The Politics of Shamanism and the Limits of Fear

Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of LowlandSouth AmericaISSN: 2572-3626 (online)

Volume 4Issue 1 Special Issue in honor of Joanna Overing: In theWorld and About the World: Amerindian Modes ofKnowledge

Article 11

May 2006

The Politics of Shamanism and the Limits of FearRobert StorrieThe British Museum, [email protected]

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Recommended CitationStorrie, Robert (2006). "The Politics of Shamanism and the Limits of Fear," Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of LowlandSouth America: Vol. 4: Iss. 1, Article 11.Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol4/iss1/11

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Tipití (2006) 4(1&2):223–246 © 2006 SALSA 223ISSN 1545-4703 Printed in USA

The Politics of Shamanism and the Limits of Fear

ROBERT STORRIEThe British [email protected]

INTRODUCTION

TheHoti1areagroupofabout700seminomadicpeopleoccupyingamountainousterritoryintheSerraníadeMaigualidaofcentralVenezuelanGuiana.Theylivebyhuntingandgathering,andslash-and-burnfarming.Theirlandismostlytropicalforestwithoccasionalpatchesofsavannah.The land rises todramatic ridgesandmountains, and is cutwith smallravines,fastflowingstreams,andrivers.Theyhaveaterritoryofbetweenten and twenty thousand square kilometers, which their neighbors—the Piaroa, Panare, Hiwi, Yabarana, and Ye’kuana—will visit for trade,sometimestohuntandfish,oroccasionallytopanforgold.Atthetimeofmyfieldwork,2morethanhalfofallHotipeople livedatoneof twomissionvillages:aNewTribesMission(NTM)settlementatthesouthernlimitoftheirterritoryontheCañoIguanaRiver,3andanotheratKayamáatthenorthernedgeoftheirland,whichisrunbyRomanCatholicnuns. The Hoti are perhaps the most egalitarian people described inAmazonian ethnography. All Hoti people I asked agreed that therewere no fundamental or essential differences in the capacities andunderstandings of men, women, or children. Anger and violence areexcludedfromthesocialdomain. OnealmostneverhearsraisedvoicesinaHoti community—childrenareneverpunishedbeyond themildestrebuke,andcertainlyareneverhit.Humanbeings,theHotisay,arealwaysgenerousandneverviolent.Humanbeingscannotkill,orevenharm,otherhumanbeings,althoughwhoisandwhoisnothumanisnotnecessarilyimmediatelyobvious.Theirassertionsofequalityrestuponcosmologicalunderstandings of thenature of persons, andofhumanity. Theseholdthat the eternal aspect of all beings—the ho (plural hodï)—all have thesameappearance,capacities,andorigin,allarecoeval,andimportantly,allinhabitthesamemoraluniverse.4 IntheirdailylivesHotipeopledemonstratearespectforothersandforotherpointsofview.Theyliveinpeacefulcommunitiesthatrejectall

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formsofdomination,coercion,ortheauthorityofonepersonoveranother.YetHotimoralunderstandingsareframednotintermsoftheabsenceofhierarchy,butratherintermsofresistancetohierarchy.Theyunderstandthatmaintaining egalitarian social relations in tranquil andharmoniouscommunities is the product of social work. They clearly recognize thehumancapacitiesforgreedandviolence,aswellasthedesireforpoweroverothers.Theyexpressthisrecognitionintermsofthetransformationalnatureoftheuniverse,e.g.,thepossibilitythatapeaceful,generoushumanbeingmaybecomesomethingotherthanhuman. Hotipeoplefrequentlyasserttheequivalenceofallbeings,andactivelyseektoundermineauthorityandhierarchy. Almostall theHotipeopleI asked refused tomake anykindofnormative statements about sociallife,ormoralunderstandings. Theywouldnotsaythingsthatcouldbeinterpretedasbeingjudgmentalofothers.Theymockanyonewhoappearstobeboastfulorauthoritarian.Theyavoidanyonewhoappearsangryorloud,orwhoshowsanyinclinationtowardsviolence.FortheHoti,oneofthedefiningcharacteristicsof“others,”thenonhumanandthepotentiallynonhuman,istheexpressionofarangeofemotionsallsubsumedunderthewordyowali—anger,fierceness,greedandselfishness,bravery,sadness,or violence. One is not yowali if one is generous, quiet, reserved, andfearful(idiyu).5

Despite their assertions of equivalence, their active egalitarianism,and their exclusion of all physical violence from moral, social, andinterpersonalrelations,thereisoneareaofexperienceandknowledgeinwhichinequality,power,violence,andfearareallpotentiallyrelevant.Thisareaconcernstheirinvolvementwiththediverseandpowerfulother-than-human beings of the always present, underlying, immanent, and causalshamanicenvironment.Shamanism,whetherviewedasappliedtopositiveornegativeends,isaveryrealpresenceintheworld.Itdoesnotexistaspart of a special domain of experience, nor is it regarded as belongingtoa separate sphereofpractice. Everyonehasa shamanicaspect, theirho,andeveryonehasdirectaccesstotheshamanicenvironmentthroughtheirdreams, the rawmaterial of shamanism. Beforegoing to sleep atnight,almostalladultswillpackastrongtobaccomixturein-betweentheirgumandlowerlipinordertomaketheirdreamsmorevivid.MostHotishamanism isconducted throughsentientdreamsproduced in thisway.Sentientdreamingislearnedfromanearlyagebychildrenwholistentoadultseverymorninginthelonghouseasdreamsarerecounted,discussed,andcompared.Childrenaretaughttopayattentiontotheirdreams.Whentheywakeupfromavividdreamoranightmaretheyaretoldthatwhattheyhave seen is very importantand that it is real (cf.Santos-Granero2003).

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The Politics of Shamanism and the Limits of Fear 225

Thereisneitheraclearlyacknowledgedroleof“shaman,”norarethereostentatiousdisplaysof“shamanism.”TherearepeoplewhoarerecognizedbyothersasbeingespeciallyskilledatinteractingwiththeOutsideBeings(čo ma hadï). Thesepeoplearethoughttohavecloserelationshipswiththe other-than-human beings—particularly the guardian Forest Elders(čo aimo).Itisveryseldomthatanyonewillclaimoradmittoaspecialabilityasashaman,thoughthereisconsiderablepoliticalskillinvolvedincultivatingsuchareputationwithouteveradmittingtoitdirectly.AswithmanyAmazonianpeoples,theHotiareactivelyegalitarianandforthemallpowerisambiguous.Allclaimstoauthoritycanarousesuspicion.Anadmission(orclaim)ofshamanicabilitybyanyonecanleavethatpersonopentoaccusationsofsorcery. However, certain people, usually men though sometimes alsowomen or even children, can become fear inducing. Through theirskillful engagement with the beings of the mysterious, powerful, andtransformational universe—the sources of fertility and disease—theyacquirepowersofhealinganddeath.Theyusetheirpowertodefendtheircommunity, and some may also seek to use their fearful reputations tomanipulateorintimidateotherHoticommunities.Theycanevenwieldtheirpower,creatingapoliticsoffear,inwaysthatmayaffecttheirowncoresidents. How do Hoti people reconcile themselves to the apparent tensionbetween their antihierarchical ethos and the unequal ability to wieldshamanic power? The answer lies, I believe, in an understanding ofthe value placed upon “fearfulness” as an intrinsic and positive humancharacteristic.InthisessayIexplorethemorallimitsoftheuseoffear,aswellasthesanctionsthatmarkandpolicethoselimits.Thisexplorationof the aesthetics of fear is examined in the context of Hoti cosmologyand understandings of generosity and its abuse. Any discussion ofshamanismmustnecessarilytouchuponitsineffable,polyvalent,shifting,and transformationalnatures. Ihave attempted todo this through theinterweaving of a number of juxtaposed themes that need not, indeedprobably cannot, be reconciled. Among the Hoti, those who claim towield shamanic powers engage in a dangerous and sometimes deadlypoliticalgame.

TRANSFORMATIONAL UNIVERSE

Shamanism is essential for Hoti people because of the natureand uncertainties of the universe they inhabit. In common with manyAmerindianpeoples, theHotidescribe amultilayered, transformational

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universe in which beings and objects cannot necessarily be known orunderstoodfromtheirappearance.6Rather,thetruenatureofaperson,being,orobjectcancometobeknownasaresultoftheiractionsoreffects,though it is possible that these may never actually be known. I haveexploredthisaspectofHoticlassificatorythoughtelsewhere(Storrie1999,2003),buthereitisimportanttoemphasizethatHotipeopleacceptthepossibilityofdifferentinterpretationsofthesameeventorencounter.Thesamebeingorobjectmaybeexperienceddifferentlybydifferentpeopleandthusclassifieddifferently.Itisforthesereasonsthatanunderstandingoftheshamanicenvironmentbecomessocrucial.AsRivièredescribesfortheTrio,“…whetherornotaparticularcreatureistheactualcreaturetheyseeoraspiritwearingthatcreature’sclotheswilldependupontheoutcomeoftheencounter,unlessoneisashamanandthusabletoseethroughthedisguisetotheinternalreality”(Rivière1994:257). LikewiseforthePiaroa,uncertaintyaboutidentityisadailyontologicalpuzzle.Forthem:

…such“problems”ofidentity…werecertainlynotthoseof“metaphor,”forherethePiaroawereobviouslyworryingaboutfactualidentity:“Isthatwildpigahumanoravegetable?”—“Isthatjaguarananimal,ahumansorcereroragodfrom“beforetime?”—“Isthatbutterflyorbatasorcererfromastrangercommunity?”Iftheygotitwrong,itwastheirunderstandingthattheliteralconsequences could be grim—the individual could become subject to apredatorattack.ItwastheRuwang[theshaman]whowasabletosolvesuchmysteriesofidentity:hewastheonewhotransformedpigmeat,whichwasreallyhumanflesh,intosafevegetablefood—hewastheonewhocouldseethesorcererinbat’sclothing,anddobattlewithhim(Overing1990:610).

Thecosmosispopulatedbyalargevarietyofpersonsandbeings.InHotithought,theyarenotdividedintocategoriesthatcorrespondtoourideasof“natural”and“supernatural”(or“earthly”and“spiritual”).Rather,thequalitiessuggestedbythesecategoriesareembodiedtovaryingdegreesin all of these beings. All beings and persons, and some objects, haveaneternalsoul-likeaspect(ho)thatexists intheshamanicenvironment,usuallyinhumanlikeform,aswellasabodythatisthedistinctiveformoftheirspeciesorkind.Intheworldofwakingexperience,theHotiwillpointtotheirchestsorstomachstoindicatetheho,whichissometimesalso called the“animate thing inside theheart” (kwo hu kwa ma ha),or“animatethinginsidethestomach”(ičo kwa ma ha). Atonelevelofexplanation,thereappearstobeaninsideandanoutsidetopersons.Insideistheho,theeternal“soul,”identicalinappearancetoallother“souls.”Allareequivalentandallarecoevaltoeachother.Onthe

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outsideisthebody,whichclothesthesoulandgiveseachbeingitsdistinctivecharacteristicsandcapacities.Sometimestheseanthropomorphicbeings(the ho, plural hodï), which are the natures of their species, can inhabitother bodies, revealing themselves and their true natures through theircharacteristicbehaviors,orratherthroughtheuncharacteristicbehaviorofthephysicalformtheyinhabit. Importantly, there is no word in Hoti for “body,” nor any conceptcorresponding to our notion of corporeality (cf. Overing 1997:2). TheHotidospeakofthe“skin”(hedodo),andwilldescribethisasacontainer,orcovering,forthehowithin(seeBelaundeintra,Lagrouintra,Rosengren intra, and Santos-Granero intra, for similar ideas among other nativeAmazonianpeoples).Theyalsocalltheho“thethingthatgoes”(woi deka ha),referringbothtotheho’sdepartureafterdeath,andtheideathatwhilethe“body”sleepsthepersonexperiencestheshamanicworld. Thenatureofapersonorbeingcanbealteredthroughtheeffectsofpowerfulsubstancesactinguponthebody,forinstancefromtheeatingofmeat(seeLondoño-Sulkinintra,foracomparativeexample).Bodiesandnatures,aswellasbehaviorsandsouls,arepermeabletoeachotherandareeitherfixedorvariabledependinguponcontext.Boththeinsideandtheoutsideoftheseentitiescanvaryandcanbethesiteofdifference.Inthecaseofaperson,forexample,whobehavesinaninappropriateway,itisbelievedthattheyarenot“possessed”byanotherho,butratherthattheirnaturehasbeenaltered throughbodilycontactwith some transformingsubstance. AccordingtoViveirosdeCastro,Amerindianspostulateametaphysicalcontinuityandaphysicaldiscontinuitybetweenthebeingsofthecosmos(1998b:56),whichistosaythatthereisauniversal“soul”andvariablebodies.However,fortheHoti,thepossibilitythattransformationsofthebodycanchangetheinnerbeingappearstochallengethenotionofauniversalsoul.TheHotidodescribethepossibilitythattheappearanceofabeingdoesnotprovidecertainevidenceofits“nature.”But,bodiesaremorethanjusttheequivalentof“clothes”thatembodythecapacitiesandpracticesofaparticularspecies,andthehodï(“souls”)arenot,infact,clearlydissociatedfromtheirbodies(seeWerlangintra).Whatisinsideandwhatisoutsidealsodependsuponcontext,orpointofview.Thehois,fortheHoti,insidetheskin,butitisačo ma ha(literally“anoutsidebeing”),anaspectofthepersonwhichexists“outside”(čo),intheshamanicworld.7WhattheHotiaredescribing, in termsof their livedencounterswithotherpeople, are(inIngold’s terms)“organism-persons” (cf. Ingold1996:128),whoexist,asdifferentaspectswithdifferentcapabilities,simultaneouslyindifferentworlds.Forexample,abeingthatexistsasapiginthewakingworldis

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simultaneouslyananthropomorphichointheshamanicenvironment.(Itisnotsometimesonethingandatothertimesadifferentsortofthing.)Sven-ErikIsacssondescribeshowEmberáshamanstransformthemselvesthroughsongfrom“individual”to“cosmos.”Theshamanicjourneystheyundertakearewithintheirbodies(nownolongerpersonal,butcosmic).Isacsson’sunderstandingsareextremelyusefulinhelpingustoreflectuponthepotential ofAmazonian cosmological knowledgeof individuals andbodies,andofbodiesascosmos(seeIsacsson1993:70). Shamans have the capacity to see simultaneously all the possibletransformations of a being. They may also have the knowledge totransform themselves, possibly even into dangerous others, such as apredatoryjaguar.Itiswithinthisuniversethattheknowledgeandacuteperceptionsofshamans(“thosewhoknowwell”ti anku,ortheLightOnes,kaho hadï)becomemattersoflifeanddeath.MostHotilonghouseshaveat least one such person living in them. This person can be for otherpeoplebothfearfulandawesome,andcanprovidereassuringprotection,butalsothepossibilityofuncontrolledpower.Ashamancouldbecomelostinatransformationor,havingtastedbloodasajaguar,beunabletoreturntohumanform.Shamansmightevenunwittinglyattacktheirownpeople.

THE LIGHT ONES

The Hoti refer to people they believe to be particularly adeptat shamanism as Light Ones (kaho hadï). Lightness is, essentially, ashamanicquality.Birdsarearchetypalkaho hadï,theyaresubstantial,thatisphysicallysolid,buttheyarenotearthbound. Theyareabletotravelbetweenthedomainsofthecosmos,andinthisregardtheyarelikehumankaho hadï,whoaresometimesdescribedasflyinginthesamewayasbirds,orastransformingthemselves intobirds. TheHotiexpressaparticularfascinationwithbirds and theywill point themout inflight,with armoutstretched,saying“të, të, të”—“there,there,there.” “Heaviness”istypicallyacharacteristicofearthboundlivingthings—bodiesare“heavy”andsomeoftheother-than-humanbeingsarealsosaidtobeheavy.TheMastersofanimals,theaimo,areheavybecauseofthephysicalityoftheanimalstheyrepresent.ThespiritsofWindandWaterare alsoheavy, say theHoti,becauseof the awesomephysicalpoweroftheseelements. Equally,“lightness” isnotexclusivelyacharacteristicofincorporealbeings. Thus, jaguarsarealso“light,”becausetheyleavenotracks, except intentionally, and because they are either the pets of the

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ForestElders,thečoaimo,oractuallyaretheEldersthemselvesinjaguarform, or a transformed human shaman. Jaguars are special—they arealwaysassociatedwiththeshamanicenvironment. Some people are born light, and display capacities for shamanismfromchildhood. However, it is thecaseforeveryonethatastheygrowolder the boundary between waking and dreaming becomes less clear,and they become“lighter.” It is from their intermediate state betweenwakingandsleeping,betweenlifeanddeath,thatthe“lightness”ofolderpeopleoriginates.Theybecomeincreasinglypermeabletothe“Outside”shamanicenvironment.Butrememberthatthe“Outside”canbelocatedinsidetheskin,andthatthebodiesoftheLightOnesarelightbyvirtueoftheirporosityandtheirpermeability.Theyallowthetimelessuniversewithintoleakintothisworld. ALightOne,then,isbelievedtohavesuchheightenedsensibilitiesthat they can perceive the world of causality that underlies the wakingworld. They can seewhat apersonor a thing“really” is, and they candevelopcloserelationshipswithpowerfulother-than-humanpersons,whocanbepersuadedtohelpor interveneinthe livesoftheHoti,bringingprotectionandsuccessinhunting,ordiseaseanddeath.Theymayevenbecomepowerfulenoughthemselvestotransformintopredatorssuchasjaguars.Theycanrangeacrosstheworldintimeandspace,whiletheirbodilyselfremainsintheirhammock,besidetheirownhearth.Theycancause thehodïofotherpeople,particularly theyoung, tostray,bringingillnessorevendeath.Humansorcerycanstripawayprotection,leavingthe victim’s ho exposed and vulnerable. Some particularly capable andmalevolentpeoplearebelievedtohavethecapacitytotakeaperson’shodirectly,butusuallytheirpowerscomefromtheabilitytopersuadetheirsupernaturalalliestostealthehooftheirvictims. AccordingtotheHoti,illnessanddeathdonot“justhappen.”Rather,itisalwaystheconsequenceofdirectedagency.Theawéladï—shadows,ghosts,oraspectsofevil—alwayspresentinthedarkestplacesandchilldampoftheforest,arethedirectagentsofhumandeath.Theymightkillbyaccidentwiththeirfatalcoldtouch,becausetheirunbearablelonelinessdrivesthemtoseekouttheliving.Theyalsomightactastheagentsofhumanangerormalice,bycapturingthehoattheintendedorunintendedbehestofaLightOne—someonewho“knowswell”theshamanicworldofcausesandinterveneseithertoprotecthispeopleortoadvancehisownselfishendsanddesires. Theawéladï onlyhave theopportunity tokillifapersonisdeprivedoftheprotectionoftheirguardianForestElders.TheseguardianscanbepersuadedortrickedintoabandoningtheirchargesbyhumanLightOnes. AllOutsideBeingsmay react to thosehuman

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emotions, which the Hoti describe as yowali. Feeling strong emotionscanendanger thehealthandwell-beingof thosearoundyou. Discord,or even concealed anger or resentment within a settlement, is thoughttocarryrisksforeveryone.Individualsandfamilieswilltakethemselvesawayratherthanriskargumentsthatmayleadtotheseemotions.FortheHoti,thedangersinvolvedinfeelingnegativeemotionarenotonlyrelatedto the possible physical dangers but also to the perceived supernaturalconsequencesofdeliberatelyoraccidentallydirectedanger.Hotipeopledonotmakeacategoricaldistinctionbetweenphysicalviolenceandshamanicviolence,butwhereasordinarypeoplemaydoharmaccidentallythroughtheiruncontrolled chaotic emotions, theLightOnes can channelharmthroughdirectedviolence.

SORCERY, GENEROSITY, AND HUMANITY

Iturnnowtoanumberofexamplesofpeoplewhoweresaidtobe,orthemselvesclaimedtobe,LightOnes.AshamaniccareerasaLightOne has a number of possible outcomes. The example to which mostwouldaspire isof theelderandacknowledgedheadof a longhouseorcommunity—generous,wise,respected,trusted,andyetstillawesomeandfearful,butnottoofearful.Otherpossibleconsequencesofengaginginthispoliticsoffearareridicule,exile,orperhapsevendeath.Ofcourse,inreality,someofthesepeopleareallofthesethings—respected,feared,ridiculed,avoided,orattacked—bydifferentpeopleatdifferenttimes. Generosity is profoundly important in Hoti morality. Greed andmeannessaredefiningbehaviorsofpeoplewhoareyowali—fierce,angry,“Other.”Generosityisproofofhumanity.Itdemonstratesthatapersoncannotbeyowali.Beginningfrommyfirstarrival,Hotipeoplegavemesmallunsolicitedgiftsofallkinds,includingcookedfood,fruit,andhoney,as well as bead necklaces and feather ornaments. They were behavingappropriately, showing their own humanity, and waiting to see how Iwouldrespond—testingmyhumanity.Generosityisnotonlymeasuredinmaterialterms,butalsointermsofsociality,time,work,andknowledge.Ashamanmustgivehisorherenergyandknowledgeselflesslytoallowtheircommunitytoprosperundertheirprotection.Theyarethesourceoffood,throughtheirengagementwiththeMastersofAnimals,andofhumanfertilitythroughtheirrelationswiththeForestElders,whoguardthesoulsoftheyetunbornHoti.Thus,knowledge,prosperity,fertility,andgenerosityareallbroughttogetherintheidealshaman.Lackofgenerosity

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wasmentionedinallthedisputesIheardaboutthatincludedaccusationsofsorcery.

ITË AND KENOWANO

Itë,amaninhisfifties,andrecentlyarrivedatKayamá,wassomethingofanoutsider.Hishouseandgarden,ontheothersideofariver,wereabouttwokilometersfromtheotherHotihousesnearerthemission.Helivedwithhisdaughtersandtheirhusbandsandfamilies(seeFigure1).Hewasaloofanduninterested invisitingandestablishingtieswiththepeopleofthemissionvillage.Intheopinionsofothers,heshouldhavetriedharderasanoutsidertogetalongwiththeothergroupsifhehopedtoachievesomelevelofacceptanceandovercometheveryconsiderablesuspicion thatHotipeoplehave formembersofdifferent communities.Heboastfully,butalsooftenplayfully,claimedtobeaLightOne.

Figure 1: Itë and family

Kenowano, in contrast, was an important man in the missioncommunity.Hehadfivesistersmarriedtooldermeninthevillage,andthenunshadappointedhimtheirgo-betweenwiththecommunity.WhenKenowano’sdaughterdiedsuddenlyafterabrieffever,itwasrememberedthatItëhadbeenseenarguingwiththegirlontheriverbanksomeweeksearlier.ThesuspiciongrewamongmembersofKenowano’sfamilythat

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Itë’sangerwasthecauseofthegirl’sdeath.Kenowano’sfamilyconfrontedItëandtriedtoforcehimtoleave.However,theysoonrealizedthattheydidnothavethesupportofeventheirclosekinsmen,asItëwasconsideredmoreclownthanthreatbythewidercommunity. Thematterwassoonquietlydropped.Itë,forhispart,followingthisconfrontation,didbegintointeractmuchmorewiththeotherhouseholdsofthevillage.Itëandhis wife even announced their intention of being baptized and beganattendingthechurchmeetingsheldbythenunseverySunday.ThiswasanastutemoveonItë’spart,becauseKenowanowascloselyassociatedwiththemission(hehadevenbuilthishouseinsidethenuns’compound).Itëalsocontributedalmosttheentireproduceofhisgardenstoacommunalfeast,andwiththisdisplayofgenerosity/humanityre-establishedfriendlyrelationswiththeotherfamiliesofKayamá.

ABIYEMA AND ULI DEWA

When I questioned people in different settlements about violencetherewasgeneralagreementthatthiswasacharacteristicof“otherpeople”(“other people” can refer both to other Hoti, and non-Hoti). Whenpressed,almosteveryoneagreed thatHotididoccasionallyfightorkill,andmanypeoplewereabletogiveexamples,apparentlyfromtheirownexperience.Iaccumulatedseveralaccountsoffatalviolenceandbelievedthispresentedanintriguingcontrastwiththeveryexplicitprohibitionontheexpression,orevenexperience,ofangeramongtheHoti.Gradually,asIcametoappreciatethesubjectivenatureofHotinaming,Irealizedthatmanyoftheseaccountsofviolencereferredtoasinglefeudbetweentwogroups,andprobablytoasingleincident.Thedifferentstorieswereactually a seriesofdifferent interpretationsof the sameevent, refractedthroughtheslownetworksofgossip. I was eventually able to interview some of those actually involvedin the fight. What happened is largely not in dispute. The differentinterpretationsrevolvearoundmotivesandjustification. The version of events that circulated around the mission village atKayamá after some of Uli Dewa’s group had visited was as follows.Abiyema,averyoldmanandafearedsorcerer,sentseveralofhispeopletokillUliDewa,alsoanoldandfamousLightOnewholivedaboutthree-days-walkaway(seeFigure2).Abiyema’ssettlementhadsufferedseveraldeaths and he became convinced that Uli Dewa was responsible. Theraiders—atleasttwoofAbiyema’ssons,twowomen,andothers—armed

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withlancesandmachetes,arrivedoutsideUliHaiye’shouseatnightandcalled him and his father, Uli Dewa, to come out. Both wisely stayedinside.TheattackersenteredandinthestruggleUliDewaandoneotherinthehousewerewounded.UliHaiyesucceededindisarmingatleast

Figure 2: Abiyema

oneattackerandwiththislancekilledthreeofthemandwoundedoneormoreothers.Onewoman,whohadattackedUliDewawithamachete,wasamongthedead.

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Another widespread version of the story was that Abiyema’s groupwasvisitingUliHaiye,principallytotrade.Theyaskedfor,andreceived,machetes, knives, and pans. But when they demanded blowguns UliHaiyesaid therewerenone. Thiswasanobvious lie,because therearealwaysblowgunsinaHotihouse. Theguestshadbeentoodemandingandhadaskedfortoomuch.Theirinsistencethattheybegivenblowgunswas,forUliHaiye,thelaststraw.Then,accordingtovaryingversionsofthestory,eitherthisrefusalimmediatelyprovokedtheargumentthatledtothefight,ortheguestsleft,returninglatertoattacktheirformerhosts.Bothoftheoldmensubsequentlyretreatedwithmostoftheirfamiliestoforestcampsdistantfromeachother. Asistypical,thisargumentconflatedaccusationsofsorcerywithalackofgenerosity,withbothsidesanxioustodemonstratethattheyhadbeengenerous.Sorceryandmeannessareinmanycontextsinterchangeableindisputes.Thisdispute,whichledtoseveraldeaths,wasbyfarthemostseriousinmyexperience.

KUČO AND HANI KAMAYA

Kučo’s house and gardens sit at a crossroads in the center of Hotiterritory(seeFigure3).Heliveswithhiswifeandfiveyoungsonsinatinydome-shapedhouse,tightlyclosedagainstthechillnightscommonat1000metersabovesealevel.HeliveswherehisfatherdidbeforehimonasmallplateaujustbelowthehighestmountainintheSierradeMaigualida.Kučoandhisvisitorscallthismountainhuana inéwa,“blowgunmountain,”andontheraftersinsidehishousetherearealwaysbundlesofthevaluablereedsthatareusedforblowguninnertubes.Aswithmanyheadsofisolatedsettlements,KučohasareputationasaLightOneandsorcereramongthepeopleattheCañoIguanamissionvillage,whichliestwodaysbriskwalktothesouth.Thepathisneitherclearlymarkednoroftentraveled,butitiswell-knownastheonlyroutelinkingthetwomissionsofCañoIguanaandKayamá.Onceortwiceeveryyear,someonewillmakethejourney.WhentheydotheywillalwaysstoptotradeforblowgunreedsatKučo’shouse.AnotherpathconnectsKučoandhisreedstotheriverstothewest,and ultimately to theYabarana and Piaroa. Kučo’s people have alwayslivedinthisplace,andtheyhavealwaysbeenthefirstlinkinthechainthatsuppliesblowgunsfarawaytothebigrivers.Kučo’sreputationasaLightOneservestodetermanypeoplefromundertakingtheirownexpeditionstocutreeds,althoughtherearesomepeoplewhoremainunimpressed,or

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whofeelthattheytoohavelong-standingclaimstotheterritoryandarenotthreatenedbyKučo’spresence.

Figure 3: Kučo

WhiletravelingwithmenfromCañoIguananamedMaičo,Tamuha,andKwaičaIhadoccasiontovisitKučo.WewereonourwaytovisitthevillageatKayamá.Mycompanionsstoppedforthenightandbuiltasmallshelterinfrontofhishouse.Theeveningwasspentcomparingandadmiringblowguns.TamuhawasparticularlykeentotakereedstotradeinKayamá.HeandKučopulledthetwoandthreemeter-longreedsoutonebyone,flexedthem,lookedthemupanddown,anddiscussedtheirrelativemerits.Then,theyplacedthemallbackintherafters.Thenextmorningthesamethinghappened,thoughbymid-morningTamuhahadselectedforhimselfahalfdozenofwhatheconsideredtobethefinestreeds.Kučodidnotaskforanythinginreturn,norwasanyoffermade.(seeFigure4) Amonthlater,returningalongthesamepath,westoppedonceagainoutsideKučo’shouse.Tamuhahadnotmanagedtoexchangeallthereedshehadtaken,norhadheacquiredasmuchcurarefromthePanareashehadhoped. At thispoint,Kučomadehis requestsandeverybodygavehimsomething:apotofcurareandasharpeningfilefromTamuha;alancefromMaičo;aknifefromKwaiča;andevenaknifefromHaniKule,amanfromKayamáwhohadaccompaniedusonthereturnjourneyinordertovisithisfamilyinCañoIguana.Wesettleddownforthenight.Maičo

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announcedthatwewouldstayallthenextdaytotradeformoreblowguns.However,bythenextmorning,thevisitorshadchangedtheirmindsandwereinahurrytoleave.TheyexplainedthatKučowasyowali(“fierce,”or“angry,”etcetera).Webrokecampandleftasquicklyaspossible.

Figure 4: Tamuha (left) trading for blow-gun reeds from Kučo (center)

On the same journey with Maičo,Tamuha and Kwaiča, we pausedforanightattheonlyotherhouseapartfromKučo’sontheten-daywalkbetweenthetwomissions.Iwastired,hungry,andgladtoarriveatHaniKamaya’ssettlement.HaniKamaya,amaninhislateforties,wasstrongandfitwithawispybeardandpaleskinstainedblackinpatcheswithdye.Hegreeteduswithagourdofhoneywaterthathehandedtouswithoutceremony.Heandhisfamilythenstayedon,chattingtomycompanionsforanhourortwountildark,whentheywentbackinsidetheirhouseandsealedthedoorforthenight. Wemadeourcampina lean-tocookingshelterbesidethehouseandspentacoldnighthuddledaroundthefire.Nextmorning,webrokecampquicklyandleftshortlyafterdawn.Ididnotcommenton,orparticularlynotice,thelackofhospitalityatthetime.I was accustomed to being received in very different ways in differentsettlements,sometimesinafriendlyandopenmanner,andatothertimessullenlyandsuspiciously.Onthereturnjourney,morethanamonthlater,wearrivedatHaniKamaya’shouseagainattheendofoursecondday’swalkfromKayamá.WestoppedandIassumedwewouldspendthenightthereagain.However,afteronlyafewminutes,Maičoliftedhisbasket,settled the strap across his forehead, and strode out of the settlement

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mutteringtomethatthesewerebadanddangerouspeople,andthattheywould try to poison us ifwe stayed. Instead of staying,wepushed onuntilafterdark—anunusualthingtodowhentravelingintheforest—andcampedinanuncomfortable,swampyhollow. Maičo explained to me that Hani Kamaya had not given us foodandthatthiswasanindicationofhischaracter.Itwasreasonabletofearthat this lack of generosity showed malicious intent. Hani Kamaya isfearedbythepeopleofKayamáasasorcerer,andtheydonotallowhimtovisit.Nevertheless,HaniKamayahasahistoryofcontactwithsomeofthegroupssettledatCañoIguana,whichmeantthatMaičowasnotimmediatelyornecessarilydisposedtobelieveillofhim.MaičomighthavebeeninfluencedduringourstayinKayamábytheprejudicesofourhosts,butitwastheclearevidenceofmeannessthatconvincedhimthatHaniKamayawasdangerous.Moreover,HaniKamayahadnotdrunkfirstfromthegourdofhoneywaterbeforepassingittous—anobligatorycourtesytoreassureguestsoffriendlyintent.Giventheuniversalassociationbetweengenerosity and trustworthiness among the Hoti, it is probable that themessagereceivedbyMaičowasexactlytheoneHaniKamayaintendedtoconvey.Onourfirstvisit,HaniKamayahimselfproudlytoldmethattheKayamápeoplewereafraidofhim.Adaylater,twoofHaniKamaya’ssonscaughtupwithus,andannouncedthattheywouldcomewithusbacktoCañoIguana(seeFigure5). BothKučo andHaniKamayawereunable to travel to themissionvillages or even to venture far from their home territories. They hadestablished and maintained fierce reputations and were certainly notever ridiculedorconsidered funnybyotherHotipeople. Despite theirreputations as powerful shamans, they were unable to attract a largefollowing,andeventheiradultchildrenhadlefttojoinothersettlementsnearerthemissions. Both Kučo and Hani Kamaya were feared because my companionsthought them to be yowali. Anyone can become yowali (under manycircumstancesitisnotimmoralin itselftobeyowali)throughgrieforillness,orthroughtheactionsofothersthatmakeyouangry,orthroughsolitude.In addition to a lackofgenerositybeing an indication that someone isyowali,wantingtobealoneisalsoyowali.Thewillfulrejectionofsocialityandconviviality is equated tomeanness. KučoandHaniKamayawerebothcondemnedtosolitudebytheirpowerandtheirreputation,andalsocondemned by their solitude, which confirmed their antisocial natures.BothKučoandHaniKamayawerebeyondnegotiation.ThereputationoftheirpowerreachedoutsideofHotiterritoryandyettheywereisolated,effectivelyexiledfromallpossibilitiesofexchangeandsocialityoutsideoftheirownlonghouses.

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Figure 5: Hani Kamaya’s sons

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TIMOTEO, ICU DODO, AND KWAICA

TimoteoisacknowledgedbyeveryoneinthemissionvillageofCañoIguanaassomeonewho“knowswell”(ti anku)andasaLightOne.Suchunanimity in deferring to him as an authority on the behavior of theother-than-humanOutsidebeingsisanindicationofaveryconsiderablereputation for shamanic ability,one that extends farbeyond the IguanaValley.Timoteoisnotold—whenIknewhimhewasinhislatethirties.Inhismannerheisquiet,humble,andsmiling,andheseldomspeaksinpublic.TheNTMmissionaries,recognizinghispositionandconsiderableintelligence,hadtrainedhimasanurse,andassuchhebecameresponsibleforasynthesisofbiomedicalandshamanichealing.Hishouseisacenterforvisitingandeatinginthevillage.Heandhisfamilyworkhardtobegoodhosts. AlsoinCañoIguana,thereweretwobrothers,IcuDodoandKwaicaagedeighteenandsixteenatthetimeofthisaccount.AswithotherHotiteenagers,theyappearedtoenjoythefreedomtobebothadultandchildastheychose.Theycametomyattentionasbeingdifferentfromotherteenagersasaresultofaveryabnormalseriesofevents. IcuDodoandKwaica calledameeting inTimoteo’shouse,making theunusual claimthattheywere“goingtoteach.”Thiswasthefirstofseveralmeetingsthattheyhostedover aperiodof aboutamonth inOctoberandNovember1996,whichalmosttheentirevillageattended.Themeetingsbeganwiththe boys giving instruction, mainly directed at children, on appropriatebehavior.Therewasbroadagreementfromtheassemblywithwhattheywere saying:“People shouldnot take food fromotherpeople’s gardens”and“people must not take things without asking.” Individual childrenwerecalledtostandinfrontofthoseattendingthemeetingandtoaccountfortheirpastbehaviors.Graduallytheinstructionbegantoincludeyoungadultsandthenolderpeople.IcuDodoandKwaicacriticizedthesepeopleforhavingaffairs,8forbeingbadhusbandsandwives,andforthreateningtoleavethecommunity.Themeetingsalsobecameaforumfordecidingmarriagesamongtheyoungteenagers. IwassurprisedbytheextenttowhichtheHotitoleratedthisjudgmentalanddictatorialbehavior,whichin any other context would have been completely unacceptable to theHoti. IcuDodoandKwaicabegantomakethreats.Theysaidthathuntersshould always come to them before going in search of animals, orotherwise theymight get killed in an accident. IcuDodo said thathewouldaccompanythehunters(inspirit).Healsosaidthathewouldteartheho fromthestomachofanyonewhoopposedhisteaching. Hewas

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clearlythreateningtokill. IcomparednoteswithoneoftheNTMmissionariesandheagreedthatthiswasunprecedented.InthetwentyyearsthathehadlivedamongtheHoti,hehadneverseenameetingofanykind,norhadhewitnessedpubliccriticismofanymemberofthecommunity,muchlesshearexpressedsuchthreatswithinacommunity.9

Boththeboysclaimedthattheywerekaho hadï,LightOnesandbothhadbeenwidelyrecognizedassuchfromaveryyoungage.IcuDodoinparticularhaddemonstrated this capacityasa small child. Hismothersaidshehadknownofhisshamanicpotentialsincehewasonlyafewyearsoldbecauseofhisdemonstrated abilities inprescientdreaming, that is,showingknowledgeandexperienceofotherplaces,times,andevents.Forexample,hewasabletosuccessfullypredictforhuntersthemovementandfuturelocationsofgameanimals. ThroughouttheirmeetingsTimoteosatsilently,apparentlyendorsingthe boys’ behavior. However, after several of these meetings in hishouse,he let it tobeknowndiscretely that IcuDodoandKwaicawere“teaching their own thoughts.” Manymembersof the communityhadbeenundertheimpressionthattheboys’moralmessagehadcomefromthemissionarieswithTimoteo’sbacking.Hisinterventionhadtheeffectofburstingthebubbleof,andcompletelyundermining,anyauthoritythattheboyshadestablished.Thoughsomeoldwomenhadexpressedtheirskepticismduringthesemeetings,afterTimoteo’sinterventionthewomeneldersharanguedandpubliclyshamedtheboys.10 TheboyswerehumiliatedandKwaicatooktheopportunityofgoingonasix-weektrekwithmetoavoidfurthershame.“I’mafraidtobeseen”(we idiyu),hesaid.Hisuseofthistermidiyuisinteresting.Oneisnotyowali if one is idiyu (that is generous, quiet, reserved, and fearful). Itseemsthat throughthe interventionofTimoteoandthewomenelders,theseemotionsandvaluesfundamentaltotruehumansocialityhadbeeninstilledagaininKwaica. Threatsofshamanicviolencearetakenveryseriously.Inthisinstance,the communitywas briefly caught off guardby these teenage shamans,who,throughpoliticalineptitude,managedeventuallytounderminetheirowngrowingauthority. Indeed, theHoti’s anti-hierarchicalethos itselfmade it impossible for the community to discount the boys’ claims onthebasisof theirage, inexperience,oreventheirdemonstratedpoliticalineptitude. Theyhad to treat themwith respect as equalpersonsuntiltheirbehaviorbecametoothreateningtobetolerated.Thestatusoftheboysshiftedfromawe-inducingtoterrifyingwhentheythreatenedtotearoutthesoulsofanywhoopposedthem.

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FEAR AND LAUGHTER

Authorityismeasuredinpartbytheextenttowhichtheaccountsofaperson’sdreams,ortheinterpretationoftheirownandothers’dreams,areacceptedbyothersasamoreorlesstruevision.Thisauthority,inturn,rests upon both the practical usefulness of the information the dreamsprovide(forexample, inhealingor inidentifyingthelocationofgame),andalsouponafinelytunedpoliticalsensibility,whichbalancessocialitywith“awesomeness.” Aspreviouslymentioned,theHotiarehighlyegalitarian.Authorityis,atbest,onlytransientamongtheHoti.Itbrieflycoalesces,manifestingitselfinisolatedmomentsofagreement.Aperson’sauthorityrestsonthedegree towhichothers accept their versionof theworldas anaccurateinterpretation.Butundoubtedly,thepersonalexperienceofone’sfollowersis always undermining any authority established, and, among the Hoti,authoritycanneverbecomeembeddedinhierarchy. Hoticosmologicalaccountsfocusuponunflatteringstoriesthatmockthepowerful,other-than-humanbeingswhocreated thephysicalworldthat the Hoti now inhabit. These stories repeat, in slapstick style, thecommonAmazonianmessagethatpowerderanges.11Thegodsaredriveninsanebythepowerstheywield,andtheybecomeclownswhoarenightlytaunted in theperformancesofHoti storytellers. The same fateawaitsanyonewhoseekspoweroverothers,sincepeoplewhoareinthepositionofleadershiparealreadyfunny.Givingordersmakesotherpeoplelaugh.Andyet,inmanycommunitiesthereissomeoneaboutwhomonecannotlaughandwhoshouldnotbemocked,someonewho,thoughtheydonotgiveorders,isneverthelessaleader.TheseLightOnes,peoplewho“knowwell,”commandarespectthatrestsuponfear.Thisreturnsustothecentralconcernofthisessay,thatis,thecontradictionbetweenaccumulatingandwieldingapowerbaseduponthethreatof(shamanic)violence;andHotiunderstandings thatmake clear the immorality ofmakingotherpeopleafraid,seekingtocontrolothers,andbehavingungenerously.Ashamanwhoseeks tocontrolothersby inducing fear is,bydefinition,usinghispowerandknowledgeselfishlyandungenerously.12

THE SUBLIME AND THE LIMITS OF FEAR

From the discussion above, it is clear that there are limits to theshamanicpowersapersoncanaccumulateandalimittothefearthatthey

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caninduceinothers.Tobefearfulistobehuman(cf.Howell1989:45).Tobefearfulisavaluedcondition,onethataffirmshumanity.YetHotipeoplewill not accept behavior in others that threatens their lives, andcuasesthisfearfulnessandhumilitytodeepen.Insuchanevent,oneismorallyjustifiedindefendingoneself,evenwithviolence.Aswehaveseenintheexamplesgivenabove,shamanswhoinducefearriskbeingsubjecttohumiliatingmockeryorevenattackedwithlancesandmachetes. Innotionsofthesublimewefindalanguagewithwhichtoapproachtheawesomeandthefearful.ForEdmundBurke,therootofthesublimeisfearandterror.Suchfeariscaused,heexplained,byobscurity,power,andinfinity.Shamanattheheightoftheirpowerhavetheabilitytopersuadethosearoundthemthattheycanperceivetheinfinitetransformationsoftheshamanicenvironment,whichareobscuretoothers.InBurke’sterms,this ability is truly sublime. This iswhyhousesof successful,generousshamansarevibrantcentersofconviviality,wherethemythiclandscapesofOutsideandtheabsurdanticsofthecreatorsareconjuredinlaughterandfire-litvisions. Thissublimeiscompelling,attractive,andhighlysocial,even while it is also awesome and fear inducing. In Edmund Burke’swords:

…if thepainand terrorare somodifiedasnot tobeactuallynoxious—ifthepainisnotcarriedtoviolence,andtheterrorisnotconversantaboutthepresentdestructionoftheperson,astheseemotionscleartheparts,whetherfineorgross,ofadangerousandtroublesomeencumbrance,theyarecapableofproducingdelight—notpleasure,butasortofdelightfulhorror,asortoftranquility tingedwith terror—which, as it belongs to self-preservation, isoneofthestrongestofallthepassions.Itsobjectisthesublime.ItshighestdegreeIcallastonishment—thesubordinatedegreesareawe,reverence,andrespect,which,theveryetymologyofthewordsshowfromwhatsourcetheyarederived,andhowtheystanddistinguishedfrompositivepleasure”(fromA Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful,IV,7,1756,citedinEco2004:293).

TheHotishamanscanbeconsideredsublime,butshouldtheiractionsreveal a dangerous intent (either ungenerous or directly threatening),theirknowledgeno longer induces in theircommunitiesa senseofaweand security, but instead appears to threaten. To understand this shift,followingEco,wecaninvokeKant’simageofthesublimestorm,whichatadistanceinspiresexcitementanddelight:“Thundercloudspiledupthevaultofheaven,bornealongwithflashesandpeals…[and]theboundlessocean rising with rebellious force … is all the more attractive for itsfearfulness.”But,asthestormapproaches,andone’spositionisnolongerdistantandsecure,itreachesapointwheretheimmanentthreatsupplants

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thesublime(citedinEco2004:295).Whenthefearfulnessbecomestoointense,whenitis“carriedtoviolence,”whenHotipeoplebelievethattheyor theircommunityareactually threatened, thentheycananddoreact,answeringthethreatofshamanicviolencewiththeirlances.13

CONCLUSION

TheHotiliveinatransformationaluniverseinwhichtheireverydayexperienceofthebeingsaroundthemisoneofpotentialandambiguity.Hotipeoplerecognizethattherearedifferentlevelsofunderstandingwhenfacedwiththisontologicalpuzzle.Thosepeopleconsideredtobe“light”arebelievedtohavetheclearestvisionoftheshamanicenvironment.TheimportanceofindividualexperiencefortheHoti,inclassifyingthebeingsandobjectstheyencounter,meansthatthereisnoexpectationofafinal“truth” or orthodoxy. Shamans display great skill in convincing thosearoundthemthattheirknowledgewillproduceefficaciousresults.Insodoing theyareoftencentersof sociality,displayinggreatgenerositynotonlyinthematerialsenseofsharingfoodandaccesstotradegoods,butalso in terms of their knowledge. This knowledge is used to heal andprotect their community, to find plentiful game, and to ensure humanfertility.However,asshownabove,notallshamansarepoliticallyskillfulandsomehavedifficultymaintainingtheirposition. Because of their great knowledge Light Ones are the objects ofawe and respect. The power they command is clearly problematic forsuch a highly egalitarian society. Their communities obviously valueand draw reassurance from their presence, but other groups may findthemintimidatingandeventerrifying. Thedifficulty forshamans is inmaintaining a reputation as powerful, while reassuring other people oftheir continued generosity and goodwill. Light Ones are very seldomfearedbytheirclosestkinandcoresidents.But,asillustratedinthecaseofKučoandHaniKamaya,theirreputationshaddriventhemintosuchisolationthattheirownfamiliesdriftedawayfromtheminsearchofmoresocialandconvivialcommunities.TheexhilarationofthesublimeisoneexplanationforthetoleranceofHotipeopletowardsthefearthatmaybeinducedbypowerfulshamans.Yet,thistolerancehaslimits. FortheHoti,everyone,evenachild,potentiallymayhaveshamanicabilities (as is demonstrated by the example of the teenage shamanswhohadbeenLightOnessincechildhood). Everyoneisthereforeinapositiontomakejudgmentsabouttheclaimsofshamans(seeLondoño-Sulkinintra).However,recognitionasaLightOneisnotsomethingthatmostpeopleaspireto,atleastnotopenly.Forshamanstoremainwithin

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a community they must not openly claim this ability, but only allow ittobeimputedtothem,whichoftenrequiresacutepoliticalskills. Hotipeoplestruggleagainsthierarchy.Theydonottoleratetheovertexerciseofauthority.Shamanicpoweristhusambiguous.Itisessentialtosurvivalandcontinuedfertility,butatthesametimewieldingitrisksundermininghighlyvaluedconvivialtranquility.Thoseshamanswhoopenlyproclaimtheirshamanicprowess,andthereforetheircapacityforfatalviolence,arephysicallypreventedfromcomingnearotherHotisettlements.Iftheydo,theyarelikelytobereclassifiedandkilledasdeadlynonhumanpredators. Hoti people maintain the importance of personal experience ininterpretingandclassifyingtheirworld,andtheydonotdefertoanyfinalauthorityorview.Theyparticipateinthecollectiveandsocialnegotiationofthenarrativesthatdescribeboththenatureoftheworldtheyliveinandthe threats they face, including fear-inducingOthers in all their forms.Through humor, mockery, and violence if necessary, the Hoti are abletolimit—forthosewhowouldbeshamans—thecapacitytoaccumulateauthorityortowieldpower.

NOTES

1.Thename“Hoti”hasbeenthemostwidelyuseddesignationforthisgroupinVenezuelasincethe1970s,and isderivedfromthewordhodï (ho +animatepluralsuffix,dï).Itisnot,strictlyspeaking,anauto-denomination,sincethewordho means“person,”orsentientbeing,anddoesnotnecessarilydistinguishtheHotifrom other humans, or humans from other persons (animals and supernaturalbeings).TheHotidonothaveanobjectivenameforthemselvesasagroup,butinsteadreferto“I,”“we,”“us,”or“mypeople.” 2. Thefieldworkuponwhichthispaper isbasedwasundertakenbetweenApril1994andMarch1997. 3. In October 2005, President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela ordered theexpulsionofallNewTribesMissionpersonnelfromthecountry.ThefourNTMfamiliesresidentatCañoIguanacompliedwiththeorderbeforethedeadlineofFebruary12,2006. 4.SeeStorrie(2003)foradiscussionoftherelationshipbetweenclassificationandcosmologicalunderstandings. 5. Signe Howell describes something very similar for the Chewong ofMalaysia, who say that “to be angry is not to be human, but to be fearful is”(1989:45). 6.Seealso,forexample,Overing(1981,1990);Black(1977);Rivière(1994);Viveiros de Castro (1992, 1996, 1998a, 1998b); and Londoño Sulkin (2000,2005). 7. The word čo directly translates the word “outside,” as in “outside thehouse.”Itcanalsomean“forest”or“sky,”anditreferstothedomainofdreams

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andother-than-humanbeings.Inthissense,itcanalsomean“outsideoftime,or“outsideofform.” 8.TheHotidonotmaintainadistinctionbetween“marriage”and“affairs”—mostHotipeoplewillhavechildrenwithatleastthreepeopleintheirlifetimesandcanhaveanumberofacknowledgedrelationshipssimultaneously.Theboysseemtohavepickedupthisnotionfromthemissionaries. 9.DavidRodman(1996),personalcommunication. 10. This is also extraordinary. Normally even thenaughtiest child isnotsubjectedtopunishmentthissevere. 11.SeeJoannaOveringintra,foradetailedexplorationoftheludicgenresofthegrotesqueemployedbythePiaroa,nearneighborsoftheHoti. 12. Interestingly, all those who could be viewed as selfish or ungenerousshamansweremen.Iknewthreewomenwhoweregenerallyacknowledgedasrespectedshamans.Allthreewereconsideredexemplaryintheirgenerosity. 13.ForadiscussiononthenatureofthesublimeanditsplaceinunderstandingacontemporarypoliticsoffearseeWhite(2005:187–202).

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ConceptsofHumanNature.” InSocieties at Peace: Anthropological Perspectives. Signe Howell and Roy Willis, editors, pp. 79–99.London:Routledge.

Ingold,Tim 1996 “HuntingandGatheringasWaysofPerceivingtheEnvironment.”

InRedefining Nature: Ecology, Culture and Domestication.RoyEllenandKatsuyoshiFukui,editors,pp.117–55.London:Berg.

Isacsson,Sven-Erik 1993 Transformations of Eternity: On Man and Cosmos in Embará Thought.

Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofGöteborg.LondonoSulkin,CarlosD. 2005 “Inhuman Beings: Morality and Perspectivism among Muinane

People(ColombianAmazon).”Ethnos70(1):7–30. 2000 “Though it Comes from Evil, I Embrace it as Good: Social

SensibilitiesandtheTransformationofMalignantAgencyamongtheMuinane.”InThe Anthropology of Love and Anger the Aesthetics of Conviviality in Native Amazonia.JoannaOveringandAlanPasses,editors,pp.170–186.NewYork:Routledge.

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Overing,Joanna 1981 “Review Article: Amazonian Anthropology.” Journal of Latin

American Studies13:151–64. 1990 “The Shaman as a Maker of Worlds: Nelson Goodman in the

Amazon.”Man25(4):602–19. 1989 “Styles ofManhood:AnAmazonianContrast inTranquility and

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1997 “The ‘Conscious I’, the Life of Desires, and the Attachment toCustom:APiaroaTheoryofPractice.”Paperpresentedatthe49th International Congress of Americanists.

Rivière,PeterG. 1994 “WYSINWYGinAmazonia.”Journal of the Anthropological Society

of Oxford3:255–62.Santos-Granero,Fernando 2003 “PedroCasanto’sNightmares:LucidDreaming inAmazonia and

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Venezuelan Guiana.Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofManchester. 2003 “Equivalence, Personhood and Relationality: Processes of

RelatednessamongtheHotiofVenezuelanGuiana.”Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute9(3):407–28.

Taussig,MichaelT. 1991 Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man: A Study in Terror and

Healing.Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress.ViveirosdeCastro,Eduardo 1998a “Cosmological Deixis and Amerindian Perspectivism.” Journal of

the Royal Anthropological Institute4:469–88. 1998b “Cosmological Perspectivism in Amazonia and Elsewhere.”

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White,Curtis 2005 The Middle Mind.London:Penguin.

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Documents

The Politics of Shamanism and the Limits of Fear