Predictions Imagistic Mode Predictions

1 Social cohesion Diffusely cohesive Intense within small congregations

2 Leadership Dynamic necessity for orthodoxy

checks

Lack of dynamic leadership and hindrance

to transmission

3InclusivityExclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

4 Degree of uniformity High Low

125

Ibid 8

126 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians 160) considers the symbolism of the Supper ritual as

ldquosymbolism of exclusivity ldquonot only to ensure internal coherence unity and equality of the Christian group but

also to protect its boundaries vis-agrave-vis other kinds of cultic associationrdquo

127 The probable meaning of the verb προλαμβάνει will be discussed in chapter 4

76

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication

I will be using R A Rappaportrsquos models to assess how rituals can help transfer messages or

communicate in addition to words128

Rappaport considers ritual as the fundamental act of a society He

expressed the recognition of ritual as the basis for any type of social life in the following words ldquohellip I take ritual

to be the basic social actrdquo129 He emphatically rendashechoes the idea

In enunciating accepting and making conventions moral ritual contains within itself not simply a

symbolic representation of social contract but tacit social contract itself As such ritual which also

establishes guards and bridges boundaries between public systems and private processes is the basic

social act130

Rappaport focuses on the communicative dynamics of ritual and emphasizes that rituals are largely

symbolic and different from other forms of communication131

Rappaport makes a distinction between two main

classes of natural processes He illustrates this notion of communication by giving two principles In the first

class of action matter and energy are applied to achieve results The second principle concerns the attainment

of effects by means of the dissemination of information That is the transmission of messages to receivers Acts

and utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special

objects and substances Physical display involves postures and movements and plays a vital role in rituals

Physical display is a peculiar form of communication and has endured ldquomany thousands or even hundreds of

thousands of years into the time of languagerdquo132

The advantage of physical display is that it ldquoindicates more more clearly or other than what words are

able to communicaterdquo133

Whereas paralinguistics and kinesics convey ldquoanalogic signalsrdquo134

ritualrsquos physical

display is the kind which is consciously controlled and involves the ldquopublic orderrdquo and the participantrsquos

involvement in it Moreover communication basically takes place in the digital rather than the analogic

128

R A Rappaport was the President of the American Anthropological Association from 1987 to 1989

Rappaport like Whitehouse includes ldquowordsrdquo in his assessment of ritual This is the part of his model that helps

to round out Whitehousersquos

129 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion (Richmond Calif North Atlantic Books 1979) 174

Emphasis in the original

130 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 138 (emphasis in the original)

131 Ibid 118 (emphasis original) states ldquoHe is not merely transmitting messages he finds encoded in the liturgy

He is participating in ndash that is becoming part of ndash the order to which his own body and breath give liferdquo In this

context the ldquotransmitterrdquo is the ldquoparticipantrdquo Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 22

agrees with Rappaport and defines ritual as ldquopre-eminently a form of communicationrdquo She applies Basil

Bernsteinrsquos approach to the analysis of ritual as a means to understand religious behavior By this approach

ritual forms are handled like speech forms as transmitters of culture which are produced ldquoin social relations

and which by their selections and emphases exercise a constraining effect on social behaviourrdquo

132 Ibid 139

133 Ibid 140

134 Ibid Analogic signals embrace shift in expression and are subjected to frequent changes They are indexical

ndash a term used by Rappaport to indicate physical and psychic conditions ndash involving ldquothe states of the private

processes and changes in those statesrdquo

77

mode135

Even though there is the possibility for ritual acts to also convey messages analogically that is not the

central issue It may be strongly alluded that digital messages overshadow analogic messages ldquocontinuously and

inevitably transmitted kinesically and parallinguistically thus rendering them irrelevantrdquo136

Rappaport

considers the view that ritual is not entirely symbolic to be one of its most invaluable characteristics ldquofor

through ritual some of the embarrassments and difficulties of symbolic communication are overcomerdquo137

He

disagrees that ritual is functional and accepts that ritual has a form and a structure He suggests that to

participate in a ritual implies that one accepts that which it encodes138

Rituals are thus able to communicate

meaning

The performance of a ritual establishes conventions that are in place and readily embraces them

According to Rappaport it is characteristic of religion to formulate the ldquoWord the True Word upon which the

truths of symbols and the convictions that they establish standrdquo139

Ritual is the ldquofoundryrdquo within which the

Word is formed By this understanding the scope of definition is broadened and it gives room for an expanded

notion of communication Therefore ritual can hardly be substituted with other modes of communication It

stands in its own special class and becomes an inimitable vehicle ldquosuited to the transmission of certain

messages and certain sorts of informationrdquo140

Before I expand on the topic of mode of communication it is worthwhile commenting on the

difference in the transmission of selfndashreferential and canonical messages Rappaport establishes that all

religious rituals carry two streams of messages namely selfndashreferential (indexical) and canonical The

distinction between them lies in the semiotic realm because there is a marked difference between the

relationship of signs to which these two message streams connote Canonical messages are the kind of messages

that are not limited to the present Although they may use secondarily icons and even indices141

in a restricted

manner their ldquosignificata may be indeed usually are spiritual conceptual or abstract in nature are and can

only be founded upon symbolsrdquo142

On the contrary selfndashreferential messages which are transmitted about ldquothe

current state of the transmitters hellip may transcend mere symbolic signification and be represented

indexicallyrdquo143

In other words a selfndashreferential message does not merely ldquosay somethingrdquo about the

135

Ibid 87 There are two types of computation namely analogic and digital The distinction between them is

the kind that exists between ldquomeasuringrdquo and ldquocountingrdquo Whereas the term ldquoanalogicrdquo signifies ldquoentities and

processesrdquo in which the values can alter by continuous gradations that of ldquodigitalrdquo cannot

136 Ibid 140

137 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion 175

138 Ibid 209

139 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 21

140 Ibid 52 He uses the term ldquoinformationrdquo in a broad non-technical sense See 473 n14

141 Ibid 54 referencing J Buchler Philosophical Writings of Peirce (New York Dover Publications 1956)

102 An index (a phrase of Peirce) is ldquoa sign which refers to the Object it denotes by being really affected by

that Objectrdquo

142 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 54 (emphasis original)

143 Ibid (emphasis original)

78

performerrsquos state it does ldquosomethingrdquo as well144

For example in dancing a performer may pledge to support

his audience in a battle The performer by an act of dancing will signal a pledge thus putting the pledge into

effect The signal thus becomes ldquoindexical (and not merely symbolic)rdquo because the gestures in the dance

tantamount to the pledge 145

Ritual communicates both indexical (selfndashreferential) messages and canonical (related to cultural

tradition) messages In performance the signals used in communication become effective if they are readily

distinguished from everyday technical actions The distinction is drawn between ritual words and acts and

ordinary words and actions The means of communication may include ritual utterances special time and

places postures and gestures objects and structures The assigning of special times and places for the

performance of ritual naturally brings into play senders and receivers of messages and may also indicate the

content of what has to be transmitted In summation ldquothe formality and nonndashinstrumentality characteristic of

ritual enhances its communicational functioningrdquo 146

An objection could be raised regarding the communicative

aspect of ritual in light of the interiority of the communication

Notwithstanding ldquothe subjective experiencerdquo involved in private devotions promotes the notion of

applying the term ldquocommunicationrdquo to ritual for it gives the participants themselves the occasion to apparently

testify that they communicate with spiritual beings Moreover considering the fact that the emotions of the

performers may respond to ldquothe stimuli of their own ritual acts it is reasonable to take ritual to be autondash

communicative as well as allondashcommunicativerdquo147

34 Conclusion

Ritual is a multindashfaceted social behavior which forms an integral part of human life While its

significance cannot be underestimated it does not have a universal definition In this chapter I examined

samples of definitions and established that the purposes of rituals are manifold and pervasive Ritual per se

transcends religious social and other boundaries The relationship between the belief system of a group and the

rituals its members perform is very close and helps in the development of the identity of a group of people

It is credible to employ ritual studies to seek understanding of Paulrsquos interventions in the meal practice

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will therefore demonstrate in the succeeding chapter how Paulrsquos instructions could

probably help shape the δεῖπνον in ritual ways Harvey Whitehousersquos models of religiosity especially the

doctrinal mode helps to demonstrate the potentiality of rituals in taking on stable forms that have bearing on and

also strengthen community structures For example the description portrayed the lack of stability in the

ἐκκλησίαThis feature of social separation warrants Paulrsquos interventions and plausibly the need to introduce the

tradition of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I also described Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication and described

how ritual words and acts are distinct from ordinary dayndashtondashday words and actions The discussions on the

144

Ibid 107

145 Ibid 108

146 Ibid 51

147 Ibid

79

potentialities of ritual especially as a communicative tool thus become the bedrock to investigate the ritual

context of the meal at Corinth in the subsequent chapter

Rituals are symbolic acts or form of behavior Rituals involve actions have functions and require a

place for its participation or performance Two of the functions viz communicative and stabilizing functions of

ritual and one characteristic ndash its repetitive nature are fertile grounds for an exploration of the Corinthian text on

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον through a ritual lens Mary Douglas observes that ldquoonly a ritual structure makes possible a

wordless channel of communication that is not entirely incoherentrdquo148

With the only exceptions of

ldquohypothetical ritualsrdquo ie rituals that a ritual system assumes without any human participation ldquovery nearly all

religious rituals are performed over and over again and certainly all rituals in which human participants take

part arerdquo149

There is the need to find out reasons for the repetition persistence universality and canonicity of

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual models of Whitehouse and Rappaport will be used in addressing these issues in

the next chapter

148

Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 54

149 Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 86

80

4

Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective

εἰ ὅλον τὸ σῶμα ὀφθαλμός ποῦ ἡ ἀκοή εἰ ὅλον ἀκοή ποῦ ἡ ὄσφρησις

If the whole body were an eye where would be the means of hearing If it were a cavity for hearing where

would be the sense of smelling ndash 1 Cor 1217

In the previous chapter I have examined ritual theories and established that even though no single

ritual theory can describe what ritual embodies there is a loose consensus of a set of significant characteristics

of rituals In assessing the debate about whether ritual is traditional or invented I adopted Ronald L Grimesrsquo

observations about the invention and transformation of rituals as that relevant to the situation in Corinth I also

introduced the work of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose theories will inform my analysis in the

present chapter As regards Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity I established that religious traditions tend to be

more stable when they embrace one or the other mode The result is that the more they bundle around an

attractor position the better enhanced they are for survival With this background I will explore an alternative

question about the conflicts at meals in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The present chapter seeks answers to the

question How might the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provide a distinctive opportunity for Paul to try

to end the fractiousness in the ἐκκλησία I will examine the passage under review through the lens of ritual

theory to unearth Paulrsquos ritual intention

Ritual works not just at the level of ideas but also with bodies and relationships For example ritual

practices help communities that experience identity crisis to reach amicable resolutions because the practice of a

ritual has the potential to generate shared identity Generally speaking the act of sharing meals provides the

occasion for the formation of new identities In the case of the divisions at Corinth I am exploring how the

practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a ritual might have had this effect The passage under review may be divided

into three main parts (namely vv17ndash22 23ndash26 and 27ndash34) Each of these sections serves a slightly different

function in the epistle The first section sets up the problem of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the way Paul sees it In

the second section Paul introduces the ritual proper and provides a form that could endure over time The third

section intensifies the relationship between the problem and the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe parts

work together to generate many of the characteristics relevant to ritual theory

41 A New Model

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul makes interventions regarding the praxis of the eating of the δεῖπνον by the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In 1 Cor 1120 he states Συνερχομένω οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖνhellip1 Paul further indicates what the members of the ἐκκλησία were actually eating

τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He thus distinguishes between τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον In the entire NT the

1 ldquoFor in your gathering it is not the Lordrsquos supper that you eatrdquo (1 Cor 1120) My translation Ἕστιν is a 3

rd

person singular present indicative active of the verb εἰμί

81

phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax legomenon However the word δεῖπνον can be found in various forms2

Paul claims that ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor

11 21)3 Paul maintains the individualistic tone εἴ τις πεινᾷ ἐν οἴκῳ ἐσθιέτω (v 34) The phrase τὸ ἴδιον

δεῖπνον makes it probable that some members brought their own individual meals If this assertion is correct

then it is likely that some would prefer eating what they had brought4

The expression Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν (1123)5 fits into

Rappaportrsquos canonical communication Paul establishes the canonical status of the words by tracing a chain of

authority that links back from himself to Jesus The addition of ἐγὼ to παρέλαβον emphasizes his role Paulrsquos

use of the same verb (παρέλαβον) within the epistle helps shed light on its use in 1123 παρέδωκα γὰρ ὑμῖν

ἐν πρώτοις ὃ καὶ παρέλαβον (1 Cor 153 cf Gal 112) In 1 Cor 153 Paul neither includes ἐγὼ nor ἀπὸ

τοῦ κυρίου Whereas the subject in 1 Corinthians 11 is a meal that of 1 Cor 15 is about Christrsquos death and

resurrection Gal 112 indicates that the source of the tradition Paul received is not human and the means of

reception is by revelation

At this point I shift from discussing the formula which Paul introduces to discussing how it is

different from the practice of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul conveys the notion that in eating their own meals

their personal desires and interests overshadowed the purpose of the tradition he delivered to them This

practice therefore led to the manifestation of the traits of idiosyncracy and individualism Paul expresses this

by conjoining ἕκαστος with ὃς (twice) The addition of ἴδιον to τὸ δεῖπνον shows the idiosyncratic manner in

which the members practiced the δεῖπνονThe praxis of eating of the δεῖπνον was consequential καὶ μὲν πεινᾷ

ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor 1121b) The formula that Paul introduces would be effective in interrupting the logic of

their current practice if the members of the ἐκκλησία recognized that the authority was connected to Jesus their

Lord The fact that the members were eating in a variety of ways indicates that the δεῖπνον was in its formative

stage and had not yet been shaped as a specifically Christian ritual

Here I move to the idea of ordinary things in 1117ndash34 becoming special Certain features of ordinary

meal practices are in a sense elevated For example the δεῖπνον at least in some sense becomes special It is

2 δεῖπνον (Mark 621 Luke 1412 John 122) τοῦ δείπνου (Luke1417 John 132) μου τοῦ δείπνου (Luke

1424) ἐν τῷ δείπνῳ (John 2120) ἐν τοῖς δείπνοις (Matt 236 Mark 1239 Luke 2046) τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor

1121) τὸ δεῖπνον τοῦ γάμου (Rev 199) εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον τὸ μέγα (Rev 1917) δεῖπνον μέγα (Luke 1416)

3 ldquoFor in eating each takes onersquos own individual meal On one hand one is hungry and on the other hand

another is drunkrdquo (1Cor 1121)rdquo My translation

4 Scholarly opinion varies regarding the meaning of προλαμβάνειν W Dittenberger considers προλαμβάνειν a

mistake for προσλαμβάνειν which relates to the partaking of a meal in later Greek He cites both U

Wilamowitz who indicates that the ldquotemporal forcerdquo of the προ had effaced and JF Baunack who opts for the

notion of praeferre In 1 Cor 1121 the possibility of some members of the ἐκκλησία ldquoforestallingrdquo others is

therefore minimized Dittenberger contends that ldquothe gravamen of Paulrsquos charge is that lsquothere was

no Lordrsquos supper to eatrsquo lsquoeveryone devours his own supper at the mealrsquo (brought with him in a κίστη ndash cf the

last scene of AristophanesrsquoAcharnaians)rdquo B Winter using papyri inscriptions and literary sources argues for

(to devour) Whereas Winter is of the view that ldquothe havesrdquo of the ἐκκλησία were eating their own meal in the

context of the Lordrsquos Supper I argue that Paul was rather reshaping the δεῖπνον

5 ldquoFor I received from the Lord that which I also delivered to yourdquo (1 Cor 1123) Translation mine

82

given a new designation ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash and thus becomes distinguished from other meals Moreover a

meal that was celebrated daily or weekly is now placed within a larger cosmic time frame Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον

marks the earlier time while ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ also indicates another time The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον thus links people

to one another in relation to time for years Its celebration also becomes special A celebration of a meal that

was punctiliar is now to be repeated becomes perpetuated and an integral part of the liturgy Paulrsquos language is

parallel to the liturgy in most traditions6

Another feature operative in the passage is the diversity of persons at the meal The introduction of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον gives the members of the ἐκκλησία the occasion to share (cf 1016) There are some features

of the GrecondashRoman banquet which help in understanding what was taking place in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

the custom of reclining and social stratification There are very few facilities that would allow many people to

recline at the same time In the preceding chapter I developed the idea that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

meeting in a more public space as argued by Weissenrieder In determining the possible postures I established

that it is likely that the members reclined during the δεῖπνον (810 ndash1134) and sat during the συμπόσιον (1 Cor

1430) The potency of the practice of reclining is seen in the way it brings people of different statuses in the

larger society to recline as compeers at a meal There was a tension between the custom of reclining and what

the real way of life in the larger society pertained The meal brought persons of different standing together In

practical terms there was the tension between stratification and ἰσονομία (the concept of equal distribution) at

meals which was a reflection of GrecondashRoman social values It is a ritual theory that helps to unravel this

tension Paul in giving his instructions was calling for equality among the members and for them to observe the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in κοινωνία (1 Cor 1016 cf 2 Cor 1313 Phil 21 2)

On one hand the meals brought persons of different statuses together at table On the other hand the

posture of reclining created social boundaries and stratification People have been thoughtful about how meals

can be reflective of larger systems of valuing and have structured their ritual accordingly As described in

chapter 2 diners were seated in accordance with their statuses in the larger society In the Spartan state by

contrast dining associations are formed compulsorily with a diversity of membership with differences in status

as a means of promoting the ideology of the State Examples of the variety include ldquoNikokles the guardian of

the laws (patronomos) Aristomenes son of Aristomenes overseer Pratonikos freedman of Perphila Clodia

slave of Akamantia dealer in crownsrdquo7 This inscription reinforces the point that meals can bring people of

diverse statuses together However it also demonstrates how ideology can influence the compositions of dining

associations In another inscription Marcus Minatius son of Sextus a Roman banker exhibited generosity both

to individuals and the association by contributing the interest and also providing financial support towards the

construction of the sanctuary He also invited the members to a sacrifice The association (koinon) of Berytian

immigrants by way of honoring him for his benefaction resolved to allocate the foremost dining couch in all the

6 The ideas in this paragraph were developed from the response given by Dr Colleen Shantz to the presentation

I made at the Biblical Department Seminars on September 24 2015

7 An inscription of an association of banqueters in Sparta that displays a list of members of varied statuses is (IG

V 209 = AGRW 29 I BCE)

83

other synods (I Delos1520 = AGRW 224 Post ndash 153152 BCE ll 6ndash20) This inscription shows how some

associations honor people who support them Nevertheless it broadens the gap between those who are well to

do and those who lack financially

A ritual characteristic that pertains to the discussion is innovation In hypothesizing about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον it is convincing that Paul by mentioning the expression ἡ καινὴ διαθήκη was introducing an

innovation (1 Cor 1125b) For any innovation to be established it requires a means to achieve the acceptance

of all dedicated adherents Paul tries to do it in this way by introducing an act that involves bonding Rappaport

mentions that the respective psyche of the participants which under normal circumstance are inaccessible to

each other may be connected during rituals which are performed in solitude8 The formula is one that matches

with Rappaportrsquos canonical communication It is recognizable as more formal and contractual language than the

rest of the verse It involves commitment and responsibilities on the part of the members of the ἐκκλησία Paul

by introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to the members was initiating a special or new practice to the community

Ritual symbols come to play in this innovation Rappaportrsquos model confirms the symbolic aspect of this new

covenant The cup symbolises the new covenant in Christrsquos blood It is not merely drinking wine but rather

enacting a new relational bond or covenant The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps in understanding Paulrsquos

instructions in vv 25 and 26 The eating of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον becomes covenantal rather than merely

physiological

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode

Whitehousersquos categories of imagistic and doctrinal societies bring into focus Paulrsquos sense of the cluster

of traits that are best for the upndashbuilding of the ἐκκλησία The features to be discussed are structure degree of

uniformity inclusivityexclusivity social cohesion leadership spread and ritual meaning The distinctions

between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity are first the degree of uniformity in doctrinal mode is

high whereas that of the imagistic mode is low Second while the imagistic mode thrives in exclusive societies

the doctrinal mode embraces inclusive societies Exclusive societies are those where kinship is necessary or

there is a special teaching associated with them In antiquity the Mysteries were exclusive however voluntary

associations were more inclusive depending on their focus Third social cohesion is diffuse in the doctrinal

mode while the imagistic mode is intense Fourth while leadership is passive or absent in the imagistic mode it

plays a key role in the doctrinal mode Whitehouse basically suggests that doctrinalndashmode leaders have to be

persuasive usually in their rhetoric Fifth concerning spread of tradition we see more rapid and efficient

growth in the doctrinal mode but slow and inefficient transmission in the imagistic mode relatively speaking

Whitehouse also identifies a sociopolitical feature of the modes of religiosity namely scale The doctrinal mode

tends to operate on large scale while the imagistic mode operates on small scale Lastly and related to the

preceding characteristics is that ritual is routinized in the doctrinal mode Although the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a

new ritual Paul provides an introductory formula that includes the means for preserving the words of

8 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51

84

institution This element of routinization contributes to the ritual stability

At this juncture with the evidence given I will discuss some of the details of the evidence provided

and demonstrate how they coordinate with the theories that I am employing In applying the modes of

religiosity Whitehouse states that the two modes coordinate factors across these two categories sociopolitical

and psychological The divisions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be described as social First they are meeting

to partake in a δεῖπνον (1120 21) Second the social statuses of members in the larger society displayed at

their meals especially with regard to seating arrangement with a συμποσίαρχος signified class distinction

Moreover there was social disruption This is evinced by Paulrsquos use of καταφρονεῖτε καταισχύνετε and

τοὺς μὴ ἔχοντας (1122) The state of some members not having what others have and being looked down upon

could have repercussions on them This point is supported by Rappaportrsquos identity (selfndashreferential) information

that is inscribed by the standard meal practice Finally the divisions were of political nature As discussed in

chapter 2 there were leaders in the ἐκκλησία A bone of contention within the ἐκκλησία was that elections were

not conducted regularly when the term of office of leaders was due The situation in Corinth was one that lacked

central authority The absence of election of leaders when the tenure of office was due could probably lead to

decentralization in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία If this interpretation is acceptable then it helps in justifying Paulrsquos

use of τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1121) The members then would operate on their own whims and caprices

(1119) even though such options were part of standard meal practices This situation prepares the ground for

the discussion of sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity

Both stratification and equality fall within the category of the sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos

modes of religiosity The first sociopolitical feature that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness of

Paulrsquos interventions is structure The structure of the doctrinal mode of religiosity tends to be centralized unlike

the imagistic mode of religiosity The cognitive features combine with specific ldquosocial morphology including

hierarchical centralized institutional arrangementsrdquo9 Ritual forms can be created and can be stable and

replicated in new situations Rappaport states that the term ldquolsquoritualrsquo designates hellip a form or structurerdquo and he

contends that even though none of the composition of the elements of this structure is ldquounique to ritual the

relationships among them arerdquo10

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 two kinds of a threendashfold ritual structure can be derived

from physical displays The first kind is a triad comprising ἄρτος ndash σῶμα ndash κλάω The second kind is a triad

consisting of ποτήριον ndash αἷμα ndash πίνω Some of the ritual acts are the breaking of the ἄρτος and the drinking of

the ποτήριον In ritual terms ἄρτος takes on a new meaning It represents the σῶμα of the Lord Jesus Christ11

Paul instructs the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on the various parts of the ritual The various parts of the

ritual are structured to be replicable over and over again to achieve uniformity The characteristics of the ritual

structure that allow it to be repeated include the acts of thanksgiving the breaking of bread and drinking of

wine In addition is the temporal dimension which involves the frequency and duration of celebrating the ritual

Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to celebrate the ritual until Christrsquos return

9 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 66

10 Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 26

11 Paul uses ἐστιν (cf 1127)

85

The second sociopolitical feature of Whitehouse that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness

of Paulrsquos interventions is the degree of uniformity Ritual has the potency of effecting uniformity in cases where

there is lack of uniformity In verses 33 and 34 Paul enjoins them to wait for one another (ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε)12

and to take care of their hunger outside of the meeting This further increases the scope for uniformity by

mandating shared action and eliminating one reason for violating it Instead of fragmentation of the meal there

could be homogeny in the ἐκκλησία

A third sociopolitical feature that helps in expounding the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions is inclusivityexclusivity Under Whitehousersquos theory these traits could contribute to the possible

expulsion of members from a group and make them disenfranchised Such exclusivity more naturally pertains to

the predictions of imagistic mode of religiosity whereas the prediction of doctrinal mode of religiosity is

inclusivity Inclusivity is more about everyone being able to take part Inclusivityexclusivity is one feature that

does not fit with the overall doctrinal shape toward which Paul seems to be moving the Corinthian assembly

Paul specifies that they have to ldquodiscern the bodyrdquo which suggests exclusiveness However a larger case for

inclusion can be built from the entire epistle In 1 Cor 1422 Paul talks about tongues speaking being a sign for

unbelievers This information provides some evidence of the openness of the community Moreover it gives

credence to the view regarding the venue for the eating of the meals and makes my observation about where the

members of the ἐκκλησία are eating becomes more relevant If the place of meeting is not a private home but a

more public space (as argued by Weissenrieder) then it is likely to be more inclusive13

The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

creates a core that draws people together and is more about the participation of everyone (even the ἰδιῶται or

ἄπιστοι) in the meal without discrimination It has greater potential to incorporate members irrespective of class

or status

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on shared identity The two forms of communication of Rappaport

contribute to establishing shared identity in terms of the meaning of the rite Paul states hellipἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ

εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶνmiddot (1123c 24 a b cf 1127)14

1 Cor

1124b reveals the canonical aspect of the ritual Christ was referring to himself This part of the ritual is fixed

unchanging and communicates the canonical meaning of the meal The rhetoric question with its response in v

22 ndash ἐπαινέσω ὑμᾶς ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ ndash concludes the section for Paulrsquos nonndashrecommendation for the

members This gives him the opportunity to introduce a ritual that he received from the Lord Considering the

fact that Paul had already commended them (112) ritual theory helps to explain this dilemma of commendation

and nonndashcommendation within the same chapter of the epistle

12

The base form is ἐκδέχομαι Apart from 1 Cor 1133 and 1611 it appears in John 53 Acts 1716 Heb 1110

and Ja 57 In those contexts it connotes expectlook for waiting or awaiting Other possible meanings are to

take or receive

13 A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 83 The obvious question is

would they be reclining if they were meeting in a public space As stated earlier both postures of reclining and

sitting are likely as evidenced in the Corinthian correspondence

14 ldquoHe took the bread and having giving thanks he broke it and said ldquoThis is my body for yourdquo (1 Cor 1123c

24 a b) My translation

86

A fourth element of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps in explicating the possible worth of Paulrsquos

interventions is social cohesion Rappaportrsquos theory describes an additional means of creating social cohesion

Part of Rappaportrsquos theory is about words and what they communicate He makes a distinction between two

main classes of natural processes In the first class actions attain effects by the application of natural laws

while in the second class transmitters attain effects by means of information An additional point is about ritual

action According to Rappaportrsquos model ldquocommunication includes not only simple lsquosayingrsquo but also the sorts

of lsquodoingrsquo in which the efficacious principle is informative rather than powerfulrdquo15

Ritual incorporates physical

displays which comprise postures and movements Some of the movements in 1 Corinthians include λαμβάνειν

and κλάω while some of the physical displays are the ἄρτος and the ποτήριον What is being communicated

canonically about Christ in the passage is that the ldquosignificatardquo of the symbols convey a ldquospiritualrdquo meaning16

The messages that the ritual act communicates are First ritual theorizing about the ἄρτος in 1 Cor

1123 the ἄρτος is no longer the individualrsquos meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) or merely a physical loaf of bread Second

the use of μού personalizes the element (ἄρτος) The gesture of breaking the ἄρτος is a ritual act signifying the

offering of the Lord himself instead of the individuals providing their own meals It thus depicts its sacrificial

character (1 Cor 1124)The expressions Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα (1124) and ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ αἵματι (1125b)

shift the emphasis from the individual member of the ἐκκλησία to the Lord himself They would gather at the

Lordrsquos table rather than their individual tables (1 Cor 1021) and eat the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The expressions

signified the Lordship of Jesus Christ instead of an individualrsquos personal tastes and status One of Paulrsquos

interventions was the contrast he made between the idiosyncratic attitude exhibited at table and the corporate

disposition in celebrating the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual Paul was helping to create could shape the Corinthian

community through ritual action in the following ways the distribution and eating of the bread could always

remind them of a unified body rather than fragmented This point falls within Rappaportrsquos selfndashreferential

category From a ritual standpoint the ἄρτος is not fragmented but it is one whole element it signifies oneness

The acts of taking the ἄρτος and breaking it and the drinking from the ποτήριον are ritual acts and transmit ritual

messages The message that the ἄρτος conveys is that there are no traces of division in it it is purely holistic

Moreover the act of breaking the ἄρτος signifies sharing from one source In the same vein drinking from the

same ποτήριον transmits the message of oneness The act of eating and drinking is not merely a physical display

but has a Christological connotation It is an act τοῦ κυρίου (1127) When the members of the ἐκκλησία eat they

are reconstituted as part of something bigger The consequence would be unity instead of σχίσματα There could

be a reversal of status Persons of different statuses could recline for meals in κοινωνία There is therefore no

room for idiosyncrasy but rather social cohesion

Third the new meaning is made clearer in the subsequent verses It is associated with the death and

15

R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51 Rappaport indicates that acts and

utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special objects

and substances

16 Ibid54

87

return of Christ (1126)17

In 1117ndash34 σῶμα is thus defined christologically18

An analysis of 1 Cor 1016 in

conjunction with 1123ndash26 further sheds light on this interpretation Paul uses the following expressions

ldquoτὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίαςrdquo and ldquoτὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμενrdquo in two rhetorical questions successively19

The images

Paul employs in 1017 are ldquoεἷς ἄρτοςrdquo and ldquoἓν σῶμαrdquo The import of oneness instead of σχίσματα is seen in the

use of εἷς20

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on the interpretation of the passage Paulrsquos use of εἷς affirms the

transmission of a selfndashreferential message that he is communicating here The selfndashreferential message

communicated to the participants by the action of eating part of that single loaf is that it creates the sense of

belongingness and reminds them that they belong to the same body

In these ways the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον encodes a new relationship and responsibility There is a duty of

proclamation It is an obligation that has to be sustained and maintained until Christrsquos return It is a ritual theory

that helps shed illumination on the possibility of such an injunction of the Lord Jesus Christ Whitehousersquos

model of religiosity further helps in understanding Paulrsquos instruction For such an injunction to proclaim

requires repetition The result of frequent repetition is the activation of implicit memory for a particular

religious ritual To a large extent as religious rituals are performed routinely they come to be treated in

ldquoprocedural or implicit memoryrdquo21

An advantage of implicit memory is that it serves as a receptacle for the

preservation of standardized doctrines in semantic memory which can be reactivated with relative stability in

content This feature is made possible because of Paulrsquos formalizing of the meal and explains how the doctrine

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has survived to the present day

Notwithstanding the advantages of memory and motivation there are possible threats There is the

tendency to forget a particular ritual or how to perform it appropriately especially if it is not observed ὁσάκις

From a ritual viewpoint the remedy is to resort to routinization However this advantage negates motivation to

some extent One disadvantage of repeating the same ritual time and again is that it might lead to boredom This

could be a deterrent for the members to carry on the practice let alone hand it over to subsequent generations

This point prepares the ground for a response to George May

George May in a twondashpart article argues that there is no hint of the institution of a ritual in the synoptic

Gospels that necessitates its repetition by the followers of Jesus22

As stated earlier the internal evidence

affirms that Paul introduced what he received from the Lord to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul instructs the

17

ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτο καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε

ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ ldquofor as often as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the death of the lord till he

comesrdquo (1 Cor 1126) My translation

18 Cf A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 106

19 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμενοὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν

οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστινrdquo The cup of blessing which we bless is it not a koinōnia in the

blood of Christ The bread which we break is it not the body of Christ My translation

20 Cf 1 Cor 1017 1211 13 14 18ndash20 26 cf Rom 125 1 Cor 617 Eph 44 5

21 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 68

22 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 1 esp 146148ndash50 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper

Ritual or Relationship Part 2 esp 1 7ndash9

88

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to practice the new ritual within a temporal setting (1 Cor 1125c 26 cf

Luke 2219) ποιεῖτε23

could be linear or punctiliar However the addition of ὁσάκις (twice vv 24 25) implies

its repetitive nature Moreover ποιεῖτε in conjunction with the phrase ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ suggests that the instruction

is not punctiliar but linear

Significantly the institution of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has persisted through millennia For Paulrsquos

instructions to be crystallized into a stable body of teachings would mean subjecting them to regular reiteration

and being safeguarded by a system of policing24

Anything less than that could lead to a state of forgetting or

transforming them From a ritual perspective for any religious tradition to be established it would require a

handing over from one generation to the other Furthermore doing so attests to the worth of that particular

ritual Otherwise its future is bleak and can be defunct If this ritual analysis is correct then it follows that

Paulrsquos introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον successfully established conditions for its persistence to the present

day irrespective of the possibility of experiencing boredom25

The ritual of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is practiced

universally and in the liturgies of some churches the exact words stated by Paul to the ἐκκλησία in their

translated versions into different languages are used26

The members of the ἐκκλησία received the tradition

remembered practised and passed it on to the next generation and successively to the present generation The

praxis of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the present day exhibits how potent Paulrsquos intervention could have possibly

been

In the Corinthian correspondence Paul desires that there should not be any division in the ἐκκλησία27

He expands the canonical message by elaborating on the metaphor of σῶμα and the use of ἕν (1 Cor 1212) The

selfndashreferential part is that the participants would potentially understand themselves to be Christrsquos disciples

gathered around the mimetic table The σῶμα is a complex phenomenon Paul develops the concept of unity

from Chapter 8 stressing the adjective εἷς εἷς θεὸς ὁ πατήρ hellip καὶ εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστός (86)28

In 1 Cor

12 Paul defines the social body christologically (1212) In 1213 it is by one Spirit that ldquowe were all baptized

into one bodyrdquo without any distinctions The ritual tone of the instruction is that the σῶμα is one yet it has

many members καὶ γὰρ τὸ σῶμα ἔστιν οὐκ ἓν μέλος ἀλλὰ πολλά (1 Cor 1214)29

The individual parts

collaborate in its functioning to the extent that the overall outcome is unity Paul thus emphasizes the

23

ποιεῖτε is a 2nd

active imperative plural of the verb ποιέω

24 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67ndash69

25 The celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is not boring yet It is in its embryonic stage However we cannot

assume that because it survived it did not suffer from the effects of fatigue In some traditions it is practiced

rarely (a few times a year and on special occasions such Confirmation Holy Matrimony etc) In traditions

where it is more regular it is often mandated (as in Catholicism)

26 ie in English translation with additional liturgical words See Appendix 1

27 Paul mentions that ldquodivisionrdquo should not be entertained in the body but rather care for one another (1 Cor

1225 cf 1 Cor 110) μεριμνῶσις is a word I derived from μεριμνῶσιν 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω meaning ldquoto care forrdquo ie ἀλλήλων μεριμνῶσιν meaning ldquo should care for one anotherrdquo

28 [There is one God the Father hellipand one Lord Jesus Christ]

29 ldquoBut indeed the body is not one member but manyrdquo (1 Cor 1214) My translation

89

heterogeneous nature of the body as well as its homogeneity

As part of the tradition Paul introduces he instructs them to celebrate the ritual in Christrsquos memory

(1124c 25a) First the ritual Paul is introducing needs to assume the form that the members of the ἐκκλησία

can remember Second they need motivation to hand it over to later generations The feature of ἀνάμνησις helps

in establishing the purpose of the ritual act It shows its specificity and sets the scope of the ritual act Its

repetition shows its ritual significance for both σῶμα and αἷμαThe advantage of this feature is that it involves

memory In the traditional δεῖπνον there were other contesting purposes to exhibit onersquos status The memorable

formula also falls within Rappaportrsquos canonical category of communication of the ritual because of its

unchanging nature The simple memorable formula for the meal and the implication of a tradition to be passed

on place the phrases30

into canonical categories of unchanging meaning It communicates something about

Christ and the meal that will not change depending on which individuals are eating it The feature of ἀνάμνησις

would redirect the members of the community toward the ritual purpose of remembering their Lord It could

serve as a reminder to act bearing in mind the sacrifice made by the Lord Jesus Christ on their behalf They will

be reminded that they are always to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance and not in any

other personrsquos

The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps to illustrate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

giving the instruction to observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance by stimulating memory and

motivation Ritual has the ability to trigger implicit knowledge There is high arousal in the consequence of

practicing τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον with some becoming weak falling sick and dying Even though the arousal level in

the doctrinal mode of religiosity is low Whitehouse admits that in reality there is no religion that is either

purely doctrinal or imagistic based on the features captured in his model31

It is possible for a particular

religious tradition to contain all the elements of the doctrinal mode as well as a few of the features of the

imagistic mode For example the frequency of some rituals might be low and still have variables of low levels

of arousal The frequency of other rituals might not be regular and thus can result in sporadic performances

These instances might temper the claims of the theory of modes of religiosity However there are explanations

to the seeming inconsistencies It is noteworthy that modes of religiosity acknowledge two divergent attractor

positons and the tendency for religious traditions to lean toward them32

Moreover they do not outline

regulations for developing peculiar behavior It is not the case that any time that there is a ritual action it should

correspond to one or the other mode of religiosity Pragmatically it cannot be contended that a specific ritual

can be designated doctrinal or imagistic

Furthermore regarding the highndasharousal nature of the ritual Paul claims that they were drinking κρίμα

to themselves33

Here there is a play on words on the following κρίμα κρίνω and διακρίνω The σῶμα that

30

τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησινhellip τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν ldquoDo this in

my remembrance Do this as often as you drink for my remembrancerdquo (1 Cor 1124c 25a) My translation

31 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 75

32 Ibid 75ndash76 (emphasis original)

33 ὁ γὰρ ἐσθίων καὶ πίνων κρίμα ἑαυτῷ ἐσθίει καὶ πίνει μὴ διακρίνων τὸ σῶμα διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ὑμῖν πολλοὶ ἀσθενεῖς

90

Paul alludes to is that of the Lord (v28) Paul does not specify whether it is Christrsquos physical and or resurrected

body the Eucharistic elements themselves or the gathered community which he also describes as the body of

Christ In this regard Paul is being deliberately ambiguous Κρίμα comes upon the person who eats the bread

and drinks cup of the Lord in an unworthy manner (v27) In eating the ἄρτος and drinking from the ποτήριον of

the Lord therefore there is the need to classify το σῶμα and το αἷμα Ritual practice helps to illumine the

meaning of the terms By classification I mean that the σῶμα and the αἷμα are to be placed in their own ritual

category

Another sociopolitical feature of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps elucidate the possible

effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is leadership Leadership is

one of the sociopolitical features of the modes of religiosity Whereas in the imagistic mode of religiosity

leadership is passiveabsent that of the doctrinal mode is as Whitehouse puts it dynamic This means that

religious leaders are esteemed to be the source of authoritative religious knowledge They play a central role in

securing adherence to and preservation of the teachings of the group The authoritative nature of any such

tradition is determined by the ldquoadherents agreeing what the teachings arerdquo even if there are other traditions

which may be regarded as alternatives and possibly even in conflict with the official versions34

Paul claims

leadership and asserts to have received the tradition that he is passing on to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία Paulrsquos assertion of his own authority is evident in the ldquoI receivedrdquo formula His letter thus becomes a

vehicle for dynamic communication The notion of leadership in this context will be extended to the kind of

leaders Paul mentions in the Corinthian correspondence These include apostles prophets and teachers (1 Cor

124ndash11 28ndash30)35

Part of the function of the officials is ldquoto police the orthodoxyrdquo in general terms36

From a ritual

perspective that fractiousness persisted in the ἐκκλησία points to the potential usefulness of orthodoxy checks

Religious centralization is a key to stability We can conjecture that in the initial stages the lack of orthodoxy

checks in Corinthian ἐκκλησία partly led to the divisions At a number of points Paul intervenes to encourage

the appointment of officials (1 Cor 124ndash11 28ndash31 cf Rom 126ndash8) Such officials would be in a position to

monitor and promote orthodoxy that would further secure their leadership Paul places himself in the

transmission process when he says ldquoI received from the Lordhellip I pass on to yourdquo Thus he becomes essential to

the ritual transmission which secures his leadership Paul is just trying to establish the conditions for orthodoxy

by generating a stronger sense of his own authority over the shape of this ritual which transmits canonical (ie

orthodox) communication

καὶ ἄρρωστοι καὶ κοιμῶνται ἱκανοί εἰ δὲ ἑαυτοὺς διεκρίνομεν οὐκ ἂν ἐκρινόμεθαmiddot ldquoFor shehe who eats and

drinks without distinguishing the body (of the Lord) eats and drinks judgement to her himself For this reason

many among you are weak and sick and many have fallen asleep But if we judged ourselves we would not be

judged anyhowrdquo (1 Cor 1129ndash31) My translation

34 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67 (emphasis original) He describes this as ldquoprinciple of agreementrdquo

35 Apostles (including Apollos) are the primary leaders at this point

36 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 69

91

The presence of religious leaders also facilitates a more rapid ldquospreadrdquo of religions37

By virtue of the

fact that the proclamations of eminent religious leaders (or other appointed representatives) are made by word

of mouth they become ldquoreadily transportablerdquo38

The tenets of a grouprsquos belief system are based on the

proclamations (original or attributed) of the leaders and their deeds ldquobecome the basis for widely recounted

religious narratives transmitted orallyrdquo39

Ritual theory helps in understanding the kerygmatic aspect of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Associated with proclamation is the spread of a particular tradition In the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι

apostles including Paul were tasked with the spread of the gospel They would have the special responsibility

of spreading their religious tradition by oratory40

In the case of Paul he makes the effort to defend his

apostleship throughout the epistle (1 Cor 34ndash10 46ndash21 91ndash27 151ndash11)

One means that could make Paulrsquos intervention effective was to introduce a kind of ritual that could be

ongoing Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to practice the meal ὁσάκις He consequently sets up the

conditions that would facilitate routinization and the tradition for the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to

become widespread Religious routinization helps in both the detection and subjection of orthodox and

nonorthodox doctrines by making the former forms more pronounced than the latter ones Regular repetition of

the doctrines of a religious community has the potency of making members retain them in their memory

Instability will not augur well for the purpose of the ἐκκλησία to be realized The expectation of Christrsquos return

could possibly make the members of the community bury their differences in preparation of the return of their

Lord Paul thus provides the tools that would make the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to become

widespread This feature helps to validate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in 1 Corinthians

The observation of Grimes helps see the possible effectiveness of a new ritual in bringing stability in the

ἐκκλησία What Paul was helping to create can be described as an emergent ritual The merits of this suggestion

are that the members of the ἐκκλησίαwere already practicing a δεῖπνον although with inherent social

distinctions and looseness in its form Thus the collective meal was one of the occasions that displayed the

divisive character of the assembly The introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would replace the δεῖπνον of the

ἐκκλησία Unlike the δεῖπνον that structured difference the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provided a new structuring of

union in the name of one Lord It is no longer individual meals but one ἄρτος By recognizing with Grimes that

new rituals can arise for new purposes the traditional δεῖπνον would give way to the nascent ritual namely

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This could perhaps eradicate the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία

In 1127 the admonition is that whoever eats the bread or drinks of the cup of the Lord ldquounworthily hellip

shall be guilty of the Lordrsquos body and bloodrdquo There are repercussions when the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated

ἀναξίως In the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία their act of performing the meal ἀναξίως resulted in some of

them becoming weak others falling sick and dying (1129 30) In the NT ἀναξίως is a hapax legomenon Its

use here is ritually situated and calls for a ritual explanation From a ritual stance the members of the

37

See Table 31

38 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 70

39 Ibid 67 ldquoBoth forms of knowledge are stored in the semantic memoryrdquo

40 This is exactly the case of Paul (Timothy Titus and Barnabas)

92

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were consuming their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον ndash just like any other GrecondashRoman

meal and not the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) In ritual performance some persons can falter advertently or

inadvertently An inappropriate act is thought to result in disaster and that requires restoration by means of the

performance of a ritual41

When there is a disaster in a community rituals are performed to ward off danger and

evil Ritual studies helps in explaining the situation in Corinth This state of affairs could feasibly give Paul the

opportunity to arrest the situation In effect Paulrsquos institution of a new ritual will help the members of the

ἐκκλησία to deal with the trauma of illness and death the community is experiencing By instructing them to

observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in accordance with the tradition he handed to them Paul could help stem any fatal

consequences The proper way of observing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could then merit Paulrsquos commendation

instead of κρίμα and also provide the community a means of coping with the circumstances Ritual meaning is a

variable that falls within the psychological features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity Paulrsquos use of

δοκιμαζέτω in his injunction in 1 Cor 112842

provides the community with a mechanism for managing the

situation The rationale is that the members of the ἐκκλησία would have to disengage the former way of

practicing the traditional δεῖπνον and adopt a new way The old way and manner of eating the δεῖπνον would

bring κρίμα The ritual process that could bring restoration is one of learningacquiring new ways of celebrating

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον43

At this stage of the discussion it is appropriate to review how effective Paulrsquos interventions possibly

could have been Three main areas may be identified for evaluating the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The first is the sociondasheconomic dimension As discussed earlier there

was social stratification within the ἐκκλησία thus making the members socially distant from one another Grimes

points out that the self is a ldquocultural constructionrdquo44

He contends that ldquosocieties have their most persistent root

in the human body itself and the body is always ndash no matter how closeted or private ndash socially inscribedrdquo45

Paul in using the metaphor of σῶμα helps to neutralize class distinctions The need for one another is reciprocal

Each member needs the other ldquobut the eye cannot say to the hand lsquoI have no need of yoursquo nor again the head to

the feet lsquoI have no need of yoursquo rdquo (1 Cor 1221)46

Participating in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον requires solidarity

41

It is noteworthy that the case of disaster is not applicable to all cultures The proper ritual practice of the Inuit

people for example after they kill a whale does not necessarily save them from disaster It is known of the Inuit

people that Beluga whales are their staple food See M Tyrell ldquoNunavik Inuit Perspectives on Beluga Whale

Management in the Canadian Arcticrdquo in Human Organization 673 (2008) 322ndash334

42 ldquoLet a man examine himselfrdquo (1 Cor 1128) Δοκιμαζέτω is the 3

rd person singular imperative of the verb

δοκιμάζω It means ldquoI put to the test prove or examinerdquo

43 A passage that sheds light on this interpretation is Job 343 4 ὅτι οὖς λόγους δοκιμάζει καὶ λάρυγξ γεύεται

βρῶσιν κρίσιν ἑλώμεθα ἑαυτοῖς γνῶμεν ἀνὰ μέσον ἑαυτῶν ὅ τι καλόν ldquoFor the ear examines words as the

larynx tastes food Let us discern for ourselves what is right let us learn (know) among ourselves what is

goodrdquo Septuagint (Job 343 4) My translation

44 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRendashinventing Ritualrdquo 21

45 Ibid 27

46 οὐ δύναται δὲ ὁ ὀφθαλμὸς εἰπεῖν τῇ χειρί Χρείαν σου οὐκ ἔχω ἢ πάλιν ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῖς ποσίν Χρείαν

ὑμῶν οὐκ ἔχωmiddot (My translation in English)

93

strengthening the weak among the members in the ἐκκλησία (1222) ldquobut much rather those members of our

body that seem to be weaker are indispensablerdquo47

The praxis of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον does not give the occasion to

ignore or dispense with fellow members of the ἐκκλησία Paul in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could

probably have effected changes so far as class distinctions were concerned

The second area is the political realm Politically the political structure of GrecondashRoman polis

reflected the standard symposium The συμποσίαρχος presided over the symposium The symposium in turn

reflected the values of the society at large The afore-stated values reflected during the partaking in the meals in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul in his interventions establishes the Lordship of Jesus Christ It requires the

enablement of the Holy Spirit for one to acclaim the Lordship of Jesus Christ (1 Cor 123) The Lordship of

Jesus manifests in the distribution of gifts (1 Cor 125) In the traditional setting of the ἐκκλησία the leaders

assumed positions depicting their statuses In this new reality that Paul introduces it is God who places the

members in the positions in consonance with his will (1 Cor 1218 cf 1228 ff)

In the physiological realm Paul shifts the attention from physiology to pneumatology He applies the

metaphor of τὸ σῶμα beginning in 1212 ndash τὸ σῶμα ἕν ἐστιν ndash in his instructions on the exercise of the gifts of

the Spirit (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20)48

He introduces a different ritual while discussing the concept of

σῶμα in chapter 12 to illustrate unity He maintains the formula ldquothe same Spiritrdquo (124 8 9 (twice) 11 cf

ldquosame Lordrdquo 125 ldquosame Godrdquo 126) to relate the σῶμα to Christ Such a shift becomes relevant because the

Spirit becomes the medium through whom all are baptized Consequently in the emerging ritual the members

were given one Spirit to drink (1 Cor 1213)49

The inference that I can make from this verse is that the new

reality abhors σχίσματα and strengthens the bond of unity Paulrsquos illustration of the nature and function of the

σῶμα confirms the viability of this inference His use of ἓν for both πνεῦμα and σῶμα further underscores this

point The pneumatological implication is that there would be a reversal of consequence As they drink of the

Spirit they thus become strengthened spiritually instead of drinking κρίμα to themselves (cf1 Cor 1129) The

new reality that is emerging is devoid of ethnicity status or gender (1 Cor 1213 cf Gal 328)

The overarching factor in the analysis is the evolving of a ritual complex It is a complex that involves

(1) a ritual act (2) a ritual purpose which is dual in nature and (3) a ritual timing The first aspect is that the

members of the ἐκκλησία were to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This is in consonance with the directive τοῦτο

ποιεῖτε The second dimension of the complex is the ritual purpose which is dual On one side of the coin they

were to perform the ritual act in remembrance of the Lord Jesus Christ while on the other side they were to

proclaim the death of Jesus Christ The third facet is ritual timing and concerns the duration of the ritual act

The members of the ἐκκλησία were to perform the ritual act until Christrsquos return In practice therefore the

47

ἀλλὰ πολλῷ μᾶλλον τὰ δοκοῦντα μέλη τοῦ σώματος ἀσθενέστερα ὑπάρχειν ἀναγκαῖά ἐστιν (1 Cor 1122) (My

translation in English)

48 Cf Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 157ndash164 She uses the expression ldquothe

body metaphor for unityrdquo J Murphy-OrsquoConnor 1 Corinthians (Wilmington Delaware M Glazier 1979) 9

who remarks that ldquo[t]he most distinctive note of a christian community should be its organic unity (1212ndash27)rdquo

49καὶ πάντες ἓν πνεῦμα ἐποτίσθημεν (1 Cor 1213)

94

features of the traditional δεῖπνον could hardly manifest concurrently in the practice of the emerging ritual that

the new ritual in turn could serve for the stability of the ἐκκλησία From the foregoing analysis it becomes

evident that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in

Corinth at the time of writing of the letter However Paulrsquos interventions helped shape the Corinthian

community and that could possibly have generated stability in the ἐκκλησία

43 Conclusion

In this chapter I have attempted to examine Paulrsquos interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία concerning

the δεῖπνον and how they could possibly be effective in dealing with the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία The ritual

theories of Whitehouse and Rappaport help to demonstrate the potential effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

Corinth I have demonstrated that at the time of writing 1 Corinthians the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was in its embryonic

stage Paul was introducing a ritual structure to achieve stronger bonds of fellowship and enhance the spirit of

unity Put together with the analogies from the voluntary associations inscriptions papyrilogical documents

etc and the interpretation I have given to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 I suggest that the ritual approach of elucidating the

conflict at the table is more convincing than simply rendering a theological interpretation of the passage

Specifically by mentioning the tradition he received from the Lord Paul was reshaping a ritual I have

demonstrated how Paul could have effected changes in the meal practice of the Corinthian that would in turn

affect their social life

Whitehousersquos doctrinal mode of religiosity explains how it is probable that in a stratified community

hierarchy and equality can blend and thus produce a more homogenous group at least during the ritual itself

One of Paulrsquos pivotal interventions is ensuring stability which is closely related to innovation in the ἐκκλησία

As stated earlier modes of religiosity are complementary attractor positions around which ritual actions and

religious concepts merge Only innovations that are close to these attractor positions last The features of the

doctrinal mode of religiosity are highly potential The combination of these features produces a strong and

lasting legacy that persists historically for centuries and even millennia The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is the most

celebrated praxis of the present day universal Church Most liturgies follow the format in 1 Corinthians 11

Ritual theory offers the rationale for this state of affair

Rappaportrsquos model of communication argues that a canonical message is not restricted to the present

The words of institution combined with repetition of the ritual helped to establish the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a

meal that is still practiced today as it was practiced over the years Paul states explicitly that he was delivering

to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία what he had received from the Lord (1123) This expression makes the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paul is introducing Christological and authentic for the community Paul proposed the new

ritual in the context of their fractured relationships and I have shown why it was likely to be a successful

strategy Furthermore we do not need to argue that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were abusing the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον rather that they were practicing the δεῖπνον and observing the regulations just as the

associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing the

normative meal practices of the first century in GrecondashRoman world As a result of this their behavior was in

95

consonance with the social parameters of the GrecondashRoman society

96

5

Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims

In the preceding chapters I demonstrated that there was a common meal typology that was practiced in

the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean world The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in a δεῖπνον while

drinking also featured during their gathering These characteristics had parallels with the structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquets in general and association meals in particular I also established that Paul intervened in the

meal praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία so as to introduce a new ritual namely κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The analysis

has been on how rituals can produce effects that traditionally have received little attention My focus in the

concluding chapter is to demonstrate the interndashrelationship between ritual studies and theological themes

Rituals unlike theological themes are not expressed propositionally Ritual studies intensifies the meaning of

what can be achieved in theological discourses The scope of Paulrsquos theological claims extends beyond the

ritual elements of the supper However to some extent ritual relates to the identified themes that I will be

exploring

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον

In this section I will focus on the new meaning that Paul gives to the Corinthian δεῖπνον as I explore

theological themes The Corinthian δεῖπνον was a meal that was comparable to the δεῖπνον which was the main

and important meal taken at the close of the day of the associations in the GrecondashRoman setting The fact that

the Corinthian δεῖπνον was a real meal is substantiated by Paulrsquos reiteration of hunger in 1 Cor 1134 (cf

1124) Furthermore it is confirmed by some members of the ἐκκλησία getting satiated and others remaining

hungry Paul thus instructs that if they are hungry they should satisfy their hunger at home (1 Cor 1134) At the

time of writing the epistle the praxis of the δεῖπνον by the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was the kind

that could not merit Paulrsquos commendation Τοῦτο δὲ παραγγέλλων οὐκ ἐπαινῶ (1 Cor 1117a) The ὅτι clause

that follows gives the reason for Paulrsquos nonndashcommendation ὅτι οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸ ἧσσον

συνέρχεσθε Paulrsquos use of οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον and εἰς τὸ ἧσσον suggests that a particular type of practice is better

than another when the members of Corinthian ἐκκλησία assemble Part of what characterises the current praxis

is the disparity in the partaking of the meal where an individual prefers eating herhis own meal before the

other The effect is despising fellow members and shaming the havendashnots In a comparative tone Paul

maintains that the current praxis is worse than what he expects He thus intervenes by introducing the tradition

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

As stated earlier in the whole of the New Testament the phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax

legomenon The meal is in its emergent stage at the time of writing Paul by mentioning the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

is introducing a new praxis with an entirely different meaning from the Corinthian δεῖπνον The new meaning

Paul attaches to the meal is that first the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has a Christological dimension in the sense that Paul

indicates that Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου This sets the meal Paul is introducing on Christological

foundation Whereas the practice has been that the members partook in their own meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has its roots in ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς (1 Cor 1123) Moreover the quality of the meal is of

97

Christological significance This is attested to by the nomenclature Paul introduces ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The

distinction Paul makes between κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον is informative The meal is no longer the

individual meal as pertains in the general culture but it is the Lord who owns it It is the Lordrsquos Supper

Moreover the meal incorporates the ποτήριον κυρίου1 This expression sets the ποτήριον associated with the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from other ποτήρια in the social context and assigns it as that which belongs to the

Lord Furthermore closely linked to this notion is the phrase τραπέζης κυρίου While there are other τραπέζαι

such as δεύτεραι τραπέζαι and τραπέζης δαιμονίων Paul introduces a new concept of the τραπέζης κυρίου

Similarly the expression τραπέζης κυρίου sets the τραπέζης associated with the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from all

other τραπέζαι (1 Cor 1022)

At other points in First Corinthians Paul introduces the concept of Jesusrsquo Lordship and gradually

develops it throughout the letter The Corinthian ἐκκλησία with other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus

Christ the Lord ἐπικαλουμένοις τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (1 Cor 12) Paul pronounces the

grace and peace ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ2 to the members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 13)

In responding to the cases where some members would take others to the law courts Paul contrasts the way of

life between the righteous and unrighteous and notes that previously the lifestyle of some of the members was

like the unrighteous Consequently he confirms the new state of the members of the ἐκκλησία as cleansed

sanctified and justified ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ἐν τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν3 Concerning

Paulrsquos response to marital issues he further acknowledges the lordship and authority of Jesus Christ He draws

the distinction between the Lordrsquos commands and his own commands (1 Cor 710) Paul affirms the singularity

of the lordship of Jesus Christ ndash εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστόςndash (1 Cor 86)

The ritual analysis I have undertaken in the previous chapter coordinates to the theological themes that

I will explore in this chapter First Paulrsquos view of the lordship of the historical Jesus is that it is eternal The

members of the ἐκκλησία were called into εἰς κοινωνίαν τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν4 In 1

Corinthians Paul presents the historical Jesus as Lord both on earth and also when he was highly exalted In

both 1 Corinthians and Philippians the name of Jesus is professed Whereas in 1 Corinthians the members of

the ἐκκλησία with members of other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus in Philippians it is universal

profession of the highly exalted Jesus Paul consistently refers to the meal as the Lordrsquos (1 Cor 1121 cf vv 26

27) He traces the reception of the tradition to the Lord Jesus The ritual elements are the body and blood of the

Lord (1127) In case there should be judgment it is the same Lord who executes it in their interest to save them

from condemnation with the world It is the Lord who controls the ritual cycle The cycle begins with the Lord

(regarding the reception of the tradition) and the time of the Lordrsquos return (1126) Accordingly the δεῖπνον that

Paul is displaying here has Christological underpinning

1 Paul admonishes the members that they cannot drink the ποτήριον κυρίου as well as the ποτήριον δαιμονίων (1

Cor 1021)

2 ldquofrom God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christrdquo (1 Cor 13) My translation

3 ldquohellipin the name of Lord Jesus Christ and in the spirit of our Godrdquo (1 Cor 611) My translation The words

Paul uses to describe their new state are ἀπολούω ἁγιάζω and δικαιόω 4 ldquo into koinōnia with the Lord Jesus Christ our Lordrdquo (1 Cor 19) My translation

v

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication 76

34 Conclusion 78

4 Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective 80

41 A New Model 80

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode 83

43 Conclusion 94

5 Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims 96

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον 96

5 2 Unity and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον 103

53 Implications greater group unity 106

5 4 Summary and Conclusion 107

Bibliography 109

APPENDIX 122

vi

List of Tables

Table Page

1 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity 72

2 Sociopolitical features summarized 75

vii

ABBREVIATIONS

PRIMARY SOURCES

AGRW Ascough R S PA Harland and J S Kloppenborg ed Associations in the Greco-

Roman World A Sourcebook Waco 2012

Aristotle

Eth nic Ethica nichomachea Nichomachean Ethics

Aristophanes

Wasps

Ath Athenaios

Deip Deipnosophitae Deipnosophists

Ber Berakot

Chrysostom

Hom1 Cor Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

CIL Corpus inscriptionum latinarum Consilio et Auctoritate Academiae Litterarum

Regiae Borussicae editum (17 vols Berlin Reimer 1863ndash1989)

1 Clem 1 Clement

I Delos Roussel Pierre and Marcel Launey ed Inscriptions de Deacutelos Deacutecrets posteacuterieurs agrave

166 avJ-C (nos1497ndash1524 ) Deacutedicaces posteacuterieures agrave 166avJ-C (nos1525 ndash

2219) Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettresParis Librairie Ancienne Honoreacute

Champion 1937

GThom Gospel of Thomas

GRA Kloppenborg John S Philip A Harland and Richard SAscough Greco-Roman

Associations Texts Translations and Commentary BZNW 181Berlin Walter de

Gruyter 2011 ndashVol 1 Attica Central Greece Macedonia Thrace (2011)

Hom Homer

Il The Iliad

Od The Odyssey

IG Inscriptiones gracae Bonnae A Marcus and E Weber 1913

Jos Asen Joseph and Aseneth

Justin

1 Apol First Apology

Lucian

Dial Deo Dialogi Deorum

Lex Lexiphanes

Symp Symposium

Mart Martial

viii

Epig Epigrammata (Epigrams)

Ovid

Fast Fasti

PG Migne J-P ed Patrologiae cursus completus (series Graeca) Paris 1857 ff

Plato

Symp Symposium

Pliny the Younger

Ep Epistulae

Plut Plutarch

De Tuen De Tuenda Sanitate Praecepta

Quaest conv Quaestiones convivales

Sept sap conv Septem sapientium convivium

P Lond PLond edKenyon F G and H I Bell Greek Papyri in the British Museum 7

vols London 1893ndash1974

PMich Michigan Papyri V Papyri from Tebtunis part 2 ed Elinor Mullett Husselman

Arthur ER Boak and William F Edgerton (Ann Arbor University of Michigan

Press 1944) nos 226ndash356

PRE Realencyclopaumldie fuumlr Protestantische Theologie und Kirche

SEG Supplementum epigraphicum graecum Leiden E J Brill 1923 ndash

Sen Seneca

Ad Luc Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales

SIG Dittenberger Wihelm ed Sylloge inscriptionum graecarum 3rd ed 4 vols Leipzig

S Hirzel 1915ndash24

Xen Xenophon

Symp Symposium

ix

SECONDARY SOURCES

BR Biblical Research

CSSCA Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology

CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CSHJ Chicago Studies in the History of Judaism

CTR Chriswell Theological Review

EASA European Association of Social Anthropologists

ET The Expository Times

GNT Good News Translation

HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament

HTR Harvard Theological Review

IKZ Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift

JAC Jahrbuch fuumlr Antike und Christentum

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature

JHP Journal of Historical Pragmatics

JJS Journal of Jewish Studies

JRitSt Journal for Ritual Studies

JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament

JSNT Sup Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series

JTS Journal of Theological Studies

LQ Lutheran Quarterly

MKNT Meyerrsquos Kommentar zum Neuen Testament

NICNT The New International Commentary on the New Testament

NovT Novum Testamentum

NTS New Testament Studies

RA Revue Archeacuteologique

RTR Reformed Theological Review

SBL Society of Biblical Literature

SCM Student Christian Movement

SHR Studies in the History of Religions

SPCK Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge

TANZ Texte und Arbeiten zum neutestamentlichen Zeitalter

TZTh Tuumlbinger Zeitschrift fuumlr Theologie

TynBul Tyndale Bulletin

ZNW Zeitschrift fuumlr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der aumllteren Kirche

ZWT Zeitschrift fuumlr wissenschaftliche Theologie

1

Introduction

The Corinthian case of conflict at table is analogous to the GrecondashRoman world in general and

voluntary associations in particular Various interpretations have been given by scholars concerning what Paul

intended to convey in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Disunity is particularly evident in eating the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1118ndash

21) Paul tells the members of the ἐκκλησία that when they come together it is not for the better but for the

worse (1117) He claims that there are divisions among them (v 18) and that the collective meal has been

fragmented into individual meals where one eats while another is hungry and another is drunk (v 21) In fact in

Paulrsquos view their thinking and behavior are so seriously disordered that many are weak and feeble and a number

of them have died (v 30) In evaluating these circumstances many have described the behavior of some of the

members as inappropriate1 In Paulrsquos opinion the state of affairs in the ἐκκλησία required his interventions

around the meal to correct the problem of disunity2

My interest is to attempt to answer the question How might Paulrsquos comments about the δεῖπνον help to

generate greater unity in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The ritual structure of the supper provides a distinctive

opportunity for Paul to try to end the fractiousness I will argue that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not

yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in Corinth and that the ritual theories of Roy A Rappaport3 and

Harvey Whitehouse4 (described in Chapter 3) help to demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal

meal might give Paul a particular kind of leverage in strengthening the identity of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and

thus ending some of the divisions

Generally speaking ritual is an important aspect of Christian communities Rituals are performed at

birth baptism marriage festivals etc The present study addresses the concern that little detailed attention has

been turned to the ritual setting of the passage under review and the potency of rituals to shape collective

experience and thus strengthen unity To gain insight into how the development of the ritual ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

ndash and its use would have strengthened the community there is the need not only to critically engage with the

works of biblical scholars but ritual theorists as well G D Fee suggests that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

abusing the meal and Annette Weissenrieder also writes that they neglected the ldquoLast Supperrdquo5 Contrary to

these views I will make a case that it can be established that instead of abusing or neglecting a ritual that was

1 For example G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians (NICNT rev ed Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 2014) 587 regards it as ldquototally unacceptable behaviorrdquo

2 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharistrdquo Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 4836ndash49 at 36 G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 531 Geert Hallbaumlck ldquoSacred Meal and Social Meeting Paulrsquos Argument

in 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic and Roman

World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998) 167

3 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity CSSCA 110 (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1999)

4 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission (Walnut Creek CA

AltaMira Press 2004)

5 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 15 531ndash545 and Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in

1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo in Contested Spaces Houses and Temples in Roman Antiquity and the

New Testament Ed Balch David L and Annette Weissenrieder (Tubingen Mohr Siebeck 2012) respectively

2

distinctive to the Christndashgroup the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing a GrecondashRoman

association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special In order to assess this hypothesis I

will apply two models of ritualndashnamely Harvey Whitehousersquos ldquodoctrinal moderdquo and Roy Rappaportrsquos selfndash

referential and canonical modes ndash to the text to evaluate the ways in which Paul is formalizing the structure and

meaning of the supper and hence the shared identity and experience of the ἐκκλησία

The current study has manifold advantages First and foremost the research contributes to scholarship

by demonstrating how the ritual Paul is helping to create ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash being in its embryonic stage

shaped the community through action The present study sheds light on the teething problems of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία in particular and the formation of early Christianity in general The study demonstrates the

significance of Paulrsquos interventions by means of a ritual namely the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον beyond rhetorical

persuasions and aims at demonstrating the potency of rituals to shaping collective experience with the overall

effect of strengthening unity The investigation gives insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in helping to create a

ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a self-referential and canonical

identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth It also explores patronageclientele system which helps to

understand the social statuses of the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe study investigates ritual models to

gain understanding of handling conflicts in the Corinthian community and Paulrsquos ways of intervention It is thus

valuable for acquiring principles necessary for attaining unity conflictndashresolution and stability in communities

Chapter 1 of the study briefly outlines the range of scholarly views about divisions in general

indicating specific cases of disunity at the meal The chapter reviews the history of scholarship about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and divisions within the ἐκκλησία and also examines the relationship between the general

conflict in the ἐκκλησία and the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in particular In examining the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the

chapter considers other kinds of division for example litigation as a source of conflict It further explores the

subject of meat sacrifices as a source of division The focus here is on the strong and weak regarding the eating

of meat and the discussion is extended to the historical setting of Corinth In addition to this is an investigation

into the disorder that takes place during worship The chapter also examines the meal as a source of division In

an attempt to evaluate the socioeconomic dimensions of the meal norms of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the

discussion shifts to examining the physical setting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The shift thus prepares the

ground for a discussion that seeks a path for ritual setting

In ascertaining the social status of the members of the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι the chapter surveys three

phases of scholarly opinion What I designate the first phase represents the older viewpoint spearheaded by

Adolf Deissmann that the early Christians were among the people of the lower strata of the Roman Empire

Scholars in the category of what I term the second phase for example Abraham J Malherbe express the view

that the social standing of the early of the Christndashgroups may be higher than what Deissmann presumed and that

there may be an emerging consensus regarding the social standing of the members of the Corrinthian ἐκκλησία

In more recent times Gerd Theissen has advanced the concept of social stratification in the ἐκκλησία and he

assigns the σχίσματα to the grouping of the wellndashtondashdo Christians and the less privileged in the assembly

Scholars in the category of what I label the third phase for example J J Meggitt and S Friesen soften the

3

viewpoints of scholars in both the first and second phases The review covers views of scholars who consider

the σχίσματα to be sociondashpolitical theological or ideological and others who assign the σχίσματα to personal

allegiances or other isolated cases

Chapter 2 deals with the state of the meal at Corinth The chapter examines the general pattern of the

GrecondashRoman meals and establishes that a common meal typology typifies meal practices in the GrecondashRoman

Mediterranean milieu irrespective of the background ndash whether Jewish or nonndashJewish The chapter explores the

GrecondashRoman meal practices including the custom of reclining the structure of the δεῖπνον and συμποσίον and

then makes an excursus on Jewish meals Chapter 2 expands the discussion to embark on a comparative study

of meal practices in the sociondashcultural setting between voluntary associations and Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

rationale for the comparison is to identify the features that are similar to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the

voluntary associations In the comparison the features that are identified as similar include social stratification

social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character Even though all the features identified are

active in 1 Corinthians they are in a state of fluctuation The chapter argues that perhaps the Corinthian δεῖπνον

is an ordinary meal of the kind we see in voluntary associations Furthermore the chapter establishes that the

Corinthian δεῖπνον is not yet developed into a distinctively Christian ritual at the time of writing the epistle For

the purposes of analysis the chapter seeks evidence postndashdating 1 Corinthians as well as exploring social

mobility as internal evidence about voluntary associations This prepares the stage for further probing into

whether the meal in Corinth is already a specifically Christian ritual or not The discussion is extended further

by reviewing more recent views expressed by Weissenrieder and Richard Last on the setting for supper and

George May that the communal meal is not yet a ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians Weissenriederrsquos work

provides the evidence in favor of the Corinthian δεῖπνον correlating with the voluntary associations

Chapter 3 highlights pioneers of ritual studies and investigates the approaches to the study of rituals It

explores the functions of ritual in the following arears first communication by the use of symbols Second it

surveys how rituals help in effecting stability and infusing innovation It further examines the social collective

functions of ritual and how it contributes to social solidarity The second half of the chapter examines new view

of rituals The chapter further introduces the two ritual models that I use in the analysis of Paulrsquos intervention in

1 Cor 1117ndash34 There are some features of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that are recurrent in other rituals Comparative

data from other disciplines (specifically anthropology) might help us to examine how the ritual models help to

analyze a ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον being in its embryonic stage G A Klingbeil rightly observes that

among the Christian ritual practices ldquothe celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper seems to have had the most potential

for integrating the diverse members into a more unified lsquobodyrsquohelliprdquo6 After introducing Whitehousersquos model of

modes of religiosity especially the doctrinal mode and Rappaportrsquos model of rituals as means of

communication and giving the criteria for selecting their models chapter 3 applies the models to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία The chapter further demonstrates first in respect to Whitehousersquos model how rituals produce stability

within a particular kind of community Whitehouse helps to show how rituals take on stable forms that are

6 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible (Winona Lake Ind Eisenbrauns

2007) 222

4

related to and reinforcing of specific community structures Second in a similar vein Rappaportrsquos model

assesses the ways that ritual can transfer or communicate messages apart from words Rappaportrsquos model shows

how ritual conveys meaning largely by symbolic means In applying Rappaportrsquos model the distinction is drawn

between canonical and selfndashreferential messages

An understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association is significant for the study

For a legitimate historicalndashcritical examination chapter 3 pays particular attention to voluntary associations in

the GrecondashRoman world It employs comparative data of the voluntary associations especially the collegia and

thiasoi to ascertain the different meal practices and compare and contrast them with that of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία This becomes crucial taking cognizance of the fact that Christndashgroups were subject to the same social

dynamics that prevailed in other institutions

Chapter 4 is an exegetical study of 1 Cor1117ndash34 It involves an inndashdepth analysis in order to

elucidate the meaning of the passage under review It demonstrates how Paulrsquos comments in 1 Cor 1117ndash34

might strengthen the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and communicate canonical and self-referential

meanings After establishing in chapter 3 the essence for the application of the ritual models of Whitehouse and

Rappaport chapter 4 applies these models analytically to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 In terms of taxonomy the

terminology κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is sui generis in the entire NT The chapter therefore harnesses the available

ritual resources in the passage

Part of the claim of chapter 4 is that rituals operate not just as concepts but that they feature very well

with groups and relationships The chapter therefore identifies the characteristics of both imagistic and doctrinal

types of religious groups and relates them to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The chapter discovers the sociondashpolitical

features of Whitehousersquos modes of religion that are applicable to the Corinthian situation and investigates the

band of traits that in Paulrsquos estimation might contribute towards the development of the ἐκκλησία It further

argues that what Paul is trying to achieve in the ἐκκλησία is to introduce a ritual in its nascent form The ritual

approach by Ronald L Grimes of demonstrating how rituals emerge is adopted to develop this viewpoint The

application of ritual models to the passage under review might help give insights into Paulrsquos skills as a pastor in

helping to create a ritual that might shape the Corinthian ἐκκλησία stabilize them by giving them a selfndash

referential and canonical identity and foster greater group unity in Corinth If this hypothesis proves correct then

the dissertation will show the importance of Paulrsquos interventions beyond rhetorical persuasion

Chapter 5 considers the new meaning Paul gives to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον For example Paul by use of

the following expressions Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου τραπέζης κυρίου and ποτήριον κυρίου conveys

the Christological dimension of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paulrsquos use of σῶμα leads to the introduction of ἀγάπη

which I describe as a unity ethic Paul devotes a chapter to ἀγάπη (1 Cor 13) and the overall effect of his

instructions could be that the members of the ἐκκλησία would attain somatic unity The chapter then provides a

summary of the implications of how Paulrsquos new meanings might help create greater unity in Corinth

In conclusion it is noteworthy to make introductory comments on a word that I have used namely

μεριμνῶσις which is derived from μεριμνῶσιν Μεριμνῶσιν is the 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω which means ldquoto care forrdquo Paul enjoins the members of the ἐκκλησία with these words ἀλλήλων

5

μεριμνῶσιν (1 Cor 1225) One of Paulrsquos interventions in writing συνερχόμενοι εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε

(1 Cor 1133b) could be his desire for egalitarianism for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία It is plausible that Paul in

applying the analogy of σῶμα was motivated by the need of the members of the ἐκκλησία to care for one

another

6

1

The State of the Question

πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν καὶ μέρος τι πιστεύω

(1 Cor 1118)

For first of all when you assemble in the ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you and I partly

believe it

(1 Cor 1118)

In 1 Corinthians Paul is concerned that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία should exhibit greater

unity than they currently do Even a cursory reading of the letter suggests that there is instability in the

ἐκκλησία Paul mentions σχίσματα in 110 and ἔριδες in 111 Disunity shows up in multiple places in 1

Corinthians There were those who claim to belong to Paul some to Apollos others to Cephas and still others to

Christ There were cases of litigation where some members were having πρᾶγμα against other members of the

ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) Moreover there were differences of opinion concerning the use of meat sacrificed to idols

(8ndash10) disorder about worship practices (14) and the specific case of disunity at the celebration of the meal in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 11 After having received a report that there were contentions among them

Paul made a passionate appeal that there be no divisions (1 Cor 110ndash11 1117 ff 1225 cf 33) Σχίσματα still

persisted when the Christndashgroup came together for their shared meal (1 Cor 1118)1

The chapter summarizes existing scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on their

meal practices There are other scholars who have attempted to handle some of the problems related to meals in

1 Corinthians However D E Smithrsquos dissertation for example concentrates mainly on the social meal in the

GrecondashRoman world Moreover P Coutsoumpos embarks on a sociondashhistorical study on 1 Cor 8 10 and 112

Although the dissertations of Smith and Coutsoumpos deliberate on some of the issues in the current research

especially GrecondashRoman meals there are significant divergences from my dissertation My dissertation is

distinct from other scholarly works on the passage under review in that it will examine the ritual setting of the

passage It will further demonstrate that it was Paul who was generating the beginnings of a ritual structure

distinct from the ordinary meal practices of voluntary associations for example

1 Some critics are of the view that the members of the ἐκκλησία were abusing the Lordrsquos Supper Cf G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 587 comments ldquoPaul now takes up a second abuse of Christian worship

(cf 112ndash 16) lsquodivisionsrsquo at the Lordrsquos Supper (v18) predicated along sociological lines (v22)rdquo R F Collins

First Corinthians Sacra Pagina Series vol7 (Collegeville The Liturgical Press 1999) 421 In a similar vein

C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (New

York Crossroad 1987) 74 notes ldquoSuch divisions associated with the common meal would be viewed as tragic

by Paul who saw the meal as the catalyst for Christian fellowship (1016ndash17) B B Blue ldquoThe House Church

at Corinth Famine Food Supply and the Present Distressrdquo CTR 5 (1991) 221ndash39 at 234ndash37 identifies the

problem as one related to famine making reference to 1 Cor 726

2 Dennis E Smith ldquoSocial Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Christian Meal in 1

Corinthians in Comparison with Graeco-Roman Mealsrdquo (Unpublished Thesis Harvard University Cambridge

Massachusetts 1980) P Coutsoumpos Paul and the Lordrsquos Supper A Socio-Historical Investigation (New

York Peter Lang 2005)

7

11 Views about Divisions in General

Before proceeding to analysis of Paulrsquos instructions about the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I begin with a review

of scholarship about a generalized social conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Some scholars have argued that

the kind of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία was ideological3 C K Barrett a chief proponent of this view infers that

Apollos could have attracted ldquoa following of his ownrdquo the fact that he was an ἀνὴρ λόγιος (Acts 1824)rdquo4

Moreover he could have been a factor in ldquothe Corinthian development of thought about γνῶσις λόγος and

σοφίαrdquo which were subjects that Paul handles in 1 Cor 1ndash45 The Cephas group Barrett writes had adopted a

Jewish Christian ldquonomisticrdquo attitude that involved a position on litigation that forbade appeal to secular courts

the total rejection of ldquosacrificial mealsrdquo and issues on the Lordrsquos Supper6

Commentators of early twentiethndashcentury regularly held the view that there were various segments of

the Christian community who rallied around the leaders namely Paul Apollos Cephas and Christ (1 Cor 112)

Some scholars especially C F G Heinrici and Johannes Weiss argue that (1) Paul introduces Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ

so as to reduce the other three citations ad absurdum or (2) the phrase is Paulrsquos own declaration but not a fourth

slogan7 They base their argument on 1 Cor 322 1 Clement and Patrologica Graeca with the reason that the

phrase was Paulrsquos own gloss on the divisions8 Some scholars argue for the existence of a Christndashparty based on

the parallelism in the phrasing of the slogans H Conzelmann responds to the hypothesis of Heinrici and Weiss

that the adoption of their interpretation on the addition of Ἐγὼ δὲ Χριστοῦ would make it to be difficult to

establish a link between verses 12 and 13

Other critics basing their argument on 1 Cor 112 argue that there were two or more parties related to

the leaders mentioned in 112 Chrysostom equally disputed the existence of such a Christndashparty He opines that

the mentioning of four names in 112 is not an indication that different groups rallied around Paul Apollos and

Cephas Paul by mentioning his name first was giving esteem to the others He thus arranged the names in

ascendancy (κατὰ αῦξησιν)9 Ferdinand Christian Baur contends that the divisions that existed among the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were as a result of diverging theologies Pauline Christianity which was represented by the

Pauline and Apollosian parties and Jewish Christianity which was represented by the Petrine and Christndash

3 Cf Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body (New Haven Yale University Press 1995) xvii maintains that

even though the Corinthian ἐκκλησία lacked persons from the ldquohighest levels of Greco-Roman culturerdquo

socioeconomic positions were available and that ldquoprompted theological conflictshellipthat ldquostemmed from conflicts

over ideologyrdquo

4 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo in Essays on Paul (London SPCK 1982) 4

5 Ibid 4 See further 5ndash14

6 Ibid 4 referencing T W Mansonrsquos argument (Studies in the Gospels and Epistles ed Matthew Black

Manchester Manchester University Press 1962) 197ndash208 at 198

7 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1975)

33

8 ldquoOf a truth he charged you in the Spirit concerning himself and Cephas and Apollos because that even then ye

had made partiesrdquo 1 Clem 47 3 J-P Migne PG (1857ndash1912) 1308

9 John Chrysostom Homily on the First Epistle to the Corinthians

8

parties10

Peter Lampe argues that Paul covertly reproaches the members of the Corinthian community by means

of a rhetorical σχημα in 118ndash216 and that the mention of Apollos and Cephas is a clue to all the comments

made by Paul in that section Lampe asserts that Paul does not make a direct allusion to party strife in 118ndash

216 He further states that in these verses Paul assigns the source of legitimate theological knowledge to Godrsquos

spirit In effect the theological statements have divine rather than human origin This therefore does not give

room for boasting Paul thus employs the rhetorical σχημα without hurting the feelings of the two condash

missionaries however it allows Paul to equally deal with the ldquoparty disorderrdquo11

Marion L Soards comments

that ldquo[a]ttempts to identify the distinct theological perspectives of those who would claim affiliation with one or

the other of those named by Paul here are not persuasive and are necessarily speculativerdquo12

Benjamin Fiore regards the source of the Corinthian communityrsquos divisiveness as also being at the root

of specific problems in chapter 5ndash15 According to him Paul uses two exhortationndashformulae to address the facts

of σχίσματα as well as confront them He identifies the rhetorical device of λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος13

as the

technique employed by Paul in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 in addressing both problems of factionalism and possession of

faulty knowledge and wisdom He however finds the device most effective for the resolution of the

factionalism Paul by calling attention to his covert allusion in 46 thus negates the covertness of the rhetorical

form He in effect abandons the secrecy of allusion so as to direct the members of the community towards the

salvation secured in the crucified Christ for them14

During the second half of the twentieth century another group of scholars attributed the tensions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία to some kind of gnosticism Making use of the Gospel of Thomas the authors settled on

some similarities between Christianity and the document The logion which is similar to the enigmatic comment

by Paul in 1 Cor 29 is ldquoJesus said lsquoI shall give you what no eye has seen what no ear has heard what no hand

has touched what has not arisen in the human heartrsquo rdquo15

Likewise in 1 Corinthians there are some slogans that

some critics suggest that Paul cites back to the members of the Corinthian community Some scholars argue that

these slogans are clues that Paulrsquos opponents in Corinth were gnostics16

For example W Schmithals attribute

the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία to gnostic opponents In an attempt to overcome the chronological problem

10

F C Baur ldquoDie Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde der Gegensatz des Paulinischen und

Petrinischen Christentums in der Aumlltesten Kirche der Apostel Petrus in Romrdquo TZTh 4 (1831) 61ff

11 P Lampe ldquoTheological Wisdom and the lsquoWord about the Crossrsquo The Rhetorical Scheme in 1 Corinthians 1ndash

4rdquo Interpretation 44 (1990)117ndash31 esp 127ndash31

12 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

13 λόγος ἐσχηματισμένος means a ldquofigured speech (word)rdquo It is a rhetoric device used to communicate a

message in a frank manner making oblique references without unjustifiably causing offence to the recipients

14 Benjamin Fiore ldquoCovert Allusionrdquo in 1 Corinthians 1ndash4 CBQ 47 (1985) 85ndash102 esp 86ndash88 93ndash94 100ndash

101

15 GThom 17

16 Examples are 612 cf 1023 613 possibly 71 81 and 84 In the nineteenth century F C Baur ldquoDie

Christuspartei in der Korinthischen Gemeinde 61ndash206 contends that Paulrsquos opponents were Judaizers

9

involved some scholars suggest that the opponents were ldquoprotondashGnosticsrdquo17

Recent scholarship has challenged such approaches based on ldquomirrorndashreadingrdquo to interpret the causes

of divisions within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία18

W Baird states the effect of such reconstructions as follows

ldquoThis method of lsquomirror readingrsquo has imposed on the interpretation of the epistles an oppressive rigidity A

fresh reading of 1 Corinthians is needed ndash a reading open to a more flexible analysis of the conflict within the

Corinthian congregationrdquo19

Willem C van Unnik who is of a similar view considers it as a wrong historical

method in New Testament scholarship in recent times

to reconstruct the unknown ideas of the Christians there by reverting Paulrsquos words to the opposite and

by thinking that everything the apostle wrote was prompted by the necessity of contradicting very

explicitly ideas that were held by these enthusiasts in the Corinthian ecclesia and which were leading

the sheep astray20

We need to question the coherence of ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo as a movement Even though philosophic

and other movements sprang up and generated into ldquoChristian gnosticismrdquo less than a century after Paulrsquos day

there is little evidence to establish Christian gnosticism before the second century21

Furthermore the proposal

of Schmithals did not account for the evidence in verses 22 33 and 34 of 1 Corinthians 11 in which Paul

explicitly indicates that the behavior of the members of the ἐκκλησία constituted despising the ἐκκλησία of God

and shaming the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo Moreover in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul alludes to the entire assembly This is

confirmed by his use of the second person plural in general terms eg συνέρχεσθε συνερχομένων ὑμῶν (vv17

18 cf v20)

Still other commentators hold the view that the primary source of conflict was not within the

community but rather between Paul and one unified ἐκκλησία G D Fee admits that the Corinthian church was

experiencing internal strife Notwithstanding he argues that the greater problem of ldquodivisionrdquo was between Paul

as a leader and some persons in the ldquocommunity who were leading the church as a whole into an antindashPauline

view of thingsrdquo22

Fee contends that it is doubtful that the ldquodivisionsrdquo described in chapter 11 could be a

reflection of the same reality as that expressed in 112 He assigns the following reasons for his position (1)

17

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 57ndash59 asserts that Paul opposes only

gnosticism1

18 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation An Exegetical Investigation of the Language

and Paul and Composition of 1 Corinthians (Louisville Ky WestminsterJohn Knox Press 1993) 54ndash55 C

S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2005) 8

19 W Baird lsquoldquoOne against the Otherrsquo Intra-Church Conflict in 1 Corinthiansrdquo in The Conversation Continues

Studies in Paul and John in Honor of J Louis Martyn ed R T Fortna and B R Gaventa (Nashville

Abingdon Press 1990) 119

20 Willem C van Unnik ldquoThe Meaning of 1 Corinthians 1231rdquoNov T 35 (1993) 142ndash159 at 144

21 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3 See also W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the

Letters to the Corinthians trans John E Steely (Nashville Abingdon Press 1971) Edwin M Yamauchi Pre-

Christian Gnosticism A Survey of the Proposed Evidences (2d ed Grand Rapids Mich Baker Book House

1983) G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 12 states ldquoNone of the essential phenomena of

Gnosticism is present in this letter except the dualism itself which can be explained on other groundsrdquo

22 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 5ndash6

10

there is an additional dimension of the former divisions While they are characterized by ldquoquarrelsrdquo and

ldquojealousyrdquo the divisions in chapter 11 are spelled out wholly along sociological lines (vv 21ndash 22 33ndash34) (2)

In 112 the contention is around four names and it definitely carries antindashPauline sentiment In chapter 11 only

two groups ndash the ldquohavendashnotsrdquo and the ldquohavesrdquo ndash are involved without any dispute with Paul on the issue (3)

The language Paul uses συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ hellip σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν (1118) implies that the

ldquodivisionsrdquo particularly have to do with their gatherings and not merely to false loyalties to their leaders or to

ldquowisdomrdquo Finally (4) the additional words in the verse ndash ldquoI partly believe itrdquo ndash fit well in the context of

chapter 11 but it is hardly the case in 110ndash42123

It is Paulrsquos way of authenticating the report of his informants

ldquobut also of bridging the sociological gap between them and the wealthy who are guilty of the misdeedsrdquo24

In contrast Margaret M Mitchell is of the view that general disunity was central to Paulrsquos argument

ldquoBecause he returns to this ecclesiological concern in 1133ndash34 we conclude that the disunity of the church is

the main topic of this argument to which the tradition (1123ndash 26) is a responserdquo25

By use of rhetorical

criticism Mitchell demonstrates that 1 Corinthians is a single letter which contains a ldquodeliberative argumentrdquo by

which Paul implores ldquothe community to become reunifiedrdquo26

Annette Weissenrieder agrees stating that it is

likely that the words of praise which Paul uses in 112 can be understood as ldquocaptatio benevolentiaerdquo27

They

amount ldquocataphorically to the antithetical speech act in 1117 and 22 in which Paul explicitly does not praise

the community and points to the Last Supper which has been neglectedrdquo28

In discussing the views about divisions in general it is noteworthy that some scholars for example

John K Chow and Andrew D Clarke have more recently discredited the role of ideology in the divisions in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία They attribute the tensions in the ἐκκλησία to personal allegiances Clarke examines the

nature of the leadership structure and dynamics of first century Roman Corinth and compares that to the style of

leadership reflected in 1 Cor 1ndash6 He cites evidence from 1 Corinthians about secular views and style of

leadership The examples include leaders who are involved in litigation in law courts and the incestuous man in

1 Cor 5 Clarke maintains that the conflict in Corinth did not stem from personal policy or manifesto but

patronage For him the personal attachment to certain personalities was an integral part of the system of social

relationship He identifies three different kinds of relationships and insists that they were analogous to the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία With the clientele system clients gained mutual support from the patrons Sophists and

orators also had faithful followers while in the political realm the disputes had their source from the personal

23

Ibid 595

24 Ibid 596

25 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 263 (emphasis original)

26 Ibid 13

27 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 65 See also G D Fee

The First Epistle to the Corinthians 552 who comments as follows ldquothey serve in a more general way as a

kind of captatio benevolentiae to introduce this entire section regarding their gatherings for worship (chaps 11ndash

14)helliprdquo Cf H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 182 who considers the

captatio as a literary device

28 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 65

11

interests of a particular group Clarke describes the kind of leadership that prevailed as secular and was

characterized by the desire for prestige and oratory Paul was not in favor of this kind of leadership In contrast

with the secular type of leadership he outlines his own perception of nonndashstatus type of leadership and

principles of leadership29

Chow also examines some of the behavioral problems prevalent in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία through the

lens of the phenomenon of patronage His analysis focuses on a kind of network specifically patronndashclient ties

He surmises that those who opposed Paul could be the powerful patrons in the ἐκκλησία He thus examines

signals that could serve as a link between the powerful patrons and some of the tensions in the ἐκκλησία He

like Clarke opines that the incestuous man in 1 Cor 51ndash13 was a powerful patron For Chow the act of taking

fellow members to law courts was to show superiority over other members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 6) He cites

Rom 161ndash2 in relation to Phoebe as a διάκονος and προστάτις as an example of patronal relations in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In referencing E A Judge and W Sanday and A C Headlam30

he buys the notion of

regarding προστάτις as ldquopatronessrdquo31

He further examines the relationship between Apollos and the members of

the ἐκκλησίαThe members of the ἐκκλησία exhibited unusual attitudes towards Paul and Apollos A case in

point is the paying of a visit to Corinth (1 Cor 1612)32

The attitudes did not only indicate the division in the

church but were also signals of the preference of Apollos to Paul Chow indicates for example that Paulrsquos

refusal of a gift and Apollosrsquo acceptance of financial support could be another signal of the Corinthians

preferring him to Paul (1 Cor 46) Chow concludes that if this was the case then Apollos could be a friend or

client to some of the wealthy members of the ἐκκλησία and that patronal ties would already be in vogue in the

ἐκκλησία

J S Kloppenborg admits the efforts of both Chow and Clarke in seeking an interpretation of the

conflict in Corinth in the light of the social and historical background However he declines Chowrsquos position

for powerful patrons as overstated For example Kloppenborg indicates that it is unlikely that the incestuous

man is powerful According to him if he were a patron and therefore hosted Christian meetings it would not

seem right for Paul to have given the directive ldquoDrive out the wicked man among yourdquo (1 Cor 513)

Kloppenborg suggests that the organizational model that seems most appropriate in capturing the situation in

Corinth is not that of a household directed by a paterfamilias bur rather it is that of a network of collegia

domestica with individual patrons or a cult that has devotees of different families and other family members

The means of comprehending the nature of the conflict in 1 Cor 112 and 11 18 according to him involves

29

Andrew D Clarke Secular and Christian Leadership in Corinth A Social-Historical and Exegetical Study of

1 Corinthians 1ndash6 2d ed (Milton Keynes Paternoster 2006)

30 E A Judge ldquoCultural Conformity and Innovation in Paul Some clues from Contemporary Documentsrdquo The

Tyndale Biblical Archaeology Lecture 1983 TB 36 (1984) 3ndash24 W Sanday and A C Headlam The Epistle

to the Romans (Edinburgh T amp T Clark 5th ed 1902) 418

31 John K Chow Patronage and Power A Study of Social Networks in Corinth (JSNT Sup 75 Sheffield

England JSOT Press 1992) 101

32 Ibid 103 indicates that the problem does not seem to be between Paul and Apollos but rather Paul and some

members of the ἐκκλησία Paul deems Apollos as a brother (1 Cor 39) and co-worker (1 Cor 1612)

12

perceiving ldquoa context in which factionalism and conflict become public ndash that is a context in which various

subgroups appear togetherrdquo33

12 Conflict over Specific Issues

In 1 Corinthians Paul addresses specific subjects and responds to particular cases In some instances

his response is based on a report or communication he has received for example 110ff 51ff 71ff In other

cases he writes in general terms for example 21ff 31ff 41ff Paul therefore seems to have addressed specific

issues rather than responding to specific groups in the argumentation of the epistle Consequently the

perception of 1 Corinthians contingent on divisions in the community was debunked in late twentiethndashcentury

exegesis Recent scholarship now interprets the divisions to be generalized social conflict that is it takes form

in different kinds of disputes rather than organized coherently around specific leaders and their charisma34

At

this point I move from arguments that see the source of division described in the opening of the letter to

explore specific causes of dispute

121 Litigation as a Source of Conflict in the ἐκκλησία

One case of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία involves litigation in which the lawsuits centered on

βιωτικὰ (1 Cor 61ndash11)35

G D Fee in commenting on the passage draws attention to the sociological aspect of

the problem He is of the view that the content in the following paragraph of the passage emphasising

ldquothieveryrdquo gives the clue that the issue relates to ldquomaterial possessionsrdquo36

Alan Mitchell identifies two groups

involved in the conflict in chapter 6 namely the members of the community who had status in the Grecondash

Roman society and those who did not have He opines that Paul understands the ldquolitigiousnessrdquo of some of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as being part of a larger problem of social division of the ἐκκλησίαι in

Corinth37

He suggests that the ldquohigher status peoplerdquo were summoning the ldquolower status peoplerdquo before the

courts and that members of the latter group were those who were offended Bruce W Winter shares a similar

view and states that the use of κριτήριον ἐλάχιστον in 1 Cor 62 makes it likely to consider the case at stake to be

a breach of a civil law rather than criminal38

G Theissen remarks that the administration of justice could favor

those who were of the upper class and they could have the advantage when it comes to interpreting the law

33

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo in

Redescribing Paul and the Corinthians (ed Ron Cameron and M P Miller SBL Early Christianity and its

Literature Atlanta Society of Biblical Literature 2011) 187ndash218 at 209 (Emphasis original)

34 Cf R F Collins First Corinthians 16

35 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 258 n 200 ldquoa recurring word in the Greek world for the

matters of everyday liferdquo G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth trans and

ed J H Schutz (Philadelphia Fortress 1982) 97 ldquoprobably affairs of property or incomerdquo

36 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 251

37 Alan C Mitchell ldquoRich and Poor in the Courts of Corinth Litigiousness and Status in 1 Corinthians 61ndash11rdquo

NTS 39 (1993) 562ndash86 at 562

38 See B W Winter ldquoCivil Litigation in Secular Corinth and the Church The Forensic Background to 1

Corinthians 61 ndash 8rdquo NTS 37 (1991) 559ndash572 for the forensic background of litigation in the first century

13

especially in the matter of paying for good attorneys Moreover it is unlikely that those who do not possess

property would pursue litigation39

122 Meat Sacrifices as a Source of Division

Scholarship focused on the issue of meat sacrifices locates the conflict in the fractiousness between the

ldquoweakrdquo and the ldquostrongrdquo40

Gail R Oday considers the second set in the opening triad of 1 Cor 126

(strongweak ) as what ldquoconstitutes the heart of Paulrsquos argument in chapters 8ndash10 where the growing breach

between strong and weak Christians threatens the unity of the churchrdquo41

Gerd Theissen asserts that the conflict

between the two sociondasheconomic groups ndash the socially weak and strong explains the disagreement over the

consumption of meat in 1 Cor 8 and 10 In evaluating the causes of conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Theissen by sociological analysis shows that Paulrsquos use of strong and weak is associated with status Paul

introduces ldquoa specific sociological categoryrdquo by linking of εὐγενεῖς with σοφοὶ and δυνατοί42

In 410 Paul

establishes the contrast between the weak and strong The idea is reiterated in 922 in relation to the sacrifice of

meat to idols where Paul identifies himself with the weak Theissen theorizes that the ldquosocially weak of 126ndash27

are identical with those who are weak in the face of consecrated meatrdquo43

He argues that the only way to assess

this hypothesis is to unearth status specifics in the behavioral patterns of the weak and strong by identifying

traits that ldquocan be correlated with wealth occupation and education and thus to a higher or lower social

statusrdquo44

Theissen indicates that if a conflict occurred between different groups in the ἐκκλησία as a result of the

eating of meat it could hardly be attributed to the behavior of members of the ἐκκλησία of ldquolower social

statusrdquo45

He points out that the term δυνατοί that Paul uses for the ldquoinfluentialrdquo is the same that he uses in Rom

151 The incident here is to him comparable to what pertains in 1117ff Paulrsquos solution is the application of

ldquolove patriarchalismrdquo (Liebespatriarchalismus) that ldquoallows social inequities to continue but transfers them with

a spirit of concern of respect and of personal solicituderdquo46

39

G Theissen ldquoSocial Stratification in the Corinthian Communityrdquo in The Social Setting of Pauline

Christianity 69ndash119 at 97

40 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 182 states ldquoFor the weak Christian (the Christian who possesses a

weak syneidesis) unprotected by gnosis idol meat pollutes the syneidesis ndash that is the bodyrdquo

41 Gail R Oday ldquoJeremiah 922ndash23 and 1 Corinthians 126ndash31 A Study in Intertextualityrdquo JBL 109 (1990)

259ndash67 at 265 identifies three terms namely wisdom strongweak and noble lowly birth

42 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 70ndash73

43 G Theissen ldquoThe Strong and the Weak in Corinth A Sociological Analysis of a Theological Quarrelrdquo in The

Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash143 at 125

44 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 125

45 Ibid 126ndash7 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 75 concurs with Theissen in his analysis ldquoHighlighting

the social implications of eating meat in the Greco-Roman city enables Theissen to suggest convincingly that

those Corinthian Christians opposed to eating meat offered to idols were probably of lower status whereas

those who defended the practice by using arguments and slogans learned from popular moral philosophy were

of higher statusrdquo

46 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

14

Justin J Meggitt admits that Theissenrsquos hypothesis has advanced the position of the ldquoNew

Consensusrdquo47

However Meggitt rejects Theissenrsquos reconstruction and also regards the assigning of the conflict

to two clearly defined groups ndash strong and weak ndash by Theissen to be ldquoproblematicrdquo48

Meggitt contends that

whereas Paul uses ἀσθενὴς as a group words such as δυνατός ἰσχυρός and κράτος are not found in chapters 8

or 10 but have been introduced by Theissen49

It is noteworthy that Paul does not mention the term strong in 1

Cor 8 The terminology strong as used by commentators is an adaptation from Rom 14ndash1550

Theissen

nevertheless responds to Meggittrsquos argument that Paul uses the corresponding term in Romans 15 with regard to

the opposition between ldquoδυνατοίrdquo and ldquoἀδύνατοιrdquo51

A different claim about the weak and strong depends instead upon the ability to afford meat The

strong are those of high social standing who could procure meat at the markets and also hold on to their position

because of their ldquognosisrdquo52

The eating of idolndashmeats was extended to banquets in pagan temples where it was

usual to serve such meat and those who claimed to have knowledge maintained that the conscience of the weak

should be builtndashup (οἰκοδομηθήσεται) to the level of eating idolndashmeats without scruples (810)53

The

environment of the Asklepion and its adjacent resort of Lerna with its dining facilities and spring could enhance

such gatherings54

The occasion for eating idolndashmeats could as well be extended to homes Plutarch records an

incident in which diners were served with a cock that was slaughtered as a sacrifice to Heracles55

J Murphyndash

47

J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo 107 ldquoNew Consensusrdquo is a title used by Abraham J Malherbe

Social Aspects of Christianity 2d ed (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 The new consensus has been widely

articulated for the Pauline epistles by G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on

Corinth and Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians The Social World of the Apostle Paul 2nd ed

(New Haven Yale University Press 2003)

48 Ibid 107

49 Ibid 108ndash109 ἀσθενὴς can be found at 1 Cor 87 9ndash12 922

50 See Gregory W Dawes ldquoThe danger of idolatry First Corinthians 87ndash13rdquo CBQ 58 (1996) 82ndash98 esp 86ndash

88

51 G Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Community Further Remarks on J J Meggitt Paul Poverty

and Survivalrdquo JSNT 25 (2003) 371ndash91 at 381 n 26 However Paul alludes only to those who are ldquoweak in

their faithrdquo in 141 and continues with those who have ldquofaithrdquo and who are ldquoweakrdquo (142) The same treatment

may be applicable to 1 Corinthian

52 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 121ndash44 esp 121 and 132 Idem

ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 389 ldquoThe lsquostrongrsquo based their liberty to eat sacrificial meat on

their lsquoknowledgersquo (γνῶσις) Meat sold at the macella would usually be offered to some deity before sale

53 See J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology Good News Studies 6 (Wilmington

Del Glazier 1983) 79

54 Carl Roebuck Corinth XIV The Asklepeion and Lerna (Princeton The American School of Classical Studies

at Athens 1951) 1ndash2 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth Texts and Archaeology (3d ed rev and exp

Collegeville Minnesota The Liturgical Press 2002) 35 129 186ndash89 Ben Witherington Conflict and

Community in Corinth A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians (Grand Rapids Mich WB

Eerdmans 1995) 15

55 Plutarch Quastiones Conviviales 6101 (696 E) Ἀριστίωνος εὐημέρει παρὰ τοῖς δειπνοῦσι μάγειρος ὡς τά τrsquo

ἄλλα χαριέντως ὀψοποιήσας καὶ τὸν ἄρτι τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τεθυμένον ἀλεκτρυόνα παραθεὶς ἁπαλὸν ὥσπερ χθιζόν

νεαρὸν ὄντα καὶ πρόσφατον εἰπόντος οὖν τοῦ Ἀ ρ ι σ τ ί ω ν ο ς ὅτι τοῦτο γίνεται ταχέως εἰ σφαγεὶς εὐθὺς ἀπὸ

συκῆς κρεμασθείη ldquo[Aristionrsquos cook spent the day cheerfully with the dinner guests not only because of his

15

OrsquoConnor mentions that while there is no evidence that the incident recorded by Plutarch happened in Corinth

ldquothe situation is that evoked by Paul in 1 Cor 1027ndash30 where a guest is offered meat sacrificed to idolsrdquo56

123 Disorder during Public Worship

There are also differences of opinion concerning the disorder about public worship practices in the

ἐκκλησία (Chapter 14) These include the import of charismatic gifts closely associated with pneumatic

practices (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20) Some have argued that the nature of the division in the

correspondence of 1 Cor 12ndash14 concerns status Dale B Martinrsquos thesis on σῶμα and its relation to status is

instructive Martin argues that in 1 Cor 12ndash14 Paul adopts a ldquostatusndashreversal strategyrdquo57

Martin proposes a

kind of σῶμα typified by the reversal of ldquostatus indicatorsrdquo58

Greater honor is accorded to members of the

ἐκκλησία of lower status and less esteem is conferred on those having high social standing For example the gift

of tongues that is recognized by at least one group at Corinth as a status indicator is ldquorepeatedly relativizedrdquo It

is placed at the last position at 1228 in a list ldquothat is explicitly hierarchicalrdquo59

Paulrsquos rhetoric in the placement

of the apostle at the first position and the gift of tonguesndashspeaking at last position is consistent By worldly

standards the apostles were of lowest status however they are placed first on the list Conversely the gift of

tongues that the strong at Corinth regard as a ldquohighndashstatusrdquo indicator is placed last Paul is then able to reverse

the ldquonormal valuationsrdquo as he shifts the location for ldquostatus attributionrdquo from the world to the ἐκκλησία60

Martin finds further support in the fact that Paul adopts the same ldquorhetorical strategyrdquo in the ldquobody

analogy and the mindspirit dichotomyrdquo61

He upholds the ldquostatus significancerdquo that pertains in the ἐκκλησία and

calls for a sacrifice on the part of the strong for the weak62

He therefore identifies with the strong and appeals

to them to make sacrifices for the benefit of the weak Even though Paul maintains that he speaks in tongues

more than any of the members of the ἐκκλησία he prefers to speak in few words that are intelligible In adopting

this strategy Martin observes that ldquothe human body becomes a microcosm for the macrocosm of the social

bodyrdquo63

Paulrsquos strategy involves the surrendering of the bodyrsquos ldquohigher elementsrdquo to the ldquolower elementsrdquo In

effect the higherndashstatus members of the ἐκκλησία are to surrender to the members of lower status so that the

great skills but because he set before them a cock just offered as a sacrifice to Hercules as tender as if it had

been slaughtered a day before Aristion said that a cock comes into a new state quickly if as soon as it is

slaughtered it is hung on a fig tree] My translation

56 J Murphy-OrsquoConnor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 106

56 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ συνερχομένων ὑμῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀκούω σχίσματα ἐν ὑμῖν ὑπάρχειν hellip(1 Cor 1118) [For

first of all when you assemble in (the) ekklēsia I hear that there are divisions among you] My translation

57 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body 102

58 Ibid

59 Ibid

60 Ibid 103

61 Ibid

62 Ibid

63 Ibid

16

ἐκκλησία by application the body of Christ might be void of schism (1225 cf 110)64

The foregoing discussion has been on various kinds of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The

categories of divisiveness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be summarized into sociondashpolitical theological or

ideological65

statusndashbased as well as ideas about a single cause or specific isolated problems Martin argues that

all the categories of divisiveness that I have identified are results of a basic conflict that can be attributed to the

composition of the body He identifies two parts of the body namely the ancient hierarchical structure of the

body and how it is vulnerable to pollution He cites examples from the GrecondashRoman context and relates them

to the structure of the body in GrecondashRoman concept He achieves this by focusing on the bodyndashrelated matters

mentioned in 1 Corinthians Martin sees the theories about the divisions in 1 Corinthians as a general pattern in

the epistle He argues that the quest for sociondasheconomic positions triggered theological conflicts He thus

maintains that all the theological differences stemmed from conflicts between different groups in the ἐκκλησία

in relation to the respective ldquoideological constructions of the bodyrdquo66

1 3 The Meal as a Source of Division

After reviewing the divisions in general terms I now focus specifically on the meal as a cause of

division As mentioned it has long been recognized that the practice of the δεῖπνον as described in 1 Cor

1117ndash34 is another occasion for division in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In contemporary scholarship various

theories have been propounded concerning the problem at the Lordrsquos Table in Corinth in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Three

main positions in the scholarship may be identified First there are some critics who are of the view that the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were turning the sacred meal into an ordinary common meal Paul

therefore had to write to ldquoreinstituterdquo the sacred meal (ie ritual practice)67

The second category of scholars

involves those who dwell on the theological meaning of the δεῖπνον68

A subndashset of the theological category are

commentators who attribute the problem to gnosticism (ie theological philosophical)69

The third category of

scholars seeks a solution to the problem from a sociondasheconomic dimension (ie statusndashbased)70

Within this

64

Ibid

65 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 205 Here I adopt the distinction made by J S Kloppenborg

66 Dale B Martin The Corinthian Body xv

67 Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief MKNT 9 Aufl (Gottingen Vandenhoeck u Ruprecht 1910)

283 Hans Lietzmann An die Korinther III HNT (ed W G Kummel Tubingen 1949) 256

68 See Ernst Kaumlsemann Essays on New Testament Themes (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1982) esp 108ndash135

T Engberg-Pedersen ldquoProclaiming the Lordrsquos Death 1 Cor 1117ndash34 and the Forms of Paulrsquos Theological

Argumentrdquo in Pauline Theology vol 2 1 and 2 Corinthians ed David M Hay (Minneapolis Fortress 1993)

116

69 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 U

Wilckens Weisheit und Torheit eine exegetisch-religions-geschichtliche Untersuchung zu 1 Kor und 2

(Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1959) Robert Jewett Paulrsquos Anthropological Terms A Study of their Use in Conflict

Settings (Leiden Brill 1971)

70 S C Barton ldquoPaulrsquos Sense of Place An Anthropological Approach to Community Formation in Corinthrdquo

NTS 32 (1986) 225ndash46

17

category there are critics who attribute the conflict within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to internal social

stratification71

It is valuable to examine some types of meals that the early disciples shared that may have been

precursors to the meal in Corinth Hans Lietzmann writing on the Lordrsquos Supper identifies two primal types of

meals According to Lietzmann the first type is the meal taken by the first disciples in Jerusalem It is likened

to the Jewish ḥaburah as they partook in the common meal The second type is what is found in Paulrsquos epistles

and can be traced to an old tradition recorded in Markrsquos Gospel Whereas the first type can be described as the

continuation of daily ldquotable fellowshiprdquo (κοινωνία) the second cannot However as stated by Lietzmann the

second type is connected with the last of such meals that the disciples had with their Master The Lordrsquos Supper

thus serves as a memorial of Christrsquos death ldquoThe meal is regarded as an analogue to the Hellenistic meals held

as memorials to great men founders of religious communitiesrdquo72

Lietzmann by framing a conjectural

reconstruction designates the first type ldquoJerusalem typerdquo and the second one ldquoPauline typerdquo73

With regard to the

first category of scholars who hold the view that members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were reverting to a

common meal Lietzmann states ldquoIf the Corinthians had gone over to the Jerusalem practice they had certainly

given up the idea of partaking of the body of Christ the blessed bread was no longer lsquoσῶμαrsquo to them and they

partook of it as ordinary foodrdquo74

In contrast G Bornkamm describes the Corinthians as ldquorobust sacramentalistsrdquo and is of the view that

the Corinthians had not neglected the sacramental Lordrsquos Supper75

On the contrary following H von Soden

Bornkamm states that ldquothey so completely regarded this as the main thing that the preceding meal became a

thing which one could shape according to his own likes and for his own enjoymentrdquo76

In effect the Corinthians

gave due significance to the sacramental act that was celebrated at the end of the worship to the extent that ldquothe

common meal was made a matter of indifferencerdquo77

Scholars in a subndashset of the first category attribute the problem in Corinth to gnosticism W

Schmithals presents a version of the point made by scholars in the second category He argues that the gnostics

were trying to observe the Lordrsquos Supper in an irreverent manner and turn it into profane feast He attributes the

source of the problem to spiritualizing gnostics who purposefully opted for a profane meal instead of

participating in the external elements as though they symbolized Christ78

H Conzelmann holds on to an

71

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 69ndash70

72 H Lietzmann Mass and the Lordrsquos Supper (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 205 See also Karl G Goetz Der

Upsprung des kirchlichen Abendmahls blosse Mahlegemeinschaft von Jesus und seinen Juumlngern oder eine

besondere Handlung und Worte von Jesus (Basel Druck von F Reinhardt 1929) 27 R Otto Kingdom of

God and Son of Man (London Lutterworth Press 1938) 278ndash80 esp 278 n1

73 Ibid 206

74 Ibid 208 See also Johannes Weiss Der Erste Korintherbrief 283 285 292

75 G Bornkamm Early Christian Experience (London Student Christian Movement Press 1969) 147

76 Ibid 128

77 Ibid 147

78 W Schmithals Gnosticism in Corinth An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians 250ndash256 esp 255

18

opposite view and agrees with H von Soden that the Corinthians perceive of the magical effect of the

sacrament which has intensified their individualism ldquoeachrdquo enjoying his ldquoown supperrdquo79

It is worth considering the views of some scholars on the purpose of Paulrsquos comments in the passage

under review Gordon D Fee commenting on 1123ndash26 states that by the ldquomealrdquo the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία ldquoproclaimrdquo Christrsquos death until Christrsquos return that is ldquothey declare the good news of their salvation

that makes them all onerdquo80

Paul repeats ldquoDo this in remembrance of merdquo and adds ldquoas often as you drinkrdquo

According to Fee the added words imply ldquoa frequently repeated action suggesting that from the beginning the

Last Supper was for Christians not an annual Christian Passover but a regularly repeated meal in ldquohonor of the

Lordrdquo hence the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo81

C H Talbert in comparing 1 Cor 101ndash14 and 1117ndash34 is of the view that

the problem in 1117ndash34 stems from underrealized eschatology and it may be due to the interference of the

religious significance of the meal by the social conventions He points out that Pauline statements about the

Lordrsquos Supper are ldquoconditioned by the contexts in which they are utteredrdquo The message of 1117ndash34 then is

ldquothe Supperrsquos purpose is lsquofor my remembrancersquo and must be partaken of with full sensitivity to its social

ramificationrdquo82

There have been responses to the view that attributes the Corinthian problem to theological reasons P

Lampe writes that the sacraments do not occupy a dominant place in Pauline thought Moreover Paul in

practice does not regard baptizing as his major role (1 Cor 116ndash17)83

D E Garland also mentions that the

problem in Corinth was caused neither by their ldquotheological confusion about sacramental facets of the Lordrsquos

Supper nor by a conflict over Eucharistic theologyrdquo84

Garlandrsquos response generates a rhetorical question What

then 85

In short we need alternative reconstructions that are more persuasive and convincing than the aforendash

stated ones Moreover there is the need to find out what Paul is trying to accomplish A pivotal question is Do

we know what theology pertained to the meal My response is that there is not yet a stable theology attached to

the meal at the time of the writing of the epistle Other related questions are Is it a theology for its own sake or

a theology in service of a particular form of a community P Lampe points out that we need not interpret all the

characteristics of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoin terms of a particular theological backgroundrdquo86

The members

were still affiliated with the GrecondashRoman culture of which they were part prior to their baptism Here I agree

with Lampe that ldquo[o]nly slowly did they realize that the church was a new cultural setting where new customs

79

H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 194

80 G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 613

81 Ibid 614 (emphasis original)

82 C H Talbert Reading Corinthians A Literary and Theological Commentary on 1 and 2 Corinthians 80

83 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo Interpretation 48 (1994) 36ndash49 at 36

84 D E Garland 1 Corinthians (Michigan Baker Academic 2003) 533

85 Marion L Soards 1 Corinthians (Peabody Mass Hendrickson Carlisle Cumbria Paternoster Press 1999)

37 The example Soards cites is that of W O Fitch ldquoPaul Apollos Christrdquo Studies in Text 1 Cor 112

Theology 74 (1971) 18ndash24

86 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 (Emphasis original)

19

and habits needed to be developed in some areasrdquo87

Paulrsquos instructions to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία for example on the need to wait for one another instead of taking meals before others (1121 cf

1133) point to the need for a change in their culinary habits His comments in 1117ndash34 are part of this

transformation process88

The third category of scholars argues that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία exhibited an ldquointernal stratificationrdquo

displaying the differences between the rich and the poor89

and thus creating a social problem90

These scholars

suggest that the rich ldquodevouredrdquo their ldquoown mealrdquo instead of sharing with the poor Furthering this point some

also argue that class distinctions were manifested in the quantity and quality of food consumed91

The wealthy

had in abundance and thus were accused of gluttony and drunkenness while the poor had little or nothing to

present Consequently they were left hungry and did not enjoy ldquodecent mealsrdquo92

The older viewpoint (what I designate ldquophase onerdquo) regarding this situation was that members of the

Christndashgroup were among the ldquopoorrdquo of the Roman Empire For example Adolf Deissmann described members

of Paulrsquos assemblies as those of the lower strata93

In some instances earlier social approaches charted a

ldquoRomanticist notionrdquo of the early Christian poor94

This view was tempered in more recent models as reflected

in the works of E A Judge A J Malherbe W A Meeks and Gerd Theissen They are representative of a

87

Ibid

88 Some critics translate προλαμβάνειν as ldquoto take or do something in advance or beforehandrdquo having in mind

its temporal sense Έκδέχομαι in verse 33 which also has temporal connotation is thus translated ldquowait forrdquo

See P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 3

states ldquobegin prematurelyrdquo An alternative meaning is ldquoto devourrdquo (their own meal) See also B W Winter

ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo RTR 37 (1978) 73ndash82 at 75 Winter further

argues that ἐκδέχομαι may be translated as ldquoreceiverdquo in the context of hospitality 79 J A Fitzmyer First

Corinthians A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (The Anchor Yale Bible 32 Yale Yale

University Press 2008) 434 ndash 35 opts for the first nuance In referencing Mark 148 he states that

ldquoProlambanei means lsquotakes in advance ofrsquo (others)rdquo Regarding the second meaning he asserts ldquoSome maintain

that prolambanei does not mean lsquotake in advance but merely lsquoconsumersquo or lsquodevourrsquo Such meanings however

are questionable especially in this context with v 33 despite numerous attempts so to understand itrdquo

89 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 96 E A Judge The Social

Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century Some Prolegomena to the Study of New Testament Ideas

of Social Obligation (London Tyndale Press 1960) 60ndash62 J J Meggitt ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT

25 (2003) 371ndash91 Steven J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo

JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

90 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor 1117ndash34)rdquo 5 D

E Garland 1 Corinthians states that ldquothe problem is simply this when they eat the Lordrsquos Supper they divide

along socio-economic linesrdquo 533

91 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activity An Analysis of 1 Cor 1117ndash34rdquo in The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174

92 I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1980) 109

93 Adolf Deissmann Paul A Study in Social and Religious History trans William E Wilson (Gloucester

Mass Smith 1972) 241-43 The word Deisssmann uses is Schicht S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo

326 translates Schicht as ldquostratumrdquoand Klasse as ldquoclassrdquo

94 See for example Shirley J Case The Social Origins of Christianity (New York Cooper Square Publishers

1975 reprint of 1923 ed)

20

scholarly consensus (what I designate ldquophase twordquo) during the second half of the twentieth century about the

socio-economic perspective of the problem in Corinth A J Malherbe observed that the ldquosocial status of early

Christians may be higher than Deissmann had supposed hellip and that lsquoa new consensusrsquo may be emergingrdquo95

Another traditional interest in the study of the sociondasheconomic aspects of the Corinthian meal practice

is the physical setting of the gathering I thus make a shift to the historical setting of Corinth The mode of

meeting of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with regard to the organization and procedure coupled with the manner in

which the members participated in the Lordrsquos Supper has engaged the attention of scholars There are pieces of

evidence within the political ἐκκλησίαι of GrecondashRoman world which might illuminate what took place in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ancient Mediterranean world banquets took place in varied spaces Some scholars

are of the view that banquets could take place at homes For example Jerome MurphyndashOrsquoConnor a

representative of the second phase considers the triclinium to be the meeting place for the house congregation96

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor basing his evidence on architectural structure of a classic Roman villa points out the

disparity that social class portrayed in the GrecondashRoman social context On invitation to banquets the hostrsquos

ldquoclosest friends hellipwho would have been of the same social class and from whom he might expect the same

courtesy on a future occasionrdquo would recline in the triclinium while the rest would be compelled to sit ldquoin the

atrium where conditions were greatly inferiorrdquo97

James N Davidson buttresses the fact of the disparity in

social class by arguing from Petroniusrsquos narrative of Trimalchiorsquos feast that ldquoin the Roman context the banquet

becomes a theatre of wealth and property of social distinction or social climbingrdquo98

G Linton finds evidence for house churches in some cities that were loosely connected Corinth for

instance had a total number of ldquosix churchesrdquo that met in the homes of the following people Aquila and

Priscilla (Acts 182ndash4) Titius Justus (Acts 187) Crispus (Acts 188 Chloe (1 Cor 111) Stephanas (1 Cor

116) and Gaius (Rom 1623)99

Floyd V Filson notes that the tendency for party strife in the apostolic era

could be attributed to the existence of several house churches in one city He however states that house

churches contributed to the development of the early church He draws attention to the importance and function

95

Abraham J Malherbe Social Aspects of Christianity (Philadelphia Fortress 1983) 31 W A Meeks The

First Urban Christians E A Judge The Social Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century G

Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth

96 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 178ndash185 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl

im Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo

ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

97 J Murphy-Orsquo Connor St Paulrsquos Corinth 3d ed 183 See also P Lampe ldquoDas korinthische Herrenmahl im

Schnittpunkt hellenistisch-roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und paulinischer Theologia Crucisrdquo 183ndash213 and idem ldquoThe

Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Partyrdquo 1ndash15

98 J N Davidson Courtesans amp Fishcakes The Consuming Passions of Classical Athens (London Harper

Collins 1997) 311

99 G Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo StonendashCampbell Journal 8 (2005) 229ndash

244) at 233 However in n17 he cites Bradley Blue ldquoActs and the House Church ldquoBradley Bluerdquo in The Book

of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting (ed David W J Gill and Conrad Gempf vol 2 of the The Book of Acts in

Its First Century Setting ed B W Winter (Grand Rapids Eerdmans 1994) 174ndash75 that it is likely that Gaius

was the praelignomen of Titius Justus cited in Acts 187 If this were so then the number of house churches in

Corinth would be five

21

of house churches for an understanding of the polity of the church and the physical state in which the early

Christians lived and also gathered100

In recent discussions Gerd Theissen has developed this notion of social status of early Christians

stressing its related subject of social stratification Theissen identifies two groups ldquothose who lack food the

μὴ ἔχοντες and those who can make provision for their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He however does not rule

out the possibility of a more ldquoindividualistic interpretationrdquo as the words ἕκαστος and ἴδιον can connote101

He

submits that it is likely that those members of the ἐκκλησία who enjoy a private meal have a high social status

not only on the basis that they in contrast with other members can provide meals for themselves and for others

he also suggests the probability that the phrase gives a hint of house ownership102

Thus he concludes that ldquothe

conflict over the Lordrsquos Supper is a conflict between poor and rich Christiansrdquo103

He also proposes that the

wealthy Christians consumed in both greater quantity and quality of food than the poor104

Theissen regards

Paulrsquos response to the questions of status and ldquofeeling of rejectionrdquo which could threaten the ἐκκλησία as an

endeavor to promote ldquolove-patriarchalismrdquo which is Paulrsquos dominant ethic105

Robert Jewett points out that typical of the profile of the house church model is a patron who is in

charge of affairs whereas the lower class members are ldquorecipients of hisher largesserdquo Alluding to the house

church model he mentions that Theissenrsquos ldquopatriarchalism of loverdquo is probably a ldquobyndashproduct of this modelrdquo106

Bruce Winter considers the household as an essential social unit of the first century While Theissen identifies

the social context of Corinth as comprising the rich and the poor Winter insists that we need to be cautious in

dividing society in the first century into the rich and the poor if we really consider the social context of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία107

Anthony C Thiselton observes that the establishment of the possible role played by the

hostndashpatron may call into question G D Feersquos contention that the splits (σχίσματα 1118) of the present section

are different in nature from those of 110108

C S Keener intimates that ldquo[s]ociological models must be used

heuristically hence adapted according to ancient Mediterranean evidence but social history focuses on many

questions that prove paramount in 1 Corinthians especially the conflict between lowndashand highndashstatus

membersrdquo109

100

F V Filson ldquoThe Significance of Early House Churchesrdquo JBL 58 (1939) 105ndash12 at 105ndash6

101 G Theissen ldquoSocial Integration and Sacramental Activityrdquo 148

102 Ibid 150

103 Ibid 151

104 Ibid155

105 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 139

106 R Jewett ldquoTenement Churches and Communal Meals in the Early Church The Implications of a Form ndash

Critical Analysis of 2 Thessalonians 310rdquo BR 38 (1983) 23ndash43 at 23 See also 32ff

107 B W Winter ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper at Corinth An Alternative Reconstructionrdquo 73ndash82 esp 81

108 A C Thiselton The First Epistle to the Corinthians A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids

Mich WB Eerdmans Carlisle Paternoster Press 2000) 850

109 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

22

Tempering these claims recent studies (what I designate ldquophase threerdquo) have added further complexity

to the economic realities within the Corinthian community110

J J Meggitt examines the economic reality that

characterized the churches associated with Paul He contends that the economy of the Roman Empire was

ldquoessentially prendashindustrialrdquo and that it was the kind that could hardly support ldquoa mid-range economic grouprdquo111

Placing the economic system in a wider context he considers it to be stagnant and at its lowest ebb112

He also

finds it inappropriate to ldquouncriticallyrdquo flip through primary sources and use them as assumptions to establish

what in reality might have regulated Paulrsquos association with his companions113

He rather opts for the works of

historians and the use of their methodologies In writing on Paulrsquos background he does not see how πολίτης

informs us about ldquoPaulrsquos economic historyrdquo114

In appealing to epigraphic sources he writes that Paulrsquos use of

εὐγενής in conjunction with other words in 1 Cor 126 do not specifically inform us about the ldquosocial

constituencyrdquo of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoexcept that a small number were more fortunate than the othersrdquo115

Meggitt states that it is impossible to determine the extent of the privilege the small number enjoyed What is a

bit puzzling in Meggittrsquos argument is that he denies the interpretation of 1 Cor 1122 that οἱ ἔχοντες are more

socially privileged than οἱ μὴ ἔχοντες In summation Meggitt consistently rejects that the problems at the

communal meals in Corinth can be interpreted in wealth and status terms He expresses his conflict with the sondash

called New Consensus and contends that the reconstructions of both phases one and two are not only

ldquodependent upon anachronistic and inappropriate interpretations of the first centuryrdquo but also that the pieces of

evidence to support their interpretation ldquocannot stand up to close scrutinyrdquo116

Theissen concedes that some of

Meggittrsquos arguments need to be taken seriously He therefore had to rework some of his arguments on that

basis He moreover admits that his interpretation does not explain all of the conflicts117

Another scholar who has also challenged the viewpoint of the scholars of both phases one and two is

110

Critics who do not concur to this view include J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival (TampT Clark 1998)

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studiesrdquo 323ndash361 and A Lindemann Der Erste Korintherbrief (HNT 9I

Tuumlbingen Mohr 2000)

111 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 7

112 Ibid ldquo The economy remained weak and rudimentary with little or no growthrdquo 42

113 Ibid The phenomenon Meggitt mentions is ldquofriendshiprdquo and he cites the example of P Marshall Enmity in

Corinth Social Conventions in Paulrsquos Relations with the Corinthians (Tuumlbingen J C B Mohr 1987 p x) 12

He opines that we can make far reaching impact if we use ldquothe imperatives and techniques of lsquoHistory from

Belowrsquo and Popular Culturerdquo 18

114 J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survival 83

115 Ibid 105ndash6

116 Ibid 75ndash154 at 99 Meggitt expresses his conflict with the so called New Consensus For responses to

Meggitt see Gerd Theissen ldquoThe Social Structure of Pauline Communities Critical Remarks on J J Meggitt

ldquoPaul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 65ndash84 idem ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo

Dale B Martin ldquoReview Essay J J Meggitt Paul Poverty and Survivalrdquo JSNT 24 (2001) 51ndash64 For further

reconstruction of economic conditions see Steven J Friesen ldquoThe Wrong Erastus Ideology Archaeology and

Exegesisrdquo in Corinth in Context Comparative Studies on Religion and Society (ed S J Friesen et al Leiden

Brill 2010) 231ndash56

117 Gerd Theissen ldquoSocial Conflicts in the Corinthian Communityrdquo 391

23

Steven J Friesen He is of the view that the notion of old or new consensus is inapplicable to the state of affairs

in the Roman Empire In comparing the work of Adolf Deissmann with the works of scholars of the late

twentieth century he sees a shift in the interpretation of society based on ldquoclassrdquo to one that is based on ldquosocial

statusrdquo He considers such a definition of social status to be inappropriate and rather suggests one that is based

on measuring the economic resources of the Roman Empire He proposes seven categories ranging from ldquobelow

subsistence levelrdquo to ldquoimperial elitesrdquo instead of the binary classification of ldquorichpoorrdquo 118

Friesen observes

that the basic category of analysis has become ldquothe social status of individualsrdquo as defined by Meeks119

Friesen

refutes this concept as an unmeasurable one for three reasons First the relationship that exists between the ten

variables by which social status is determined is not clearly defined Second there is no indication of the nature

of a socialndashstatus profile in the Roman Empire in the absence of ldquocomparable datardquo Third we lack information

about even one of the cited variables about persons in Paulrsquos ἐκκλησίαι120

1 4 A New Set of Questions

From the foregoing it becomes evident that rhetorical and sociondashhistorical studies have contributed to

the understanding of Paulrsquos instructions in the passage under review Nonetheless there is room to explore

further because we do not have a satisfactory answer yet for the fractiousness in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Given

the shortcomings exhibited in the attempts by these studies to resolve the issues at stake make it compelling for

a new approach This dissertation will examine Paulrsquos instructions in 1 Cor 1117ndash34 through a ritual lens

Several scholars have handled the passage I am surveying in a rhetorical fashion121

C S Keener

rightly states that ldquoBecause letters were not speeches and even later rhetorical handbooks treat them differently

rhetorical outlines of Paulrsquos letters (as if they were handbook model speeches) are suspectrdquo122

The passage

under review is one that has generated scholarly discussions but little detailed attention has been turned to its

ritual setting and also the potency of rituals to shape collective experience and thus foster greater unity in the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία Richard Demaris rightly observes that in recent times as discussed above the social and

historical background has been a major focus of interest for New Testament scholars Even though the

exploration of ritual is an integral part of this ldquofocus on the communities behind the written text yet to date

118

S J Friesen ldquoPoverty in Pauline Studies Beyond the So-called New Consensusrdquo JSNT 26 (2004) 323ndash361

at 323 The seven categories are PS1 ndash Imperial elites PS2 ndash Regional or provincial elites PS3 ndash Municipal

elites PS 4 ndash Moderate surplus resources PS5 ndash Stable near subsistence level PS6 ndash At subsistence level and

PS7 ndash Below subsistence level See Figure 1 Poverty scale for the Roman Empire at 341 for the full details

The shift is from ldquoan industrial capitalistrdquo to ldquoa consumer capitalist interpretationrdquo

119 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 53ndash55

120 S J Friesen indicates that even though Mary is mentioned in Rom 16 6 that information on her gender as

ldquofemalerdquo cannot be used to determine her social status

121 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation Wilhelm Wuellner ldquoWhere is Rhetorical

Criticism Taking Usrdquo CBQ 49 (1987) 448ndash63 esp 458ndash63 C K Barrett ldquoChristianity at Corinthrdquo 1ndash27

Michael Buumlnker Briefformular und Rhetorische Disposition im 1 Korintherbrief (Goumlttingen Vandenhoeck amp

Ruprecht 1984) S M Pogoloff Logos and Sophia The Rhetorical Situation of 1 Corinthians SBL

Dissertation Series 134 ed DL Petersen and P Perkins (Georgia Scholars Press 1992) esp 237 ff

122 C S Keener 1ndash2 Corinthians 3

24

there has been comparatively little work done in this areardquo123

While there are sociondashhistorical studies pertaining

to the social setting of the house church and the disparity in wealth distribution in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία few

if any work with ritual

The existing examinations of conflict in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveal that varying explanations have

been given Instead of doing a kind of mirror reading of 1 Cor 11 to determine what is wrong with the

Corinthian beliefs and behavior I will look at how Paulrsquos rituallyndashoriented interventions would build greater

strength in the community whatever the source of their division I will therefore examine the effect Paulrsquos

directions would have upon the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will demonstrate in detail in chapter 4 how Paulrsquos

intervention can be seen as a remedy to the Corinthian problem I will argue that for Paul to ensure that the

instructions given could materialize he needed a strategy that might help improve their relationship and

promote greater stability The antidote to the Corinthian problem as this dissertation purports to demonstrate

might be the introduction of a ritual viz κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I will therefore advance an argument in the next

chapter that the δεῖπνον practiced in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an ordinary meal of the sort that we encounter

in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman world

123

Richard E DeMaris The New Testament in its Ritual World (New York Routledge 2008) 2

25

2

The State of the Meal at Corinth

In fact the man of sense who comes to dinner does not betake himself there just to fill himself up as though he

were a sort of pot but to take some part be it serious or humorous and to listen and to talk regarding this or

that topic as the occasion suggests it to the company if their association together is to be pleasant

ndash Plutarch Moralia

In the previous chapter I reviewed current scholarship on Paulrsquos instructions to the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία on their meal practices and the various kinds of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία In this chapter I will focus

on the general pattern of GrecondashRoman meals make an excursus on meals and shift to the pattern of meals of

voluntary associations in particular and compare and contrast that with the state of the meal in Corinth This

strategy acclaims itself for the following reasons It will set up the case for what a ritual is and provide me the

context and occasion to demonstrate what ritual looks like in chapter 3 It will also help me to determine

whether the Corinthian δεῖπνον is like other meals or not Moreover it will help me to embark on a ritual

analysis of the passage under review in chapter 4 I thus argue that the Corinthian δεῖπνον is an ordinary meal of

the sort we see in voluntary associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu and that in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34 Paul

by mentioning κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might be launching a ritual that is separate and distinct from the Corinthian

δεῖπνον

In the first section I will focus on the two parts of the GrecondashRoman meals and the table fellowships at

Jewish banquets respectively1 The second section undertakes a comparative study of the meal practices of

GrecondashRoman associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία The findings from the study will form the data for a

comparative analysis with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The voluntary associations I will use for the comparative

analysis include the collegia or thiasoi2 The third section of the chapter further reviews more recent studies by

1 A banquet is a social institution and associated with it are meals and drinks It is a dual-purpose occasion

which features the δεῖπνον ldquosupperrdquo ie the meal proper and the συμπόσιον ie the drinking party See

Katherine M D Dunbabin The Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality (Cambridge University Press 2003)

4 who opts for the word as a ldquogeneric term for the festive consumption of food and drink in Roman societyrdquo

Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early

Christian Culture (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 2012) 6 συμπόσιον literally means ldquodrinking

togetherrdquo The institution may be traced to the ldquoarchaic period from the eighth to sixth centuries B C Erdquo

2 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 209 see esp

194ndash96 Richard S Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg Associations in the Greco-Roman

World A Sourcebook (Waco Texas Baylor University 2012) 5 Other ldquorecurring association self-designations

or names for association membersrdquo used in the dissertation include collegium (association) koinon

(associationrdquo) eranos (club) orgeōnes (sacrificing associates) cf W S Ferguson ldquoThe Attic OrgeonesrdquoHTR

37 (1944) 61ndash174 at 128 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity A Guide to Graeco

Roman Religions trans Brian McNeil (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2003) 44 The members of the oldest

Athenian associations were called ὀργεῶνες Collegium is the commonest term in the Latin sources used to

describe all kinds of Roman associations See Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity

46 See also B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo Dictionary of New Testament Background (ed Craig A Evans

and Stanley E Porter Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 2000) 136 Voluntary associations were

designated ldquothiasoi or eranistai (Gk) and (collegia) in Latinrdquo Cf Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the

Professional Associations in the Roman East Dutch Monographs on Ancient History and Archaeology 17

26

Annette Weissenrieder with regard to the physical setting of the meal in Corinth Finally I will explore the state

of the meal in Corinth As a means of facilitating the probing I will examine the view expressed by George

May that the synoptic Gospels do not suggest the institution of a ritual that is to be repeated after Jesusrsquo

crucifixion The main contribution of the present chapter to my argument is that all the features that we see in

the current Corinthian practice can be accounted for on the basis of normal GrecondashRoman meals

The nutritional aspect of food is indisputable however while food is taken for nutritional purposes and

building the body physically its social significance cannot be underestimated Mary Douglas observes that

ldquofood always has a social dimension of the utmost importancerdquo3 In the social universe ldquoeach meal is a

structured social event which structures others in its own imagerdquo4 Gerard Rouwhorst referencing social and

cultural anthropologists intimates that meals and meal customs are significant markers for social identity

ldquo[E]very meal ndash especially when taken together by more than one person ndash encodes significant messages about

social and hierarchical patterns prevailing in the grouprdquo5 Dennis E Smith is of the view that a meal conveys a

ldquosymbolic languagerdquo that can be regarded as being peculiar to a specific society6 Apparently the notion of

sharing a meal together as strengthening social bonds is a universal symbol However the mode and extent of

communication varies ldquofrom culture to culturerdquo7

21 The General Pattern of Formal Meals

In this section I will examine the general pattern of meals in the GrecondashRoman world in specific

terms the Greek meal namely δεῖπνονσυμπόσιον (the Roman equivalents are cœnaconvivium or comissatio)

and make an excursus into Jewish banquet The Greek meal is relevant to the present study because it bears on

whether the use of the bread and cup were already separate I will apply the paradigm of the GrecondashRoman

meal formulated by D E Smith and Matthias Klinghardt to a spectrum of literature and social settings of the 1st

century B C E to the 4th

century C E The common thesis of Smith and Klinghardt ldquowas thoroughly

investigated in the SBL Consultation (2002ndash2004) and adopted by the SBL Seminar (2005ndash 2010) itself as

(Amsterdam J C Gieben 1997) 8 Associations were characteristic of Greek way of life Orgeōnes ldquowas the

oldest name for private associationsrdquo ldquothiasotai denotes associations of worshippers while it is likely that

eranistai might have been ldquoof a more social characterrdquo

3 Mary Douglas ldquoFood as a System of Communicationrdquo in In the Active Voice (London Routledge amp Kegan

Paul 2011) 82

4 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 esp 65ndash 69 at 69

5 Gerard Rouwhorst ldquoTable Community In Early Christianity in A Holy People Jewish and Christian

Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity (ed Marcel Poorthuis and Joshua Schwartz Jewish and Christian

Perspectives 12 (Leiden Boston Brill 2006) 69ndash84 at 69 referencing Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo

Daedalus (1972) 61ndash81 idem Implicit Meanings Selected Essays in Anthropology (2nd ed London New

York Routledge1999) 231ndash51

6 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist the Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 14

7 Ibid

27

foundationalrdquo8 I will follow the main features that can be designated as the typology of the Hellenistic meal as

proposed by Smith and Klinghardt and that are relevant to the present research They comprise

1 the custom of reclining

2 the structure of the δεῖπνον

3 the transition between the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον with ceremonial libation

4 the συμπόσιον characterized by drinking conversation and or entertainment

5 leadership especially the appointment of a συμποσίαρχος

6 membershipguests9 In addition I would add

7 physical setting of meals

In the ancient Mediterranean culture the common meal was one of the most significant social

institutions The partaking of a common meal usually was the core activity for the gathering of people whether

it was religious or social occasion10

Matthias Klinghardt and Dennis E Smith in their theses proposed that

there is a common meal tradition that characterised the meal practices in the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean

whether they be gentile Jewish or Christian11

D E Smith suggests that even though the meal customs as

observed in different social settings in the Mediterranean world portrayed minor differences ldquothe evidence

suggests that meals took similar forms and shared similar meanings and interpretations across a broad range of

the ancient worldrdquo12

Klinghardt concurs with D E Smith and contends that there is ldquono difference between

Hellenisticndashpagan and Jewish community meals helliprdquo and that ldquoit is not advisable to separate the consideration of

private and association mealtimesrdquo13

Essentially there is a shift from the proposal of different types of meals to a common meal paradigm

that was practiced in ldquothe Mediterranean world of the first century BCE to the fourth century CErdquo14

There is

8 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm The Work of the Society of Biblical Literaturersquos Seminar on

Meals in the GrecondashRoman Worldrdquo in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum ed Matthias

Klinghardt and Hal E Taussig TANZ 56 (Tuumlbingen Francke 2012) 25ndash40 at 28ndash29

9 Cf Ibid esp 28ndash30

10 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist states ldquowhen any group of people in the ancient Mediterranean

world met for social or religious purposes their gatherings tended to be centered on a common meal or

banquetrdquo1ndash 2 See also Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them (New Haven Conn Yale

University Press 2003) 44 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo in Meals in the Early

Christian World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed Dennis E Smith and Hal

E Taussig (New York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) 14

11 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft Soziologie und Liturgie fruumlhchristlicher

Mahlfeiern (Tuumlbingen Francke Verlag 1996) D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist

12 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

13 Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 24f Cited by Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a

New Paradigm 30

14 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroductionrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian World Social Formation Experimentation

and Conflict at the Table 2 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9 14 Linked with this

paradigm is the typology of the communal meal The typology is distinct from that of previous scholarship that

associated itself with the ldquolsquoreligionsgeschichtliche Schulersquo which identified with many different lsquotypesrsquo of

mealsrdquo The ritual structure of the common meal in the ancient Mediterranean life had a similar pattern in

28

therefore the need for us to adequately capture the essence of ldquothe larger phenomenon of the banquet as a social

institutionrdquo if we are to understand the respective cases of ldquoformalized meals in the GrecondashRoman world such

as Greek philosophical banquets or Jewish festival meals or early Christian community mealsrdquo15

211 The Mode of reclining

Greek meal practices matured during the classical period (the sixth and fifth centuries B C E)16

While many of the meal practices were preserved from the Homeric era some changes nevertheless took place

in the structure of the meal and reflected a basic change in the overall nature of the meals For example one of

the means through which the common meal tradition can be discovered is by observing the form of the custom

of reclining that the several peoples of Mediterranean world adopted at formal meals Prior to adopting the norm

of reclining there was the tradition that Greeks Romans and Jews sat at meals17

There is the probability that

the practice of reclining originated in the Eastern Mediterranean world and that the Greeks adopted the custom

from the Assyrians and observed it as early as the sixth century18

JeanndashMarie Dentzer establishes close

resemblances between the oriental iconography of Greek banquets and reliefs of Assyrian kings for example

TiglathndashPilesser III and Ashurbanipal19

D E Smith acknowledges that Dentzerrsquos study has revealed that the

custom of reclining was not adopted merely for the sake of a change of posture but as a change of ldquosocial coderdquo

ndash one of ldquoadopting a fully developed social institution namely the GrecondashRoman banquetrdquo20

Dentzerrsquos study

thus discloses a point of symbolism or coding The norm of reclining was to create awareness of prestige

accorded to persons in society

ldquodifferent cultures and timesrdquo Solutions based on ldquosimilar basic valuesrdquo were equally found to address the

problems it generated Idem Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft See also Gerd Theissen The Social

Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 145ndash174 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians D

E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist idem ldquoMeals and Moralityrdquo in Paulrsquos World Society of Biblical

Literature Seminar Papers SBL 1981 319 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the

New Testament and Liturgy Today (London SCM Press 1990) Matthias Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und

Mahlgemeinschaft Idem ldquoThe Typology of the Greco-Roman Banquetrdquo in Meals in the Early Christian

World Social Formation Experimentation and Conflict at the Table ed D E Smith and Hal E Taussig (New

York Palgrave Macmillan 2012) The Spartans call their communal meals syssitia meaning ldquocommunal citizen

dining groupsrdquo Cf Jason Koumlnig Saints and Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-

Roman and Early Christian Culture 5

15 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 2

16 Ibid 19

17 Ath Deip 115ndash19ndash25 29ndash33 In Homer the posture for meals was sitting ndash εὐωχοῦνται δὲ παρ᾽ Ὁμήρῳ

καθήμενοι 1 20 cf Hom Od 332ndash39 and 3429 where the word ἕδρα is used Iliad 9200 218 24473 See

also the use of ἵζω at 9218 and 24472 See Gerda Bruns ldquoKuumlchenwesen und Mahlzeitenrdquo in Archaeologia

Homerica II Kap Q (Goumlttingen Vandenhoek and Ruprecht 1970) 49ndash50

18 Jean-Marie Dentzer ldquoAux Origines de Lrsquoiconographie du Banquet Coucheacuterdquo RA (1971) 215ndash258 idem Le

Motif du Banquet Coucheacute dans le Proche-Orient et le Monde Grec du VIIe au IVe Siegravecle avant J-C Rome

Eacutecole Franccedilaise de Rome Palais Farnese 1982 There was cultural assimilation circa the eighth century and

this tendency did not only affect the posture for formal meals but attracted other meal conventions 227

19 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo discusses Dentzerrsquos work esp 215ndash17 221 223

228ndash229 236 244 250ndash58

20 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 18

29

212 The Structure of the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον

The Greek practice was to organize a dualndashpurpose banquet and this twofold structure of the

communal meal helps in illuminating our conception of the Christian meals during the first two centuries of the

Common Era The first session was the δεῖπνον which constituted the major meal of the day The second

session συμπόσιον was devoted to drinking in the midst of entertainment21

The Greek δεῖπνον the main and

last meal became the most important meal of the day Greek culture had some influence on the customs of the

Romans and the Romans in turn acquired new culinary habits22

The Romans followed the Greek tradition of

three meals in a day ndash the ientaculum (also iantaculum) or breakfast the prandium or midday meal and the

cœna or evening meal

Peter Lampe in applying historicalndashcontextual exegesis uses GrecondashRoman dinner party of the first

century to shed light on the cultural context of the Gentile Christians in Corinth He makes a distinction

between the sondashcalled ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and the ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo Dinner takes place during the ldquoFirst Tablesrdquo and

after a break spicy dishes seafood and bread are served in addition to sweet desserts and fruits during the

symposium at ldquoSecond Tablesrdquo23

The symposium was celebrated at both private and public levels It is

debatable whether the συμπόσιον had any formal relation with the δεῖπνον or it took place independently The

sources reveal two viewpoints The first is that the συμπόσιον appears to assume independence from the

δεῖπνον In the symposium literature there are records of drinking and philosophical discourses for example in

the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon Moreover there are instances where clients were invited solely for the

21

Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10 expands the terms δεῖπνον or συσσίτον in

Greek sources and cena (cœna) in Latin Cena was the name given by the Romans to the main meal (evening

meal) Roman meals were taken in courses (fercula) There were three divisions namely prima cœna altera

cœna and tertia cœna See Mart Epig 4 8 1ndash2 Cf Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of

Pericles (trans Peter Green 1st American ed New York Macmillan 1966) 167ndash81) at 173 opts for two

successive stages of every formal dinner for all religious brotherhood or any other association (thiasos) Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus The Search for the Authentic Deeds of Jesus (San

Francisco HarperSan Francisco 1998) 352 The second part was ldquothe drinking partyrdquo that follows the meal

22 See Katherine M D Dunbabin Roman Banquet Images of Conviviality 4 states ldquothe Greek traditionhellip had

a profound impact upon the iconography of Roman arthelliprdquo

23 P Lampe ldquoThe Corinthian Eucharistic Dinner Party Exegesis of a Cultural Context (1 Cor1117ndash34)rdquo

Affirmation 4 (1991)1ndash15 esp 2ndash3 Idem ldquoDas Korinthische Herrenmahl im Schnittpunkt Hellenistisch-

Roumlmischer Mahlpraxis und Paulinischer Theologia Crucis (1 Kor 11 17ndash34)rdquo ZNW 82 (1991)183ndash213 at 186ndash

87 who mentions a break between primae und secundae mensae as part of the format Cenaδεῖπνον) primae

mensae Pause -Uumlbergang Secundae mensaeDesserts und Trinken See Athenaeus Deipnosophists 1450 The

ancients usually served desserts Ephippus in his Ephebi lists the various dishes served for dessert groats and a

cask of rich palm wine cakes and other sweetmeats cheese cakes and eggs Comparatively sweetmeats and

cheesecakes were integral part of the dessert course Both sweetmeats and cheesecakes are mentioned by Alexis

in his Philiscus while Ephippus mentions sweetmeats and cakes of sesame in his Cydon among others Other

scholars who share a similar viewpoint of Lampe include Carolyn Osiek and David L Balch Families in the

New Testament World Households and House Churches (The Family Religion and Culture Louisville

Westminster John Knox 1997) 200ndash203 Bradley B Blue ldquoThe House Church at Corinth and the Lordrsquos

Supperrdquo 233ndash34 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 26 Henk J de Jonge ldquoThe Early History of the Lordrsquos Supperrdquo in Religious Identity and the

Invention of Tradition Papers Read at a NOSTER Conference in Conference in Soesterberg January 4ndash6 1999

(ed Jan Willem van Henten amp Anton Houtepen Assen Royal Van Gorcum 2001) 209ndash37 at 209ndash10 Gregory

Linton ldquoHouse Church Meetings in the New Testament Erardquo 243

30

συμπόσιον24

The second viewpoint is that a formal meal could hardly be taken without drinking Hence despite

the general distinction neither the likelihood of drinking during the δεῖπνον nor the eating of food during the

συμπόσιον should be ruled out25

Special rituals were performed and they were indicative of a transition ndash the end of one phase (δεῖπνον)

and the beginning of second phase the συμπόσιον Furthermore the evidence becomes clearer when a

comparison is made with the transition between the Roman cœna and the comissatio The rituals started with

the removal of the tables followed by the bringing in of the wine bowl for the purpose of mixing the wine26

Ritual libation27

and singing a paeligan or hymn served as an interlude between the eating of meals and the

drinking session There were other times songs were sung to suit the occasion Plato succinctly captures this

aspect of the banquet μετὰ ταῦτα ἔφη κατακλινέντος τοῦ Σωκράτους καὶ δειπνήσαντος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων σπονδάς

τε σφᾶς ποιήσασθαι καὶ ᾁσαντας τὸν θεὸν καὶ τἆλλα τὰ νομιζόμενα τρέπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν πότον 28

The beginning of the συμπόσιον was marked by the election of a συμποσίαρχος (symposiarch or a

presiding officer) from among the guests29

The συμποσίαρχος had the responsibility of determining the

proportion of wine to water in the krateacuter and to decide the amount of wine each guest has to drink30

Another

important decision to be made was how the time was to be spent Moreover it was his duty to determine the

kind of entertainment to be held Aristotle in his Treatise on Drunkenness uses the term δεύτεραι τραπέζαι The

expression ldquoδεύτεραι τραπέζαιrdquo is appropriate since it is served after the meal proper as the second part of the

meal A conscious effort was made to ensure that enough room is left in the bodies of the guests not only for the

meal and the dessert but for a drinking spree31

The method of drinking was also considered This becomes

evident in Platorsquos Symposium

τὸν οὖν Παυσανίαν ἔφη λόγου τοιούτου τινὸς κατάρχειν εἶεν ἄνδρες φάναι τίνα τρόπον ῥᾷστα

πιόμεθα ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν λέγω ὑμῖν ὅτι τῷ ὄντι πάνυ χαλεπῶς ἔχω ὑπὸ τοῦ χθὲς πότου καὶ δέομαι ἀναψυχῆς

24

Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles notes ldquoSome guests might only have been

invited for the symposium proper and these would arrive when dinner was overrdquo 175

25 Ibid ldquoBut it should not be supposed that the first half of the proceedings excluded drink while the second

half per contra excluded solid food far from itrdquo173

26 There was no fixed amount of water to wine Commonly there could be five parts of water to two parts wine

or three parts of water to a part of winerdquo See Ath Deip10426d Cf D E Smith From Symposium to

Eucharist 32

27 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 352 Each (phase) ldquocourse began with a

benediction or libation over the food and wine a custom that was adapted in different ways by Greeks Romans

and Jewshellipcf Mark 8 6 1422ndash25)rdquo

28 Plato Symposium 176 α ldquoAfter these things he said when Socrates had reclined and dined with the others

they poured libation and sang a chant to the god and so forth as custom demands till they took to drinkingrdquo

My translation

29 See Platorsquos Symposium 213 ε The guests of Agathon reached the consensus to drink volitionally without the

appointment of a συμποσίαρχος When Alcibiades came to the scene he appointed himself συμποσίαρχος in

order that they could drink to their satisfaction

30 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the Time of Pericles 175

31 Plut De Tuen 4

31

τινοςndashοἶμαι δὲ καὶ ὑμῶν τοὺς πολλούς παρῆστε γὰρ χθέςndash32

The δεῖπνον was characterized by leisure in consonance with the posture of reclining Associated with

the δεῖπνον was an entertainment scheduled for the whole evening Not only did the δεῖπνον become the one

formal meal of the day but also potentially ldquothe social highlight of the day as wellrdquo33

The institution of the

evening meal as a banquet offered them the opportunity to spend three or more hours Entertainment played a

vital role at banquets and took place in several ways Music was performed to serve therapeutic as well as

psychological purposes for those given in to drunkenness and gluttony It was valued as a means of curbing

emotional disturbances and puts vitality into the lives of the guests34

Another kind of entertainment was the performance of drama using mythological stories at the

banquets of religious associations The statutes of the Iobakchoi a Bacchic club provide an example of this

form of entertainment In their case deities and other mythological characters are given specific ldquorolesrdquo to be

performed at the banquet D E Smith explains that such kinds of entertainment serve as a ldquospecial lsquoreligiousrsquo

function analogous to what we might identify as a lsquoliturgicalrsquo functionrdquo35

A subject that developed in the

philosophical tradition of the symposium was one in which philosophers would engage in wise and learned

conversation during the session for entertainment36

Conversation during the partaking of a meal was very

important Questions were proposed by the company for discussions after dinner37

Importance was accorded to

philosophical conversation On one occasion a flute player was dismissed in order that philosophical

conversation could take place This decision was recorded in Platorsquos Symposium

ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν φάναι τὸν Ἐρυξίμαχον τοῦτο μὲν δέδοκται πίνειν ὅσον ἂν ἕκαστος βούληται ἐπάναγκες

δὲ μηδὲν εἶναι τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο εἰσηγοῦμαι τὴν μὲν ἄρτι εἰσελθοῦσαν αὐλητρίδα χαίρειν ἐᾶν αὐλοῦσαν

ἑαυτῇ ἢ ἂν βούληται ταῖς γυναιξὶ ταῖς ἔνδον ἡμᾶς δὲ διὰ λόγων ἀλλήλοις συνεῖναι τὸ τήμερον38

32

Plato Symp 176 α β ldquoThen Pausanias began a conversation after this manner lsquoWell gentlemen what way

of drinking will be best for us I therefore on one hand declare to you that am altogether in a very poor state

by yesterdayrsquos drinking bout I request for some refreshment on the other hand for most of you for you were

present yesterday hellip therefore contemplate on which way of drinking will be best for usrdquo My translation

33 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals A Study of the Meal in 1 Corinthians in

Comparison with Graeco-Roman Meals 6

34 Ath Deip 424 Entertainment took place in several ways It included dance music comedy the

performance and discussion of poetry

35 D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 27

36 See Ath Deip 5 Robert W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 The kind of

conversation was ldquoenlightened conversation on philosophical topics as their symposium entertainmentrdquo and it

followed the format in the Symposia of Plato and Xenophon

37 Plutarch describes them as ldquoPlatonic Questionsrdquo Moralia 13999 c

38 Plato Symp 176 ε ldquoTherefore since it has been resolvedrdquo said Eryximachus ldquothat we are to drink as much as

each desires with no compulsion on any I take the lead after this that the flutendashgirl who entered just now be

dismissed let her play the flute to herself or if she wishes to the women within but let us understand one

another through conversation todayrdquo Translation mine

32

Conversation and toasts took place as the cup handled by a cupbearer went round39

However during the

Roman period wine was usually served during both the δεῖπνον and συμπόσιον Closely linked to entertainment

is the number of guests The guests who participated in the Greek symposium ndash δεῖπνον ndash could be 36 or more

Matthias Klinghardt assumes a lower limit of thirty ndash five persons who partook in the meal40

καὶ γὰρ συμποσίου

μέγεθος ἱκανόν ἐστιν ἄχρι οὗ συμπόσιον 6 ἐθέλει μένειν ἐὰν δ᾽ ὑπερβάλῃ διὰ πλῆθος ὡς μηκέτι προσήγορον

ἑαυτῷ μηδὲ συμπαθὲς εἶναι ταῖς φιλοφροσύναις μηδὲ γνώριμον οὐδὲ συμπόσιόν ἐστι 41

The table served as a site that marked honor Associated with the number of guests is the seating

arrangement of guests Usually the host would offer positions to the guests Plutarch handles the question in

Table Talk as to whether an entertainer should take his seat with others or that each person should find a place

for himself His brother Timon who invited people from all walks of life desired that the guests would choose

places for themselves A stranger came after the glasses had gone round When he stared around those who

were already seated he refused to sit with them Other guests entreated him to sit but he responded that there

was no befitting place left for him After supper Plutarchrsquos grandfather Lamprias commented that if Timon had

followed his instructions and given the invited guests their proper places they would not be regarded as

unskillful in such matters42

Timon commented on the tendency to deprive many in order to honor one The

discussion led into a dispute about the honor accorded to places since it varies from one locality to another It

raised another question ldquoOn what account is the place at table called consular regarded honorablerdquo43

Plutarch

did not find it difficult to make distinctions among guests For him persons were to be given places at banquets

according to their quality44

Lamprias on the other hand emphasized conversation and fraternity and the

common good for all at table but not to ldquolook after everymanrsquos quality but their agreement and harmony with

one anotherrdquo45

In Plutarchrsquos imaginative account of Septem Sapientium Convivium he vividly describes the custom of

ranking at table One guest regarded the place that was assigned to him as being disreputable He felt ignored

and degraded Moreover he compared himself with other guests who were Aeolians and those from the islands

whom he thought were set above the one (Thrasybulus) who delegated him (the guest) to represent him at the

dinner Thales comments that it is not worth finding out who has been placed above others Rather what was

essential was for them to promote friendship with whoever has been placed with them ὡς ὅ γε τόπῳ κλισίας

39

Lucian Symp 14ndash15

40 M Klinghardt Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft 325

41 Plut Table Talk 551 cf 678 d ldquoFor there is a certain number that is apropos for a symposium and still

remains a symposium but if it exceeds that so that by reason of that number you can no longer affectionately

address each other or even know one another then it ceases to be symposium at allrdquo

42 Plut Quaest conv 12 2

43 In Persia the proper place of honor for the king is in the midst of his people in Rome the place called

consular is the lowermost of the middle bed while the Greeks regard the upper most of the middle bed to be the

chief

44 Plut Table Talk (Quaest conv) 1

45 Ibid 1 2 It is noteworthy that Lamprias was sitting on a low bed

33

δυσχεραίνων δυσχεραίνει τῷ συγκλίτῃ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ κεκληκότι καὶ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ἀπεχθάνεται46

On inquiring

about the place that the guest refused to sit Thales sat at the very place with other guests47

Lucian also recounts

the prestige that is accorded guests

δέον δὲ ἤδη κατακλίνεσθαι ἁπάντων σχεδὸν παρόντων ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν εἰσιόντων αἱ γυναῖκες ὅλον τὸν

κλιντῆρα ἐκεῖνον ἐπέλαβον οὐκ ὀλίγαι οὖσαι καὶ ἐν αὐταῖς ἡ νύμφη πάνυ ἀκριβῶς ἐγκεκαλυμμένη ὑπὸ

τῶν γυναικῶν περιεχομένη ἐς δὲ τὸ ἀντίθυρον ἡ ἄλλη πληθύς ὡς ἕκαστος ἀξίας εἶχε κατ᾽ ἀντικρὺ δὲ

τῶν γυναικῶν πρῶτος ὁ Εὔκριτος εἶτα Ἀρισταίνετος48

An important aspect of GrecondashRoman banquets is the involvement and role of patrons According to Paul

Veyne the associations (collegia) had noble patrons The main purpose of the collegia was to organize

banquets The power the patrons exerted was manifested in the decision they took with regard to the kind of

menu of the feast which they sponsored49

J S Kloppenborg confirms the sponsorship offered by the patrons

ldquoThe collegium whether domestic professional or cultic also afforded the elite an opportunity to display

largesse in the form of benefactions given to collegiardquo50

213 An Excursus on Jewish Meals

I now probe whether or not Jewish meals relate to questions at Corinth To be able to achieve this I

will seek answers to the question Does a specific kind of Jewish meal lie behind the Lordrsquos Supper The

Passover is regarded as a special meal in Jewish practice The debate on the relationship between the Last

Supper and the Jewish Passover has been a longndashstanding one Scholars have debated whether the Last Supper

was a Paschal meal or not There are pieces of evidence from both the Synoptic and the Johannine accounts that

suggest that the Last Supper was a Passover meal (Mark 141ndash2 12ndash16 cf Matt 262ndash517ndash18 Luke 221ndash16

John 1321ndash30) The Passover meal was commonly celebrated in the night of Nisan (ie prior to Nisan 15 by

our reckoning of time)51

The Johannine account (John 1828 cf 19 14 31 and 42) implies that beginning of

46

Plut Sept sap conv 149 β ldquoas in every case the one who objects to a place at table is not objecting to the

neighbor but rather to the host and incurs hatred for bothrdquo My translation

47 Ibid 149 F

48 Lucian Symp 8 9α ldquoAnd by the time it was needful to recline for nearly everyone was there On the right

on entering the women occupied the whole couch as they were not a few of them with the bride among them

altogether accurately veiled and surrounded by the women And out of the back door came the rest of the

retinue according to the worth each had Right opposite the women the first was Eucritus and then

Aristaenetusrdquo My translation

49 Paul Veyne ldquoThe Roman Empire ldquo in A History of Private Life 5 vols ed Philippe Ariegraves and Georges Duby

(Cambridge Mass Belknap Press of Harvard University Press) 1987ndash1991 vol 1 5ndash207 at 92 states that

ldquothe economic power that the household exerted over its peasants bound by sharecropping contracts was

coupled with a kind of moral authorityrdquo For a thorough description of the collegia see John S

KloppenborgldquoCollegia and Thiasoi Issues in Function Taxonomy and Membershiprdquoin Voluntary

Associations in the Graeco-Roman World ed John S Kloppenborg and Stephen G Wilson (London New

York Routledge) 1996 16ndash30

50John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 27

51 It can be inferred from Mark 1412 that the Last Supper was a Passover meal and the day that Jesus was

arrested condemned and crucified was Nisan 15th

reckoning that day from sundown to sundown

34

Nisan 15th

was the sundown of Friday52

Johnrsquos account includes the details that the Jews did not enter the

palace in order not to defile themselves so as to be able to eat the Passover (John 1828) and Jesusrsquo crucifixion

took place on the day of Preparation (John 1914 cf 1931)Thus the fourth gospel indicates that Jesus ate the

supper with his disciples before the Passover Feast (John 131 2)53

The impression John creates then is that the

Last Supper was not a Passover meal Presumably John wanted to project a theological truth that Jesus is the

accredited Paschal Lamb (cf 129 1936) Scholars who hold this view embrace the Synoptic tradition They

reckon Johnrsquos perception of Jesus himself as the Lamb of the Passover (John 129 cf 1914)

There is a close relationship between Rabbinic Jewish and earliest Christian meals As already

mentioned from the earlier sections there was a common meal tradition in the Mediterranean region during this

period that was adapted to various groups including Rabbinic and Christian groups The format for a Jewish

meal was similar to that of a meal taken at a formal gathering54

Even though rabbinic literature is usually

applied in determining the standard forms of Judaism in the earlier periods especially the late Hellenistic and

early Roman periods there is no scholarly consensus to which extent it can be applicable Nonetheless Dennis

Smith advocates the application of rabbinic literature as a ldquobookendrdquo for the latest stage of the study on meals

thus maintaining the continuous influence of GrecondashRoman banquet tradition55

It is worth mentioning the similarities with the exception of some particular religious elements

between the Jewish ldquofestive mealrdquo of the Tannaitic period and the contemporary GrecondashRoman festive meal

For example the timing for prayers in both meals was similar however the content was not the same The Jews

were associated with the GrecondashRoman world in their culinary habits as well as other spheres of life ldquobut yet

not fully integratedrdquo56

The Tannaitic literature provides different shades of the form or liturgy of the Jewish

52

C E B Cranfield The Gospel According to Saint Mark (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1979)

413 observes that ldquothe meal was eaten between sundown and midnight on the 15th

Nisan i e early on the 15th

since the Jewish day began at sunsetrdquo F C Burkitt ldquoThe Last Supper and the Paschal Mealrdquo JTS 17 (1916ndash

17) 291ndash297 at 292 notes that prior to regarding the agreement between Matthew Mark and Luke as a single

tradition that was replicated any other alternative view appeared like a ldquominority protestrdquo There was that

tendency that the consensus fidelium could be ldquoinvoked for a theory of a Paschal mealrdquo E Schweizer The

Lordrsquos Supper According to the New Testament trans James M Davis (Philadelphia Fortress Press 1969) 5 is

of the view that by Paulrsquos time the participation in the bread and wine had moved to the end of the meal See G

Bornkamm Early Christian Experience 129 who shares a similar view Hermann L Strack and Paul

Billerbeck Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch 2 812ndash53 (Muumlnchen C H Beck

1922) See I H Marshall Last Supper and Lords Supper for a similar view 57ndash75 Hermann L Strack and

Paul Billerbeck proposed that two calendars each a day out of step with the other were in vogue and were used

by the Pharisees and Sadducees respectively According to A Jaubert John could have followed the solar

calendar of the Qumran community rather than the templersquos lunar calendar Other scholars argue that it was not

likely that Jesusrsquo crucifixion took place on the feast of the Passover On this basis therefore the evening before

the act simply was not the beginning of the Passover See for example H Lietzmann Mass and Lordrsquos Supper

A Study in the History of the Liturgy (Leiden E J Brill 1979) 173 rejects the Paschal theory of the Supper as

hardly containing ldquothe least vestige of probabilityrdquo

53 Cf I H Marshall Last Supper and Lordrsquos Supper (Grand Rapids Mich Eerdmans 1981) 57ndash75

54 Cf D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 178

55 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 144ndash145

56 Gordon J Bahr ldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo Nov T 12 (1970) 181ndash202 at 181

35

festive meal The following example from the Tosefta illustrates the point that Jewish meals parallel Grecondash

Roman banquet in form

What is the order of the meal The guests enter [the house] and sit on the benches and on the chairs

until all have entered They all enter and they [servants] give them water for their hands Each one

washes one hand They [servants] bring them the appetizers each one says the benediction for himself

They [guests] go up [to the dining room] and they recline and they [servants] give them [water] for

their hands although they have [already] washed one hand they [now] wash both hands They

[servants] mix for them the cup although they have said a benediction over the first [cup] they say a

benediction [also] over the second They [servants] bring them the dessert although they said a

benediction over the first one they [now] say a benediction over the second and one says the

benediction for all of them He who comes after the third course has no right to enter57

Moreover there is a close similarity between the Seder meals and GrecondashRoman table manners and culinary

habits Some features which are similar to the Seder meal and GrecondashRoman meal practices include the

washing of hands the hors drsquooeuvre the wine served before during and after the meal and the reclining on beds

or couches at dinner58

Furthermore there are parallels between meals held within Judaism and the Grecondash Roman milieu at

large during the GrecondashRoman period Previously some scholars such as J BrumbergndashKraus and Bruce

Chilton J Neuser proposed a link between GrecondashRoman meals and the development of the Passover seder in

the GrecondashRoman59

However Susan Marks BrumbergndashKraus and Jordan Rosenblum have demonstrated that

ldquoby and large Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman era participated inrdquo the Klinghardt Smith paradigm 60

For

example Susan Markrsquos 61

research investigates Jewish weddings in the GrecondashRoman period and the late

antiquity She demonstrates that the meals at such weddings were associated with the Grecondash Roman meal

typology Similarly Jordan D Rosenblum referencing Shaye J D Cohen62

explores ldquothe commensal practices

that erect the tannaitic boundary in the mindrdquo63

He draws from both tannaitic and nearly contemporary (Greek

Roman and Christian) sources and shows the relationship between early Rabbinic handling of food and the

57

t Berakot 4 8 98 Cf Gordon J BahrldquoThe Seder of Passover and the Eucharistic Wordsrdquo 182 Bahrrsquos

translation adapted by the candidate It is worth noting that Luke mentions 2 cups in his account (Luke 2217ndash

20)

58 S Stein ldquoThe Influence of Symposia Literature on the Literary Form of the Pesah Haggadahrdquo JJS 8 (1957)

13ndash 44

59 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36 See J Brumberg-Kraus ldquoldquoNot by Bread Alonehelliprdquo The

Ritualization of Food and Table Talk in the Passover Seder and in the Last Supperrdquo Semeia 86 (1999) 165ndash91

Bruce Chilton and Neuser Judaism in the New Testament Practices and Beliefs (London New York

Routledge 1995)

60 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

61 Susan Marks ldquoJewish Weddings in the Greco-Roman Period A Reconsideration of Received Ritualrdquo

(January 1 2003) Online at httprepositoryupennedudissertationsAA13087427

62 Shaye J D Cohen The Beginnings of Jewishness Boundaries Varieties Uncertainties (Berkeley University

of California Press 1999) 341 ldquoBetween Us and Them is a line a boundary drawn not in the sand or stone but

in the mindrdquo

63 Jordan D Rosenblum Food and Identity in Early Rabbinic Judaism (New York Cambridge University

Press 2010) 10

36

GrecondashRoman meal code64

On this premise Hal E Taussig states that ldquoone of the strongest contributionsrdquo the

SBL Seminar has made recently is the shift in understanding of Jewish meals in the GrecondashRoman period 65

As

Klinghardt rightly points out the sacramental aspects of a token meal appeared during the third century C E

The Christian meals ldquowere not lsquosacramental mealsrsquo in token form but real mealsrdquo66

In conclusion the discussion on Greek Roman and Jewish meals reveals that there is an expected form

and some meaning or symbolism pertaining to the meals There is a ritual structure common to Greek Roman

and Jewish meals and that to some extent suggest that all collective meals are ritualized (a point that I will

expand in chapter 3)

2 2 Comparison between the Meal Practices of GrecondashRoman Associations and the Corinthian έκκλησία

At this juncture I make a shift from the general description of formal meals to associations in

particular The section seeks an understanding of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as analogous to an association of the

GrecondashRoman world I will cite some features prominent in GrecondashRoman banquets and compare and contrast

them with the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will examine the Corinthian meal practices through the lenses of the

banqueting customs of the voluntary associations I will seek answers to the questions What are the parameters

that constitute the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to be analogous to an association To what extent did the meal practices

of the GrecondashRoman world influence the meal practices in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

Originally in the Greek polis reclining was the preserve of nobility but it became decentralized and an

act enjoyed by free men The third century witnessed the waning of the political significance of the polis and the

involvement of citizens in political affairs leading to the ldquodepoliticization of the mealrdquo67

Gradually the banquet

became open to women and to slaves and it absorbed the social functions of the polis primarily in the

voluntary associations that represented public life The significance of this development can hardly be

overestimated the central event in the many associations coming into being in early Hellenism as well as in

early Principate was the communal banquet meal68

Festive meals were a common feature of the voluntary associations of all kinds in the GrecondashRoman

milieu B W R Pearson is of the view that ldquothe most frequent activity of associations whatever their particular

stripe was social gatheringrdquo69

A festive meal was commonly celebrated on ldquothe feast of the god or of the

foundation annually once a month or even more frequently depending on the aims and statues of the

associationrdquo70

One feature that is common to the first century and the present is the tendency towards the

64

It is noteworthy that the primary source for his research is the tannaitic corpus

65 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigmrdquo36

66 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 10

67 Matthias Klinghardt ldquoA Typology of the Communal Mealrdquo 9ndash10

68 Ibid 10

69 B W R Pearson ldquoAssociationsrdquo 136

70 Ibid 44

37

establishment of associations There was a proliferation of associations for multiple purposes in the early

Roman Empire These included trade guilds dramatic guilds clubs and societies of all kinds71

Kloppenborg

observes that it is problematic to categorize collegia by their sondashcalled main activities or their functions which

may be interndashrelated He maintains that it is expedient to classify the associations based on their membership

rather than functions He identifies three major bases of membership namely those connected with a household

(collegia domestica) those formed in relation to a common trade (professional) and collegium built around the

cult of a deity (religious) which he describes as most inclusive of voluntary associations The taxonomy is thus

based on profile of the members rather than the purpose of the association72

With the decline of the Greek πόλις voluntary associations bloomed during the Hellenistic and Roman

periods People in the society found solace in associations operating with ldquostructures on a more personal

scalerdquo73

The ldquoPauline movementrdquo as part of its social organization worked out structures including

ldquobelongingrdquo74

In addition to these structures the members of the associations participated in several rituals one

of which was the partaking in a ldquocommon mealrdquo75

2 2 1 External evidence

For an effective analysis it is important to resort to external evidence that has a parallel to Corinthian

practice Establishing this kind of evidence is relevant to assert that what I am arguing is an ordinary Grecondash

Roman meal For legal reasons Jewish groups within the Roman Empire were known as collegia The

synagogues were among other ldquolongndashestablished groupsrdquo that were exempted when Julius Caesar issued a

decree banning all collegia from operation76

Pliny the Younger in writing to the emperor Trajan employed two

terms namely superstitio ldquosuperstitionrdquo and hetaeria ldquopolitical clubrdquo to describe Christians77

Pliny mentions a

71

Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches Eight Lectures delivered before the

University of Oxford in the year 1880 on the Foundation of the Late John Bampton (New York B Franklin

1972) 26

72 John S Kloppenborg ldquoCollegia and Thiasoirdquo 20ndash27 For further discussion on the categorization of

associations see idem ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo in Origins and Method Towards A New

Understanding of Judaism and Christianity Essays in Honour of John C Hurd (ed Bradley H McLean JSNT

Sup 86 JSOT Press 1993) 212ndash238 at 237 is of the view that Pauline ἐκκλησίαι like collegia ldquocan be fitted into

the spectrum of formal designations organization and membership profiles of Greek and Roman voluntary

associationsrdquo W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 77ndash80 observes both similarities and differences

between the Christian group and typical voluntary associations See also Philip A Harland Associations

Synagogues and Congregations Claiming a Place in Ancient Mediterranean Society (Minneapolis Fortress

Press 2003) 2 9 28ndash29 B L Mack ldquoRereading the Christ Mythrdquo writes ldquoThe Corinthians were apparently

meeting together as an association of non-native persons in the recently repopulated city of Corinthrdquo52

73 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 43 See also Robert L Wilken The

Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35

74 Ibid See Meekrsquos comprehensive discussion of the language of belonging and boundaries 84ndash110 Cf

Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them 35ndash36

75 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 31 n 13 Cf J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin

Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 237

76 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 35

77 hetaeria derived from the Greek word ἑταιρας (ἑταιρία) that has been transliterated into Latin It is

38

custom (mos) that Christians practiced that involved separating themselves and reassembling to partake of food

(quibus) He regarded the Christian Supper to be in the same category as that of the hetaeriai Christians

however abandoned this practice when Pliny forbade such meals in BithyniandashPontus in early second century

after Trajan had issued an edict banning the hetaeriai78

Kloppenborg deducing from Plinyrsquos statement

expresses the view that it is an indication that both ldquothe Christians involved saw themselves as constituting an

association and that this judgement was shared by Plinyrdquo79

Christians were seen by outsiders as being part of

mystery religions One possible way of clarifying this notion ldquowas to call themselves an ἐκκλησίαrdquo a means of

intensifying social integration80

Almost all associations seemed to have a religious flavor Edwin Hatch agrees with the notion that

Christian churches were analogous with voluntary associations With the Greek associations the common meal

was inferred by its regular provision for sacrifice at their meetings while with Roman associations it was

stipulated in the extant bylaws81

Meeks mentions the partaking in ldquocommon mealsrdquo as one of the significant

similarities between the Pauline groups and the private associations82

Kloppenborg basing his observation on

Edwin Hatchrsquos comments about how cultic associations thrived irrespective of political pressures notes that as

Christian mission expanded it did not have to create the ldquonotion of a religious society distinct from the family

and the polis or staterdquo 83

Kloppenborg argues that ldquothere was a broad spectrum of forms of collegia broad

enough that most of the particularities seen in Pauline churches could fit comfortably within that spectrumrdquo84

Likewise P Richardson maintains that synagogues started as collegia in diaspora setting and early synagogues

(pre 70 synagogues) were in all details analogous to collegia85

Aristotle in his Ethica Nichomachea states that αἱ δὲ κοινωνίαι πᾶσαι μορίοις ἐοίκασι τῆς

πολιτικῆς86

Aristotle further mentions that ἔνιαι δὲ τῶν κοινωνιῶν δι᾽ ἡδονὴν δοκοῦσι γίνεσθαι θιασωτῶν καὶ

commonly known as political club or association Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw Them

34 indicates that ldquoAlthough the term hetaeria highlights the political aspects of these associations most clubs

were not political as Trajan recognizedrdquo

78 Pliny the Younger Ep 10 96 7

79 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo228 Peter Richardson Building Jewish in the

Roman East (Waco Baylor University Press 2004) 187 Robert L Wilken The Christians as the Romans Saw

Them 44ndash 47

80 Hans-Josef Klauck The Religious Context of Early Christianity 54 Cf Edwin Hatch The Organization of

the Early Christian Churches 30 mentions that from the perspective of an outsider the Christians were in the

ldquosame categoryrdquo with the association

81 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches 16ndash54 esp 31 n13

82 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 78

83 J S Kloppenborg ldquoEdwin Hatch Churches and Collegiardquo 213

84 Ibid esp 231ndash38

85 P Richardson ldquoEarly Synagogues as Collegia in the Diaspora and Palestinerdquo in Voluntary Associations in

the Graeco-Roman World 90ndash109

86 Aristotle Eth Nic 8 9 4 (1160α) ldquoBut all associations are as parts of the Staterdquo My translation

39

ἐρανιστῶν αὗται γὰρ θυσίας ἕνεκα καὶ συνουσίας87

From Aristotlersquos statement two kinds of associations

(κοινωνίαι) can be identified namely religious guild (θιασος) and dining club (ἐρανος) While it is likely that the

terms were used interchangeably the clubs as religious clubs offered sacrifices and promoted companionship at

the social level

Association banquets provide analogies that contribute in shedding light on the behavior of the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the physical setting and the ritual structure of the Corinthian meal

Furthermore certain parameters enhanced the banquet tradition of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

Certain features of the meal practices of GrecondashRoman associations bear comparison with the evidence of 1

Corinthians 11 social stratification social ethics social mobility timing drunkenness and character

1 Social Stratification

The social structure of the GrecondashRoman world was displayed at the gathering for meals In the

associations seating arrangement was one of the ldquoindicators of statusrdquo 88

In professional associations the

arrangement of tables underscored hierarchy and rank and penalties were imposed on those who attempted to

take the seat of others89

In the Roman period such positions became well defined90

Lucian mentions

Alcidamas the Cynic who went to a banquet as an uninvited diner Aristaenetus after commending him asked

him to sit on a chair because there were virtually no other important places for reclining Alcidamas retorted

that it was γυναικεῖον καὶ μαλθακὸν (womanish and weak) to sit on a chair or stool during a banquet He opted

to eat while walking about in the dining room and to exhibit his unique social standing would ultimately choose

to recline on the floor should he get tired91

The mode of reclining was indicative of social rank The reason was that a unique order of reclining

prevailed with the ldquomost honoredrdquo position accorded to the person on the right of the συμποσίαρχος and the

ldquoleast honoredrdquo position given to the person at the other end of the circle and ldquofaced the back of the

συμποσίαρχος Almost always those with the places closest to the right hand of the συμποσίαρχος had the most

prestige and honor in the larger societyrdquo92

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the members were not at a single level

There were differences in status As a stratified community this discrepancy reflected in the sharing of meal

Paul claims that some were satisfied while others were hungry (1 Cor 1121) It is plausible that the rhetorical

question posed by Paul ndash μὴ γὰρ οἰκίας οὐκ ἔχετεhellip (1 Cor 1122) could mean the ownership of houses by the

87

And some associations seem to be established on the account of pleasure for example religious guilds

(thiasotai) and dining-clubs (eranistai) that are unions for sacrifice and companionship Ibid 8 9 5 (1160 α)

88 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211 Robert

W Funk and the Jesus Seminar ed The Acts of Jesus 353 ldquoMeals functioned as social boundary markers not

only defining by seating arrangement who outranked whom But relegating to the bottom of the social heap

those not invited in the first placerdquo Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 Reclining at meals

ldquounderlined status and stratificationrdquo

89 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

90 D E Smith Social Obligation in the Context of Communal Meals 8

91 Lucian Symp 13

92 Hal E Taussig ldquoElaborating a New Paradigm 34 See also Rachel M McRae ldquoEating with Honor The

Corinthian Lordrsquos Supper in Light of Voluntary Association Meal Practicesrdquo JBL 130 (2011)165ndash81

40

elite93

G Theissen attributes the discrepancy to class distinction ie between the wealthy and poor He draws a

distinction between those who have houses and those who do not As I will discuss in the third section of the

chapter ldquoancient space typologyrdquo is one of the means of resolving the conflict in Corinth Annette

Weissenrieder also makes a distinction between ldquoancient house structurerdquo and ldquogatherings of associationsrdquo

An indicator of status is the quantity of food served at the tables94

The hierarchies of the associative

order were openly given places of honor at banquets and were served larger portions of meal95

Thus the

ldquoleading members and benefactorsrdquo in professional associations were given the first cut of ldquosacrificial meatrdquo

Nonetheless they were supposed to help defray the cost of the meetings and banquets96

The conflict in Corinth

arises as a result of ldquotwo different patterns of conductrdquo both of which the wealthier Christians can trace to the

social setting It could be attributed to internal stratification of the community By virtue of the fact that some

members could contribute more than others it equally gave them the opportunity to attain a position of

superiority97

Within the associations the larger allocation to certain members was not considered as an offence The

regulations of the associations stipulated that the officers were to receive greater portions of all distributions

basically in the food and drink for the performance of administrative assignments G Theissen referencing E

Kornemann states that the portions varied from between ldquoone and onendashhalf to two and three times the normal

giving rise to the terms sesquiplicarii duplicarii triplicarii for the various categories of officialsrdquo 98

A case in

point is the collegium in Lanuvium Campania Italy 136 CE [June 9] (CIL XIV 2112 =ILS 7212= Bendlin

2011 136 CE June 9) In one of the bylaws of the collegium for example it was voted that any member who is

elected a president (quinquennalis) shall receive a double portion in all distributions 99

Also it was further

voted that officers such as secretary (scriba) and the messenger (viator) shall receive a portion and a half in

every distribution and that any former president who rendered distinguished and honest service shall receive a

portion and a half of everything as an indicator of honor This was to serve as an incentive for the presidents to

93

G D Fee The First Epistle to the Corinthians 602 points out that the question implies ldquoownershiprdquo

οἰκίας ἔχετε not ldquohomesrdquo

94 J S Kloppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo 211

95 K Verborven ldquoAssociative Order Status and Ethos of Roman Businessmen in the Late Republic and Early

Empirerdquo Athenaeum 95 (2007) 861ndash893 at 887 W A Meeks The First Urban Christians 159 following G

Theissenrsquos construction writes ldquothe hosts provide both greater quantity and better quality of food and drink to

their social equals than to participants of lower status ldquo

96 Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 110

97 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 162

98 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154 See E Kornemann sv

ldquoCollegiumrdquo PRE 7 3 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

80ndash480 esp 441

99 AGRW 310 (150 [11]) Cf G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

J S Kloppenborg ldquoGraeco-Roman Thiasoirdquo 212 A quinquennalis was one of the most important officers in

an association

41

execute their duties effectively100

Furthermore the custom of Liopesi Attica regarding the purchasing of

priesthood was that it included a double portion of food with the exception of wine after the payment has been

made to the head of the club (SEG 31 [1981] no 122 = AGRW 9 early II CE) Theissen adds that ldquo[s]uch

discrepancies were in fact considered fair and properrdquo101

Seniority was another mark necessary to accord a person a place of honor at a table Such a position

offers one the opportunity to start discussing a subject Plutarch records ldquoSolon was the right man to make the

beginning of the subject not only because he was senior to all the rest and was in the place of honor at the table

but because having legislated for the Athenians he held the greatest and completest position of a rulerrdquo102

Similarly Plato mentions Phaedrus as occupying the topmost place at table and being the father of their debate

On the right of the host were guests who were seated routinely in a way depending on their status103

In contrast

with this is the lowest position

2 Social Ethics

Within the GrecondashRoman associations emphasis was placed on decorum during meals Eating a meal

is not merely an anatomical exercise but it offers diners the opportunity to foster social relationships It is only

when the ἔρανος meal is taken in a friendly manner that the beneficent principle becomes effective The diners

are expected to make friends rather than have enemies Socialness is of utmost significance during symposium

Plutarch laments that some rich men build rooms large enough to contain thirty or even more tables According

to him ldquoὅθεν οὐκ ὀρθῶς οἱ πλούσιοι νεανιεύονται κατασκευάζοντες οἴκους τριακοντακλίνους καὶ μείζους

ἀμίκτων γὰρ αὕτη καὶ ἀφίλων δείπνων ἡ παρασκευὴ καὶ πανηγυριάρχου μᾶλλον ἢ συμποσιάρχου δεομένωνrdquo104

Corporate values and norms were enforced This enhanced fellowship105

which was the mainstay of

banquets Plutarch in establishing the essence of fellowship makes the following statement ldquoἀλλrsquo ὅπου τὸ ἴδιον

ἔστιν ἀπόλλυται τὸ κοινόνrdquo 106

Comparing this statement to the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία evokes the

questions that Paul posed in 1 Cor 1016 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ

αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστιν107

100

CIL XIV 2112 = ILS 7212 = AGRW 310 [11] ndash [13]

101 G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 154

102 Ibid 151 Plutarch ldquoDinner party of the seven sagesrdquo

103 Plato Symposium 177 DndashE In the discourse Phaedrus the father of debate is given the privilege to start

(Φαῖδρο[ς]hellip πρῶτος κατάκειται καὶ ἔστιν ἅμα πατὴρ τοῦ λόγου) It is followed by the one on the right (ἐπὶ

δεξιὰ) and to those at the lowest position at table (ἡμῖν τοῖς ὑστάτοις κατακειμένοις)

104 Plut Quaestconv 5 5 2 ldquoAnd therefore some rich men are immature who fully furnish houses big enough

with thirty couches or more at once for such a preparation is for unsociable and friendless dinners and such as

are suitable for a panegyriarch rather than symposiarch to preside overrdquo My translation

105 Ibid 717 A

106 Ibid 644 C ldquobut fellowship perishes when idiosyncrasy persistsrdquo My translation

107 ldquoThe cup of blessing that we bless is it not the koinōnia of the blood of Christ The bread that we break is it

not the koinōnia of the body of Christ My translation

42

Related to fellowship is friendship Friendship is a beneficent principle108

Friendship and hospitality

revolve around the table Plutarch regards friendship as the best of possessions109

ldquoTake away food and you

take away the table ndash that is to say gods of the altar of friendship and hospitalityrdquo110

The rationale for friends to

be invited was for them to share their moments of delight in common Archilochus is known to have said ldquoYou

come and drink full of Chian wine and yet give no return for them nor wait to be invited as a friend would

dordquo111

True friendship involves trust and the level of trust should be just as one trusts himself112

The act of

sharing food is also an indication of level of friendship that exists between people

Closely related to social ethics is social equality113

Equality was an essential ingredient of the social

code of the GrecondashRoman setting The notion of social equality was in vogue in the time of Homer where

ldquoequal feastsrdquo was a trait of the meals of the Heroes114

Plutarch promoted the spirit of equality He enjoined all

persons irrespective of status to participate in the ἔρανος on friendship terms This instruction was given to

ensure that meals were equitably distributed to all and sundry irrespective of their social status and it conforms

to the expectations of the Grecondash Roman milieu where dinner is a democratic affair (δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ

δεῖπνον)115

This speaks to Paulrsquos dissatisfaction about the Corinthians Paulrsquos dissatisfaction is seen in his

remarks that some of the members become satisfied and drunk while others are hungry Paulrsquos concern is that

the members of the ἐκκλησία would exhibit ἰσότητος (1121 cf1333ndash34)116

Furthermore in 1 Cor 14 Paul

expresses his gratitude to God for the Corinthians However he does not commend them for the proceedings of

their assembly (1 Cor 1117) Paul claims that their assembly was not for the better but for the worse (1117)

This situation could not merit his commendation He successively poses four questions in 1122 and ends with

ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ117

3 Timing

Punctuality was the standard for banquets however some diners arrived late If the hypothesis that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία had a common meal typology as other GrecondashRoman associations holds then it is

plausible that some members of the ἐκκλησία could arrive late for meals Plato indicates that at one time when

108

See Plut ldquoIsis and Osirisrdquo 370 e in Moralia V where Empedocles calls this principle ldquofriendshiprdquo or

ldquofriendlinessrdquo or and usually ldquoconcordrdquo

109 Plut ldquoOn Calumniatingrdquo Moralia V 156

110 Plut ldquoDinner Party of the Seven Sagesrdquo 158

111 Ath Deip 114

112 Sen Ad Luc 32

113 There is a tension between the notion of social equality and social stratification

114 Hom Ill 1468 602 2432

115 See Quaest Conv 616 F of Plutarchrsquos Moralia Timon expresses social equality in the following words τί

οὐκ ἐντεῦθεν ἀρξάμενοι πρῶτον ἐθίζομεν ἀτύφως καὶ ἀφελῶς κατακλίνεσθαι μετrsquo ἀλλήλων εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῶν

θυρῶν ὁρῶντας ὅτι δημοκρατικόν ἐστι τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ οὐκ ἔχει τόπον ἐξαίρετον ὥσπερ ἀκρόπολιν ἐφrsquo

οὗκατακλιθεὶς ὁ πλούσιος ἐντρυφήσει τοῖς εὐτελεστέροις

116 For further study on Paulrsquos desire for ἰσότητος see 2 Cor 813ndash15

117 ldquoIn this I do not praise yourdquo 1 Cor 1122e My translation

43

dinner had begun one of his diners Socrates was absent Even though Agathon the host gave the directive to go

for him he did not allow it However he later arrived about midndashway through the dinner118

The incidence of diners arriving late for a meal was similar to the Corinthian situation where some

members of the ἐκκλησία took their meal before the arrival of others It illuminates how the ἐκκλησία could fit

into the category of an association If the assumption that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was akin to the Grecondash

Roman associations holds then the comparison helps in interpreting 1 Corinthians in the following ways It

helps in deciding on for example the verb προλαμβάνειν In his reconstruction of Corinthian scenario P

Lampe translates προλαμβάνειν as ldquopremature beginningrdquo119

He suggests that the wealthy Corinthians began

eating their own meal before the arrival of others According to the eranos custom therefore latecomers who

for time constraint or lack of money to prepare their own food baskets had to remain hungry120

4 Drunkenness

This feature fits all meals and not just associations I include it because it provides a parallel to 1 Cor

1121 Drunkenness is evident during the partaking of the meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία121

The συμπόσιον

would usually end in general drunkenness122

This is similar to Corinthian ἐκκλησία It also buttresses the fact

that the meal taken was analogous to what other associations partook Drunkenness was a regular feature at

banquets and was ldquoa convenient excuse for any other wise abnormal behaviorrdquo123

If the meal was already

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον at the time Paul was writing then the portion given to an individual would be such that it could

hardly make one intoxicated H Conzelmann comments that ldquoFellowship is canceled when one suffers want

and another is drunk this holds even if the reproach of drunkenness is not taken too strictlyrdquo124

J A Fitzmyer

commenting on 1122 states that ldquo[t]he further description of one such diner who goes ahead as ldquohungryrdquo and

another as ldquodrunkrdquo stands in contrast to ldquothose who have nothingrdquo125

The understanding therefore is that the

situation of a diner lacking an element would not arise if the celebration were the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

5 Character

The character of some of the members in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was similar to that of some of the

guests at festive meals According to Plato ldquomenrsquos characters are brought to light over winerdquo 126

The text under

review is explicit that some of the members were drunk This to some extent reveals their character It can be

inferred that they had more than enough and could have shared with other members but they declined The

118

Plato Symp 175 CndashD

119 P Lampe ldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 39 poses the question ldquoCan their

lsquopremature beginningrsquo (prolambanein) be interpreted in the light of the Greco-Roman meal custom

120 Ibid

121 It is noteworthy that here Paul is engaged in rhetorical exaggeration

122 Robert Flaceliegravere Daily Life in Greece at the time of Pericles 175

123 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 36

124 H Conzelmann A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians 195

125 J A Fitzmyer First Corinthians A New with Introduction and Commentary 434

126 Plato Symp 129

44

behavior put up by the members of the ἐκκλησία could have its roots in the prevailing culture where invited

guests could be marginalized It was part of the regulations of some associations to give ldquopreferential treatmentrdquo

to members who had offered distinguishing service127

Theissen expresses the view that there is the likelihood

that the rich Christians did not experience any guilty conscience in all that transpired They would have thought

of their actions as a means of offering help to the poorer members Moreover P Lampe referencing Plato

Lucian and Athenaeus points out that the wealthy Christians had a clear conscience when they started their

meals before others Their behavior was in consonance with the cultural context where guests who were late

could participate in the Second Tables128

One element that is common to both the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and GrecondashRoman associations is

fractiousness Fractiousness often characterized the associations especially at meals129

Evidence for infighting

is found in a guild regulation of the cult association of Zeus Philadelphia (Arsinoites Fayucircm Egypt) P Lond

VII 2193 69ndash58 B C E) 130

It specifies that 1 all members respect the leader and the assistant in matters

regarding the κοινον (association)131

2 it is illegal to foment σχίματα or for a member to leave the φράτρα

(brotherhood) of the leader to join another φράτρα and 3 no member may insult one another at a συμπόσιον

(banquet)132

From the Lanuvium inscription regulations were given concerning disputes at communal meal in

the bylaws of a benevolent association The bylaws prohibited members from causing disturbance133

In the case

of the Iobacchi at Athens for example a member was not supposed to speak without the permission of the

priest or the vicendashpriest134

In 1 Cor 1428 29 Paul is making a similar kind of argument when he asks the

prophets within the ἐκκλησία to take turns

2 2 2 Social Mobility Internal Evidence about Voluntary associations

Social mobility provides one of the pieces of evidence that Corinth is an association Citing examples

of Greek elections in Hellenistic and Roman epigraphic and literary sources and drawing examples from

associations and correspondences Richard Last submits that αἱρέσις is a technical term used in antiquity for the

127

G Theissen The Social Setting of Pauline Christianity Essays on Corinth 161 ff

128 Cf Plato Symp 212 CD 223 B Lucian Lex 9 13 and Ath Deip 5 180 A

129 J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

130 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo HTR 29 (1936) 39ndash88 Richard S

Ascough Philip A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

131 P Lond VII 2193

132 C Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsistosrdquo Richard S Ascough Philip A

Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW 295

133 R S Ascough P A Harland and J S Kloppenborg AGRW Lanuvium (Campania Italy) CIL XIV 2112

AGRW 310 Specifically line 50 [15] stipulates ldquohellip any member who moves from one seat to another so as to

cause a disturbance shall be fined four sestercesrdquo Cf J S Klopppenborg ldquoGreco-Roman Thiasoi the Ekklēsia

at Corinth and Conflict Managementrdquo211

134 SIG 1109 108 D Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 130 ldquoIn the gathering no one was allowed to sing

cause a disturbance or applaud Rather with all order or decorum members shall speak and do their parts as the

priest or the head of the bacchic devotees directsrdquo

45

kind of elections held in voluntary associations135

In a philological study he demonstrates that the verb αἱρέομαι

and the cognate noun αἱρέσις as employed by Paul connote ldquothe act of electingrdquo and the ldquoactual electionrdquo

respectively136

He cites an example of this use from Tebtynis (P PragueDem1 137 BCE) on ldquofactious

behaviorrdquo137

Likewise he alludes to an example from the Lanuvium inscription (CIL XIV 2112 = AGRW 310

Italy 136 CE) that mentions the involvement of magistrates in ldquofactiousnessrdquo138

Just as Paul instructed that

there be no σχίσματα in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία it is specified here that fines will be imposed on officers who

struck members139

While the object of meeting at a banquet is to promote social interaction the distribution of food can

bring disunity because ldquofood is a subject so sensitive to social manipulationhelliprdquo140

There is the likelihood that

some of them could be officers The physical setting of the gathering offers us the opportunity to understand the

dynamics of social mobility in the GrecondashRoman world Related to this feature is Richard Lastrsquos argument

about the election of officers in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Last completely reorients the typical understanding of

αἱρέσεις in this passage 141

He contends that the use of αἱρέσις in 1 Cor 1119 by Paul indicates that the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία elected rotating administrative leaders whose duties included the managing of affairs at the

Lordrsquos Supper In Lastrsquos reading the ldquobanquet problems (ie σχίσματα)rdquo associated with the communal meal

were due to the lack of election of officers when their tenure of office expired142

This evidence also supports a

parallel with a voluntary association rather than a patriarchal housendashchurch arrangement

In Lastrsquos reading the composition of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was such that members could be elected

into office for administrative purposes and exercise control over the distribution of food at table This is

indicated by the language Paul uses in 1 Cor 1119 The notion of ldquoflat hierarchyrdquo of temporary and rotating

officers gave room for social mobility The refusal to allow elections to be held has been identified as one of the

possible causes of the banquet problems which the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced143

These examples provide evidence for establishing the presence of leaders in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία in

the following ways First the organizational structure of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία allows that there were officers

135

R Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo NTS 59 (2013) 365ndash381 at 375 Other

words he employs include αἱρεθείς οἱ αἱρεθέντες αἱρέσεως ἑλέσθαι and αἱρεθῆναι He cites an example where

ldquoa certain Mēnis was elected (αἱρέσεις) to become the grouprsquos treasurer (IG 2 127 = GRA I 13 Attica 2998

BCE)rdquo374

136 Ibid 375

137 Ibid 372

138 Ibid

139 Ibid See also n 22 The examples include ldquoSEG 31 122= GRA I 50 Attica early II CE P Lond VII 21938

11ndash12= AGRW 295 Philadelphia Egypt 69ndash58 BCE P Mich VIII 511 unknown location in Egypt D E

Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 99ndash102

140 Mary Douglas ldquoDeciphering a Mealrdquo 83

141 Richard Last ldquoThe Election of Officers in the Corinthian Christ-Grouprdquo esp 374ndash378

142 Ibid 380

143 Ibid esp 368 ff

46

in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Second related to the first point is Paulrsquos use of two terms that are commonly

employed in civic and association elections namely αἱρέσεις and δόκιμοι (1 Cor 1119) The examples serve as

indicators of how the Corinthian ἐκκλησία operated in a manner similar to the GrecondashRoman associations

Moreover it confirms that the σχίσματα that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία faced during their banquets were typical of

the proceedings of thiasoi and collegia144

Furthermore the examples provide key information regarding the

social and religious life in Roman Corinth and supplement data in literary sources and give insight into ldquocivic

life at ground level as well as from the heightsrdquo145

In the analysis I notice that GrecondashRoman meals can explain most of the features of the Corinthian

δεῖπνον By way of summary I have observed that the structure of the Greek Roman and Jewish meals follow

the same pattern146

The ancient peoples of the Mediterranean world within the period circa 300 B C E and

circa 300 C E seemed to have common dining customs with some variations147

The rules of the associations in

the GrecondashRoman world influenced the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία There were marked similarities

between the Corinthian ἐκκλησία and the voluntary associations of the GrecondashRoman milieu Members of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in the δεῖπνον The associations had rules which governed the behavior of

members at table The problem of σχίσματα was typical of the meetings of the thiasoi and collegia Just as Paul

had to address the problem of fractiousness in Corinthian ἐκκλησία so it was with the thiasoi and collegia For

instance the bylaws of the Gild of Hypsistos prohibited σχίσματα μηδε σχίματα συνίστασ[θαι]148

In the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the quantity and quality of food the posture of reclining reflecting statuses

of guests the relaxed atmosphere coupled with late dining all contributed to the keen desire for social status

among the guests The lack of an equitable distribution of food contributed towards the instability within the

community Some members were fully satisfied while others were hungry Furthermore there were others who

got drunk This state of affairs can be accounted for by referring to the nature of sociondashcultural setting with its

values within which the members of the ἐκκλησία found themselves The comparison between the voluntary

associations in the GrecondashRoman world and the Corinthian ἐκκλησία reveals that there were similar ritual

dynamics The meal in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία had not yet been shaped as a distinctively Christian ritual On

this premise I posit that some of the practices for example some members eating before others could have

accounted for the σχίσματα that persisted within the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Based on the persistent nature of ritual

144

See for example D E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables The Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 32 Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 72

145 James Rives ldquoCivic and Religious Life in Epigraphic Evidence Ancient History from Inscriptionsrdquo ed

John Bodel (Approaching the Ancient World London Routledge 2011) 118ndash19

146 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19 idem Many Tables the Eucharist in the New Testament and

Liturgy Today 21

147 D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 14 Depending on the basic data he further asserts that ldquothe

evidence supports the hypothesis that basic customs tended to be the same throughout the Mediterranean world

during this periodrdquo 19

148 Colin Roberts T C Skeat and AD Nock ldquoThe Gild of Zeus Hypsisitosrdquo 40ndash42 50 The original word

σχίματα is probably an error for σχίσματα Cf Dennis E Smith and Hal E Taussig Many Tables the Eucharist

in the New Testament and Liturgy Today 32

47

rather than the temporary conditions in the socioeconomic life of a people I postulate that Paul as a pastor is

thus capable to effect changes to the existing meal practices so as to bring stability to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

In conclusion one important trait that characterized GrecondashRoman associations was the sacrificial

feast and common meal The comparison of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία with the GrecondashRoman associations

depicts that there were similar characteristics and patterns for the meal tradition It was usual for the guests to

recline in accordance to their social status The place given to a guest was a reflection of their social status An

influence may be either positive or negative depending on the prevailing circumstances Invariably some of the

cultural values of the GrecondashRoman associations specifically in the area of honor and status adversely affected

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I have discussed the fact that there were debates about status in the literature of

associations Notwithstanding the warrants it is likely that in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία some privileged members

held on to the norms and values of the GrecondashRoman associations especially those pertaining to status This

trait could contribute to the σχίσματα with the result that it marred rather than promoted fellowship D E

Garland succinctly captures the state of affairs

Values that were antithetical to the message of the cross ndash particularly those related to honor and status

so basic to the GrecondashRoman social system in which power manifesting itself in ruthlessness and

selfndashadvancement is thought to be the only sensible course ndash percolated into the church destroying its

fellowship and its Christian witness as some members sought to balance civic norms and Christian

norms149

2 3 Physical Setting

As mentioned in chapter one another traditional interest in the study of the Corinthian banquet praxis is

the physical setting of the gathering The discussion will be expanded further by reviewing more recent views

expressed by Annette Weissenrieder on the setting for supper The location and ritual status of the communal

meal in Corinth are significant in understanding the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Recent studies

have now shifted the location from house churches to public places There has not been any consensus with

regard to the ritual status of the communal meal a concern which the present thesis addresses

There is both archaeological and literary evidence that portrays indigenous designs and physical

structures of dining rooms in the GrecondashRoman world Both Greeks and Romans used similar fashions even

though the patterns for designing the dining rooms were developed differently and conveyed different social

messages150

In a Greek house the dining room commonly known as ὁ ἀνδρὼν was a place where the

paterfamilias was to entertain the male guests There are the dining rooms of ldquoandron typerdquo and ldquoPindashformedrdquo

type of arrangement151

While the Greek andron type signifies social equality the Pindashshaped ones do not152

It

149

D E Garland 1 Corinthians 5ndash6

150 See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoTriclinum and Stibadiumrdquo in Dining in a Classical Context ed William J

Slater (Ann Arbor University of Michigan Press 1991) for the details of Greek and Roman evidence

151 ὁ ἀνδρὼν is derived from Xenophon Symposium 14 meaning ldquomenrsquos roomrdquo Couches in the Pi-shaped

rooms are arranged in a ldquoPirdquo shape See Katherine M D Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Biberetur Greeks and

Romans on the Dining Couchrdquo in Meals in a Social Context Aspects of the Communal Meal in the Hellenistic

and Roman World ed Inge Nielsen and Hanne Sigismund Nielsen (Aarhus Aarhus University Press 1998)

82 86ndash98 for a description of the ldquoandrōn typerdquo and ldquoPi-formedrdquo dining rooms Jason Koumlnig Saints and

48

was usual to have rooms which held seven or eleven couches in buildings for the purpose of dining153

Jonathan

Z Smith considers space to be one of the important elements of ritual which translates actions which in other

contexts are meaningless or carry a different meaning into meaningful ones and thus communicates to both

participants and observers154

More recently and convincingly Annette Weissenrieder has argued that the

Corinthian church was actually meeting in public space not in homes155

In contrast to the views expressed by

MurphyndashOrsquoConnor Weissenrieder making use of topography architectural details and drawing from selected

texts from 1 Corinthians mentions that in ancient times the customs of sitting and reclining were an important

indication of the social organization of a community156

She uses the spaces in 1 Cor 11ndash14 (ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ οἰκία

and ἐν οἴκῳ for her evidence She points out that Paul does not use οἶκος when he mentions συνέρχομαι but

rather ἐκκλησία ldquoin the space of an assemblyrdquo157

This evidence shifts the Corinthian meal more firmly into the territory of a voluntary association

There are various kinds of space in antiquity Further Weissenrieder cites instances of posture (standingsitting

reclining) in relation to GrecondashRoman social models She observes that the word used for sitting (κάθημαι) in

James 22ndash3 in a community assembly is the same as that used in 1 Cor 1430 In considering the issue whether

1 Cor 14 is about a reclining meal or a seated meal she assumes ldquotwo orders of worship ndash a Communion liturgy

and a liturgy of the Word in chapters 11 and 14rdquo158

In Pro Flacco 16 Cicero topographically links the ldquopolitical structurerdquo of the Greek society with the

ldquospacerdquo used by the theater for political functions159

Weissenrieder notes that one thing that is evident with

seating in different spaces is that the issue is not so much with the space per se but rather ldquothe capacity of the

space to be experiencedrdquo and the manner it is utilized by the ldquoperceiving subjectsrdquo160

The space being the

ldquospatial expression of the physical energyrdquo of the members of the assembly symbolizes the ldquosocietyrsquos way of

Symposiasts the Literature of Food and the Symposium in Greco-Roman and Early Christian Culture 7

literally ὁ ἀνδρὼν means ldquoroom for menrdquo It was ldquoan intimate inward-looking spacerdquo and represents the

ldquophysical space of the Greek dining roomrdquo

152 Katherine MD Dunbabin ldquoUt Graeco More Bibereturrdquo 89 95 98

153 Ibid 83

154 Jonathan Z Smith To Take Place 26ndash29 45ndash 4668ndash 6994ndash95 103ndash117

155 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo

156 Ibid 63

157 Ibid 83

158 Ibid 64 P Lampe ldquoldquoThe Eucharist Identifying with Christ on the Crossrdquo 41 is not certain about the

situation He states ldquo[M]aybe the worship activities of 1 Cor 12ndash14rdquo

159 Cited by A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 59 ldquoBut all Greek

states are wholly governed by the rashness of the assembly while sitting (sedentis contionis) hellipWhen

completely unskilled and ignorant men without experience too their seats in the theatre that was when they

undertook profitless wars put seditious men in charge of the state and threw out their most deserving citizensrdquo

160 Ibid 60

49

thinkingrdquo161

Therefore in the passage cited Cicero is not criticizing the choice of the theater as a meeting place

but rather the physical posture which signifies ldquophysical weakness and lack of orderrdquo162

Consequently

ldquosubject and space become variables independent of one anotherrdquo163

The subjects who operate in the space

generate the conceptual representation of space as well as the meaning of space She draws on the conceptual

models of space by Aristotle Emmanuel Kant and Ernst Cassirer to establish her case In consonance with

Greek thought she distinguishes between τοπος and κενον and agrees with P ArztndashGrabner that ἐν παντὶ τόπῳ

should be understood in relation with ἐκκλησία in 1 Cor 12 as an axiom as a specific location such as a ldquotown

quarterrdquo or a specific ldquoroomrdquo and not as ldquoeverywhererdquo164

She emphasizes that spaces that host gatherings

convey not only a kind of social order but they also portray a societyrsquos mode of thinking by virtue of the fact

that the spaces symbolize these thoughts through the conduct of the people what she calls semiotic codes

Employing space typology and semiotic codes she gives insight into these conceptual models and organizations

by investigating the posture at gatherings of the Corinthian community

Weissenrieder examines the differences between a seated meal and a reclining meal Through visual

and textual sources she demonstrates that there are cases of both postures of a seated meal and reclining meal

and that there is a distinction between them She supports the evidence with the example of a mosaic from

Carthage 165

Weissenrieder rightly states ldquoWhereas one automatically brings the idea of reclining meal from

chapter 8 to 1 Cor 11 it is surprising that 1 Cor 14 which speaks of sitting during worship remains relatively

unconsidered in scholarly literaturerdquo166

She accedes that only Dennis E Smith proposes that a meal was eaten

while sitting during the meeting167

She sees only one issue ndash that related with sitting and that concerning the

number of participants at the meal

Weissenrieder makes the point that the completion of the creation of the space of the ἐκκλησία by the

subject does not embody only those who already regard themselves as members of the ἐκκλησία She orients the

meaning of ἰδιώτης to mean a private citizen ldquoHere the important distinction is not between inside ndash outside

learned ndash unlearned but rather between official and private citizenrdquo168

She substantiates her claim by

considering the gathering place of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία as characterized by ldquochristological forcesrdquo

A gathering place of the ekklēsia in 1 Corinthians is therefore also always the spatial expression of

christological forces which constitutes itself in social reality in hte space of the political ekklēsia and

161

Ibid

162 Ibid

163 Ibid (italics in the original)

164 Ibid 61

165 Ibid 66

166 Ibid 64

167 Ibid ldquoTo my knowledge only Smith in his book From Symposium to Eucharist has addressed this issue

proposing that there was a meal eaten while sitting and an assembly meeting in this case at a table No further

conclusions however are drawn from this observationrdquo See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash

201

168 Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 14 30rdquo 106

50

also contains its conceptual spatial representation by adopting the organization of meaning of the

spatial construction of a political ekklēsia169

In 1 Corinthians the proceedings in chapter 11 are Christological Like the other ἐκκλησίαι in the

GrecondashRoman world they met for social interaction which facilitated social cohesion As it will be

demonstrated in chapter 3 the possible vehicle for the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to have attained

stability was by means of a distinct and heightened form of ritual specifically the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) Weissenrieder captures this notion in the following words ldquoThe ekklēsia

represents not only the gathering of the Corinthian community and is therefore a symbol of their cohesion but it

is also by means of the celebration of the Last Supperrdquo170

Moreover it was through the celebration of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία could launch their ldquochristological selfndash understandingrdquo171

Weissenrieder rightly remarks that ldquothe Corinthian ekklēsia not only possessed a space but rather was this

spacerdquo172

At this stage it is worth deciding whether Paul is imagining a single ritual setting or occasion or a

division between the setting of the meal and the worship setting in 10ndash14 From the arguments made the

Corinthians participated in all the status divisions that are implied with reclining I wish to assess the possible

postures in 10ndash14 The first possibility relates to the structure of GrecondashRoman meals In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 no

mention is made of the custom of reclining however reclining (κατακείμενον) is used in 810173

If the

assumption that some of the practices of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were akin to the GrecondashRoman associations

holds then it is likely that the posture for meals in chapter 11 could be reclining The social setting could make

room for class distinction and exhibition of social prowess This dynamic could probably give some members

the audacity to despise others (cf 1 Cor 1122)

The second possibility has a semantic flavor Paul uses both κατάκειμαι (810) and κάθημαι (1430)

The probability is that Paulrsquos use of κάθημαι could indicate a variation of posture during the meetings of the

Corinthian ἐκκλησία The basis for this probability is that while there was a standard structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquet regarding the practices of the first century there were some distinctions In Homer for

example his heroes do not recline but sit at their banquets

169

Ibid

170 Ibid

171 Ibid

172 Ibid (emphasis original)

173 Ibid 64 n18 cites other verses to support the translation of ldquokatakeimenonrdquo as reclining Mark 215 Luke

529 [143]rdquo The third reference is a typographical error The actual reference is Mark 143 The other

examples in the NT that can be added to the list are John 56 Acts 933 ldquoOtherwise anakeimairdquo which

specifically means lsquoreclining on cushionsrsquo is more common for example in Mark 1418 1614 Matt 910

2210 11 267 20 Luke 2227 John 611 12 2 1323 28rdquo I agree with Weissenrieder especially as one

looks at Matt 99 10 where the evangelist uses κάθημαι to describe the posture of a tax-collector (9 9) and

ἀνάκειμαι to indicate the posture at ldquomealsrdquo (910)

51

Πυργίων δ᾽ ἐν τρίτῳ Κρητικῶν Νομίμων lsquoἐν τοῖς συσσιτίοις φησίν οἱ Κρῆτες καθήμενοι συσσιτοῦσι174

Dures

indicates that sitting at meals was occasionally the practice of Alexander the king He at one time directed

about six thousand of his captains to sit on silver chairs and couches wrapped with purple covers175

If the

second probability gives credence then it is plausible that by way of variety the προφῆται sat during the

assembly (1429ndash30) There is no mention of meals in the discussions in chapters 12ndash14 The context helps us

to determine the activity In 1 Cor 1430 the activity is prophesying In prophesying the one prophesying has to

be silent if the other prophet who is sitting (καθημένῳ) receives a revelation ἐὰν δὲ ἄλλῳ ἀποκαλυφθῇ

καθημένῳ ὁ πρῶτος σιγάτω (1 Cor 1430)176

1 Cor 12ndash14 could indicate the second part of the banquet ie

συμπόσιον not for a meal but other activities as implied by the text

In antiquity the term ἐκκλησία pertains to the meeting of an association177

In applying the

KinghardtSmith paradigm that indicates that a common praxis typified all kinds of associations I consider 1

Corinthians 10ndash14 as one unit178

The reasons are that in the entire epistle συνέρχομαι appears only in 1117

18 20 22 33ndash34 and 1423 and 26 The use of συνέρχομαι in all the instances cited is about gathering In 1 Cor

14 the posture indicated is sitting (κάθημαι) Paul does not mention reclining It is worth considering the

frequency of meeting of the ἐκκλησία This gives me the prospect to imagine how often the members of the

ἐκκλησία were able to gather to have a meal Could they meet for a meal and gather for worship as another

event or did they gather for both as a single event If it was a single setting then the possibility was that the

members changed their posture from reclining to sitting thus moving away from the tables This explanation fits

in with 1430 where Paul uses κάθημαι Moreover the use of ὅταν lends support to this explanation It sheds

light on the temporal nature of the meetings The use of συνέρχομαι in conjunction with εἰς τὸ φαγεῖν makes it a

purpose clause (1133) Its use with ἵνα μὴ indicates result (1134) Furthermore taking a clue from the

expression Paul uses in 1125 ndash μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι ndash it is probable to consider that the worship setting in

174

Ath Deip 4 143 ϵ ldquoPyrgion in the third book of his treatise on The Cretan Laws states at their

(συσσίτιον) common meal the Cretans sit and eatrdquo My translation

175 Ath Deip 131 See also 120 432 52 18 20 1 See also D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 19

who states that according to Athenaeus the Cretans continued sitting at table ldquolong after the Greeks had adopted

the practice of recliningrdquo Smith further mentions another ancient writer Plutarch in addition to Athenaeus that

they paid close attention to the variations in table customs in ldquodifferent regions and ethnic divisions of the

Roman Empirerdquo

176 ldquoBut if it is revealed to the other sitting let the first be silentrdquo My translation

177 Edwin Hatch The Organization of the Early Christian Churches ldquoἐκκλησία is used of the meeting of an

association in e g Le Bas et Waddington vol viii No 1831 1832 Le Bas vol iv 1915= Corp Inscr Graec

No 2271 hellip so τὸ κοινόν which is in ordinary use for the general body of an association is used e g in Euseb

H E 6 19 16 73227 for the general body of the churchrdquo Furthermore Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested

Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo states that ἐκκλησία ldquoappears in numerous official documents of

the Achaean league in which Corinth had a leading role The examples she cites include Polybius 2466

Plutarch Aratos 42 and Dio Cassius 21721 See 96 n 152 for the detailed list

178 See Annette Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 104 who poses the

question ldquohow can the Corinthiansrsquo sitting described in 1430 be explained given that chapters 11ndash14 belong

together formally and in terms of contentrdquo

52

chapters 12 and 14 is the kind that follows the δεῖπνον179

If this interpretation is right then I suggest that Paul is

addressing the έκκλησία in a single setting with two parts Following the GrecondashRoman pattern they would

partake in the δεῖπνον (11) followed by the συμπόσιον (12 and 14) The evidence is sparse for me to decide

whether the posture for the assembly was reclining throughout the meeting of the έκκλησία or it involved both

reclining and sitting This necessitates further research beyond the scope of the present research What matters

most is a ritual space ndash a good site for assembling

2 31 The State of the Meal in Corinth already a specifically Christian Ritual

In this section I will argue that the practice of the δεῖπνον in the Roman Corinth έκκλησία was not yet

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and that the ritual theories of Harvey Whitehouse and Roy A Rappaport (as will be discussed

in chapter 3) demonstrate how Paulrsquos comments about the communal meal might help to strengthen the identity

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία A recent wave of meal studies has shown that early Christian meals as ldquoform and

practicerdquo were virtually identical with private meals and meals of associations180

Andrew B McGowan suggests

that ldquo[v]arious groups seem to have had different explicit understandings and purposes in mind to have used

eating and drinking together in a variety of ritual formsrdquo181

I will turn next to address George Mayrsquos

presentation that the communal meal is not yet a specifically Christian ritual when Paul writes 1 Corinthians

In a twondashpart article George May consistently argues that the texts on the accounts of the Last Supper

ldquodo not need to be understood as teaching or recording the institution of a ritual meal or a command to repeat

the practice of such a mealrdquo182

He rightly notes that Paulrsquos allusion to the ldquoLordrsquos tablerdquo in 1 Cor 10 serves as a

prolepsis in anticipation of a longer discussion in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash34183

By implication just because Paul

talks about the blood of Christ and the body of Christ in turn does not mean the Lordrsquos Supper is an existing

title He mentions it there with the idea of talking about it very soon May contends that Jesusrsquo words of

institution are applicable only to the meal that he shared with his disciples before his crucifixion and it climaxes

the series of meals he had with them and the outcasts Moreover the significance of the meal is the

commemoration of him rather than the Exodus from Egypt184

May claims that the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία assembled for a meal that was not ldquoa token or symbolic meal but a real meal nourishing dinnerrdquo

185

179

See D E Smith From Symposium to Eucharist 200ndash201 who proposes that the worship activities recorded

in chapters 12 and 14 take place at table

180 Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Meals

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 15ndash23 at 20 ldquomeals of workersrsquo guilds a festive

birthday celebration or a meal hosting an honored guest from the next townrdquo

181 Andrew B McGowan ldquoFood Ritual and Power in Late Ancient Christianity (Minneapolis Fortress Press

2005) 145ndash164 at 146

182 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 1 Meals in

the Gospels and Actsrdquo RTR 60 (2001) 138ndash150 here 139ndash40 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or

Relationship Making a Meal of it in Corinth Part 2 Meals at Corinthrdquo RTR 61 (2002) 1ndash18

183 Ibid Part 2 3

184 Ibid Part 1 142

185 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 2 13

53

He thus in referencing G D Fee intimates that the table practice at Corinth was perceived as a ldquoreal meal and

not as a sacrament in the modern senserdquo186

Paulrsquos reason for stating the Lordrsquos Supper narrative is that it was to

serve as a reminder of the manner in which they should share their meals which would reflect the visual

manifestation of their unity What was of significance was the participation of the members in the meal but not

ldquothe elements of bread and winerdquo187

May asserts that none of that evidence makes it seem likely that the Lucan Jesus was trying to

establish a continuing practice Jesus was doing something special at that meal but not setting up something that

it was meant to be repeated over and over Moreover not only was Jesus doing something special but

everything special is seen in the account of Paul as features of the GrecondashRoman meal Although I agree with

George May to some extent the pertinent question is if Jesus Christ did not institute a ritual meal and give

directive to his disciples to be perpetuated in his remembrance then how come that the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

persists

Paulrsquos mention of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in 1120 was plausibly a means of introducing an enhanced form

of ritual that was distinct from the Corinthian δεῖπνον (1121) In the present day the exact words used by Paul

are basically used in the celebration of the Lordrsquos Supper This practice makes it even harder to imagine that it

was not always that way Ritual studies helps us to understand Paulrsquos comments even if the Lordrsquos Supper was

already fully instituted at the time of the letter In other words whether Paul established it or it was prendash

existing it was fairly new to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul as an Apostle had the option to give instructions

concerning the practices of the ἐκκλησία and in doing so he chose to emphasize particular features

This observation buttresses the significant point made on the physical location for assembling and that

even gives me more support that the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was analogous to the GrecondashRoman association As

discussed earlier the specificities are all about associations While the symposium affords guests the

opportunity to drink lavishly it is not the case with the setting of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον given that there is a limit

to the extent of drinking in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον It seems probable that in 1 Cor 11 Paulrsquos introduction of a

ritual like the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could serve as a means to ensuring fair distribution of wine

The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was an integral part of the social milieu of the Mediterranean world as

separate Christian culture was not yet established At this point the members of the ἐκκλησία were part of

GrecondashRoman culture Every choice that they made gave them the opportunity to create a new reality There

were the ἐκκλησίαι of Christ or Christndashgroups From the earlier discussion I can surmise that the expressions

that Paul uses are indicative of the fact that the members were involved in practices that were similar to that

practiced by the associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu Paulrsquos use of ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo is instructive in this

regard He states Συνερχομένων οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν (1 Cor 1120) He

contrasts ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo with ldquoτὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνονrdquo The meal that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

partaking was simply not κυριακὸν δεῖπνον but their own meals The fact that they were partaking in their own

meals gave Paul the opportunity to introduce the ldquoκυριακὸν δεῖπνονrdquo Moreover Paulrsquos use of ldquoπρολαμβάνεινrdquo

186

Ibid 8

187 Ibid

54

suggests that some members of the ἐκκλησία preferred eating earlier than others This becomes evident when it

is linked with his instructions in 1133 34 This kind of behavior by some of the members of the ἐκκλησία was

similar to that of the associations in the GrecondashRoman world

24 Conclusion

The foregoing discussion has been on the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and the divisions associated

with it The passage under review (1 Cor 1117ndash34) is the earliest extant written account of the celebration of

what became the Christian Eucharist I have demonstrated that there is a shift from the proposal of different

types of meal to a common meal paradigm that was practiced in the Mediterranean region of the first century

BCE to the fourth century BCE In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul plausibly had his own theological preoccupation ndash

one of introducing a ritual specifically the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to replace an existing one ndash the Corinthian δεῖπνον

ndash as I will demonstrate in chapter 4

In this chapter I have discussed the standard pattern of GrecondashRoman meals making an excursus into

Jewish Table Fellowships The evidence that the Corinthian meal could be traced back to the historical Jesus is

scarce The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were partaking in a real meal It was not yet κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

(οὐκ ἔστιν κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖν 1 Cor 1120) At the time of writing 1 Corinthians the meal the members of

the ἐκκλησία were partaking did not have the sacramental feature The sacramental nature of Christian meals

emerged during the third century C E Therefore the members of the ἐκκλησία did not abuse the Lordrsquos Supper

nor neglect it because they were partaking in a meal that was analogous to the GrecondashRoman meal

In the discussion we noted the difference in opinion in public worship within the ἐκκλησία Paul as a

pastor of the ἐκκλησία needed to respond to the state of affairs The Corinthian ἐκκλησία was part of the social

community within which there were voluntary associations Their organization and procedure of meetings were

akin to that of the voluntary associations In conclusion it was Paul who was creating a new and Christocentric

ritual structure for the Corinthian ἐκκλησία ldquoFood is a powerful symbolic mediumrdquo and the partaking in food

plays a significant role in the rituals of many communities It can be used to ldquoshape group identityrdquo and it helps

in making rules to regulate relations within a group188

If Paul claims that σχίσματα persisted in the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία then it is probable that in 1 Corinthians he was introducing a distinct ritual to shape their identity

Moreover that could also be an avenue to give instructions to the members to improve relations within the

ἐκκλησία

On the basis of the arguments of George May Richard Last and Annette Weissenrieder therefore it

can be inferred that instead of abusing a ritual that was distinctive to the Christndash group the Corinthians were

practicing a GrecondashRoman association meal and Paul was trying to create something new and special ndash a

distinct ritual structure Paul thus exhibited his skill as a pastor in helping to create a ritual that would shape the

Corinthian community Recent scholarship has established the ldquorelatedness between identity and religionrdquo in all

spheres of life of the ancient Mediterranean world GrecondashRoman meals including early Christian meals attest

to the amalgamation of religion and identity

188

Onno Mvan Nijf The Civic World of the Professional Associations in the Roman East 151

55

The GrecondashRoman and (therefore) early Christian mealsrsquo thorough subliminal and (for moderns)

quirky integration of religion and identity is perhaps a classic case in point for the inseparability

between that erarsquos religion and identitieshellip It is at this juncture that the relatively new role ritual

studies is now playing in the study of early Christian meals comes into play189

By way of developing the pattern in 1 Cor 1125 and Luke 2220 it can be inferred that the meal that

the members of the ἐκκλησία were partaking was an association meal and was not yet a heightened ritual form

It was not established as a ritual in the same way that Rappaport may call it selfndashreferential aspect of ritual as I

will discuss in chapter 3 The meal in 1 Corinthians or elsewhere in Pauline contexts was not in any way

associated with Passover elements Paul by way of his instructions in chapter 11 intervenes to introduce a new

reality so as to bring stability into the ἐκκλησία The concept of ritual particularly its characteristics that are

relevant to elucidating the meal practice in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is the subject of the next chapter

189

Hal E Taussig ldquoIntroduction The Study of Identity and Religion in Relationship to Early Christian Mealsrdquo

in Mahl und religioumlse Identitaumlt im fruumlhen Christentum 21 Cf idem In the Beginning was the Meal Social

Experimentation amp Early Christian Meal (Minneapolis Fortress Press 2009) 55ndash85

56

3

Two Ritual Models for Analysis of Paulrsquos Comments

ldquoThe meaning of ritual is deep indeed He who tries to enter it with the kind of perception that distinguishes

hard and white same and different will drown thererdquo

ndash Xunzi (3rd

century BCE)

In the preceding chapter I have undertaken to show that the application of ritual studies in examining

what Paul intended has not received the attention it deserves Words play an obvious and important role in

communication however rituals are able to transmit messages in ways that words do not In this chapter I will

pursue the notion that rituals are a vehicle of communication The aim is to attempt to explore how ritual studies

can be used to unearth what might be Paulrsquos intention in mentioning the tradition that he received from the Lord

in the passage under review The chapter will be in three parts In the first part I will introduce the field of ritual

studies the definitions of ritual and approaches to the study of rituals The second part of the chapter explores

some of the functions of ritual relevant to the study and the appearance of new rituals Part three expands the

discussion on the models of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose works will inform my analysis of

the Corinthian meal

Ritual studies is a subfield in social sciences Social scientists attest to the potency of rituals in

effecting social cohesion and collective identity1 Harvey Whitehousersquos divergent modes of religiosity

(hereafter DMR ) theory offers an explanation to why some religions spread fast in many instances becoming

wellndashestablished institutions with a large following while others have much a smaller localized following even

though they also persist over the years

S C Barton gives four reasons for the use of social sciences approaches The first is a corrective to

ldquotheological Docetismrdquo2 Paulrsquos letters cannot be divorced from the lives and settings of humans in Paulrsquos time

as well as later generations Frequently Barton argues the assumption has been that what is significant about

Paulrsquos letters are ldquothe theological ideas irrespective of their being embedded in the lives of people and

communitiesrdquo3 The next is that in addition to paving way for giving fresh insights on old and pertinent issues

social sciences ldquomake possible a more holistic interpretation of Pauline Christianityrdquo4 Third social sciences

help in handling cultural differences They assist in removing biases and help overcome the tendency for the

reader to find in the texts ldquoa reflection of their own imagerdquo5 By drawing systematic attention to the sociological

1 For discussions of major social scientists on social cohesion see Alexis de Tocqueville The Old Regime and

the French Revolution trans Stuart Gilbert (Garden City NY Doubleday 1955) Eacutemile Durkheim The

Division of Labour in Society trans WD Halls (London Macmillan 1984) Talcott Parsons The Structure of

Social action A Study in Social Theory and Special Reference to a Group of Recent European Writers vols 1

and 2 (New York Free Press 1968)

2 S C Barton ldquoSocial-Scientific Approaches to Paulrdquo in Dictionary of Paul and His Letters ed G F

Hawthorne R P Martin and D G Reid (Downers Grove Ill Inter Varsity Press 1993) 892

3 Ibid

4 Ibid

5 Ibid 893

57

dimensions of the world behind the text they pose the question ldquoWhat are the sociological dimensions of the

world in front of the text the world of the readerrdquo Fourth C S Barton cites the gains of theology and ethics

Aware of the unique place of Paul in the formulation of ldquobeliefs practices and selfndashunderstandingrdquo of the

followers of Christ it is expedient for ldquothe integrity of Christian faith and discipleship that the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony be subject to the scrutiny of all disciplines of critical enquiry including the social sciencesrdquo6

3 1 The Difficulty of Definition

A study of some of the definitions of ldquoritualrdquo indicates that the task of defining ritual is an arduous

one7 Gerald A Klingbeil points out the distinction between the common use of the term and its technical use

He notes specifically that the term ritual has a wide range of meaning and because of that it is usually used

ldquoindiscriminatelyrdquo Its common usage is for dayndash tondash day (nonndashscholarly nonndashtechnical) works while it is also

used in an academic (scholarly and technical) context8 David Parkin gives a minimal definition of ritual as ldquoa

formulaic spatiality carried out by groups of people who are conscious of its imperative or compulsory nature

and who may or may not further inform this spatiality with spoken wordsrdquo9 Four important characteristics of

ritual can be identified from David Parkinrsquos definition (1) space ndash where the ritual is situated (2) character ndash

6 Ibid As Barton himself points out there are limitations to the approaches of social sciences He mentions

ldquoanachronismrdquo ldquothe limitations of statisticsrdquo the fact that social sciences sometimes make too much of their

claims and ldquoPost-Enlightenment presuppositionsrdquo He points out that the social sciences like all theories of

interpretation have a history Rooted in ldquopost-Enlightenment atheism and hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo it gives

theology and religion an ldquoepiphenomenalrdquo status The forces that contend with Theology and Religion include

the ldquohuman unconsciousrdquo (Freud) class conflict (Marx) the maintenance of society (Durkheim) and the

legitimation of patriarchal domination (feminism) This therefore calls for the awareness for the interpreters of

Paul At least two effects might develop by creating such awareness First it might forestall the tendency of

driving Pauline interpretation in a ldquosecularizing directionrdquo Second the reactive nature of ldquoatheism and the

hermeneutics of suspicionrdquo might cause the interpreter of Pauline interpretation to embrace ldquohermeneutical

insights from the social sciences which make possible a more clear-sighted engagement with the truth of Paulrsquos

testimony and with perversions of itrdquo 893ndash95

7 See the Appendix I of J Platvoet in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behaviour ed Platvoet Jan and

Karel van der Toorn (SHR 67 Leiden EJ Brill 1995) 42ndash45 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and

Dimensions (New York Oxford University Press 2009) 1ndash60 equally provides a historical review of ritual

idem ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol11 ed Lindsay Jones 2d ed (Detroit

Macmillan 2005) 7848 (emphasis original) ldquoThe term ritual remains difficult to definehelliprdquoR A Rappaport

Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 70 states ldquothe kinds of meaning to be found in ritual might be

indefinitely manifoldrdquo G A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14 writes

ldquoDefining ritual is a dangerous and risky undertakingrdquo (Emphasis original) Jan Koster ldquoRitual Performance

and the Politics of Identity On the Functions and Uses of Ritualrdquo Journal of Historical Pragmatics (2003)

211ndash248 at 2 states ldquoThe notion lsquoritualrsquo is notoriously hard to definerdquo Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too

Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the European Enlightenment and a Search

for New Foundations (Albany State University of New York Press 1992) 27 notes that ldquothe word that is

difficult for post-Enlightenment thinkers is ritual or the symbolic act of a community in which the community

gives expression to and informs itself in the transconceptual reality of human existencerdquo Ronald L Grimes

Beginnings in Ritual Studies (Columbia SC University of South Carolina Press 1995) 5 writes ldquoritual is the

hardest religious phenomenon to capture in texts or comprehend by thinkingrdquo

8 Gerald A Klingbeil Bridging the Gap Ritual and Ritual Texts in the Bible 14

9 David Parkin ldquoRitual as Spatial Direction and Bodily Divisionrdquo in Understanding Rituals ed Daniel de

Coppet EASA (London Routledge 1992) 18

58

ritual being repeated (3) (minimally) informed participants and (4) function ndash its role within a given community

Richard Schechner states that ldquo[r]itual action is the thought of the peoplerdquo10

Writing from an

ethological perspective he notes that

in ritual ordinary behavior is condensed exaggerated repeated made into rhythms or pulses (often

faster or slower than usual) or frozen into poseshellipRitual action is similar to what happens in theater

and dance There too behavior is rearranged condensed exaggerated and made rhythmic while

colorful costumes masks and face and body painting enhance the movement displays11

Evan M Zuesse considers ritual to be understood as ldquothose conscious and voluntary repetitious and

stylized symbolic bodily actions that are centered on cosmic structures andor sacred presencesrdquo12

He also

identifies two main types of ritual viz confirmatory and transformatory By confirmatory rituals he means

rituals in which the divine orderrsquos ldquobasic boundariesrdquo and ldquointernal spacesrdquo are duly confirmed while

transformatory rituals ldquobridge divisions and regenerate the structurerdquo13

Jonathan Z Smith defines ritual as ldquoa

means of performing the way things ought to be in conscious tension to the way things are in such a way that

this ritualized perfection is recollected in the ordinary uncontrolled course of thingsrdquo14

J Z Smith focuses on

ldquoincongruityrdquo and ldquoincredulityrdquo A classic example of incongruity is his reading of the akicirctu festival15

Also in

his reading of bearndashhunting rituals especially of the paleondashSiberian peoples he suggests that there is

incoherence between word and deed in actual life For him there is often discrepancy in the affairs of the world

Ritual then provides the means of doing things as they ought to be and by which all things can be controlled He

argues that the discrepancy that exists between the ritual and nonndashritual world creates the opportunity for

ldquoreflection and rationalizationrdquo to the extent that we get to know what ought to have been done which was not

done and what ought to have taken place which did not16

Ritual thus provides a ldquofocusing lensrdquo that allows

people to grasp the full significance of an event in life17

His definition like that of Zuesse focuses on ritual

action

Ronald L Grimes critiques the view of ritual exclusively as ldquotraditional (rather than invented)

collective (rather individual) prendashcritical (rather than selfndashconscious and reflective) and meaningfulrdquo18

While

10

Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo JRitSt 11(1987) 12

11 Ibid5

12 Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7833ndash7848 at 7834

13 Ibid 7841

14 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown (CSHJ

Chicago University of Chicago Press 1982) 53ndash65 at 63 (emphasis original) idem ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual (CSHJ Chicago University of Chicago Press 1987) 109

15 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoA Pearl of Great Price and a Cargo of Yams A Study in Situational Incongruityrdquo in

Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 90ndash101 Smith exhibits the incongruities that exist between

the ideal situations and the ldquohistorical realiardquo of a people 95 Akicirctu festival is the New Year ritual of ancient

Mesopotamia and Babylonia

16 Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 61 63

17 Ibid 57 63ndash65

18 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRe-inventing Ritualrdquo Soundings 75 (1992) 21ndash41 at 23

59

in time past we could affirm that ritual is ldquonecessarily traditional collective prendashcritical and meaningful we

now have to say lsquoTaint necessarily sorsquordquo 19

Grimesrsquos definition informs us of the state of persons (personae) the

kind of actions the significance of time and space involved in rituals Ritual emerges as a group of lively people

perform Their performance involves creativity The acts they perform are meant to shape the group as they

make themselves accessible during critical moments of their existence at their place of origin Grimes states

that ldquoRitualizing transpires as animated persons enact formative gestures in the face of receptivity during

crucial times in founded placesrdquo20

Rites as events have their lifecycles and lifespans As compared to breathing

ritual wavers in ldquofrequency force and volumerdquo depending on a particular cultural context Just like breath

escapes from human mouth transforms and generates new modes so does ritual21

Victor Turner formed his ritual theory in part through field work with the Ndembu people of

Zambia22

He describes ritual as ldquoprescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to technological

routine having reference to beliefs in mystical beings or powersrdquo23

R A Rappaport takes ldquothe term lsquoritualrsquo to

denote the performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not entirely encoded

by the performersrdquo24

Catherine Bell mentions the essence of ritual for new forms of cultural analysis in diverse

disciplines especially in anthropological and sociological fields In addition to anthropologists sociologists and

historians of religions are sociobiologists philosophers and intellectual historians who use ritual as a lens to

understand their worldview25

Bell explains that there are two streams of ritual theorists with regard to language

analogy One school of thought stresses the semiotic (or hermeneutic) aspect of ritual sign language They thus

concentrate on the interpretation of ritual symbols Examples are Victor Turner26

and Clifford Geertz Turner

considers the symbol as ritualrsquos smallest unit that ldquostill retains the specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo as well

as the ldquoultimate unit of specific structure in a ritual contextrdquo27

By use of a paradigm Geertz discusses how

sacred symbols ldquosynthesizerdquo a grouprsquos ethos and worldview28

He buttresses this point by indicating that an

indispensable trait of any religious ritual ldquono matter how apparently automatic or conventionalrdquo is the

19

Ibid 38

20 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 60 cf 63 (trans spirare = to breathe across)

21 Ibid 63

22 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca NY Cornell University Press

1970) 19 Zambia was formerly Northern Rhodesia

23 Ibid 19

24 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 24

25 Catherine Bell Ritual Theory Ritual Practice (New York Oxford University Press 1992) 3

26 Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure (New Brunswick Aldine Transaction 2007)

14 ndash43 52ndash93

27 Victor Turner The Forest of Symbols Aspects of Ndembu Ritual 19

28 Clifford Geertz Interpretation of Cultures Selected Essays (New York Basic Books 1973) 113 127 The

ethos embodies ldquotone character and quality of their life hellipits moral and aesthetic style and moodrdquo

60

ldquosymbolic fusion of ethos and worldviewrdquo29

From the foregoing discussion it becomes evident that although there is no single agreed definition for

ritual there is nonetheless a loose consensus about a set of relevant characteristics This observation takes us to

reviewing some of the approaches to the study of ritual that will contribute to the purpose of this study

3 1 2 Approaches to the Study of Rituals

The study of ritual has its roots in the debate about the origins of religion that led to different styles of

interpretation namely ldquoevolutionary sociological and psychologicalrdquo30

One of the four main schools of

thought was phenomenology of religion31

Those within this category include Rudolf Otto and Mircea Eliade a

distinguished advocate for the phenomenological study of religion In recent times Jonathan Z Smith has

contributed towards the phenomenological approach to the study of ritual Smith pays attention to historical

details of particular situations By this he deemphasises universal structures in preference to historical forms of

religion He shows how an act or object used in the history of a particular society can open avenues for the

ldquopossibility of significancerdquo give new meaning and exhibit the potency for use in another context depending on

the place of performance32

By this notion the question of whether something is ldquoinherently sacred or profanerdquo

becomes a ldquosituationalrdquo rather than a ldquosubstantiverdquo category of ritual33

Thus as Catherine Bell suggests because

of ldquoSmithrsquos influence phenomenology has come to see religion as central to the cognitive need to understand

explain order and adaptrdquo34

The research of Robertson Smith yielded fruits in the inception of three influential schools of

interpretation of religion The first was the ldquomyth and ritualrdquo school spearheaded by James George Frazer

Smithrsquos student The second interpretive approach was the sociological approach to religion and was associated

with Eacutemile Durkheim These anthropologists classify rituals based on what they regard as its main function or

purpose Examples of such classification are ldquorites of passagerdquo ldquodivinatory ritualsrdquo ldquorites of afflictionrdquo

ldquopropitiatory ritualsrdquo ldquoancestral ritualsrdquo ldquofertility ritualsrdquo ldquoexpiatory ritualsrdquo etc35

With regard to the

sociological approach to the study of religion there are both functionalist and neofunctionalist systems to the

29

Ibid 113 cf 126ndash141 esp 127

30 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 3

31 Ibid 3 phenomenologists of religion ldquotended to emphasize mythrdquo Among other definitions of

phenomenology of religion Mircea Eliade uses the term phenomenology of religion as a particular discipline

within Religionswissenschaft It is noteworthy that other translations of the term Religionswissenschaft include

ldquocomparative religionsrdquo ldquoScience of Religionrdquo or most formally ldquohistory of religionsrdquo

32 J Z Smith ldquoTo Take Placerdquo in To Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual The example he cites is the temple

ldquoThe temple serves as a focussing lens establishing the possibility of significance by directing attention by

requiring the perception of differencerdquo104

33 J Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo in Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54ndash56 idem To

Take Place Toward Theory in Ritual 103ndash104 He thus defines ritual as ldquoa mode of paying attentionrdquo and it

plays the role of directing attention 103

34 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 12

35 Cf Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology (London Routledge 2003) xviii Evan M

Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7843

61

study of rituals Typically the functionalist approach is ascribed to both Alfred Reginald RadcliffendashBrown and

Bronislaw Malinowski It was rare in a functionalist interpretation of a social phenomenon to incorporate either

history or ideas and practices from other disciplines Society was viewed as ldquoa static structured system of social

relationsrdquo36

This notion gave rise to two standardized ldquometaphorsrdquo for social phenomena namely the organic

and mechanical37

RadcliffendashBrown called to mind the first of the metaphors when he expressed the view that just as

ldquoevery organ of a living bodyrdquo contributes to the general functioning of the organism so each custom and belief

plays a vital role in the social life of a primal group38

This total ldquomass of institutions customs and beliefs

forms a single whole or system that determines the life of the societyrdquo as it really pertains to the life of an

organism39

Social functionalists therefore regard ritual as ldquoa means to regulate and stabilize the life of this

system adjust its internal interactions maintain its group ethos and restore a state of harmony after any

disturbancerdquo40

Arnold van Genneprsquos approach on the structure of ritual was the ldquosequential methodrdquo It was a

threendashphase sequence of separation transition or margin41

and reincorporation or aggregation for example

lifendashcrisis rites In structuralist analyses ritual can be understood only in terms of how they are used in their

original social setting moreover the most immediate context for any one rite is the sequence of rituals that

immediately precede and follow it42

The third fruit of Robertson Smithrsquos research was the psychoanalytical school established by Sigmund

Freud43

The school adopted the psychoanalytic approach in examining ritual The investigations of Robertson

Smith into the social role of ritual revealed the factor of ldquounconscious forcesrdquo that helped shape the social

behavior of a people44

Their social cohesiveness could be attributed to the primal sacrifice and communal

sharing In addition to the fruits of Robertson Smithrsquos research there is also the philosophical perspective of

ritual Kevin Schilbrack regards ritual studies as an ldquointerdisciplinary jobrdquo of which philosophy is an integral

part He debunks the notion that ritual activities are thoughtless For him a ritual activity is to be regarded as a

way of thinking itself but not as a vehicle for thought He identifies objectivism and representational theory of

knowledge as the hindrance to the contribution philosophy can make towards the study of ritual Related to the

form of functionalism in the study of rituals is the field of ethology Scholars in this category adopt ethological

36

Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

37 Ibid

38 A R Radcliffe-Brown The Andaman Islanders (New York Free Press of Glencoe 1964) 229

39 Ibid 229ndash30

40 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 29

41 or limen denoting ldquothresholdrdquo in Latin

42 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 36 Arnold van Gennep cites the example of baptism

ldquoA ldquoborn- again Christianrdquo descends into a pool of water and emerges from the other side spiritually cleansed

committed and ldquomade newrdquo a married couple go through the door of a temple

43 Ibid 11ndash13

44 Ibid 12

62

and biogenetic approaches to ritual Rappaport is renowned in this area45

Ethologists advanced an argument

about the communicative aspect of ritual action and claimed that ldquothe ritual gestures of animals serve as codes

or signals that transmit information useful to the wellndashbeing of the grouprdquo46

Rituals involve symbolic behavior for example the clasping of hands while praying While functional

structuralism was concerned about how religion or ritual functions scholars who went beyond it were

concerned about what it means They are known as ldquosymbolists culturalists and more awkwardly symbolicndash

culturalistsrdquo47

They regard ldquoculturerdquo as autonomous because it can be analyzed independently of social

structure They focus on the meaning of a symbol in a cultural context rather than what it does in a social

organization In effect the symbolists concentrate on what a particular symbol communicates (i e its

languagelike aspect) within the context of a set of symbols in which it finds itself The meaning of symbols used

in rituals may be readily known to the members of a group With regard to people outside the group the

meaning is made known to them through interaction with members of the group and with the passage of time as

they witness the performance48

From anthropological perspective David Hicks defines ldquoritualsrdquo as ldquoforms of

behavior by which human beings communicate ideas values and sentiments they share in commonrdquo49

In recent currents within the field of ritual studies two major types of ritual theories have been

developed They are the ldquoculturalrdquo and ldquocognitiverdquo types The first type promotes theories that seek cultural

explanation50

while the second type pursues ldquoempirically testable theoriesrdquo51

Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and

Michael Stausberg regard the approaches described earlier in this section as belonging to a period of scholarship

known as ldquothe age of lsquogrand theoriesrsquo rdquo52

Those times are now over They thus suggest a pluralistic approach to

the study of rituals They advocate ldquotheorizing ritualsrdquo meaning shifting from ldquotheories that seek to explain

everythingrdquo to a position that no single theory is adequate to account for the complex nature of the

45

R A Rappaportrsquos model of ritual will be discussed in detail in the third part of this chapter

46 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 31

47 Ibid 61

48 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo in Readings in Ritual

Studies ed R L Grimes (Upper Saddle River NJ Prentice Hall 1996) 149

49 David Hicks Ritual and Belief Readings in the Anthropology of Religion ed David Hicks 3d ed (Lanham

Md AltaMira Press 2010) 93 Hicks gives the following as the definition in the Glossary ldquostereotyped

repetitive behavior or set of behaviors that uses symbols to communicate meaningrdquo502 As regards the third

school of interpretation of religion ritual is used in another broad dimension namely psychoanalytic theory

Evan M Zuesse ldquoRitualrdquo 7833 mentions that any kind of ldquonon-rationalrdquo or ldquorationalized symbolic behaviorrdquo

is regarded as ritual as opposed to ldquopragmatic clearly ends-directed behaviorrdquo Religious rituals can even be

ldquoequated to neurotic compulsionsrdquo

50 Catherine Bell ldquoRitual (Further Considerations)rdquo in Encyclopedia of Religion vol 11 7848ndash7855 esp

7852

51 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo in Understanding the Social World of the New Testament ed

Dietmar Neufeld and Richard E DeMaris (London Routledge 2010) 227

52 Jens Kreinath Jan Snoek and Michael Stausberg ed Theorizing Rituals Issues Topics Approaches

Concepts 2 vols vol 1 (Boston Brill 2006) xxi

63

phenomena53

Risto Uro likewise suggests a piecemeal approach as a solution to theoretical methodological

problems in the study of ritual in early Christianity

Theoretical and methodological problems in the study of early Christian ritual can be best addressed

by a piecemeal approach in which different aspects of Christian behavior as reflected in our sources

are examined in view of the insights and knowledge gained from ritual and cognate studies54

A ldquopiecemealrdquo approach will give partial results I am of the view that owing to the complex nature of ritual we

need to apply the features of ritual that are applicable to a particular text in order to attain holistic results

3 2 A Closer Examination of Ritual Function

The two theorists I have chosen are not strictly functionalists yet still they address aspects of the

functional ritual Ritual has a lot of functions However for the purposes of the present study I will limit the

discussion to the communicative social collective and stabilizing cum innovative functions For any fruitful

discussion on the role that rituals play in any given situation there is the need to ascertain the context The first

of the functions of ritual in the discussion is its communicative function Jan Platvoet and Karel van der Toorn

acknowledging the earlier ritual theories contend that apart from the early theories ritual also has

communicative function of transmitting both implicit and explicit messages By use of symbols ritual has the

capacity of transmitting a multitude of messages ndash some overt and most of them covert ndash to serve ldquostrategic

purposesrdquo55

Rituals are therefore performed to achieve effective communication to both the participants and

observers or outsiders According to ritual theories that emphasize communication the performance of ritual

requires at least two participants ndash ldquoa lsquosenderrsquo and a lsquoreceiverrsquo rdquo56

It is noteworthy that it is not always the case

that what is expressed in ritual can be regarded as a message to be communicated between the participants57

For the purposes of analysis of interndashgroup ritual Jan Platvoet outlines four distinctions in the communication

dimension There is the need to make a distinction first between the direct or overt addressee(s) of a ritual and

its indirect or implied addressee(s) second between the overt or stated message(s) of a ritual and the implied

message (s) third between the fields of direct and indirect communication and fourth giving enhancement to

53

Ibid

54 Risto Uro ldquoRitual and Christian Originsrdquo 231

55 Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual in Plural and Pluralist Societies Instruments for Analysisrdquo in Pluralism and Identity

Studies in Ritual Behaviour 25ndash51 at 41ndash42

56 Ibid 27 Out of the thirteen dimensions discussed by Platvoet regards this dimension as ldquothe collective

dimensionrdquo G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual (Cambridge Cambridge

University Press 1980) 34 mentions the ldquotripartite notion of communication (emitter message medium

receiverrdquo

57 See G Lewis Day of Shining Red An Essay on Understanding Ritual 34ndash35 considers it more appropriate

to conceive in general of the occurrences in ritual in terms of ldquostimulationrdquo rather than communication ldquoTo

limit ritual to its communicative aspect would exclude and falsify its significance for those who perform itrdquo He

mentions other aspects of ritual that ldquoresolve alter or demonstrate a situationrdquo

64

implied messages much more than the overt message to the direct addressee (s) in competitive contexts58

For communication to be effective there is the need for clarification According to J Z Smith a sacred

place is a ldquoplace of clarificationrdquo He regards a ritual place as a focusing lens for the purpose of clarification and

revelation in which the ordinary assumes significance59

This is partly how ritual generates order As

characteristic of all forms of communication distractions are reduced so that the transfer of information can be

heightened In communication the device used to achieve this is ldquoredundancyhellipthrough repetition and

routinizationrdquo60

The advantage in repetition is that it helps the members to remember their past and the raison

drsquoecirctre of their existence They are also able to relate the present with the past based on the effects of the ritual

on the members The disadvantage sometimes is that the members may become familiar with the ritual

procedure to the extent that they tend to go through the performance reluctantly61

Second rituals play social collective functions One such function is the capability to shape and

establish the identity of a group Eacutemile Durkheim establishes the relationship between religion and society

based on his concept of ritualism He regards religion as the basis of society by virtue of the fact that religion

can bring a group of people back to their origin A case in point is his study of the Australian aboriginal

community Durkheim endeared himself to find out what could sustain human social identity and fellowship ndash

solidariteacute This gave rise to his research into totemism what he regarded to be the simplest form of standard

religion among the Aborigines of Australia The totem is the bona fide sign of the Aborigine community and

they put its mark on their bodies An example of a specific detail of Durkheimrsquos research is the performance of

mimetic rites The men take on names of animals for example emus and kangaroos and imitate them In

performing the rites they behave like the animals whose names they bear ldquoBy this means they offer mutual

testimony that they are members of the same moral community and they become conscious of the kinship that

unites themrdquo62

The return of the Aborigines to their origins through rituals was an avenue for the restoration of the

basis of their community Rituals make people deeply engaged in the formation of their religion and society

Rituals lead a group of people to their ancestry and help them to establish a society that holds on to and

ldquoreaffirmrdquo their religious beliefs63

Individuals make a group and each person has some traits which mark

herhim out to be distinct from others On a corporate level a group has distinguishing marks which make one

58

Jan Platvoet ldquoRitual Responses to Plurality and Pluralismrdquo 39

59 Jonathan Z Smith Imagining Religion From Babylon to Jonestown 54 (emphasis original) idem To Take

Place 104

60 Cf Jonathan Z Smith ldquoThe Bare Facts of Ritualrdquo 54

61 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo152

62 Eacutemile Durkheim The Elementary Forms of Religious Life trans Carol Cosman (Oxford University Press

2001) 264

63 Ibid 322 states ldquoNo society can exist that does not feel the need at regular intervals to sustain and reaffirm

the collective feelings and ideas that constitute its unity and its personality Now this moral remaking can be

achieved only by means of meetings assemblies or congregations in which individuals brought into close

contact reaffirm in common their common feelings hence those ceremonies whose goals results and methods

do not differ in kind from properly religious ceremoniesrdquo

65

group distinct from the other Such traits reflect the identity of the group Rituals contribute to the development

of the identity of a group by affirming their belief systems Such belief systems may be rooted in the laurels

status and fame the group had attained over the years As rituals are performed the values and the belief systems

of a group are transmitted to future generations In addition the participants have a sense of belongingness as

they perform a ritual

Ritual likewise helps a community to create social identity Turner developed the liminal phase of

Arnold van Genneprsquos rites de passage and that of Max Gluckmannrsquos on the ritualization of social conflict into a

powerful analytical model Turner identifies two main ldquomodelsrdquo for ldquohuman interrelatednessrdquo that are

ldquojuxtaposed and alternatingrdquo The first model considers society as a ldquostructuredrdquo and ldquodifferentiatedrdquo entity and

the second as ldquoan unstructured and relatively undifferentiated comitatus communityrdquo Turner prefers the Latin

term ldquocommunitasrdquo ldquoLiminal entities are neither here nor thererdquo64

Turner regards liminality to connote the

antistructural quality of the phase between separation and reincorporation and communitas to the

undifferentiated ldquomodality of social relationshiprdquo that generates interaction with one another65

According to

him rituals belong to an ldquoongoing processrdquo which gave the community the room to continually ldquoredefinerdquo and

ldquorenewrdquo itself66

Ritual thus plays a significant role in times of disaster and effects purification and transition through

life changes Gerrie ter Haar in her case study of the True Teachings of Christ Temple observed that African

communities in Bijlmer of Netherlands endeavor to solve life crises by ritual means Ritual serves as a transition

for people to go through life changes The migrants go through a transitional cycle similar to that proposed by

Arnold van Gennep They separate themselves from their home countries and settle in an entirely new and

insecure environment Of significance is the passage through a transitional phase of life which like other ldquolife

crisesrdquo requires ldquoritual or ceremonial validationrdquo67

Whenever there is a disaster the appropriate ritual is

performed for restoration

Gerrie ter Haar further applies Victor Turnerrsquos liminal phase In her study she observes that many of

the migrants have no official status in the wider setting of the Dutch society Conscious of this state of affairs

they make the effort to alter their social status by moving from the lower strata to a higher one The church

communities in the Bijlmer make a significant contribution in this endeavor They create the ldquoinstitutional

contextrdquo for a kind of ritual behavior specially meant to help their members move from one social stratum to the

other and from severance from an old setting into being identified with a new one Ritual thus helps to give the

marginalized a new identity as they are incorporated into a new community It is in such liminal state of affairs

that the performance of ritual helps to bring stability to the marginalized those in transitional stages and those

64

Victor Turner The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure 95

65 Ibid 96ndash97

66 Victor Turner Dramas Fields and Metaphors Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca NY Cornell

University Press 1990) 23ndash35

67 Gerrie ter Haar ldquoRitual as Communication A Study of African Christian Communities in the Bijlmer District

of Amsterdamrdquo in Pluralism and Identity Studies in Ritual Behavior) 135

66

without status in society This point leads to the third main function of rituals relevant to the discussion ndash its

stabilizing function

Many incidents occur within communities that can jeopardize the community and in such situations

rituals are one means to help restore stability Some dangers may be attributed to the behavior or utterances of

persons within a particular community Ritual plays a vital role in stabilizing persons in the midst of the danger

of ldquoretrogressionrdquo Robbie E DavisndashFloyd calls it ldquocognitive stabilizationrdquo68

Moreover van Gennep contends

that rites of passage help to maintain order in ldquochaotic social changesrdquo that have the potential of destabilizing

society ldquoSuch rites distinguish status groups with clearly marked boundaries which contribute to the stability

of social identities and rolesrdquo69

Ritual plays a significant role in ensuring the stability of a community Hal Taussig observes that even

though in recent times the major theories in ritual studies vary in some ways ldquothey all convincingly provide

reason to see rituals contributing substantially to social stability and social changerdquo70

Taussig in agreement

with recent thinkers deems ritual no longer as ldquosimply a set of cosmically or inwardly directed gesturesrdquo but

ldquosocial negotiationrdquo71

As a grouprsquos belief system is enacted ritual works both to ldquopreserve and to transmit that belief

systemrdquo and thus helps in the preservation of its status quo72

Moreover rituals generate hope that words cannot

express ldquoRitual expresses a hope that cannot be expressed in words concepts or even in symbols it is a

participatory act of a community that affirms the meaning of its existence in actions that can be transmitted

from generation to generationrdquo73

There exists a relationship between rituals and the belief system of a group

and because of this relationship rituals help to effect changes for the betterment of society ldquoRitual might be said

to shortndashcircuit thinking providing atndashhand solutions to impossible problemsrdquo74

Problems arise within human

institutions Some of them are readily solved others become perennial The performance of appropriate rituals

helps to solve problems which seem unsolvable that arise within human institutions In some cases the

performance of rituals saves time and brings instantaneous results In effect ritual ldquoprovides readyndashmade

answers to what thinking works throughrdquo75

The flip side of ritualrsquos function of stability is its capacity to bring about innovations and

transformation in societies Gerd Baumann suggests that instead of holding on to the presupposition that rituals

68

Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 152 states ldquoritualhellip

stabilizes individuals under stress by giving them a conceptual handle-hold to keep them from lsquofalling apartrsquo or

lsquolosing itrsquo rdquo

69 Catherine Bell Ritual Perspectives and Dimensions 37

70 Hal Taussig In the Beginning was the Meal 57

71 Ibid

72 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 155

73 Paulos Mar Gregorios A Light Too Bright The Enlightenment Today An Assessment of the Values of the

European Enlightenment and a Search for New Foundations 27

74 Richard Schechner ldquoThe Future of Ritualrdquo 12

75 Ibid

67

are used solely to preserve social values and selfndashknowledge it is worthwhile noting that they equally have the

potency to effect cultural changes and thus they do not speak only to ldquoinsidersrdquo but also ldquooutsidersrdquo76

Finally irrespective of ritualrsquos potency for ldquocontinuity and orderrdquo it can be instrumental not only in

transformation at the individual but also at the corporate level The introduction of new rituals becomes the

basis for enacting and transmitting new belief and value systems DavisndashFloyd intimates that ldquo[e]ntrenched

belief and value systems are more effectively altered through alterations in the rituals that enact themrdquo77

3 2 1 The appearance of New Rituals

In chapter 2 I established that the Corinthian δεῖπνον was an ordinary meal In this section I examine

the emergence of new rituals with the anticipation to argue in chapter 4 that Paulrsquos interventions are really steps

in transforming the Corinthian δεῖπνον into a heightened ritual Grimesrsquos analysis is germane here It

distinguishes between ldquohardrdquo and ldquosoftrdquo definitions of ritual and proposes to comment on a ldquosoftrdquo definition He

mentions a new view of ritual and observes that the increase of ldquohyphenated terms and coining of neologismsrdquo

by scholars points to the fact that ldquoa nascent genre of action which he terms ldquoritualizingrdquo is giving rise to a

new view of ritual78

In evaluating the foregoing discussions it is evident that there are manifold definitions and

characteristics of rituals They all contribute towards the general picture of what a ritual is No single element of

ritual has to dominate other equally important elements of ritual It can be said that among other characteristics

rituals involve symbolic actions that are repeated It requires a locus

Grimes prefers describing the phenomenon of ldquoinvented ritesrdquo as ldquoritualizingrdquo or occasionally

ldquoemerging ritualrdquo This phenomenon is very helpful for the context of 1 Cor 1117ndash 34 and it will be developed

in chapter 4 as a Grimesian category By way of elaborating this point it can be said that while ritualizing has

some relationship with ldquoritualization moderdquo there are some differences with regard to ldquoconsciousness and

intentionrdquo Ritualizing is more intentional than ritualization it involves activation and creation of awareness of

ldquopreconscious ritualization processesrdquo79

Grimes cautions that in our scholarly taxonomy there is the danger of

not paying attention to both ldquonascentrdquo and ldquomore traditional ritesrdquo The result of such a tendency is that we

become victims of the conservative fallacy that purports that rites are immutable or as he puts it that ldquorites

originated but cannot presently originate ndash that rites do not changerdquo80

In ritualizing we look for emergent ritual

gestures Effective identification of ritualizing cases their management maintenance and development can lead

to new forms of rites practices and celebrations

What interests me is the historical memory of the last meal that Jesus had with his disciples and its

relation to the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον How did the meal evolve to become the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in Paulrsquos language

76

Gerd Baumann ldquoRitual Implicates lsquoOthersrsquo Rereading Durkheim in a Plural Societyrdquo in Understanding

Rituals 99 ldquoI suggest that they may equally speak towards the aspirations toward cultural changerdquo It is

noteworthy that one of the points that are debated is ldquocultural changesrdquo

77 Robbie E Davis-Floyd ldquoRitual in the Hospital Giving Birth the American Wayrdquo 156

78 Ronald L Grimes Beginnings in Ritual Studies 59

79 Ibid 61

80 Ibid

68

How has it been perpetuated In 1 Corinthians 11 I note that there is the probability that Paul by citing the

words of institution is reinventing the δεῖπνον This notion is accounted for by the statements he makes In 1

Corinthians Paul states τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν81

(1124 c and repeated in

25c) The key issues that go with these injunctions are First ritual action ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν

ἄρτον τοῦτον καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ (v 26) 82

This verse

and the succeeding verses (1127ndash32) unpack the words of institution and are quite open to ritual analysis

Second ritual paradigm the pericope (1126ndash32) forms an important ritual paradigm for understanding

what Paul is trying to achieve so far in front of the text It points out the sense of danger connected to the meal

if the members of the ἐκκλησία participate it ἀναξίως83

The repercussions are clearly stated that if they

participate in the meal in the wrong manner they would be eating and drinking κρίμα84

to themselves It is this

ritual connotation of the passage that I will explore in detail in chapter 4 It involves the impact the wrong

manner in which the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated could have on the members if they do not act in accordance

with Paulrsquos directives85

A similar case of retribution appears in the inscriptions on a slab of a white marble given to the

household association of Dionysios in Philadelphia (Lydia) SIG3 = AGRW 121 (late second century to early

first century BCE) On entering the house of Dionysios people were made to declare their innocence about

any deceptive action against fellow humans or any drug harmful to people People who violated the instructions

were to be exposed and punished It was required of the members who exhibit confidence in themselves to

touch the stone during sacrifices to verify those who are either obedient or disobedient to the instructions86

In seeking a definition for the process of reinventing ritual I find the following insightful

The process of reinventing ritual is defined by the urge to strip rituals down to their essentials and

reconceive them to speak to contemporary issues ndash creating everything from a comix version of the

Book of Esther to video prayer garments to an environmentalist synagogue building87

Three main points may be developed from this idea (1) getting hold of the essentials of rituals (2) rendash

conception and (3) function First rituals can be rendashinvented but there is the need to know its essentials before

rendashinvention takes place Second being aware of the essentials of rituals will provide the arena for rendash

conceiving them what I term rendashbirth As ideas are reconceived the essentials of ritual are taken into

81

ldquoDo this as many times as you drink in my memoryrdquo (1 Cor 1124c cf 25c) My translation

82 ldquoAs many times as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the Lordrsquos death till he comesrdquo (1

Cor 1126) My translation

83 ldquoUnworthilyrdquo or ldquoin an unworthy mannerrdquo

84 ldquoJudgmentrdquo or ldquocondemnationrdquo

85 Some of the ideas in this and succeeding paragraph were developed from the contributions made by my New

Testament Professors John S Kloppenborg of the University of Toronto Ann L Jervis Colleen Shantz and

Terence L Donaldson of Toronto School of Theology during the presentation I made at the Biblical

Department Seminar on September 24 2015

86 SIG

3 = AGRW 121

87 Daniel Belasco Reinventing Ritual Contemporary Art and Design for Jewish Life on view at The Jewish

Museum 2009 Online at httpzeekforwardcomarticles115626 Accessed 26 November 2014

69

consideration Third the rendashconceived essentials of ritual are used to address contemporary issues What Paul

does in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would have had the potential to create a heightened ritual88

3 3 Models of Harvey Whitehouse and R A Rappaport

In this section I will examine two models namely Harvey Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity

and RA Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication The character of 1 Cor 11 suggests a particular

approach in elucidating the Corinthian problem First the problem is a social problem the kind related to the

infighting within the ἐκκλησία and within this conversation Paul begins to talk about ritual This calls for the

combination of social and ritual theories and Harvey Whitehousersquos model provides that Second the situation in

Corinth is one that involves the identity of the community and Rappaportrsquos model focuses on messages I

therefore consider these as the methods that might help answer the question of the present research The choice

for Whitehouse and Rappaport to be the best suited among all other scholars to my project commends itself for

a number of reasons These two theorists help to establish the criteria by which we might unearth Paulrsquos

intention in citing the words of institution in the passage

Harvey Whitehouse89

is one of the pioneers in the field of cognitive science of religion and is

renowned for his theory of the modes of religiosity Whitehouse focused his work on different kinds of religion

and spent almost two years with a cargo cult in Papua Guinea He concluded that religions tend to be stable in

one of two contrasting forms and designated them as imagistic and doctrinal modes respectively For example

in his examination of small localized religions in Melanesia90

he observed that the religions coalesce strongly

towards one or the other of the two modes of religiosity or towards both but within the context of ldquoreadily

distinguishable domains of operationrdquo91

He submitted that while the doctrinal mode in ldquoprendashcontactrdquo Melanesia

was ldquounelaboratedrdquo imagistic forms were well known in many parts of the subndashregion92

Contrastingly some

Christian missions ldquotended towards a purely doctrinal mode of operationrdquo and usually led to the overshadowing

of the imagistic practices of both Melanesian and European initiative93

Consequently the indigenous religions

of Papua New Guinea in recent times provide a scene for a ldquodramatic confrontation between divergent modes of

religiosityrdquo94

Using archaeological evidence as his basis he attributes the origin of the imagistic mode to ldquoUpper

88

The full discussion will be in chapter 4 of the present study

89 He is currently the Chair of Social Anthropology Director of the Institute of Cognitive and Evolutionary

Anthropology and a Professorial Fellow of Magdalen College at the University of Oxford

90 Melanesia is a culture area of Oceania and stretches from the western part of the Pacific Ocean to the Arafura

Sea with Fiji bordering on its eastern part It consists of four countries including Papua New Guinea The other

two countries are Vanuatu and Solomon Islands

91 Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons Divergent Modes of Religiosity (Oxford Oxford University Press

2000) 2

92 Ibid

93 Ibid

94 Ibid

70

Palaeolithic hunterndashgatherersrdquo and that of the doctrinal mode to the era of writing technologies95

He began

thinking about the factors necessary to make one religion more stable than the other He developed the DMR

theory after embarking on a twentyndashmonth field research on a ldquocargo cultrdquo in East New Britain Papua New

Guinea96

He describes religion as a ldquodistributed phenomenonrdquo97

What Whitehouse has been trying to account for with his theory is that religious traditions tend to be

attracted to one of these two modes ndash imagistic or doctrinal The doctrinal mode of religion is diffusely

cohesive operates on a largendashscale hierarchical structure and it is characterized by ldquoroutinized ritualsrdquo98

The

imagistic mode of religion is highly cohesive operates on a smallndashscale structure and is characterized by ldquorare

and traumatic ritual ordealsrdquo99

Two different memory systems are responsible for religious traditions namely

semantic and episodic memories The semantic memory stores religious ideas doctrines and narratives derived

from religious leaders while episodic memory stores autobiographical knowledge100

The semantic memory

controls the organization and transmission of knowledge stored in the doctrinal mode101

A religious tradition

relies on both semantic and episodic memories for its transmission Thus high transmissive frequency coupled

with low level arousal episodes generates the conditions for largendashscale diffusely integrated communities

while low transmissive frequency coupled with high arousal episodes helps bind smallndashscale groups102

The

advantage of such episodes is that they are readily captured and retained in the memory Episodic memory

further facilitates vividness in subsequent performances when it comes to recollecting ritual procedures The

condition in which the imagistic mode thrives is that of a group whose survival is contingent on extremely high

levels of cohesion103

The condition conducive to a grouprsquos survival with regard to doctrinal mode is dependent

95

Ibid 3 Idem Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 77 ldquoUpper Paleolithic

periodrdquo and ldquono less recently than the emergence of Bronze Age civilizationsrdquo respectively

96 Cf Harvey Whitehouse Inside the Cult Religious Innovation and Transmission in Papua New Guinea

Oxford Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology (Oxford Oxford University Press 1995) 1 6 He was ldquoin

the fieldrdquo from October 1987 to June 1989

97 Harvey Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 16 ldquoThat is to say

it inheres not merely in the thoughts and feelings of an individual devotee but also in the recognizably similar or

complementary thoughts and feelings of a population of religious adherentsrdquo

98 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Violence ed Juergensmeyer Mark Margo Kitts and Michael

Jerryson (Oxford New York Oxford University Press 2013) 1 cf H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A

Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 68

99 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 1

100 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 65ndash71 Whitehouse

acknowledges the distinction psychologists make between ldquosemanticrdquo and ldquoepisodicrdquo (or ldquoautobiographicalrdquo)

memory See idem Arguments and Icons 5ndash12

101 Similarly the episodic memory controls the organization and transmission of the imagistic mode It is

noteworthy that even though Christian groups operate in the doctrinal mode there is room for imagistic

practices See Harvey Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 11

102 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 8 74 See Table 31

103 In such cases the incentives for a member to defect are exceptionally strong

71

on more unexceptional acts of cooperation involving much larger populations which demand more extensive

kinds of cohesion if the impact is milder104

According to Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity memory and motivation are essential for

making religions including rituals take the form that they do For a religious tradition to be established

members of a group need to remember their beliefs and rituals in order that they can be handed over from one

generation to the next Highndashfrequency rituals (routinization) are known to help in the preservation of complex

religious teachings in semantic memory and promote the dissemination of ldquodoctrinal orthodoxies and

standardized interpretations of ritual meaningrdquo 105

There is a further correlation between frequency and

emotionality High frequency correlates to low emotionality and low frequency to high emotionality

As regards the doctrinal mode of religiosity Whitehouse demonstrates how rituals help in promoting

stability and strengthening community structures He draws distinction between disciplines like medicine

engineering etc in which you stop attending lectures after graduation and occasionally attend inndashservice

training and the behavior of adherents to a religious orthodoxy The latter after gaining mastery of the relevant

doctrines are expected to ldquocontinue listening to endless repetitions of that information through processes of

ritualized public oratoryrdquo106

Routinization has its effects on religious thinking The result of undertaking the

same ritual procedures on regular basis results in ldquohabituationrdquo 107

When participants go through ritual

procedures as a matter of mechanized practice they lose the urge to reflect on the symbolic significance of the

rituals In this regard ldquoroutinization suppresses revelationrdquo108

This is equally true of religious speech

Participants may be accustomed to doctrinal repetition and they can easily lose focus However ldquoverbal

repetition can also ensure the stable reproduction of a substantial corpus of knowledgerdquo109

Whitehouse by use

of the modes of religiosity thus shows how the repetition of a ritual can create a stable community

The lack of performance of rituals can result in people forgetting their beliefs and the procedures for

the performance of their rituals One way to forestall this is to adopt ldquoa very repetitive regime of religious

transmissionrdquo110

Ritual action involves elements that lack ldquotechnical relevancerdquo111

Ritual may be similar to art

insofar as elements are concerned but the intentions are different Whereas the intentional states of an artist lies

in the artistrsquos mind and is internal that of a ritual is tied in successively with the past and is external112

Concerning the doctrinal mode of religiosity there is the tendency for ritual action to be highly routinized This

104

Examples of such acts of cooperation include the payment of levies and dues

105 Harvey Whitehouse and Brian McQuinn ldquoRitual and Violence Divergent Modes of Religiosity and Armed

Strugglerdquo 2

106 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 5

107 Ibid

108 Ibid

109 Ibid6

110 Ibid 64 This accounts for the significance of Whitehousersquos theory of divergent modes of religiosity

111 Ibid 3

112 Ibid 4 ie ldquoare accorded to a procession of shadowy predecessors primordial ancestors or godsrdquo

72

helps in ldquothe storage of elaborate and conceptually complex religious teachings in semantic memory but also

activating implicit memory in the performance of most ritual proceduresrdquo 113

Routinization stimulates semantic

memory for religious doctrines It has both advantages and disadvantages One advantage is that it provides a

receptacle for the acquisition of ldquoexplicit verbal knowledge in semantic memoryrdquo and the sustenance of

doctrines and narratives that would be impracticable to learn let alone retain in the memory114

Notwithstanding

routinization can lead to boredom and a low level of motivation Other means for retaining adherents of

routinized religions may be by the provision of incentives and the enforcing of ldquosupernatural sanctionsrdquo115

The

effectiveness of these mechanisms depends to a large extent on the level of belief in the doctrines of a religious

group When the features of the doctrinal mode meld they tend to be enduring historically and may persist ldquofor

centuries and even for millenniardquo116

Consequently it allows the religious group to become stabilized

Table 31 Contrasting Modes of Religiosity

Variable Doctrinal Imagistic

Psychological Features

1 Transmissive frequency High Low

2 Level of arousal Low High

3 Principal memory system Semantic schemas and implicit

scripts

Episodic flashbulb memory

4 Ritual meaning Learned Acquired Internally generated

5 Techniques of revelation Rhetoric logical integration

narrative

Iconicity multivocality and

multivalence

Sociopolitical Features

6 Social cohesion Diffuse Intense

7 Leadership Dynamic Passive absent

8 Inclusivityexclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

9 Spread Rapid efficient Slow inefficient

10 Scale Large scale Small scale

113

Ibid 65 semantic memory is a sub-division of long-term memory and comprises general knowledge about

the world Implicit memory a basic kind of memory concerns ldquothings we know without being aware of

knowingrdquo Whitehouse specifically hypothesizes the following features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity (1)

Routinization (2) Religious Leaders (3) Need for orthodoxy checks (4) Implicit memory for religious rituals (5)

Semantic Memory for Religious Teachings (6) Centralization (7) Anonymous Communities and (8) Religion

spreading widely 66ndash70

114 Ibid 66

115 Incentives may include salvation which leads to eternal life Example of sanctions may be eternal damnation

66ndash 67

116 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 70 Cf idem

Arguments and Icons 2

73

11 Degree of uniformity High Low

12 Structure Centralized Noncentralized

Whitehouse draws a contrast between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity There are two

kinds of the contrasting features of these modes First the ldquocognitive featuresrdquo which relate to psychological

valences of religious activities Second are the sociopolitical features that comprise ldquosocial organization and

politicsrdquo of a more demographic nature117

As mentioned religious groups tend to be more stable when they

embrace the features of one or the other mode ndash so the more they cluster around a position the better suited they

are for survival Innovations which are distant from these attractor positions are less likely to persist118

For

example a new prophet might make pronouncements about his own personal revelations and receive attention

from people For his pronouncements to develop into a corpus of doctrines would require consistent repetition

and the maintenance of ldquoa system of effective policingrdquo119

Anything less than that would likely lead to the

distortion of the pronouncements or the people forgetting about them A similar observation may be made about

the introduction of a new ritual According to the modes of religiosity for a ritual to be able to establish the

basis for a new religious tradition it must be ldquosufficiently arousing shocking and personally consequential to

drive subsequent revelationsrdquo120

The ritual cannot stabilize as a tradition if this is not done Notwithstanding

boring rituals can stabilize in the doctrinal mode where other elements contribute to the stability of the

movement With regard to imagistic rituals Whitehouse points out that people may be disturbed emotionally

upset and go through experiences which are hard to forget This may lead to a state of seeking answers to

unanswerable questions Distressing ritual episodes thus become the ground for seeking answers to such

questions

At this point I switch to a discussion on the strengths and weaknesses of the DMR theory Harvey

Whitehousersquos model of modes of religiosity is not immune from criticisms The ritual form and ritual frequency

hypotheses proposed by Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson to some extent diverge from the DMR

theory121

Part of the critique of Whitehousersquos model is that there are not many examples that exist in pure form

117

H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission 74

118 Ibid 85 n 29 admits that there are exceptions to this

119 Ibid 74

120 Ibid 75

121 See Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 42ndash43 The ritual frequency hypothesis purports that ldquothe amount of sensory pageantry and

therefore the amount of emotional stimulation any religious ritual involves are inversely proportional to the

frequency with that ritual is performedrdquo121

According to McCauley and Lawson two means that boost memory

and are routinely associated with ritual are performance frequency and emotional arousal121

They apply the

Chart of two attractors namely ldquoSensory Pageantryrdquo and ldquoFrequencyrdquo for the ritual form hypothesis They

propose that within the same community the sensory pageantry caused by low-frequency rituals ldquowill only be

higher relative to more frequent ritualsrdquo They argue that if religious rituals evolve then it will evolve either (1)

in relation to rituals with low amounts of ldquosensory stimulationrdquo and consequently produce low level of

ldquoemotional arousalrdquo that are repeated and have a capacity of high ldquoperformance frequenciesrdquo or (2) in relation

74

that is truly low arousal ritual However that does not defeat his theory The model does not require that the

perfect example of doctrinal mode should exist every moment and everywhere Rather there are attractor

positions when most of the features are together they tend to be more stable In spite of the criticisms of

McCauley and Lawson the DMR has its merits One of its strength is its capability to unite large groups of

participants Its main weakness is that there is the tendency for ldquothis unity to be based on comparatively diffuse

cohesion at least in the long runrdquo122

In the ensuing paragraphs I will describe some characteristics of the doctrinal tradition that I will

discuss in detail in the next chapter in consonance with the structure of the present research The import of the

description of these features is that it will set the tone for me to muster evidence to establish that even though

the features identified were present in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία they were in a flux and have not stabilized yet at

the time of the writing of the epistle The doctrinal attractor position includes several characteristics relevant to

1 Corinthians namely ritual meaning social cohesion leadership inclusivityexclusivity spread scale degree

of uniformity and structure

1 Ritual meaning

As stated earlier there are contrasting features of the modes of religiosity One of the psychological

features relevant for the analysis is ritual meaning In contrasting the doctrinal mode with that of imagistic

mode ritual meaning is learned or acquired in doctrinal mode while it is internally generated in the imagistic

mode I will undertake the full discussion in chapter 4

2 Social cohesion

In order to establish how a ritual could help effect social cohesion in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία there is

the need to identify traits of instability in the ἐκκλησία and to demonstrate how the mode of religiosity could be

applied to achieve cohesion On the basis of the DMR model high levels of arousal in the performance of

rituals promote strong cohesion Moreover high levels of arousal help in the passing on of religious practices

from one generation to another Some of the effects when performances are not regular are that the participants

tend to ldquoforget the procedures and especially their meaningsrdquo123

3 Leadership

In contrast to the imagistic mode members of a doctrinal religious group depend largely on teachings

for their edification and spiritual growth For members to believe in a set of doctrines of a group the teachings

have to be formulated ldquoin a highly persuasive fashionrdquo124

For semantic memory and religious teachings to be

onndashgoing would require religious leaders These leaders should be persons who possess oratory skills and are

conversant with the set of doctrines and traditions of the group For effective transfer of knowledge the orators

to rituals that combine higher levels of sensory stimulation and emotional arousal but are not repeated i e

rituals in which each participant has only one opportunity to serve in the role of the patient McCauley and

Lawson contend that the theory of the modes of religiosity is found wanting in explicating the divergence it

purports

122 H Whitehouse Arguments and Icons 127

123 Ibid 71

124 Ibid 67

75

must necessarily be outstanding Most religious traditions have renowned leaders

4 InclusivityExclusivity

There are different variables responsible for encoding messages Their selection which is

psychological involves different kinds of ldquomemory and exegetical learningrdquo coupled with ldquovarying levels of

arousal familiarity and consequentialityrdquo125

These variables contribute significantly to the formation of the

social structure of religious traditions yielding features which include inclusivity and exclusivity Religious

traditions that are characterized by features including inclusivity tend to fall into the doctrinal category of

religiosity while those which produce features including exclusivity represent the imagistic mode of

religiosity126

These features can be applied to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In the ἐκκλησία there were traits of

partiality in the mode of distribution of meals There was also disparity in the kind of food which was served

The seating arrangement also signified class distinction The noted traits reflected an exclusive religious

tradition Perhaps these issues were in play in Corinth Paulrsquos use of the following words supports this notion

σχίσματα (v 18) and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει (v 21) In introducing the tradition of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

Paul might have impressed upon the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία the need for an inclusive rather than

an exclusive religious tradition This is evidenced in his use of εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον (v 17) συνέρχομαι (vv 17 20)

and ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε (v 33)

5 Degree of uniformity

The religious mode of religiosity enhances uniformity of ideas within the group Whereas the degree of

uniformity in doctrinal mode is high that of the imagistic mode is low (see Table 31) In the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία some members preferred to eat their own meal127

The introduction of the tradition of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον might have brought greater uniformity (1 Cor 1133ndash34) Instead of the lapse in the intake of

the meal there would be uniformity in the eating of the ἄρτος and drinking of the wine It could have eliminated

the occasion of the disparity in the partaking of the meal Moreover it could have regulated excesses

Specifically it could have prevented the situation where some would be satisfied and drunk while others were

hungry

Table 32 Sociopolitical features summarized (adapted from Whitehouse 2004)

Variable Doctrinal Mode Predictions Imagistic Mode Predictions

1 Social cohesion Diffusely cohesive Intense within small congregations

2 Leadership Dynamic necessity for orthodoxy

checks

Lack of dynamic leadership and hindrance

to transmission

3InclusivityExclusivity Inclusive Exclusive

4 Degree of uniformity High Low

125

Ibid 8

126 Wayne A Meeks The First Urban Christians 160) considers the symbolism of the Supper ritual as

ldquosymbolism of exclusivity ldquonot only to ensure internal coherence unity and equality of the Christian group but

also to protect its boundaries vis-agrave-vis other kinds of cultic associationrdquo

127 The probable meaning of the verb προλαμβάνει will be discussed in chapter 4

76

331 R A Rappaportrsquos Model of Rituals as Communication

I will be using R A Rappaportrsquos models to assess how rituals can help transfer messages or

communicate in addition to words128

Rappaport considers ritual as the fundamental act of a society He

expressed the recognition of ritual as the basis for any type of social life in the following words ldquohellip I take ritual

to be the basic social actrdquo129 He emphatically rendashechoes the idea

In enunciating accepting and making conventions moral ritual contains within itself not simply a

symbolic representation of social contract but tacit social contract itself As such ritual which also

establishes guards and bridges boundaries between public systems and private processes is the basic

social act130

Rappaport focuses on the communicative dynamics of ritual and emphasizes that rituals are largely

symbolic and different from other forms of communication131

Rappaport makes a distinction between two main

classes of natural processes He illustrates this notion of communication by giving two principles In the first

class of action matter and energy are applied to achieve results The second principle concerns the attainment

of effects by means of the dissemination of information That is the transmission of messages to receivers Acts

and utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special

objects and substances Physical display involves postures and movements and plays a vital role in rituals

Physical display is a peculiar form of communication and has endured ldquomany thousands or even hundreds of

thousands of years into the time of languagerdquo132

The advantage of physical display is that it ldquoindicates more more clearly or other than what words are

able to communicaterdquo133

Whereas paralinguistics and kinesics convey ldquoanalogic signalsrdquo134

ritualrsquos physical

display is the kind which is consciously controlled and involves the ldquopublic orderrdquo and the participantrsquos

involvement in it Moreover communication basically takes place in the digital rather than the analogic

128

R A Rappaport was the President of the American Anthropological Association from 1987 to 1989

Rappaport like Whitehouse includes ldquowordsrdquo in his assessment of ritual This is the part of his model that helps

to round out Whitehousersquos

129 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion (Richmond Calif North Atlantic Books 1979) 174

Emphasis in the original

130 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 138 (emphasis in the original)

131 Ibid 118 (emphasis original) states ldquoHe is not merely transmitting messages he finds encoded in the liturgy

He is participating in ndash that is becoming part of ndash the order to which his own body and breath give liferdquo In this

context the ldquotransmitterrdquo is the ldquoparticipantrdquo Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 22

agrees with Rappaport and defines ritual as ldquopre-eminently a form of communicationrdquo She applies Basil

Bernsteinrsquos approach to the analysis of ritual as a means to understand religious behavior By this approach

ritual forms are handled like speech forms as transmitters of culture which are produced ldquoin social relations

and which by their selections and emphases exercise a constraining effect on social behaviourrdquo

132 Ibid 139

133 Ibid 140

134 Ibid Analogic signals embrace shift in expression and are subjected to frequent changes They are indexical

ndash a term used by Rappaport to indicate physical and psychic conditions ndash involving ldquothe states of the private

processes and changes in those statesrdquo

77

mode135

Even though there is the possibility for ritual acts to also convey messages analogically that is not the

central issue It may be strongly alluded that digital messages overshadow analogic messages ldquocontinuously and

inevitably transmitted kinesically and parallinguistically thus rendering them irrelevantrdquo136

Rappaport

considers the view that ritual is not entirely symbolic to be one of its most invaluable characteristics ldquofor

through ritual some of the embarrassments and difficulties of symbolic communication are overcomerdquo137

He

disagrees that ritual is functional and accepts that ritual has a form and a structure He suggests that to

participate in a ritual implies that one accepts that which it encodes138

Rituals are thus able to communicate

meaning

The performance of a ritual establishes conventions that are in place and readily embraces them

According to Rappaport it is characteristic of religion to formulate the ldquoWord the True Word upon which the

truths of symbols and the convictions that they establish standrdquo139

Ritual is the ldquofoundryrdquo within which the

Word is formed By this understanding the scope of definition is broadened and it gives room for an expanded

notion of communication Therefore ritual can hardly be substituted with other modes of communication It

stands in its own special class and becomes an inimitable vehicle ldquosuited to the transmission of certain

messages and certain sorts of informationrdquo140

Before I expand on the topic of mode of communication it is worthwhile commenting on the

difference in the transmission of selfndashreferential and canonical messages Rappaport establishes that all

religious rituals carry two streams of messages namely selfndashreferential (indexical) and canonical The

distinction between them lies in the semiotic realm because there is a marked difference between the

relationship of signs to which these two message streams connote Canonical messages are the kind of messages

that are not limited to the present Although they may use secondarily icons and even indices141

in a restricted

manner their ldquosignificata may be indeed usually are spiritual conceptual or abstract in nature are and can

only be founded upon symbolsrdquo142

On the contrary selfndashreferential messages which are transmitted about ldquothe

current state of the transmitters hellip may transcend mere symbolic signification and be represented

indexicallyrdquo143

In other words a selfndashreferential message does not merely ldquosay somethingrdquo about the

135

Ibid 87 There are two types of computation namely analogic and digital The distinction between them is

the kind that exists between ldquomeasuringrdquo and ldquocountingrdquo Whereas the term ldquoanalogicrdquo signifies ldquoentities and

processesrdquo in which the values can alter by continuous gradations that of ldquodigitalrdquo cannot

136 Ibid 140

137 R A Rappaport Ecology Meaning and Religion 175

138 Ibid 209

139 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 21

140 Ibid 52 He uses the term ldquoinformationrdquo in a broad non-technical sense See 473 n14

141 Ibid 54 referencing J Buchler Philosophical Writings of Peirce (New York Dover Publications 1956)

102 An index (a phrase of Peirce) is ldquoa sign which refers to the Object it denotes by being really affected by

that Objectrdquo

142 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 54 (emphasis original)

143 Ibid (emphasis original)

78

performerrsquos state it does ldquosomethingrdquo as well144

For example in dancing a performer may pledge to support

his audience in a battle The performer by an act of dancing will signal a pledge thus putting the pledge into

effect The signal thus becomes ldquoindexical (and not merely symbolic)rdquo because the gestures in the dance

tantamount to the pledge 145

Ritual communicates both indexical (selfndashreferential) messages and canonical (related to cultural

tradition) messages In performance the signals used in communication become effective if they are readily

distinguished from everyday technical actions The distinction is drawn between ritual words and acts and

ordinary words and actions The means of communication may include ritual utterances special time and

places postures and gestures objects and structures The assigning of special times and places for the

performance of ritual naturally brings into play senders and receivers of messages and may also indicate the

content of what has to be transmitted In summation ldquothe formality and nonndashinstrumentality characteristic of

ritual enhances its communicational functioningrdquo 146

An objection could be raised regarding the communicative

aspect of ritual in light of the interiority of the communication

Notwithstanding ldquothe subjective experiencerdquo involved in private devotions promotes the notion of

applying the term ldquocommunicationrdquo to ritual for it gives the participants themselves the occasion to apparently

testify that they communicate with spiritual beings Moreover considering the fact that the emotions of the

performers may respond to ldquothe stimuli of their own ritual acts it is reasonable to take ritual to be autondash

communicative as well as allondashcommunicativerdquo147

34 Conclusion

Ritual is a multindashfaceted social behavior which forms an integral part of human life While its

significance cannot be underestimated it does not have a universal definition In this chapter I examined

samples of definitions and established that the purposes of rituals are manifold and pervasive Ritual per se

transcends religious social and other boundaries The relationship between the belief system of a group and the

rituals its members perform is very close and helps in the development of the identity of a group of people

It is credible to employ ritual studies to seek understanding of Paulrsquos interventions in the meal practice

of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία I will therefore demonstrate in the succeeding chapter how Paulrsquos instructions could

probably help shape the δεῖπνον in ritual ways Harvey Whitehousersquos models of religiosity especially the

doctrinal mode helps to demonstrate the potentiality of rituals in taking on stable forms that have bearing on and

also strengthen community structures For example the description portrayed the lack of stability in the

ἐκκλησίαThis feature of social separation warrants Paulrsquos interventions and plausibly the need to introduce the

tradition of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον I also described Rappaportrsquos model of ritual as communication and described

how ritual words and acts are distinct from ordinary dayndashtondashday words and actions The discussions on the

144

Ibid 107

145 Ibid 108

146 Ibid 51

147 Ibid

79

potentialities of ritual especially as a communicative tool thus become the bedrock to investigate the ritual

context of the meal at Corinth in the subsequent chapter

Rituals are symbolic acts or form of behavior Rituals involve actions have functions and require a

place for its participation or performance Two of the functions viz communicative and stabilizing functions of

ritual and one characteristic ndash its repetitive nature are fertile grounds for an exploration of the Corinthian text on

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον through a ritual lens Mary Douglas observes that ldquoonly a ritual structure makes possible a

wordless channel of communication that is not entirely incoherentrdquo148

With the only exceptions of

ldquohypothetical ritualsrdquo ie rituals that a ritual system assumes without any human participation ldquovery nearly all

religious rituals are performed over and over again and certainly all rituals in which human participants take

part arerdquo149

There is the need to find out reasons for the repetition persistence universality and canonicity of

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual models of Whitehouse and Rappaport will be used in addressing these issues in

the next chapter

148

Mary Douglas Natural Symbols Explorations in Cosmology 54

149 Robert N McCauley and E Thomas Lawson Bringing Ritual to Mind Psychological Foundations of

Cultural Forms 86

80

4

Paulrsquos Instructions in Ritual Studies Perspective

εἰ ὅλον τὸ σῶμα ὀφθαλμός ποῦ ἡ ἀκοή εἰ ὅλον ἀκοή ποῦ ἡ ὄσφρησις

If the whole body were an eye where would be the means of hearing If it were a cavity for hearing where

would be the sense of smelling ndash 1 Cor 1217

In the previous chapter I have examined ritual theories and established that even though no single

ritual theory can describe what ritual embodies there is a loose consensus of a set of significant characteristics

of rituals In assessing the debate about whether ritual is traditional or invented I adopted Ronald L Grimesrsquo

observations about the invention and transformation of rituals as that relevant to the situation in Corinth I also

introduced the work of R A Rappaport and Harvey Whitehouse whose theories will inform my analysis in the

present chapter As regards Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity I established that religious traditions tend to be

more stable when they embrace one or the other mode The result is that the more they bundle around an

attractor position the better enhanced they are for survival With this background I will explore an alternative

question about the conflicts at meals in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The present chapter seeks answers to the

question How might the ritual structure of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provide a distinctive opportunity for Paul to try

to end the fractiousness in the ἐκκλησία I will examine the passage under review through the lens of ritual

theory to unearth Paulrsquos ritual intention

Ritual works not just at the level of ideas but also with bodies and relationships For example ritual

practices help communities that experience identity crisis to reach amicable resolutions because the practice of a

ritual has the potential to generate shared identity Generally speaking the act of sharing meals provides the

occasion for the formation of new identities In the case of the divisions at Corinth I am exploring how the

practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a ritual might have had this effect The passage under review may be divided

into three main parts (namely vv17ndash22 23ndash26 and 27ndash34) Each of these sections serves a slightly different

function in the epistle The first section sets up the problem of σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία the way Paul sees it In

the second section Paul introduces the ritual proper and provides a form that could endure over time The third

section intensifies the relationship between the problem and the praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησίαThe parts

work together to generate many of the characteristics relevant to ritual theory

41 A New Model

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 Paul makes interventions regarding the praxis of the eating of the δεῖπνον by the

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία In 1 Cor 1120 he states Συνερχομένω οὖν ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ οὐκ ἔστιν

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον φαγεῖνhellip1 Paul further indicates what the members of the ἐκκλησία were actually eating

τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον He thus distinguishes between τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον and κυριακὸν δεῖπνον In the entire NT the

1 ldquoFor in your gathering it is not the Lordrsquos supper that you eatrdquo (1 Cor 1120) My translation Ἕστιν is a 3

rd

person singular present indicative active of the verb εἰμί

81

phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax legomenon However the word δεῖπνον can be found in various forms2

Paul claims that ἕκαστος γὰρ τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον προλαμβάνει ἐν τῷ φαγεῖν καὶ ὃς μὲν πεινᾷ ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor

11 21)3 Paul maintains the individualistic tone εἴ τις πεινᾷ ἐν οἴκῳ ἐσθιέτω (v 34) The phrase τὸ ἴδιον

δεῖπνον makes it probable that some members brought their own individual meals If this assertion is correct

then it is likely that some would prefer eating what they had brought4

The expression Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου ὃ καὶ παρέδωκα ὑμῖν (1123)5 fits into

Rappaportrsquos canonical communication Paul establishes the canonical status of the words by tracing a chain of

authority that links back from himself to Jesus The addition of ἐγὼ to παρέλαβον emphasizes his role Paulrsquos

use of the same verb (παρέλαβον) within the epistle helps shed light on its use in 1123 παρέδωκα γὰρ ὑμῖν

ἐν πρώτοις ὃ καὶ παρέλαβον (1 Cor 153 cf Gal 112) In 1 Cor 153 Paul neither includes ἐγὼ nor ἀπὸ

τοῦ κυρίου Whereas the subject in 1 Corinthians 11 is a meal that of 1 Cor 15 is about Christrsquos death and

resurrection Gal 112 indicates that the source of the tradition Paul received is not human and the means of

reception is by revelation

At this point I shift from discussing the formula which Paul introduces to discussing how it is

different from the practice of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul conveys the notion that in eating their own meals

their personal desires and interests overshadowed the purpose of the tradition he delivered to them This

practice therefore led to the manifestation of the traits of idiosyncracy and individualism Paul expresses this

by conjoining ἕκαστος with ὃς (twice) The addition of ἴδιον to τὸ δεῖπνον shows the idiosyncratic manner in

which the members practiced the δεῖπνονThe praxis of eating of the δεῖπνον was consequential καὶ μὲν πεινᾷ

ὃς δὲ μεθύει (1 Cor 1121b) The formula that Paul introduces would be effective in interrupting the logic of

their current practice if the members of the ἐκκλησία recognized that the authority was connected to Jesus their

Lord The fact that the members were eating in a variety of ways indicates that the δεῖπνον was in its formative

stage and had not yet been shaped as a specifically Christian ritual

Here I move to the idea of ordinary things in 1117ndash34 becoming special Certain features of ordinary

meal practices are in a sense elevated For example the δεῖπνον at least in some sense becomes special It is

2 δεῖπνον (Mark 621 Luke 1412 John 122) τοῦ δείπνου (Luke1417 John 132) μου τοῦ δείπνου (Luke

1424) ἐν τῷ δείπνῳ (John 2120) ἐν τοῖς δείπνοις (Matt 236 Mark 1239 Luke 2046) τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor

1121) τὸ δεῖπνον τοῦ γάμου (Rev 199) εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον τὸ μέγα (Rev 1917) δεῖπνον μέγα (Luke 1416)

3 ldquoFor in eating each takes onersquos own individual meal On one hand one is hungry and on the other hand

another is drunkrdquo (1Cor 1121)rdquo My translation

4 Scholarly opinion varies regarding the meaning of προλαμβάνειν W Dittenberger considers προλαμβάνειν a

mistake for προσλαμβάνειν which relates to the partaking of a meal in later Greek He cites both U

Wilamowitz who indicates that the ldquotemporal forcerdquo of the προ had effaced and JF Baunack who opts for the

notion of praeferre In 1 Cor 1121 the possibility of some members of the ἐκκλησία ldquoforestallingrdquo others is

therefore minimized Dittenberger contends that ldquothe gravamen of Paulrsquos charge is that lsquothere was

no Lordrsquos supper to eatrsquo lsquoeveryone devours his own supper at the mealrsquo (brought with him in a κίστη ndash cf the

last scene of AristophanesrsquoAcharnaians)rdquo B Winter using papyri inscriptions and literary sources argues for

(to devour) Whereas Winter is of the view that ldquothe havesrdquo of the ἐκκλησία were eating their own meal in the

context of the Lordrsquos Supper I argue that Paul was rather reshaping the δεῖπνον

5 ldquoFor I received from the Lord that which I also delivered to yourdquo (1 Cor 1123) Translation mine

82

given a new designation ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον ndash and thus becomes distinguished from other meals Moreover a

meal that was celebrated daily or weekly is now placed within a larger cosmic time frame Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον

marks the earlier time while ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ also indicates another time The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον thus links people

to one another in relation to time for years Its celebration also becomes special A celebration of a meal that

was punctiliar is now to be repeated becomes perpetuated and an integral part of the liturgy Paulrsquos language is

parallel to the liturgy in most traditions6

Another feature operative in the passage is the diversity of persons at the meal The introduction of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον gives the members of the ἐκκλησία the occasion to share (cf 1016) There are some features

of the GrecondashRoman banquet which help in understanding what was taking place in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία

the custom of reclining and social stratification There are very few facilities that would allow many people to

recline at the same time In the preceding chapter I developed the idea that the members of the ἐκκλησία were

meeting in a more public space as argued by Weissenrieder In determining the possible postures I established

that it is likely that the members reclined during the δεῖπνον (810 ndash1134) and sat during the συμπόσιον (1 Cor

1430) The potency of the practice of reclining is seen in the way it brings people of different statuses in the

larger society to recline as compeers at a meal There was a tension between the custom of reclining and what

the real way of life in the larger society pertained The meal brought persons of different standing together In

practical terms there was the tension between stratification and ἰσονομία (the concept of equal distribution) at

meals which was a reflection of GrecondashRoman social values It is a ritual theory that helps to unravel this

tension Paul in giving his instructions was calling for equality among the members and for them to observe the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in κοινωνία (1 Cor 1016 cf 2 Cor 1313 Phil 21 2)

On one hand the meals brought persons of different statuses together at table On the other hand the

posture of reclining created social boundaries and stratification People have been thoughtful about how meals

can be reflective of larger systems of valuing and have structured their ritual accordingly As described in

chapter 2 diners were seated in accordance with their statuses in the larger society In the Spartan state by

contrast dining associations are formed compulsorily with a diversity of membership with differences in status

as a means of promoting the ideology of the State Examples of the variety include ldquoNikokles the guardian of

the laws (patronomos) Aristomenes son of Aristomenes overseer Pratonikos freedman of Perphila Clodia

slave of Akamantia dealer in crownsrdquo7 This inscription reinforces the point that meals can bring people of

diverse statuses together However it also demonstrates how ideology can influence the compositions of dining

associations In another inscription Marcus Minatius son of Sextus a Roman banker exhibited generosity both

to individuals and the association by contributing the interest and also providing financial support towards the

construction of the sanctuary He also invited the members to a sacrifice The association (koinon) of Berytian

immigrants by way of honoring him for his benefaction resolved to allocate the foremost dining couch in all the

6 The ideas in this paragraph were developed from the response given by Dr Colleen Shantz to the presentation

I made at the Biblical Department Seminars on September 24 2015

7 An inscription of an association of banqueters in Sparta that displays a list of members of varied statuses is (IG

V 209 = AGRW 29 I BCE)

83

other synods (I Delos1520 = AGRW 224 Post ndash 153152 BCE ll 6ndash20) This inscription shows how some

associations honor people who support them Nevertheless it broadens the gap between those who are well to

do and those who lack financially

A ritual characteristic that pertains to the discussion is innovation In hypothesizing about the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον it is convincing that Paul by mentioning the expression ἡ καινὴ διαθήκη was introducing an

innovation (1 Cor 1125b) For any innovation to be established it requires a means to achieve the acceptance

of all dedicated adherents Paul tries to do it in this way by introducing an act that involves bonding Rappaport

mentions that the respective psyche of the participants which under normal circumstance are inaccessible to

each other may be connected during rituals which are performed in solitude8 The formula is one that matches

with Rappaportrsquos canonical communication It is recognizable as more formal and contractual language than the

rest of the verse It involves commitment and responsibilities on the part of the members of the ἐκκλησία Paul

by introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to the members was initiating a special or new practice to the community

Ritual symbols come to play in this innovation Rappaportrsquos model confirms the symbolic aspect of this new

covenant The cup symbolises the new covenant in Christrsquos blood It is not merely drinking wine but rather

enacting a new relational bond or covenant The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps in understanding Paulrsquos

instructions in vv 25 and 26 The eating of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον becomes covenantal rather than merely

physiological

42 Characteristics of the Doctrinal mode

Whitehousersquos categories of imagistic and doctrinal societies bring into focus Paulrsquos sense of the cluster

of traits that are best for the upndashbuilding of the ἐκκλησία The features to be discussed are structure degree of

uniformity inclusivityexclusivity social cohesion leadership spread and ritual meaning The distinctions

between the doctrinal and imagistic modes of religiosity are first the degree of uniformity in doctrinal mode is

high whereas that of the imagistic mode is low Second while the imagistic mode thrives in exclusive societies

the doctrinal mode embraces inclusive societies Exclusive societies are those where kinship is necessary or

there is a special teaching associated with them In antiquity the Mysteries were exclusive however voluntary

associations were more inclusive depending on their focus Third social cohesion is diffuse in the doctrinal

mode while the imagistic mode is intense Fourth while leadership is passive or absent in the imagistic mode it

plays a key role in the doctrinal mode Whitehouse basically suggests that doctrinalndashmode leaders have to be

persuasive usually in their rhetoric Fifth concerning spread of tradition we see more rapid and efficient

growth in the doctrinal mode but slow and inefficient transmission in the imagistic mode relatively speaking

Whitehouse also identifies a sociopolitical feature of the modes of religiosity namely scale The doctrinal mode

tends to operate on large scale while the imagistic mode operates on small scale Lastly and related to the

preceding characteristics is that ritual is routinized in the doctrinal mode Although the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a

new ritual Paul provides an introductory formula that includes the means for preserving the words of

8 R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51

84

institution This element of routinization contributes to the ritual stability

At this juncture with the evidence given I will discuss some of the details of the evidence provided

and demonstrate how they coordinate with the theories that I am employing In applying the modes of

religiosity Whitehouse states that the two modes coordinate factors across these two categories sociopolitical

and psychological The divisions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία can be described as social First they are meeting

to partake in a δεῖπνον (1120 21) Second the social statuses of members in the larger society displayed at

their meals especially with regard to seating arrangement with a συμποσίαρχος signified class distinction

Moreover there was social disruption This is evinced by Paulrsquos use of καταφρονεῖτε καταισχύνετε and

τοὺς μὴ ἔχοντας (1122) The state of some members not having what others have and being looked down upon

could have repercussions on them This point is supported by Rappaportrsquos identity (selfndashreferential) information

that is inscribed by the standard meal practice Finally the divisions were of political nature As discussed in

chapter 2 there were leaders in the ἐκκλησία A bone of contention within the ἐκκλησία was that elections were

not conducted regularly when the term of office of leaders was due The situation in Corinth was one that lacked

central authority The absence of election of leaders when the tenure of office was due could probably lead to

decentralization in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία If this interpretation is acceptable then it helps in justifying Paulrsquos

use of τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1121) The members then would operate on their own whims and caprices

(1119) even though such options were part of standard meal practices This situation prepares the ground for

the discussion of sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos modes of religiosity

Both stratification and equality fall within the category of the sociopolitical features of Whitehousersquos

modes of religiosity The first sociopolitical feature that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness of

Paulrsquos interventions is structure The structure of the doctrinal mode of religiosity tends to be centralized unlike

the imagistic mode of religiosity The cognitive features combine with specific ldquosocial morphology including

hierarchical centralized institutional arrangementsrdquo9 Ritual forms can be created and can be stable and

replicated in new situations Rappaport states that the term ldquolsquoritualrsquo designates hellip a form or structurerdquo and he

contends that even though none of the composition of the elements of this structure is ldquounique to ritual the

relationships among them arerdquo10

In 1 Cor 1117ndash34 two kinds of a threendashfold ritual structure can be derived

from physical displays The first kind is a triad comprising ἄρτος ndash σῶμα ndash κλάω The second kind is a triad

consisting of ποτήριον ndash αἷμα ndash πίνω Some of the ritual acts are the breaking of the ἄρτος and the drinking of

the ποτήριον In ritual terms ἄρτος takes on a new meaning It represents the σῶμα of the Lord Jesus Christ11

Paul instructs the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία on the various parts of the ritual The various parts of the

ritual are structured to be replicable over and over again to achieve uniformity The characteristics of the ritual

structure that allow it to be repeated include the acts of thanksgiving the breaking of bread and drinking of

wine In addition is the temporal dimension which involves the frequency and duration of celebrating the ritual

Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to celebrate the ritual until Christrsquos return

9 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 66

10 Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 26

11 Paul uses ἐστιν (cf 1127)

85

The second sociopolitical feature of Whitehouse that helps in demonstrating the possible effectiveness

of Paulrsquos interventions is the degree of uniformity Ritual has the potency of effecting uniformity in cases where

there is lack of uniformity In verses 33 and 34 Paul enjoins them to wait for one another (ἀλλήλους ἐκδέχεσθε)12

and to take care of their hunger outside of the meeting This further increases the scope for uniformity by

mandating shared action and eliminating one reason for violating it Instead of fragmentation of the meal there

could be homogeny in the ἐκκλησία

A third sociopolitical feature that helps in expounding the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions is inclusivityexclusivity Under Whitehousersquos theory these traits could contribute to the possible

expulsion of members from a group and make them disenfranchised Such exclusivity more naturally pertains to

the predictions of imagistic mode of religiosity whereas the prediction of doctrinal mode of religiosity is

inclusivity Inclusivity is more about everyone being able to take part Inclusivityexclusivity is one feature that

does not fit with the overall doctrinal shape toward which Paul seems to be moving the Corinthian assembly

Paul specifies that they have to ldquodiscern the bodyrdquo which suggests exclusiveness However a larger case for

inclusion can be built from the entire epistle In 1 Cor 1422 Paul talks about tongues speaking being a sign for

unbelievers This information provides some evidence of the openness of the community Moreover it gives

credence to the view regarding the venue for the eating of the meals and makes my observation about where the

members of the ἐκκλησία are eating becomes more relevant If the place of meeting is not a private home but a

more public space (as argued by Weissenrieder) then it is likely to be more inclusive13

The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

creates a core that draws people together and is more about the participation of everyone (even the ἰδιῶται or

ἄπιστοι) in the meal without discrimination It has greater potential to incorporate members irrespective of class

or status

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on shared identity The two forms of communication of Rappaport

contribute to establishing shared identity in terms of the meaning of the rite Paul states hellipἔλαβεν ἄρτον καὶ

εὐχαριστήσας ἔκλασεν καὶ εἶπεν Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶνmiddot (1123c 24 a b cf 1127)14

1 Cor

1124b reveals the canonical aspect of the ritual Christ was referring to himself This part of the ritual is fixed

unchanging and communicates the canonical meaning of the meal The rhetoric question with its response in v

22 ndash ἐπαινέσω ὑμᾶς ἐν τούτῳ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ ndash concludes the section for Paulrsquos nonndashrecommendation for the

members This gives him the opportunity to introduce a ritual that he received from the Lord Considering the

fact that Paul had already commended them (112) ritual theory helps to explain this dilemma of commendation

and nonndashcommendation within the same chapter of the epistle

12

The base form is ἐκδέχομαι Apart from 1 Cor 1133 and 1611 it appears in John 53 Acts 1716 Heb 1110

and Ja 57 In those contexts it connotes expectlook for waiting or awaiting Other possible meanings are to

take or receive

13 A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 83 The obvious question is

would they be reclining if they were meeting in a public space As stated earlier both postures of reclining and

sitting are likely as evidenced in the Corinthian correspondence

14 ldquoHe took the bread and having giving thanks he broke it and said ldquoThis is my body for yourdquo (1 Cor 1123c

24 a b) My translation

86

A fourth element of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps in explicating the possible worth of Paulrsquos

interventions is social cohesion Rappaportrsquos theory describes an additional means of creating social cohesion

Part of Rappaportrsquos theory is about words and what they communicate He makes a distinction between two

main classes of natural processes In the first class actions attain effects by the application of natural laws

while in the second class transmitters attain effects by means of information An additional point is about ritual

action According to Rappaportrsquos model ldquocommunication includes not only simple lsquosayingrsquo but also the sorts

of lsquodoingrsquo in which the efficacious principle is informative rather than powerfulrdquo15

Ritual incorporates physical

displays which comprise postures and movements Some of the movements in 1 Corinthians include λαμβάνειν

and κλάω while some of the physical displays are the ἄρτος and the ποτήριον What is being communicated

canonically about Christ in the passage is that the ldquosignificatardquo of the symbols convey a ldquospiritualrdquo meaning16

The messages that the ritual act communicates are First ritual theorizing about the ἄρτος in 1 Cor

1123 the ἄρτος is no longer the individualrsquos meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) or merely a physical loaf of bread Second

the use of μού personalizes the element (ἄρτος) The gesture of breaking the ἄρτος is a ritual act signifying the

offering of the Lord himself instead of the individuals providing their own meals It thus depicts its sacrificial

character (1 Cor 1124)The expressions Τοῦτό μού ἐστιν τὸ σῶμα (1124) and ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ἐμῷ αἵματι (1125b)

shift the emphasis from the individual member of the ἐκκλησία to the Lord himself They would gather at the

Lordrsquos table rather than their individual tables (1 Cor 1021) and eat the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The expressions

signified the Lordship of Jesus Christ instead of an individualrsquos personal tastes and status One of Paulrsquos

interventions was the contrast he made between the idiosyncratic attitude exhibited at table and the corporate

disposition in celebrating the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The ritual Paul was helping to create could shape the Corinthian

community through ritual action in the following ways the distribution and eating of the bread could always

remind them of a unified body rather than fragmented This point falls within Rappaportrsquos selfndashreferential

category From a ritual standpoint the ἄρτος is not fragmented but it is one whole element it signifies oneness

The acts of taking the ἄρτος and breaking it and the drinking from the ποτήριον are ritual acts and transmit ritual

messages The message that the ἄρτος conveys is that there are no traces of division in it it is purely holistic

Moreover the act of breaking the ἄρτος signifies sharing from one source In the same vein drinking from the

same ποτήριον transmits the message of oneness The act of eating and drinking is not merely a physical display

but has a Christological connotation It is an act τοῦ κυρίου (1127) When the members of the ἐκκλησία eat they

are reconstituted as part of something bigger The consequence would be unity instead of σχίσματα There could

be a reversal of status Persons of different statuses could recline for meals in κοινωνία There is therefore no

room for idiosyncrasy but rather social cohesion

Third the new meaning is made clearer in the subsequent verses It is associated with the death and

15

R A Rappaport Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity 51 Rappaport indicates that acts and

utterances are part and parcel of rituals and in many of them the participants use or manipulate special objects

and substances

16 Ibid54

87

return of Christ (1126)17

In 1117ndash34 σῶμα is thus defined christologically18

An analysis of 1 Cor 1016 in

conjunction with 1123ndash26 further sheds light on this interpretation Paul uses the following expressions

ldquoτὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίαςrdquo and ldquoτὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμενrdquo in two rhetorical questions successively19

The images

Paul employs in 1017 are ldquoεἷς ἄρτοςrdquo and ldquoἓν σῶμαrdquo The import of oneness instead of σχίσματα is seen in the

use of εἷς20

Rappaportrsquos model throws light on the interpretation of the passage Paulrsquos use of εἷς affirms the

transmission of a selfndashreferential message that he is communicating here The selfndashreferential message

communicated to the participants by the action of eating part of that single loaf is that it creates the sense of

belongingness and reminds them that they belong to the same body

In these ways the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον encodes a new relationship and responsibility There is a duty of

proclamation It is an obligation that has to be sustained and maintained until Christrsquos return It is a ritual theory

that helps shed illumination on the possibility of such an injunction of the Lord Jesus Christ Whitehousersquos

model of religiosity further helps in understanding Paulrsquos instruction For such an injunction to proclaim

requires repetition The result of frequent repetition is the activation of implicit memory for a particular

religious ritual To a large extent as religious rituals are performed routinely they come to be treated in

ldquoprocedural or implicit memoryrdquo21

An advantage of implicit memory is that it serves as a receptacle for the

preservation of standardized doctrines in semantic memory which can be reactivated with relative stability in

content This feature is made possible because of Paulrsquos formalizing of the meal and explains how the doctrine

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has survived to the present day

Notwithstanding the advantages of memory and motivation there are possible threats There is the

tendency to forget a particular ritual or how to perform it appropriately especially if it is not observed ὁσάκις

From a ritual viewpoint the remedy is to resort to routinization However this advantage negates motivation to

some extent One disadvantage of repeating the same ritual time and again is that it might lead to boredom This

could be a deterrent for the members to carry on the practice let alone hand it over to subsequent generations

This point prepares the ground for a response to George May

George May in a twondashpart article argues that there is no hint of the institution of a ritual in the synoptic

Gospels that necessitates its repetition by the followers of Jesus22

As stated earlier the internal evidence

affirms that Paul introduced what he received from the Lord to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul instructs the

17

ὁσάκις γὰρ ἐὰν ἐσθίητε τὸν ἄρτον τοῦτο καὶ τὸ ποτήριον πίνητε τὸν θάνατον τοῦ κυρίου καταγγέλλετε

ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ ldquofor as often as you eat this bread and drink of this cup you proclaim the death of the lord till he

comesrdquo (1 Cor 1126) My translation

18 Cf A Weissenrieder ldquoContested Spaces in 1 Corinthians 1117ndash33 and 1430rdquo 106

19 τὸ ποτήριον τῆς εὐλογίας ὃ εὐλογοῦμενοὐχὶ κοινωνία ἐστὶν τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸν ἄρτον ὃν κλῶμεν

οὐχὶ κοινωνία τοῦ σώματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐστινrdquo The cup of blessing which we bless is it not a koinōnia in the

blood of Christ The bread which we break is it not the body of Christ My translation

20 Cf 1 Cor 1017 1211 13 14 18ndash20 26 cf Rom 125 1 Cor 617 Eph 44 5

21 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 68

22 George May ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper Ritual or Relationship Part 1 esp 146148ndash50 idem ldquoThe Lordrsquos Supper

Ritual or Relationship Part 2 esp 1 7ndash9

88

members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία to practice the new ritual within a temporal setting (1 Cor 1125c 26 cf

Luke 2219) ποιεῖτε23

could be linear or punctiliar However the addition of ὁσάκις (twice vv 24 25) implies

its repetitive nature Moreover ποιεῖτε in conjunction with the phrase ἄχρις οὗ ἔλθῃ suggests that the instruction

is not punctiliar but linear

Significantly the institution of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has persisted through millennia For Paulrsquos

instructions to be crystallized into a stable body of teachings would mean subjecting them to regular reiteration

and being safeguarded by a system of policing24

Anything less than that could lead to a state of forgetting or

transforming them From a ritual perspective for any religious tradition to be established it would require a

handing over from one generation to the other Furthermore doing so attests to the worth of that particular

ritual Otherwise its future is bleak and can be defunct If this ritual analysis is correct then it follows that

Paulrsquos introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον successfully established conditions for its persistence to the present

day irrespective of the possibility of experiencing boredom25

The ritual of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is practiced

universally and in the liturgies of some churches the exact words stated by Paul to the ἐκκλησία in their

translated versions into different languages are used26

The members of the ἐκκλησία received the tradition

remembered practised and passed it on to the next generation and successively to the present generation The

praxis of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the present day exhibits how potent Paulrsquos intervention could have possibly

been

In the Corinthian correspondence Paul desires that there should not be any division in the ἐκκλησία27

He expands the canonical message by elaborating on the metaphor of σῶμα and the use of ἕν (1 Cor 1212) The

selfndashreferential part is that the participants would potentially understand themselves to be Christrsquos disciples

gathered around the mimetic table The σῶμα is a complex phenomenon Paul develops the concept of unity

from Chapter 8 stressing the adjective εἷς εἷς θεὸς ὁ πατήρ hellip καὶ εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστός (86)28

In 1 Cor

12 Paul defines the social body christologically (1212) In 1213 it is by one Spirit that ldquowe were all baptized

into one bodyrdquo without any distinctions The ritual tone of the instruction is that the σῶμα is one yet it has

many members καὶ γὰρ τὸ σῶμα ἔστιν οὐκ ἓν μέλος ἀλλὰ πολλά (1 Cor 1214)29

The individual parts

collaborate in its functioning to the extent that the overall outcome is unity Paul thus emphasizes the

23

ποιεῖτε is a 2nd

active imperative plural of the verb ποιέω

24 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67ndash69

25 The celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is not boring yet It is in its embryonic stage However we cannot

assume that because it survived it did not suffer from the effects of fatigue In some traditions it is practiced

rarely (a few times a year and on special occasions such Confirmation Holy Matrimony etc) In traditions

where it is more regular it is often mandated (as in Catholicism)

26 ie in English translation with additional liturgical words See Appendix 1

27 Paul mentions that ldquodivisionrdquo should not be entertained in the body but rather care for one another (1 Cor

1225 cf 1 Cor 110) μεριμνῶσις is a word I derived from μεριμνῶσιν 3rd

present active subjunctive of the verb

μεριμνάω meaning ldquoto care forrdquo ie ἀλλήλων μεριμνῶσιν meaning ldquo should care for one anotherrdquo

28 [There is one God the Father hellipand one Lord Jesus Christ]

29 ldquoBut indeed the body is not one member but manyrdquo (1 Cor 1214) My translation

89

heterogeneous nature of the body as well as its homogeneity

As part of the tradition Paul introduces he instructs them to celebrate the ritual in Christrsquos memory

(1124c 25a) First the ritual Paul is introducing needs to assume the form that the members of the ἐκκλησία

can remember Second they need motivation to hand it over to later generations The feature of ἀνάμνησις helps

in establishing the purpose of the ritual act It shows its specificity and sets the scope of the ritual act Its

repetition shows its ritual significance for both σῶμα and αἷμαThe advantage of this feature is that it involves

memory In the traditional δεῖπνον there were other contesting purposes to exhibit onersquos status The memorable

formula also falls within Rappaportrsquos canonical category of communication of the ritual because of its

unchanging nature The simple memorable formula for the meal and the implication of a tradition to be passed

on place the phrases30

into canonical categories of unchanging meaning It communicates something about

Christ and the meal that will not change depending on which individuals are eating it The feature of ἀνάμνησις

would redirect the members of the community toward the ritual purpose of remembering their Lord It could

serve as a reminder to act bearing in mind the sacrifice made by the Lord Jesus Christ on their behalf They will

be reminded that they are always to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance and not in any

other personrsquos

The doctrinal mode of religiosity helps to illustrate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

giving the instruction to observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in the Lordrsquos remembrance by stimulating memory and

motivation Ritual has the ability to trigger implicit knowledge There is high arousal in the consequence of

practicing τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον with some becoming weak falling sick and dying Even though the arousal level in

the doctrinal mode of religiosity is low Whitehouse admits that in reality there is no religion that is either

purely doctrinal or imagistic based on the features captured in his model31

It is possible for a particular

religious tradition to contain all the elements of the doctrinal mode as well as a few of the features of the

imagistic mode For example the frequency of some rituals might be low and still have variables of low levels

of arousal The frequency of other rituals might not be regular and thus can result in sporadic performances

These instances might temper the claims of the theory of modes of religiosity However there are explanations

to the seeming inconsistencies It is noteworthy that modes of religiosity acknowledge two divergent attractor

positons and the tendency for religious traditions to lean toward them32

Moreover they do not outline

regulations for developing peculiar behavior It is not the case that any time that there is a ritual action it should

correspond to one or the other mode of religiosity Pragmatically it cannot be contended that a specific ritual

can be designated doctrinal or imagistic

Furthermore regarding the highndasharousal nature of the ritual Paul claims that they were drinking κρίμα

to themselves33

Here there is a play on words on the following κρίμα κρίνω and διακρίνω The σῶμα that

30

τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησινhellip τοῦτο ποιεῖτε ὁσάκις ἐὰν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν ldquoDo this in

my remembrance Do this as often as you drink for my remembrancerdquo (1 Cor 1124c 25a) My translation

31 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 75

32 Ibid 75ndash76 (emphasis original)

33 ὁ γὰρ ἐσθίων καὶ πίνων κρίμα ἑαυτῷ ἐσθίει καὶ πίνει μὴ διακρίνων τὸ σῶμα διὰ τοῦτο ἐν ὑμῖν πολλοὶ ἀσθενεῖς

90

Paul alludes to is that of the Lord (v28) Paul does not specify whether it is Christrsquos physical and or resurrected

body the Eucharistic elements themselves or the gathered community which he also describes as the body of

Christ In this regard Paul is being deliberately ambiguous Κρίμα comes upon the person who eats the bread

and drinks cup of the Lord in an unworthy manner (v27) In eating the ἄρτος and drinking from the ποτήριον of

the Lord therefore there is the need to classify το σῶμα and το αἷμα Ritual practice helps to illumine the

meaning of the terms By classification I mean that the σῶμα and the αἷμα are to be placed in their own ritual

category

Another sociopolitical feature of the doctrinal mode of religiosity that helps elucidate the possible

effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in the state of affairs in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία is leadership Leadership is

one of the sociopolitical features of the modes of religiosity Whereas in the imagistic mode of religiosity

leadership is passiveabsent that of the doctrinal mode is as Whitehouse puts it dynamic This means that

religious leaders are esteemed to be the source of authoritative religious knowledge They play a central role in

securing adherence to and preservation of the teachings of the group The authoritative nature of any such

tradition is determined by the ldquoadherents agreeing what the teachings arerdquo even if there are other traditions

which may be regarded as alternatives and possibly even in conflict with the official versions34

Paul claims

leadership and asserts to have received the tradition that he is passing on to the members of the Corinthian

ἐκκλησία Paulrsquos assertion of his own authority is evident in the ldquoI receivedrdquo formula His letter thus becomes a

vehicle for dynamic communication The notion of leadership in this context will be extended to the kind of

leaders Paul mentions in the Corinthian correspondence These include apostles prophets and teachers (1 Cor

124ndash11 28ndash30)35

Part of the function of the officials is ldquoto police the orthodoxyrdquo in general terms36

From a ritual

perspective that fractiousness persisted in the ἐκκλησία points to the potential usefulness of orthodoxy checks

Religious centralization is a key to stability We can conjecture that in the initial stages the lack of orthodoxy

checks in Corinthian ἐκκλησία partly led to the divisions At a number of points Paul intervenes to encourage

the appointment of officials (1 Cor 124ndash11 28ndash31 cf Rom 126ndash8) Such officials would be in a position to

monitor and promote orthodoxy that would further secure their leadership Paul places himself in the

transmission process when he says ldquoI received from the Lordhellip I pass on to yourdquo Thus he becomes essential to

the ritual transmission which secures his leadership Paul is just trying to establish the conditions for orthodoxy

by generating a stronger sense of his own authority over the shape of this ritual which transmits canonical (ie

orthodox) communication

καὶ ἄρρωστοι καὶ κοιμῶνται ἱκανοί εἰ δὲ ἑαυτοὺς διεκρίνομεν οὐκ ἂν ἐκρινόμεθαmiddot ldquoFor shehe who eats and

drinks without distinguishing the body (of the Lord) eats and drinks judgement to her himself For this reason

many among you are weak and sick and many have fallen asleep But if we judged ourselves we would not be

judged anyhowrdquo (1 Cor 1129ndash31) My translation

34 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 67 (emphasis original) He describes this as ldquoprinciple of agreementrdquo

35 Apostles (including Apollos) are the primary leaders at this point

36 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 69

91

The presence of religious leaders also facilitates a more rapid ldquospreadrdquo of religions37

By virtue of the

fact that the proclamations of eminent religious leaders (or other appointed representatives) are made by word

of mouth they become ldquoreadily transportablerdquo38

The tenets of a grouprsquos belief system are based on the

proclamations (original or attributed) of the leaders and their deeds ldquobecome the basis for widely recounted

religious narratives transmitted orallyrdquo39

Ritual theory helps in understanding the kerygmatic aspect of the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Associated with proclamation is the spread of a particular tradition In the Pauline ἐκκλησίαι

apostles including Paul were tasked with the spread of the gospel They would have the special responsibility

of spreading their religious tradition by oratory40

In the case of Paul he makes the effort to defend his

apostleship throughout the epistle (1 Cor 34ndash10 46ndash21 91ndash27 151ndash11)

One means that could make Paulrsquos intervention effective was to introduce a kind of ritual that could be

ongoing Paul instructs the members of the ἐκκλησία to practice the meal ὁσάκις He consequently sets up the

conditions that would facilitate routinization and the tradition for the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to

become widespread Religious routinization helps in both the detection and subjection of orthodox and

nonorthodox doctrines by making the former forms more pronounced than the latter ones Regular repetition of

the doctrines of a religious community has the potency of making members retain them in their memory

Instability will not augur well for the purpose of the ἐκκλησία to be realized The expectation of Christrsquos return

could possibly make the members of the community bury their differences in preparation of the return of their

Lord Paul thus provides the tools that would make the celebration of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον to become

widespread This feature helps to validate the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos interventions in 1 Corinthians

The observation of Grimes helps see the possible effectiveness of a new ritual in bringing stability in the

ἐκκλησία What Paul was helping to create can be described as an emergent ritual The merits of this suggestion

are that the members of the ἐκκλησίαwere already practicing a δεῖπνον although with inherent social

distinctions and looseness in its form Thus the collective meal was one of the occasions that displayed the

divisive character of the assembly The introduction of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον would replace the δεῖπνον of the

ἐκκλησία Unlike the δεῖπνον that structured difference the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον provided a new structuring of

union in the name of one Lord It is no longer individual meals but one ἄρτος By recognizing with Grimes that

new rituals can arise for new purposes the traditional δεῖπνον would give way to the nascent ritual namely

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This could perhaps eradicate the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία

In 1127 the admonition is that whoever eats the bread or drinks of the cup of the Lord ldquounworthily hellip

shall be guilty of the Lordrsquos body and bloodrdquo There are repercussions when the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is celebrated

ἀναξίως In the case of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία their act of performing the meal ἀναξίως resulted in some of

them becoming weak others falling sick and dying (1129 30) In the NT ἀναξίως is a hapax legomenon Its

use here is ritually situated and calls for a ritual explanation From a ritual stance the members of the

37

See Table 31

38 H Whitehouse Modes of Religiosity 70

39 Ibid 67 ldquoBoth forms of knowledge are stored in the semantic memoryrdquo

40 This is exactly the case of Paul (Timothy Titus and Barnabas)

92

Corinthian ἐκκλησία were consuming their own meal ndash τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον ndash just like any other GrecondashRoman

meal and not the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον (1 Cor 1120) In ritual performance some persons can falter advertently or

inadvertently An inappropriate act is thought to result in disaster and that requires restoration by means of the

performance of a ritual41

When there is a disaster in a community rituals are performed to ward off danger and

evil Ritual studies helps in explaining the situation in Corinth This state of affairs could feasibly give Paul the

opportunity to arrest the situation In effect Paulrsquos institution of a new ritual will help the members of the

ἐκκλησία to deal with the trauma of illness and death the community is experiencing By instructing them to

observe the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον in accordance with the tradition he handed to them Paul could help stem any fatal

consequences The proper way of observing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could then merit Paulrsquos commendation

instead of κρίμα and also provide the community a means of coping with the circumstances Ritual meaning is a

variable that falls within the psychological features of the doctrinal mode of religiosity Paulrsquos use of

δοκιμαζέτω in his injunction in 1 Cor 112842

provides the community with a mechanism for managing the

situation The rationale is that the members of the ἐκκλησία would have to disengage the former way of

practicing the traditional δεῖπνον and adopt a new way The old way and manner of eating the δεῖπνον would

bring κρίμα The ritual process that could bring restoration is one of learningacquiring new ways of celebrating

the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον43

At this stage of the discussion it is appropriate to review how effective Paulrsquos interventions possibly

could have been Three main areas may be identified for evaluating the possible effectiveness of Paulrsquos

interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία The first is the sociondasheconomic dimension As discussed earlier there

was social stratification within the ἐκκλησία thus making the members socially distant from one another Grimes

points out that the self is a ldquocultural constructionrdquo44

He contends that ldquosocieties have their most persistent root

in the human body itself and the body is always ndash no matter how closeted or private ndash socially inscribedrdquo45

Paul in using the metaphor of σῶμα helps to neutralize class distinctions The need for one another is reciprocal

Each member needs the other ldquobut the eye cannot say to the hand lsquoI have no need of yoursquo nor again the head to

the feet lsquoI have no need of yoursquo rdquo (1 Cor 1221)46

Participating in the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον requires solidarity

41

It is noteworthy that the case of disaster is not applicable to all cultures The proper ritual practice of the Inuit

people for example after they kill a whale does not necessarily save them from disaster It is known of the Inuit

people that Beluga whales are their staple food See M Tyrell ldquoNunavik Inuit Perspectives on Beluga Whale

Management in the Canadian Arcticrdquo in Human Organization 673 (2008) 322ndash334

42 ldquoLet a man examine himselfrdquo (1 Cor 1128) Δοκιμαζέτω is the 3

rd person singular imperative of the verb

δοκιμάζω It means ldquoI put to the test prove or examinerdquo

43 A passage that sheds light on this interpretation is Job 343 4 ὅτι οὖς λόγους δοκιμάζει καὶ λάρυγξ γεύεται

βρῶσιν κρίσιν ἑλώμεθα ἑαυτοῖς γνῶμεν ἀνὰ μέσον ἑαυτῶν ὅ τι καλόν ldquoFor the ear examines words as the

larynx tastes food Let us discern for ourselves what is right let us learn (know) among ourselves what is

goodrdquo Septuagint (Job 343 4) My translation

44 Ronald L Grimes ldquoRendashinventing Ritualrdquo 21

45 Ibid 27

46 οὐ δύναται δὲ ὁ ὀφθαλμὸς εἰπεῖν τῇ χειρί Χρείαν σου οὐκ ἔχω ἢ πάλιν ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῖς ποσίν Χρείαν

ὑμῶν οὐκ ἔχωmiddot (My translation in English)

93

strengthening the weak among the members in the ἐκκλησία (1222) ldquobut much rather those members of our

body that seem to be weaker are indispensablerdquo47

The praxis of κυριακὸν δεῖπνον does not give the occasion to

ignore or dispense with fellow members of the ἐκκλησία Paul in introducing the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον could

probably have effected changes so far as class distinctions were concerned

The second area is the political realm Politically the political structure of GrecondashRoman polis

reflected the standard symposium The συμποσίαρχος presided over the symposium The symposium in turn

reflected the values of the society at large The afore-stated values reflected during the partaking in the meals in

the Corinthian ἐκκλησία Paul in his interventions establishes the Lordship of Jesus Christ It requires the

enablement of the Holy Spirit for one to acclaim the Lordship of Jesus Christ (1 Cor 123) The Lordship of

Jesus manifests in the distribution of gifts (1 Cor 125) In the traditional setting of the ἐκκλησία the leaders

assumed positions depicting their statuses In this new reality that Paul introduces it is God who places the

members in the positions in consonance with his will (1 Cor 1218 cf 1228 ff)

In the physiological realm Paul shifts the attention from physiology to pneumatology He applies the

metaphor of τὸ σῶμα beginning in 1212 ndash τὸ σῶμα ἕν ἐστιν ndash in his instructions on the exercise of the gifts of

the Spirit (1 Cor 1212ndash27 esp 1212 20)48

He introduces a different ritual while discussing the concept of

σῶμα in chapter 12 to illustrate unity He maintains the formula ldquothe same Spiritrdquo (124 8 9 (twice) 11 cf

ldquosame Lordrdquo 125 ldquosame Godrdquo 126) to relate the σῶμα to Christ Such a shift becomes relevant because the

Spirit becomes the medium through whom all are baptized Consequently in the emerging ritual the members

were given one Spirit to drink (1 Cor 1213)49

The inference that I can make from this verse is that the new

reality abhors σχίσματα and strengthens the bond of unity Paulrsquos illustration of the nature and function of the

σῶμα confirms the viability of this inference His use of ἓν for both πνεῦμα and σῶμα further underscores this

point The pneumatological implication is that there would be a reversal of consequence As they drink of the

Spirit they thus become strengthened spiritually instead of drinking κρίμα to themselves (cf1 Cor 1129) The

new reality that is emerging is devoid of ethnicity status or gender (1 Cor 1213 cf Gal 328)

The overarching factor in the analysis is the evolving of a ritual complex It is a complex that involves

(1) a ritual act (2) a ritual purpose which is dual in nature and (3) a ritual timing The first aspect is that the

members of the ἐκκλησία were to practice the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον This is in consonance with the directive τοῦτο

ποιεῖτε The second dimension of the complex is the ritual purpose which is dual On one side of the coin they

were to perform the ritual act in remembrance of the Lord Jesus Christ while on the other side they were to

proclaim the death of Jesus Christ The third facet is ritual timing and concerns the duration of the ritual act

The members of the ἐκκλησία were to perform the ritual act until Christrsquos return In practice therefore the

47

ἀλλὰ πολλῷ μᾶλλον τὰ δοκοῦντα μέλη τοῦ σώματος ἀσθενέστερα ὑπάρχειν ἀναγκαῖά ἐστιν (1 Cor 1122) (My

translation in English)

48 Cf Margaret M Mitchell Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation 157ndash164 She uses the expression ldquothe

body metaphor for unityrdquo J Murphy-OrsquoConnor 1 Corinthians (Wilmington Delaware M Glazier 1979) 9

who remarks that ldquo[t]he most distinctive note of a christian community should be its organic unity (1212ndash27)rdquo

49καὶ πάντες ἓν πνεῦμα ἐποτίσθημεν (1 Cor 1213)

94

features of the traditional δεῖπνον could hardly manifest concurrently in the practice of the emerging ritual that

the new ritual in turn could serve for the stability of the ἐκκλησία From the foregoing analysis it becomes

evident that the practice of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was not yet shaped into a specifically Christian ritual in

Corinth at the time of writing of the letter However Paulrsquos interventions helped shape the Corinthian

community and that could possibly have generated stability in the ἐκκλησία

43 Conclusion

In this chapter I have attempted to examine Paulrsquos interventions in the Corinthian ἐκκλησία concerning

the δεῖπνον and how they could possibly be effective in dealing with the σχίσματα in the ἐκκλησία The ritual

theories of Whitehouse and Rappaport help to demonstrate the potential effectiveness of Paulrsquos intervention in

Corinth I have demonstrated that at the time of writing 1 Corinthians the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον was in its embryonic

stage Paul was introducing a ritual structure to achieve stronger bonds of fellowship and enhance the spirit of

unity Put together with the analogies from the voluntary associations inscriptions papyrilogical documents

etc and the interpretation I have given to 1 Cor 1117ndash34 I suggest that the ritual approach of elucidating the

conflict at the table is more convincing than simply rendering a theological interpretation of the passage

Specifically by mentioning the tradition he received from the Lord Paul was reshaping a ritual I have

demonstrated how Paul could have effected changes in the meal practice of the Corinthian that would in turn

affect their social life

Whitehousersquos doctrinal mode of religiosity explains how it is probable that in a stratified community

hierarchy and equality can blend and thus produce a more homogenous group at least during the ritual itself

One of Paulrsquos pivotal interventions is ensuring stability which is closely related to innovation in the ἐκκλησία

As stated earlier modes of religiosity are complementary attractor positions around which ritual actions and

religious concepts merge Only innovations that are close to these attractor positions last The features of the

doctrinal mode of religiosity are highly potential The combination of these features produces a strong and

lasting legacy that persists historically for centuries and even millennia The κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is the most

celebrated praxis of the present day universal Church Most liturgies follow the format in 1 Corinthians 11

Ritual theory offers the rationale for this state of affair

Rappaportrsquos model of communication argues that a canonical message is not restricted to the present

The words of institution combined with repetition of the ritual helped to establish the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον as a

meal that is still practiced today as it was practiced over the years Paul states explicitly that he was delivering

to the Corinthian ἐκκλησία what he had received from the Lord (1123) This expression makes the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον Paul is introducing Christological and authentic for the community Paul proposed the new

ritual in the context of their fractured relationships and I have shown why it was likely to be a successful

strategy Furthermore we do not need to argue that the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were abusing the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον rather that they were practicing the δεῖπνον and observing the regulations just as the

associations in the GrecondashRoman milieu The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία were practicing the

normative meal practices of the first century in GrecondashRoman world As a result of this their behavior was in

95

consonance with the social parameters of the GrecondashRoman society

96

5

Conclusions Ritual Studies vis-agrave-vis Theological Claims

In the preceding chapters I demonstrated that there was a common meal typology that was practiced in

the GrecondashRoman Mediterranean world The members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία partook in a δεῖπνον while

drinking also featured during their gathering These characteristics had parallels with the structure of the Grecondash

Roman banquets in general and association meals in particular I also established that Paul intervened in the

meal praxis of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία so as to introduce a new ritual namely κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The analysis

has been on how rituals can produce effects that traditionally have received little attention My focus in the

concluding chapter is to demonstrate the interndashrelationship between ritual studies and theological themes

Rituals unlike theological themes are not expressed propositionally Ritual studies intensifies the meaning of

what can be achieved in theological discourses The scope of Paulrsquos theological claims extends beyond the

ritual elements of the supper However to some extent ritual relates to the identified themes that I will be

exploring

51 Paulrsquos new meaning for the Corinthian δεῖπνον

In this section I will focus on the new meaning that Paul gives to the Corinthian δεῖπνον as I explore

theological themes The Corinthian δεῖπνον was a meal that was comparable to the δεῖπνον which was the main

and important meal taken at the close of the day of the associations in the GrecondashRoman setting The fact that

the Corinthian δεῖπνον was a real meal is substantiated by Paulrsquos reiteration of hunger in 1 Cor 1134 (cf

1124) Furthermore it is confirmed by some members of the ἐκκλησία getting satiated and others remaining

hungry Paul thus instructs that if they are hungry they should satisfy their hunger at home (1 Cor 1134) At the

time of writing the epistle the praxis of the δεῖπνον by the members of the Corinthian ἐκκλησία was the kind

that could not merit Paulrsquos commendation Τοῦτο δὲ παραγγέλλων οὐκ ἐπαινῶ (1 Cor 1117a) The ὅτι clause

that follows gives the reason for Paulrsquos nonndashcommendation ὅτι οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸ ἧσσον

συνέρχεσθε Paulrsquos use of οὐκ εἰς τὸ κρεῖσσον and εἰς τὸ ἧσσον suggests that a particular type of practice is better

than another when the members of Corinthian ἐκκλησία assemble Part of what characterises the current praxis

is the disparity in the partaking of the meal where an individual prefers eating herhis own meal before the

other The effect is despising fellow members and shaming the havendashnots In a comparative tone Paul

maintains that the current praxis is worse than what he expects He thus intervenes by introducing the tradition

of the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

As stated earlier in the whole of the New Testament the phrase κυριακὸν δεῖπνον is a hapax

legomenon The meal is in its emergent stage at the time of writing Paul by mentioning the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον

is introducing a new praxis with an entirely different meaning from the Corinthian δεῖπνον The new meaning

Paul attaches to the meal is that first the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has a Christological dimension in the sense that Paul

indicates that Ἐγὼ γὰρ παρέλαβον ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου This sets the meal Paul is introducing on Christological

foundation Whereas the practice has been that the members partook in their own meal (τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον) the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον has its roots in ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς (1 Cor 1123) Moreover the quality of the meal is of

97

Christological significance This is attested to by the nomenclature Paul introduces ndash κυριακὸν δεῖπνον The

distinction Paul makes between κυριακὸν δεῖπνον and τὸ ἴδιον δεῖπνον is informative The meal is no longer the

individual meal as pertains in the general culture but it is the Lord who owns it It is the Lordrsquos Supper

Moreover the meal incorporates the ποτήριον κυρίου1 This expression sets the ποτήριον associated with the

κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from other ποτήρια in the social context and assigns it as that which belongs to the

Lord Furthermore closely linked to this notion is the phrase τραπέζης κυρίου While there are other τραπέζαι

such as δεύτεραι τραπέζαι and τραπέζης δαιμονίων Paul introduces a new concept of the τραπέζης κυρίου

Similarly the expression τραπέζης κυρίου sets the τραπέζης associated with the κυριακὸν δεῖπνον apart from all

other τραπέζαι (1 Cor 1022)

At other points in First Corinthians Paul introduces the concept of Jesusrsquo Lordship and gradually

develops it throughout the letter The Corinthian ἐκκλησία with other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus

Christ the Lord ἐπικαλουμένοις τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (1 Cor 12) Paul pronounces the

grace and peace ἀπὸ θεοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ2 to the members of the ἐκκλησία (1 Cor 13)

In responding to the cases where some members would take others to the law courts Paul contrasts the way of

life between the righteous and unrighteous and notes that previously the lifestyle of some of the members was

like the unrighteous Consequently he confirms the new state of the members of the ἐκκλησία as cleansed

sanctified and justified ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ καὶ ἐν τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν3 Concerning

Paulrsquos response to marital issues he further acknowledges the lordship and authority of Jesus Christ He draws

the distinction between the Lordrsquos commands and his own commands (1 Cor 710) Paul affirms the singularity

of the lordship of Jesus Christ ndash εἷς κύριος Ἰησοῦς Χριστόςndash (1 Cor 86)

The ritual analysis I have undertaken in the previous chapter coordinates to the theological themes that

I will explore in this chapter First Paulrsquos view of the lordship of the historical Jesus is that it is eternal The

members of the ἐκκλησία were called into εἰς κοινωνίαν τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν4 In 1

Corinthians Paul presents the historical Jesus as Lord both on earth and also when he was highly exalted In

both 1 Corinthians and Philippians the name of Jesus is professed Whereas in 1 Corinthians the members of

the ἐκκλησία with members of other ἐκκλησίαι profess the name of Jesus in Philippians it is universal

profession of the highly exalted Jesus Paul consistently refers to the meal as the Lordrsquos (1 Cor 1121 cf vv 26

27) He traces the reception of the tradition to the Lord Jesus The ritual elements are the body and blood of the

Lord (1127) In case there should be judgment it is the same Lord who executes it in their interest to save them

from condemnation with the world It is the Lord who controls the ritual cycle The cycle begins with the Lord

(regarding the reception of the tradition) and the time of the Lordrsquos return (1126) Accordingly the δεῖπνον that

Paul is displaying here has Christological underpinning

1 Paul admonishes the members that they cannot drink the ποτήριον κυρίου as well as the ποτήριον δαιμονίων (1

Cor 1021)

2 ldquofrom God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christrdquo (1 Cor 13) My translation

3 ldquohellipin the name of Lord Jesus Christ and in the spirit of our Godrdquo (1 Cor 611) My translation The words

Paul uses to describe their new state are ἀπολούω ἁγιάζω and δικαιόω 4 ldquo into koinōnia with the Lord Jesus Christ our Lordrdquo (1 Cor 19) My translation