he Pleistocene Epoch

and the Evolution of Man

by Cesare Emiliani

THE CALABRIAN STAGE was defined by Gignoux (1913) as the last stage of the Pliocene Epoch, charac- terized in the Mediterranean by the presence of Arctica (Cyprina) islandica and a dozen marine mollusks previously restricted to northern waters (North Atlantic, North Sea, and Baltic Sea). Arctica islandica and the associated mollusks belong to a rather shallow facies (less than 150 m., according to Ruggieri 1965) and are supposed to have entered the Mediter- ranean following a general temperature decrease. In deeper-water facies, the climatic deterioration is evid- enced by the sudden and widespread appearance in abundance of the northern benthonic foraminiferal species Hyalinea (Anomalina) baltica (Schroeter). Although this foraminiferal species and the molluscan species Arctica islandica are generally not found together because of their different habitats, Ruggieri (1961, 1965) established that Arctica islandica entered the Mediterranean somewhat earlier than Hyalinea baltica and distinguished a Lower Calabrian charac- terized by the occurrence of the former and the absence of the latter.

The 18th International Geological Congress in London in 1948 removed the Calabrian stage from the Pliocene and redefined it as the first stage of the Pleistocene. Later, the General Assembly of the 7th

CESARE EMILIANI is professor of marine geology at the Institute of Marine Science, University of Miami, Miami, Florida. He received a Ph.D. in geology from the University of Bologna, Italy, in 1945, and a Ph.D. in paleontology from the University of Chicago in 1950. He was research associate at the Enrico Fermi Institute for Nuclear Studies, University of Chicago, from 1950 to 1956, and then joined the faculty of the Uni- versity of Miami. He has led several deep-sea expeditions in the Atlantic and Caribbean, and has published about 50 papers in the fields of isotope geology, marine geology, and micro- paleontology.

The present paper, submitted 29 Ix 66, was sent for CA* treatment to 52 scholars, of whom the following responded with written comments: Emmanuel Anati, C. L. Brace, Karl W. Butzer, H. B. S. Cooke, C. S. Coon, Malcolm F. Farmer, John E. Frisch, Alexander Gallus, M. Gigout, R. Dale Givens, Roger T. Grange, Jr., James J. Hester, Ralph L. Holloway, Jr., W. W. Howells, Kenneth A. R. Kennedy, J. Kukla, G. Kurth, Gabriel W. Lasker, John M. Longyear, III, M. A. MacConaill, Charles A. Reed, Karl H. Schwerin, Giinter Smolla, and L. Van Valen. Their comments are printed in full after the author's text, and are followed by a reply from the author.

INQUA Congress in Denver, Colorado in 1965 unan- imously decided that the Plio-Pleistocene boundary (base of the Calabrian stage) be placed at the time when Hyalinea baltica (Schroeter) first appeared in the continuous Late Cenozoic marine section at Le Castella, Calabria, Italy. This section has been described by Emiliani et al. (1961), and the regional stratigraphy is discussed by Roda (1964). According to the decision of the INQUA Congress, the Lower Calabrian of Ruggieri should be placed in the Late Pliocene.

The age of the Plio-Pleistocene boundary is un- known at present. The long-accepted equivalence of the marine Calabrian with the continental Villa- franchian should be considered questionable until sub- stantiated by absolute dating of the marine Plio- Pleistocene boundary. An age of more than 3.3 million years for the beginning of the Villafranchian is indicated by K40/Ar40 dating of French deposits (Curtis 1965; Obradovich 1965). The Lower Villa- franchian may be the equivalent, at least in part, of the Lower Calabrian of Ruggieri; and the later Villa- franchian may be the equivalent, at least in part, of the Calabrian stage.

Cooling of the earth's climate, indicated by the appearance of Arctica islandica, Hyalinea baltica, and the other species of northern invertebrates in the continuous Late Cenozoic sections of Italy, is but the culmination of the long trend of decreasing tem- peratures during the Tertiary demonstrated by both palaeontological and geochemical analysis (Emiliani 1954, 1961a, and references therein). The over-all temperature decrease in the high latitudes was about 12? C. during the past 75,000,000 years (Emiliani 1961-a). The cause of this decrease appears to have been an increase in earth albedo related to mountain-build- ing and increasing continentality (Emiliani and Geiss 1959; Emiliani 1961b). The observed temperature decrease was probably interrupted by numerous pauses and even significant reversals. However, the rapid temperature changes which occurred during the Pleis- tocene were shown, by oxygen isotopic analysis of deep-sea cores, to have been absent during the Oligo- cene and Miocene (Emiliani 1956a).

I Contribution No. 777 from the Institute of Marine Science, Uni- versity of Miami.

Vol. 9. No. 1 . February 1968 27

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The Pleistocene Epoch

and the Evolution of Man!

by Cesare Emiliani

THE CALABRIAN STAGE was defined by Gignoux (1913) as the last stage of the Pliocene Epoch, charac­terized in the Mediterranean by the presence of Arctica (Cyprina) islandica and a dozen marine mollusks previously restricted to northern waters (North Atlantic, North Sea, and Baltic Sea). Arctica islandica and the associated mollusks belong to a rather shallow facies (less than 150 m., according to Ruggieri 1965) and are supposed to have entered the Mediter­ranean following a general temperature decrease. In deeper-water facies, the climatic deterioration is evid­enced by the sudden and widespread appearance in abundance of the northern benthonic foraminiferal species fiyalinea (Anomalina) baltica (Schroeter). Although this foraminiferal species and the molluscan species Arctica islandica are generally not found together because of their different habitats, Ruggieri (1961, 1965) established that Arctica islandica entered the Mediterranean somewhat earlier than Hyalinea baltica and distinguished a Lower Calabrian charac­terized by the occurrence of the former and the absence of the latter.

The 18th International Geological Congress in London in 1948 removed the Calabrian stage from the Pliocene and redefined it as the first stage of the Pleistocene. Later, the General Assembly of the 7th

CESARE EMILIANI is professor of marine geology at the Institute of Marine Science, University of Miami, Miami, Florida. He received a Ph.D. in geology from the University of Bologna, Italy, in 1945, and a Ph.D. i~ paleontology from the University of Chicago in ~950. He was research associate at the Enrico Fermi Instimte for Nuclear Smdies, University of Chicago, from 1950 to 1956, and then joined the faculty of the Uni­versity of Miami. He has led several deep-sea expeditions in the Atlantic and Caribbean, and has published about 50 papers in the fields of isotope geology, marine geology, and micro­paleontology.

The present paper, submitted 29 IX 66, was sent for CA{:r treatment to 52 scholars, of whom the following responded with written comments: Emmanuel Anati, C. L. Brace, Karl W. Butzer, H. B. S. Cooke, C. S. Coon, Malcolm F. Farmer, John E. Frisch, Alexander Gallus, M. Gigout, R. Dale Givens, Roger T. Grange, Jr., James J. Hester, Ralph L. Holloway, Jr., W. W. Howells, Kenneth A. R. Kennedy, ]. Kukla, G. Kurth, Gabriel W. Lasker, John M. Longyear, III, M. A. MacConaill, Charles A. Reed, Karl H. Schwerin, Giinter Smolla, and L. Van Valen. Their comments are printed in full after the author's text, and are followed by a reply from the author.

Vol. 9. No.1. February 1968

INQUA Congress in Denver, Colorado' in 1965 unan­imously decided that the Plio-Pleistocene boundary (base of the Calabrian stage) be placed at the time when Hyalinea baltica (Schroeter) first appeared in the continuous Late Cenozoic marine section at Le Castella, Calabria, Italy. This section has been described by Emiliani et al. (1961), and the regional stratigraphy is discussed by Roda (1964). According to the decision of the INQUA Congress, the Lower Calabrian of Ruggieri should be placed in the Late Pliocene.

The age of the Plio-Pleistocene boundary is un­known at present. The long-accepted equivalence of the marine Calabrian with the continental Villa­franchian should be considered questionable until sub­stantiated by absolute dating of the marine Plio­Pleistocene boundary. An age of more than 3.3 million years for the beginning of the Villafranchian is indicated by K40j Ar40 dating of French deposits (Curtis 1965; Obradovich 1965). The Lower Villa­franchian may be the equivalent, at least in part, of the Lower Calabrian of Ruggieri; and the later Villa­franchian may be the equivalent, at least in part, of the Calabrian stage.

Cooling of the earth's climate, indicated by the appearance of Arctica islandica, Hyalinea baltica, and the other species of northern invertebrates in the continuous Late Cenozoic sections of Italy, is but the culmination of the long trend of decreasing tem­peratures during the Tertiary demonstrated by both palaeontological and -geochemical analysis (Emiliani 1954, 1961a, and references' therein). The over-all temperature decrease in the high latitudes was about 12° C. during the past 75,000,000 years (Emili ani 1961a). The cause of this decrease appears to have been an increase in earth albedo related to mountain-build­ing and increasing continentality (Emiliani and Geiss 1959; Emiliani 1961b). The observed temperature decrease was probably interrupted by numerous pauses and even significant reversals. However, the rapid temperature changes which occurred during the Pleis­tocene were shown, by oxygen isotopic analysis of deep-sea cores, to have been absent during the Oligo­cene and Miocene (Emili ani 1956a).

1 Contribution No. 777 from the Instimte of Marine Science, Uni­versity of Miami.

27

Glaciation eventually began. It seems logical to speculate that the first land masses to become glaciated were those occupying high latitudes and adjacent to oceanic sources of water vapor. This means, of course, Antarctica and Greenland, which probably became glaciated several million years ago (i.e., during the Pliocene) and have remained so ever since (Emiliani 1957). Evidence for cool or cold episodes at lower latitudes during the Pliocene has been accumulating recently. Thus, marked low-temperature episodes were observed by 018/106 analysis of pelagic foraminifera below the Plio-Pleistocene boundary in the type section at Le Castella, Calabria, southern Italy (Emiliani et al. 1961); by pollen analysis of layers below the Plio- cene Amphistegina limestone at Castellarquato, north- ern Italy (Lona 1963); and by 018/106 analysis of a specimen of Arctica islandica collected below the Am- phistegina limestone at Castellanselmo, Pisa, Tuscany (Emiliani and Ruggieri, unpublished). These tempera- ture changes, as well as the ones occurring during the Pleistocene, are clearly shown in the Mediterranean (and probably elsewhere at similar or higher latitudes) by variations of planktonic foraminiferal assemblages at both the specific and subspecific levels (Emiliani et al. 1961). The temperature oscillations of the Late Cenozoic have such high frequencies (about 6.7 X 10-13 cps) that stratigraphic work of great detail must be carried out in order to obtain a clear picture of climatic change. Sampling intervals of less than a foot are generally necessary. The "mixed" cold and warm assemblages observed by Woodring et al. (1946) probably resulted from inadequate stratigraphic sampling (cf. Emiliani et al. 1961:687).

No especially strong temperature decrease was noticed across the Plio-Pleistocene boundary at the type locality (Emiliani et al. 1961). Oxygen isotopic analysis of the section above the boundary, 45 m. thick, showed temperature oscillations of an amplitude which, although consid erable, was smaller than that of the temperature oscillations (of later Pleistocene age) detected by oxygen isotopic analysis of pelagic Foraminifera from the eastern Mediterranean core 189 (Emiliani 1955a). It is possible that these oscillations were caused by the growth and waning of relatively small ice caps in Scandinavia, the Alps, Labrador, and possibly elsewhere.

While the section at Le Castella terminates about 45 m. above the Plio-Pleistocene boundary, other sections in Italy, as in restricted areas of the Emilia- Marche region, extend much farther upwards with apparently continuous sedimentation. However, the somewhat abnormal and probably variable oxygen isotopic composition in the upper Adriatic Sea would make results obtained by oxygen isotopic measure- ments uncertain. Similar effects are to be expected in the Plio-Pleistocene sections of the Netherlands. Thus, in order to obtain a complete record of the Pleisto- cene, it seems necessary to bore down from the floor of the open ocean to a layer equivalent to the Plio- Pleistocene boundary at Le Castella. This layer may or may not have been reached yet, depending upon the actual absolute age of the Plio-Pleistocene boundary.

Oxygen isotopic analysis of deep-sea cores from the Caribbean and the equatorial Atlantic (Emiliani 1 955b, 1 964a, 1 966a; Rosholt et al. 1961, 1962) reveal- ed the occurrence of eight major temperature cycles

during the past 425,000 years. With the single exc-ep- tion of core stage 3, the amplitude is approximately the same for all cycles (1,6-1.8%o, equivalent to about 6-7? C. after the correction discussed in Emillani 1955b:543). The temperature cycles are believed to be the equivalent of the carbonate cycles noticed in a suite of deep-sea cores from the eastern equatorial Pacific (Arrhenius 1952). These cycles are especially evident in some of the Pacific cores (nos. 59, 60, and 61), but less evident in others (nos. 58 and 62). The latter cores are stratigraphically longer and include sediments containing Pterocanium prismatium and Discoaster brouweri. The age of the bottom of the stratigraphically longest core, no. 58, is estimated at about 1,100,000 years, and the extinctions of D. brouweri and P. prismatium are estimated to have occurred about 900,000 and 840,000 years ago respec- tively (Emiliani 1967). A strong carbonate cycle appears near the bottom of core 58. The total number of cycles occurring through core 58 (i.e., during the past 1,000,000 years) probably numbered 20.

Arrhenius (1952) observed that the amplitude of the carbonate oscillations in the upper half of core 58 is greater than that of the oscillations in the lower half (with the exception of the strong oscillationw near the bottom mentioned above) and suggested that the oscillations in the upper half correlate with the major glaciations of the Pleistocene.

Safe correlations between the oxygen isotopic oscillations in the Atlantic and Caribbean cores and the carbonate oscillations in the Pacific cores, on one side, and the glacial-interglacial stages of the continents, on the other, must necessarily rest with absolute dating. C-14 dating of both continental materials and deep-sea core carbonates has shown in- controvertibly that core stage 1 is the postglacial; stage 2 the Main Wiirm or Main Wisconsin; and stage 3 the Laufen of the Alps and the Port Talbot-Plum Point of North America. In addition, stage 4 appears to correlate with the Early Wiirm of Europe and Early Wisconsin of North America (Andersen et al. 1960; Goldthwait et al. 1965).

Earlier glacial deposits of the continents have not yet been dated with sufficient accuracy to warrant a correlation with the oceanic stages. For instance, deposits from the Laacher-See region of Germany, tentatively correlated with phases of the Giinz, Mindel, and Mindel/Riss stages of the Alps, have been dated as ranging from 420,000 to 110,000 years ago (Frechen and Lippolt 1965). The limits of error of the individual measurements, however, are as large as, or larger than, the wave length of the climatic oscillations (Frechen and Lippolt 1965, Tables 3-5), making it im- possible to correlate unequivocally the deposits in question with the established oceanic stratigraphy. On the other hand, the marine-epicontinental inter- glacial deposits of Alaska, belonging to the Worozon- fian, Pelukian, Kotzebuan and Middletonian stages, dated by the Th230/U238 method (Blanchard 1963; Hopkins et al. 1965; Karlstrom 1965), afford a close correlation with the oceanic stages 3, 5, 7, and 9, respectively (see Figure 1).

The evidence obtained from the deep-sea cores together witih theoretical considerations (Emiliani and Geiss 1959) strongly suggests that the glacial- interglacial cycles observed in the recent past are likely

28 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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Glaciation eventually began. It seems logical to speculate that the first land masses to become glaciated were those occupying high latitudes and adjacent to oceanic sources of water vapor. This means, of course, Antarctica and Greenland, which probably became glaciated several million years ago (i.e., during the Pliocene) and have remained so ever since (Emiliani 1957). Evidence for cool or cold episodes at lower latitudes during the Pliocene has been accumulating recently. Thus, marked low-temperature episodes were observed by 018/016 analysis of pelagic foraminifera below the Plio-Pleistocene boundary in the type section at Le Castella, Calabria, southern Italy (Emiliani et al. 1961); by pollen analysis of layers below the Plio­cene Amphistegina limestone at Castellarquato, north­ern Italy (Lona 1963); and by 018/016 analysis of a specimen of Arctica islandica collected below the Am­phistegina limestone at Castellanselmo, Pisa, Tuscany (Emili ani and Ruggieri, unpublished). These tempera­ture changes, as well as the ones occurring during the Pleistocene, are clearly shown in the Mediterranean (and probably elsewhere at similar or higher latitudes) by variations of planktonic foraminiferal assemblages at both the specific and subspecific levels (Emiliani et al. 1961). The temperature oscillations of the Late Cenozoic have such high frequencies (about 6.7 X 10-13 cps) that stratigraphic work of great detail must be carried out in order to obtain a clear picture of climatic change. Sampling intervals of less than a foot are generaJly necessary. The "mixed" cold and warm assemblages observed by Woodring et al. (1946) probably resulted from inadequate stratigraphic sampling (d. Emiliani et al. 1961:687).

No especially strong temperature decrease was noticed across the Plio-Pleistocene boundary at the type locality (Emili ani et al. 1961). Oxygen isotopic analysis of the section above the boundary, 45 m. thick, showed temperature oscillations of an amplitude which, although consid,erable, was smaller than that of the temperature oscillations (of later Pleistocene age) detected by oxygen isotopic analysis of pelagic Foraminifera from the eastern Mediterranean core 189 (Emiliani 1955a). It is possible that these oscillations were caused by the growth and waning of relatively small ice caps in Scandinavia, the Alps, Labrador, and possibly elsewhere.

While the section at Le Castella terminates about 45 m. above the Plio-Pleistocene boundary, other sections in Italy, as in restricted areas of the Emilia­Marche region, extend much farther upwards with apparently continuous sedimentation. However, the somewhat abnormal and probably variable oxygen isotopic composition in the upper Adriatic Sea would make results obtained by oxygen isotopic measure­ments uncertain. Similar effects are to be expected in the Plio-Pleistocene sections of the Netherlands. Thus, in order to obtain a complete record of the Pleisto­cene, it seems necessary to bore down from the floor of the open ocean to a layer equivalent to the Plio­Pleistocene boundary at Le Castella. This layer may or may not have been reached yet, depending upon the actual absolute age of the Plio-Pleistocene boundary.

Oxygen isotopic analysis of deep-sea cores from the Caribbean and the equatorial Atlantic (Emiliani 1955b, 1964a, 1966a; Rosholt et al. 1961, 1962) reveal­ed the occurrence of eight major temperature cycles

28

during the past 425,000 years. With the single exc-ep­tion of core stage 3, the amplitude is approximately the same for all cycles (1.6-1.8%0, equivalent to about 6_70 C. after the correction discussed in Emihani 1955b:543). The temperature cycles are believed to be the equivalent of the carbonate cycles noticed in a suite of deep-sea cores from the eastern equatorial Pacific (Arrhenius 1952). These cycles are especially evident in some of the Pacific cores (nos. 59, 60, and 61), but less evident in others (nos. 58 and 62). The latter cores are stratigraphically longer and include sediments containing Pterocanium prismatium and Discoaster brouweri. The age of the bottom of the stratigraphically longest core, no. 58, is estimated at about 1,100,000 years, and the extinctions of D. brouweri and P. prismatium are estimated to have occurred about 900,000 and 840,000 years ago respec­tively (Emili ani 1967). A strong carbonate cycle appears near'the bottom of core 58. The total number of cycles occurring through core 58 (i.e., during the past 1,000,000 years) probably numbered 20.

Arrhenius (1952) observed that the amplitude of the carbonate oscillations in the upper half of core 58 is greater than that of the oscillations in the lower half (with the exception of the strong oscillation' near the bottom mentioned above) and suggested that the oscillations in the upper half correlate with the major glaciations of the Pleistocene.

Safe correlations between the oxygen isotopic oscillations in the Atlantic and Caribbean cores and the carbonate oscillations in the Pacific cores, on one side, and the glacial-interglacial stages of the continents, on the other, must necessarily rest with absolute dating. C-14 dating, of both continental materials and deep-sea core carbonates has shown in­controvertibly that core stage 1 is the postglacial; stage 2 the Main Wiirm or Main Wisconsin; and stage 3 the Laufen of the Alps and the Port Talbot-Plum Point of North America. In addition, stage 4 appears to correlate with the Early Wiirm of Europe and Early Wisconsin of North America (Andersen et al. 1960; Goldthwait et al. 1965).

Earlier glacial deposits of the continents have not yet been dated with sufficient accuracy to 'warrant a correlation with the oceanic stages. For instance, deposits from the Laacher-See region of Germany, tentatively correlated with phases of the Giinz, Mindel, and Mindel/Riss stages of the Alps, have been dated as ranging from 420,000 to 110,000 years ago (Frechen and Lippolt 1965). The limits of error of the individual measurements, however, are as large as, or larger than, the wave length of the climatic oscillations (Frechen and Lippolt 1965, Tables 3-5), making it im­possible to correlate unequivocally the deposits in question with the established oceanic stratigraphy. On the other hand, the marine-epicontinental inter­glacial deposits of Alaska, belonging to the Worozon­fian, Pelukian, Kotzebuan and Middletonian stages, dated by the Th230/U238 method (Blanchard 1963; Hopkins et al. 1965; Karlstrom 1965), afford a close correlation with the oceanic stages 3, 5, 7, and 9, respectively (see Figure 1).

The evidence obtained from the deep-sea cores together wiuh theoretical considerations (Emiliani and Geiss 1959) strongly suggests that the glacial­interglacial cycles observed in the recent past are likely

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

to continue in the future for an indeterminate length of time. Thus, the name "postglacial," commonly used for the time since the last deglaciation (i.e., the past 11,000 years), appears to be very inappropriate. The name "Holocene," also commonly used for the same time span, appears equally inappropriate in view of the numerous extinctions of animal species during the past 15,000 years, coupled with, and partly caused by, the explosion of Homo sapiens sapiens (cf. Martin 1965). The name "Flandrian" (Dubois 1938), conform- ing to classical stratigraphic procedure and denoting the time since the beginning of the last glacial-eustatic marine transgression (the past 18,000 years), would appear to be a much better choice.

The Pleistocene, with a likely duration of millions of years (past and future), bears some resemblance to the last period of the Palaeozoic Era, the Permian, from the point of view of high continentality, orogenesis, glaciation, and animal extinctions. By analogy, the Pleistocene may be considered the last epoch of the Cenozoic Era. This Era may be more conveniently divided into a Palaeogene Period (Palaeocene to Oligo- cene) and a Neogene Period (Miocene to Pleistocene) (cf. Moore 1958) than into a Tertiary Period (Palaeo- cene to Pliocene) and a Quaternary Period (Pleisto- cene and Recent) (cf. Kummel 1961). Thus, the names '"Tertiary," "Quaternary," "Holocene," "Postglacial," and "Recent" should be used informally only. These formal observations are important because some of the confusion existing in Pleistocene literature appears to result from semantics alone.

The climatic history of the Late Cenozoic has a direct bearing on the problem of human evolution. Unfortunately, there is an extreme dearth of absolute ages, beyond the range of Ci4, for evidence directly related to the various phases of human evolution. K40/Ar40 dating of Olduvai Gorge Bed I at 1,750,000 years ago shows that man (defined as a primate ca- pable of systematically manufacturing tools) was already in existence at that time. (It will not come as a great surprise if it should appear, when the Plio- Pleistocene boundary has been dated, that the genus Homo dates from well back into the Pliocene.) In addition, Pa23i/Th230 dating of the temperature maximum of the last interglacial (Eemian) at about 95,000 years ago indicates a similar age for the speciation of Homo sapiens sapiens, if the Fonteche- vade remains are assigned to this subspecies (rather than to a "praesapiens" type) and if they indeed come from a layer identifiable with the Eemian maximum. On the other hand, if the Fontechevade remains are assigned, together' with Swanscombe, to a "prae- sapiens" type, H. sapiens sapiens would appear to have speciated between 100,000 and 50,000 years ago (cf. Emiliani 1964b).

In spite of the present chronological uncertainties, the sequence Australopithecus robustus-A. africanus- Homo erectus habilis-H. erectus erectus-H. erectus pekinensis-H. sapiens "praesapiens"-H. sapiens nean- derthalensis-H. sapiens sapiens appears to form a rather orderly temporal and morphological succession suggesting a phylogenetic lineage. According to modern views on speciation and evolution, however, none of the large, fully developed populations belonging to the above-mentioned taxa can have given rise directly to the next one. Rather, we must assume that from each

z C < m X r LUJ _j J OJ DcN U) - r- C1

_j C) uJ C

30-

20 ~ ~ 7 9 II 13 15 ~ 17 202 0 50 loo 150 200 250 300 350 400

x 103 YEARS BP

FIG. 1. Generalized palaeotemperature curve, obtained from deep- sea cores, for the surface water of the Caribbean-equatorial Atlantic region, referred to an absolute time scale based in part on C14 and Pa231/Th230 measurements and in part on extrapolation. Absolute ages of the Alaskan interglacial stages obtained by Th230/U238 measurements.

large, polytypic stock, a small population became separated, evolved independently, and spread to com- pete with, and eventually replace, the original stock.

The pre-Australopithecus evolutionary step which led to bipedal posture is likely to have been selective because of the ensuing improvement in perception and communication, a marked advantage for an animal conspicuously lacking physical strength and specialized mechanisms for offense and defense. (In other animals, an increase in the length of the neck has served the same purpose.) Following the acquisition of bipedal posture, Australopithecus africanus may have evolved fromn an early stock of A. robustus by developing a taste for meat and by discovering that only through the imaginative usage of tools and the employment of sophisticated strategies could other animals, including A. robustus and his own peers within A. africanus, be persuaded to provide a meal. Indeed, cannibalism may have played a very important role during this and later stages of human evolution.

The cranial capacity of H. erectus is such that he should have had little difficulty in making for himself a comfortable living under ordinary conditions. Un- fortunately, H. erectus was not living under ordinary conditions, but under the severe environmental stress of major glaciations. As mentioned before, as many as 20 glaciations may have occurred during the past 1,000,000 years. Populations of H. erectus, which had spread from eastern Africa to Morocco, Asia as far as China, and Europe, were temporarily and repeatedly separated from each other by newly created ecological barriers. The European and western Asiatic popula- tions, in particular, found themselves in a very dif- ficult situation, sandwiched between the great ice caps to the north and a cold, hostile sea to the west and the south, and isolated by secondary ice caps in the Pyrenees, the Alps, Carpathians, Apennines, Balkans, Caucasus, etc. The palaeontological and palaeobotani- cal record, together with oxygen isotopic analysis of pelagic foraminifera from the eastern Mediterranean deep-sea core 189 (Emiliani 1 955a) and of littoral marine shells (food refuse) from the Haua Fteah and Arene Candide caves (Emiliani et al. 1964) indicate that the European summers during the glacial ages were even colder than the European winters of today,

Vol. 9 . No. 1. February 1968 29

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to continue in the future for an indeterminate length of time. Thus, the name "postglacial," commonly used for the time since the last deglaciation (i.e., the past 11,000 years), appears to be very inappropriate. The name "Holocene," also commonly used for the same time span, appears equally inappropriate in view of the numerous extinctions of animal species during the past 15,000 years, coupled with, and partly caused by, the explosion of Homo sapiens sapiens (cf. Martin 1965). The name "Flandrian" (Dubois 1938), conform­ing to classical stratigraphic procedure and denoting the time since the beginning of the last glacial-eustatic marine transgression (the past 18,000 years), would appear to be a much better choice.

The Pleistocene, with a likely duration of millions of years (past and future), bears some resemblance to the last period of the Palaeozoic Era, the Permian, from the point of view of high continentality, orogenesis, glaciation, and animal extinctions. By analogy, the Pleistocene may be considered the last epoch of the Cenozoic Era. This Era may be more conveniently divided into a Palaeogene Period (Palaeocene to Oligo­cene) and a Neogene Period (Miocene to Pleistocene) (cf. Moore 1958) than into a Tertiary Period (Palaeo­cene to Pliocene) and a Quaternary Period (Pleisto­cene and Recent) (cf. Kummel 1961). Thus, the names «Tertiary," "Quaternary," "Holocene," "Postglacial," and "Recent" should be used informally only. These formal observations are important because some of the confusion existing in Pleistocene literature appears to result from semantics alone.

The climatic history of the Late Cenozoic has a direct bearing on the problem of human evolution. Unfortunately, there is an extreme dearth of absolute ages, beyond the range of C14, for evidence directly related to the various phases of human evolution. K4°/Ar40 dating of Olduvai Gorge Bed I at 1,750,000 years ago shows that man (defined as a primate ca­pable of systematically manufacturing tools) was already in existence at that time. (It will not come as a great surprise if it should appear, when the Plio­Pleistocene boundary has been dated, that the genus Homo dates from well back into the Pliocene.) In addition, Pa231/Th230 dating of the temperature maximum of the last interglacial (Eemian) at about 95,000 years ago indicates a similar age for the speciation of Homo sapiens sapiens, if the Fonteche­vade remains are assigned to this subspecies (rather than to a "praesapiens" type) and if they indeed come from a layer identifiable with the Eemian maximum. On the other hand, if the Fontechevade remains are assigned, together with Swanscombe, to a "prae­sapiens" type, H. sapiens sapiens would appear to have speciated between 100,000 and 50,000 years ago (cf. Emiliani 1964b).

In spite of the present chronological uncertainties, the sequence Australopithecus robustus-A. africanus­Homo erectus habilis-H. erectus erectus-H. erectus pekinensis-H. sapiens "praesapiens"-H. sapiens nean­derthalensis~H. sapiens sapiens appears to form a rather orderly temporal and morphological succession suggesting a phylogenetic lineage. According to modern views on speciation and evolution, however, none of the large, fully developed populations belonging to the above-mentioned taxa can have given rise directly to the next one. Rather, we must assume that from each

Vol. 9. No.1. February 1968

'" UJ (!) Z <t ~ ~

'" u. z

z 0

~ N 0

'" a: :5 0 <t '"

z ~

z z z

~ 0

<t ~

;£ UJ --' :3 CO>

~ CO>

~ ~ ,. 30

U "-

50 100 150 200 250

X 16' YEARS B P

FIG. 1. Generalized palaeotemperature curve, obtained from dee!? sea cores for the surface water of the Caribbean.equatorial Atlantic region ;eferred to an absolute time scale based in part on C14 and Pa231/Th230 measurements and in part on extrapolation. Absolute ages of me Alaskan interglacial stages obtained by Th230/U238 measurements.

large, polytypic stock, a small population became separated, evolved independently, and spread to com­pete with, and eventually replace, the original stock.

The pre-Australopithecus evolutionary step which led to bipedal posture is likely to have been selective because of the ensuing improvement in perception and communication, a marked advantage for an animal conspicuously lacking physical strength and specialized mechanisms for offense and defense. (In other animals, an increase in the length of the neck has served the same purpose.) Following the acquisition of bipedal posture, Australopithecus africanus may have evolved from an early stock of A. robustus by developing a taste for meat and by discovering that only through the imaginative usage of tools and the employment of sophisticated strategies could other animals, including A. robustus and his own peers within A. africanus, be persuaded to provide a meal. Indeed, cannibalism may have played a very important role during this and later stages of human evolution.

The cranial capacity of H. erectus is such that he should have had little difficulty in making for himself a comfortable living under ordinary conditions. Un­fortunately, H. erectus was not living under ordinary conditions, bur- under the severe environmental stress of major glaciations. As mentioned before, as many as 20 glaciations may have occurred during the past 1,000,000 years. Populations of H. erectus, which had spread from eastern Africa to Morocco, Asia as far as China, and Europe, were temporarily and repeatedly separated from each other by newly creat~d ecological barriers. The European and western, Asiatic popula­tions, in particular, found themselves in a very dif­ficult situation, sandwiched between the great ice caps to the north and a cold, hostile sea to the west and the south, and isolated by secondary ice caps in the Pyrenees, the Alps, Carpathians, Apennines, Balkans, Caucasus, etc. The palaeontological and palaeobotani­cal record, together with oxygen isotopic analysis of pelagic foraminifera from the eastern Mediterranean deep-sea core 189 (Emiliani 1955a) and of littoral marine shells (food refuse) from the Haua Fteah and Arene Candide caves (Emiliani et al. 1964) indicate that the European summers during the glacial ages were even colder than the European winters of today,

29

and suggest that the European winters must have been very dreadful indeed. It appears, therefore, that, during the past 1,000,000 years, Europe and western Asia functioned as a typical evolutionary mill, manufacturing the "praesapiens," sapiens, and neanderthalensis subspecies from original, scattered populations of Homo erectus. Indeed, only through a capable brain and consummate skills could man survive the harsh winters of the glacial ages, for surviving a single glacial night must have been a very difficult task. While the fossil finds of Australopi- thecus and Homo erectus point to Africa as the cradle of the early Homininae, the finds of such "prae- sapiens" or early sapiens types as Steinheim, Swans- combe, Ehringsdorf, and Fontechevade point to Europe as the cradle of modern man.

'The extinction of the highly successful Neander- thals about 30-40,000 years ago remains a mystery. Some authors (e.g., Brace 1964b) maintain that the classic Neanderthals evolved directly into H. sapiens sapiens, but this seems to be in conflict with modern views on speciation and evolution. If we assume that the Neanderthals were as intelligent as modern man or more so, then we must conclude that their demise resulted from factors other than those connected with the brain. The Neanderthals appear to have been particularly subject to deforming arthritis and per- haps, because of their, larger sinus cavities, also to colds, flu, and other diseases associated with cold weather. If so, modern man replaced them more because of a physiological advantage than by warfare or other means.

Comments

by EMMANUEL ANATI*

Jerusalem, Israel. 21 II 67

After reading the appealing title of this paper, I was disappointed to find that the text deals primarily with geo- logical dating, and therefore the title is not fully appropriate. I shall con- fine my comments to some of the views expressed concerning the "evolution of Man."

If I interpret the author correctly, by "evolution" he means "changes in average cranial capacity." This is cer- tainly not the only aspect of the phy- sical evolution of man. Furthermore, other aspects of human evolution and development, such as cultural and so- cial change, are not considered in the present paper.

"While I accept the author's claim that some of the current terms for pe- riods are creating misunderstandings among scholars, it is my belief that rather than drastically changing the terminology-an unrealistic proposi- tion-anthropologists should reach an agreement on the definitions of terms (a task that might be undertaken by CA).

Like history, prehistory is currently looked at from the particular angle of the period in which we are living. Furthermore, both ecologically and culturally, the end of the last glacia- cion marked a turning point in human evolution. Therefore, in my opinion, the term "postglacial" for what came thereafter is fully justified.

Nobody will disagree with Emiliani when he states that ". . -climatic history... has a direct bearing on the problem of human evolution"; but climatic change should be considered as one of many causes, and probably not even the main one, as man appears to have evolved in widely different

climatic conditions, from tropical to sub-arctic.

The presently available data on the hypothetical "cannibalism" of Pleisto- cene men are totally inadequate to justify the statement that "cannibalism may have played a very important role during this and the later stages of human evolution." I trust that some other colleague will qualify this asser- tion in detail. I will comment only that even should the scanty evidence on cannibalism turn out to have been interpreted correctly, we have enough "uncooked and unchewed" skeletal material today to affirm that anthro- pophagy has never been, in any age or in any prehistoric culture, a com- mon practice.

The statement that ". . . the finds of such "praesapiens" or early sapiens types .., point to Europe as the cradle of the modern man" is very daring in- deed. The statement will probably be received with reservations by collea- gues who are specialists in this field. The discoveries of skeletal material in Palestine and elsewhere in Asia and Africa do-not seem to agree with this view, and it is probable that future dis- coveries on the Asian continent will prove it to be completely wrong.

The statement thait "the cranial ca- pacity of H. erectus is such that he should have had little difficulty in making for hims'elf a comfortable living under ordinary conditions" fol- lows a rather simplistic and evolu- tionistic-minded line of thought which I have some difficulty in following.

The last paragraph illustrates several misconceptions: "If we assume that the Neanderthals were as intelligent as modern man or more so ...." It is high time to discard the legend that in- telligence depends on cranial capacity. It would be like stating that the power of an engine depends on its size. The theory that Neanderthals may have disappeared as consequence of their

tendency to catch colds or flu, in- teresting as it may be, is in the present state of knowledge no more than science fiction. These and other mis- conceptions and misuses of terms make of the author's quest for more semantic rigor a rhetorical commonplace.

Wherever it is accompanied by a logical and scientific understanding of the available data, dhere is nothing against a dry, detached, narrowly technical approach to the study of early man. On the other hand, our science would not suffer from a broad- minded humanistic approach. Let us not forget that the history of human evolution is our own history.

By C. L. BRACE*

Santa Barbara, Calzf., U.S.A. 17 iii 67

Emiliani's paper consists of two dis- tinct parts, and these appear to be only slightly related to each other. The first part deals with the techniques of Pleistocene dating and climate evalu- ation as well as with the conclusions that can be drawn at present. Much of the work has been done by Emiliani himself, as his recenltly published sur- vey indicates (Emiliani 1966b), and represents a solid and well-documented contribution of great value.

The second part of the paper in- volves speculations on the course of ho-

minid evolution, and, while these are of great interest to scientists in general and anthropologists in particular, they remain simply speculations. Emiliani offers virtually no documentation in support of these speculations. Some of his statements would be arguable even if supporting evidence were cited; in the absence of references they should be regarded more as the guesses of an Interested amateur.

The suggested temporal sequence of robustus-africanus-erectus is confound- zd by the facts: where remains have

30 CURRENT ANTHROP LOGY

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

and suggest that the European winters must have been very dreadful indeed. It appears, therefore, that, during the past 1,000,000 years, Europe and western Asia functioned as a typical evolutionary mill, manufacturing the "praesapiens," sapiens, and neanderthalensis subspecies from original, scattered populations of Homo erectus. Indeed, only through a capable brain and consummate skills could man survive the harsh winters of the glacial ages, for surviving a single glacial night must have been a very difficult task. While the fossil finds of Australopi­thecus and Homo erectus point to Africa as the cradle of the early Homininae, the finds of such "prae­sapiens" or early sapiens types as Steinheim, Swans­combe, Ehringsdorf, and Fontckhevade point to Europe as the cradle of modern man.

The extinction of the highly successful Neander­thals about 30-40,000 years ago remains a mystery. Some authors (e.g., Brace 1964b) maintain that the classic Neanderthals evolved directly into H. sapiens sapiens, but this seems to be in conflict with modern views on speciation and evolution. If we assume that the Neanderthals were as intelligent as modern man or more so, then we must conclude that their demise resulted from factors other than those connected with the brain. The Neanderthals appear to have been particularly subject to deforming arthritis and per­haps, because of their larger sinus cavities, also to colds, flu, and other diseases associated with cold weather. If so, modern man replaced them more because of a physiological advantage than by warfare or other means.

Comments

by EMMANUEL ANA TI*

Jerusalem, Israel. 21 II 67

After reading the appealing title of this paper, I was disappointed to find that the text deals primarily with geo­logical dating, and therefore the title is not fully appropriate. I shall con­fine my comments to some of the views expressed concerning the "evolution of Man."

If I interpret the author correctly, by "evolution" he means "changes in average cranial capacity." This is cer­tainly not the only aspect of the phy­sical evolution of man. Furthermore, other aspects of human evolution and development, such as cultural and so­cial change, are not considered in the present paper.

While I accept the author's claim that some of the current terms· for pe­riods are creating misunderstandings among scholars, it is my belief that rather than drastically changing the terminology-an unrealistic proposi­tion-anthropologists should reach an agreement on the definitions of terms (a task that might be undertaken by CA).

Like history, prehistory is currently looked at from the particular angle of the period in which we are living. Furthermore, both ecologically and culturally, the end of the last glacia­cion marked a turning point in human evolution. Therefore, in my opinion, the term "postglacial" for what came thereafter is fully justified.

Nobody will disagree with Emiliani when he states that " ... climatic history ... has a direct bearing on the problem of human evolution"; but climatic change should be considered as one of many causes, and probably n9t even the main one, as man appears to have evolved in widely different

30

climatic conditions, from tropical to sub-arctic.

The presently available data on the hypothetical "cannibalism" of Pleisto­cene men are totally inadequate to justify the statement that "cannibalism may have played a very important role during this and the later stages of human evolutiun." I trust that some other colleague will qualify this asser­tion in detail. I will comment only that even should the scanty evidence on cannibalism turn out to have been interpreted correctly, we have enough "uncooked and unchewed" skeletal material today to affirm that anthro­pophagy has never been, in any age or in any prehistoric culture, a com­mon practice.

The statement that " ... the finds of such "praesapiens" or early sapiens types ... point to Europe as the cradle of the modern man" is very daring in­deed. The statement will probably be received with reservations bv collea­gues who are specialists in this field. The discoveries of skeletal material in Palestine and elsewhere in Asia and Africa do· not seem to agree with this view, and it is probable that future dis­coveries on the Asian continent will prove it to be completely wrong.

The statement that "the cranial ca­pacity of H. erectus is such that he should have had little difficulty in making for himself a comfortable living under ordinary conditions" fol­lows a rather simplistic and evolu­tionistic-minded line of thought which I have some difficulty in following.

The last paragraph illustrates several misconceptions: "If we assume that the Neanderthals were as intelligent as modern man or more so .... " It is high time to discard the legend that in­telligence depends on cranial capacity. It would be like stating that the power of an engine depends on its size. The theory that Neanderthals may have disappeared as consequence of their

tendency to catch colds or flu, in­teresting as it may be, is in the present state of knowledge no more than science fiction. These and other mis­conceptions and misuses of terms make of the author's quest for more semantic rigor a rhetorical commonplace.

Wherever it is accompanied by a logical and scientific understanding of the available data, there is nothing against a dry,· detached, narrowly technical approach to the study of early man. On the other hand, our science would not suffer from a broad­minded humanistic approach. Let us not forget that the history of human evolution is our own history.

by C. L. BRACE*

Santa Barbara, Calif., U.S.A. 17 III 67

Emiliani's paper consists of two dis­tinct parts, and these appear to be only slightly related to each other. The first part deals with the techniques of Pleistocene dating and climate evalu­ation as well as with the conclusions that can be drawn at present. Much of the work has been done by Emiliani himself, as his recently published sur­vey indicates (Emiliani 1966b), and represents a solid and well-documented contribution of great value.

The second part of the paper in­volves speculations on the course of ho­minid evolution, and, while these are of great interest ,to scientists in general and anthropologists in particular, they remain simply speculations. Emiliani offers virtually no documentation in support of these speculations. Some of his statements would be arguable even if s4Pporting evidence were cited; in the absence of references they should be regarded ,more as the guesses of an interested amateur.

The suggested temporal sequence of robustus-a/ricanus-erectus is confound­ed by the facts: where remains have

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH been dated, it appears that the sequ- ence is africanus-robustus-erectus (as- suming that the specific designations are valid) (Robinson 1965a; Camp- bell 1965). The logic suggested for in- terpreting the morphological succession should be much more extensively do- cumented in view of the disagreement which currently exists (Robinson 1963b, 1965a; Brace 1963a:90-91; 1963b:547; 1967). The argument that africanus evolved from robustus, ac- tually based on Robinson's dietary hy- pothesis (Robinson 1961, 1962, 1963a), has been questioned on the basis of both fact and theory (Brace 1963a:90- 91; 1967; Brace and Montagu 1965: 225-28).

These are details, however, and, al- though they are not unimportant, the issues relating to Emiliani's reference (repeated) to "modern views on spe- ciation and evolution" are of much greater significance. A definition of "modern views" should have been in- cluded, and an extended discussion should have followed. Presumably Emiliani refers to the position of Val- lois (1959:155) and perhaps that of Mayr (1963a, b), but it should be noted that opposition has been offered which is no less modern (Brown and Wilson 1954; Brown 1958; Whyte 1965; Brace 1966).

To be more specific, why must we believe that no fossil population as a whole can have given rise to the next one directly? Why must we assume that evolution only occurred when a small population became isolated? Why, indeed, must we assume that fossil hominid populations were poly- typic? Presumably the idea that fossil hominids belonged to polytypic species is derived from the assumption that modern humans do (cf. Dobzhansky 1955:182, 333; 1963:353-54); but even this has been questioned (Brown 1958; Livingstone 1962; Brace 1964a, c), and there is certainly no justification for projecting questionable assumptions into the unknown past. The small, isolated population model is necessary only if genetic drift is considered to be the main force producing evolutionary change (Wright 1931:150; 1943, 1946, 1948; Cavalli-Sforza, Barrai, and Ed.- wards 1964), but it is widely agreed that natural selection is the principal evolutionary force (Dobzhansky 1962: 128-61), and this can operate un- hindered in the .total absence of isolation.

This brings up the final major as- sumption that can be questioned. Why must we assume that hominids of the erectus species (I prefer to use the designation "Pithecanthropine stage") were temporarily and repeatedly se- parated from each other long enough for major differentiation to take place? Human beings are neither foraminifera nor mollusks, and consequently the

ecological barriers that serve as isolat- ing mechanisms must be very different from those which dictate the ha- bitation areas of those invertebrates. Certainly the claim that "newly creat- ed ecological barriers" served to cut off human populations from others deserves some documentation. The dis- tribution of Lower Palaeolithic arti- facts suggests that continuous cultural exchange and not isolation characteriz- ed human existence, and where there was cultural exchange, there must have been genetic exchange as well. It is possible to suggest that the wide-rang- ing foraging activities of hominid groups from the Australopithecines on would have prevented any kind of isolation of a major or protracted sort. If man has specialized in anything, it has been in adaptability. Even during the Lower Palaeolithic, only major oceans and cold temperatures limited human distribution, and since the arch- aeological record provides us with a picture of continuous human occup- ation of those parts of the Old World south of the cold-temperate and arctic areas, it is difficult to imagine how isolation could have taken place. To be sure, the northern boundary of human occupation shifted with the climatic fluctuations which Emiliani documents, but this cannot have af- fected human continuity to the south.

Even during the last glaciation, the assumption that the Neanderthals of western Europe were isolated (Howell 1951, 1952, 1957; most recently de- fended by Howells 1967:243) is hard to maintain. Why, for instance, if isolation and speciation did not take place in either the mammoth or the mouse (or any other mammal) should it have done so in man? Human cul- tural adaptation should have been ef- fective enough to prevent isolation, and it is significant that Mousterian tools show greater similarities in form and evident function in an area run- ning from western Europe through the Middle East and from southern Russia all the way around the Mediterranean shores (north and south) than the tools in this whole area do with their con- temporaries in sub-Saharan Africa, India, and points east (Golomshtok 1938; McBurney 1958, 1960; Clark 1959; Bordes 1961; Allchin 1963; and Solecki 1963). Finally, the similarities in form between La Chapelle-aux- Saints, Monte Circeo (Sergi 1948), Pe- tralona (Kokkoros and Kanellis 1961; Kanellis and Savas 1964), Shanidar (Stewart 1958, 1961), and Jebel Ir- houd (Ennouchi 1962) are so great that this alone would make claims for isolation most unlikely.

"The Pleistocene epoch and the evolution of man" is a very significant subject. Emiliani has treated the Plei-

stocene epoch with great professional competence. It is to be regretted that he has not done the same for the evolution of man.

by KARL W. BUTZER*

Chicago, III., U.S.A. 15 in 67

Emiliani's paper presents an interesting outline of Pleistocene chronology and related problems, a presentation that should stimulate considerable discus- sion. My only general criticism is that, in view of the many controversial topics touched upon, the paper is ex- cessively brief and incompletely docu- mented. This commentary will be con- fined to certain aspects of the Pleisto- cene stratigraphy discussed by Emi- liani.

Although Emiliani would accept the first appearance of Hyalinea (Anoma- lina) baltica in the Calabrian marine sequence at Le Castella as the Plio- Pleistocene boundary, this motion was never placed before the General As- sembly of the 7th INQUA Congress (nor, for that matter, does it represent a recommendation of the Plio-Pleis- tocene Boundary Commission of INQUA [G. M. Richmond, personal communication]). Before such a speci- fic redefinition could, in fact, be at- tempted (and before continental or littoral lithostratigraphic, mammalian, and palynological sequences are re- legated to second place in rwatters of Pleistocene stratigraphy), an internally consistent radiometric framework- employing different isotopes (cf. Brorcker 1965) and substantiated by paleomagnetic correlations (cf. Cox et al. 1965)-must be obtained for a greater number of potentially suitable type localities. Only then can it be decided whether continental or marine sequences should best be given pre- ference, or whether a boundary defini- tion based on climatic change be in- deed more practical than one based on organic evolution or conventional bio- stratigraphic zones. The first appear- ance of erect bipedal hominids is by no means irrelevant for a consideration of such criteria.

Many of the problems of inference and interpretation in the early Pleisto- cene stem from the lengthy twilight zone of incoherent and controversial mid-Pleistocene stratigraphy. Emiliani either ignores or glosses over two of the rather critical, dated sequences available for this time range, and it seems essential to evaluate these in order to demonstrate the present state both of our knowledge and of our ignorance.

The first such sequence involves the alluvial terraces of the lower and middle Rhine Vavlley, which are inter-

Vol. 9 . No. 1 . February 1968 31

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

been dated, it appears that the sequ­ence is africanus-robustus-erectus (as­suming that the specific designations are valid) (Robinson 1965a; Camp­bell 1965). The logic suggested for in­terpreting the morphological succession should be much more extensively do­cumented in view of the disagreement which currently exists (Robinson 1963b, 1965a; Brace 1963a:90-91; 1963b:547; 1967). The argument that african us evolved from robustus, ac­tually based on Robinson's dietary hy­pothesis (Robinson 1961, 1962, 1963a), has been questioned on the basis of both fact and theory (Brace 1963a :90-91; 1967; Brace and Montagu 1965: 225-28).

These are details, however, and, al­though they are not unimportant, the issues relating to Emiliani's reference (repeated) to "modern views on spe­ciation and evolution" are of much greater significance. A definition of "modern views" should have been in­cluded, and an extended discussion should have followed. Presumably Emiliani refers to the position of Val­lois (1959:155) and perhaps that of Mayr (1963a, b), but it should be noted that opposition has been offered which is no less modern (Brown and Wilson 1954; Brown 1958; Whyte 1965; Brace 1966).

To be more specific, why must we believe that no fossil population as a whole can have given rise to the next one directly? Why must we assume that evolution only occurred when a small population became isolated? Why, indeed, must we assume that fossil hominid populations were poly­typic? Presumably the idea that fossil hominids belonged to polytypic species is derived from the assumption that modern humans do (cf. Dobzhansky 1955:182,333; 1963:353-54); but even this has been questioned (Brown 1958; Livingstone 1962; Brace 1964a, c), and there is certainly no justification for projecting questionable assumptions into the unknown past. The small, isolated population model is necessary only if genetic drift is considered to be the main force producing evolutionary change (Wright 1931 :150; 1943, 1946, 1948 ; Cavalli-Sforza, Barrai, andE<J.­wards 1964), but it is widely agreed that natural selection is the principal evolutionary force (Dobzhansky 1962: 128-61), and this can operate un­hindered III the • total absence of isolation.

This brings up the final major as­sumption that can be questioned. Why must we assume that hominids of the erectus species (I prefer to use the designation "Pithecanthropine stage") were temporarily and repeatedly se­parated from each other long enough for major differentiation to take place? Human beings are neither foraminifera nor mollusks, and consequently the

Vol. 9. No.1. February 1968

ecological barriers that serve as isolat­ing mechanisms must be very different from those which dictate the ha­bitation areas of those invertebrates. Certainly the claim that "newly creat­ed ecological barriers" served to cut off human populations from others deserves some documentation. The dis­tribution of Lower Palaeolithic arti­facts suggests that continuous cultural exchange and not isolation characteriz­ed human existence, and where there ,was cultural exchange, there must have been genetic exchange as well. It is possible to suggest that the wide-rang­ing foraging activities of hominid groups from the Australopithecines on would have prevented any kind of isolation of a major or protracted sort. H man has specialized in anything, it has been in adaptability. Even during the Lower Palaeolithic, only major oceans and cold temperatures limited human distribution, and since the arch­aeological record provides us with a picture of continuous human occup­ation of those parts of the Old World south of the cold-temperate and arctic areas, it is difficult to imagine how isolation could have taken place. To be sure, the northern boundary of human occupation shifted with the climatic fluctuations which EmiIi;tni documents, but this cannot have af­fected human continuity to the south.

Even during the last glaciation, the assumption that the Neanderthals of western Europe were isolated (Howell 1951, 1952, 1957; most recently de­fended by Howells 1967 :243) is hard to maintain. Why, for instance, if isolation and speciation did not take place in either the mammoth' or the mouse (or any other mammal) should it have done so in man? Human cul­tural adaptation should have been ef­fective enough to prevent isolation, and it is significant that Mousterian tools show greater similarities in form and evident function in an area run­ning from western Europe through the Middle East and from southern Russia all the way around the Mediterranean shores (north and south) than the tools in this whole area do with their con­temporaries in sub-Saharan Africa, India, and points east (Golomshtok 1938; McBurney 1958, 1960; Clark 1959; Bordes 1961; Allchin 1963; and Solecki 1963). Finally, the similarities in form between La Chapelle-aux­Saints, Monte Circeo (Sergi 1948), Pe­tralona (Kokkoros and Kanellis 1961; Kanellis and Savas 1964), Shanidar (Stewart 1958, 1961), and Jebel Ir­houd (Ennouchi 1962) are so great that this alone would make claims for isolation most unlikely.

"The Pleistocene epoch and the evolution of man" is a very significant subject. Emiliani has treated the Plei-

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH

stocene epoch with great professional competence. It is to be regretted that he has not done the same for the evolution of man.

by KARL W. BUTZER*"

Chicago, Ill., U.S.A. 15 III 67

Emiliani's paper presents an interesting outline of Pleistocene chronology and related problems, a presentation that should stimulate considerable discus­sion. My only general criticism is that, in view of the many controversial topics touched upon, the paper is ex­cessively brief and incompletely docu­mented. This commentary will be con­fined to certain aspects of the Pleisto­cene stratigraphy discussed by Emi­liani.

Although Emiliani would accept the first appearance of H yalinea (Anoma­lina) baltica in the Calabrian marine sequence at Le Castella as the Plio­Pleistocene boundary, this motion was never placed before the General As­sembly of the 7th INQUA Congress (nor, for that matter, does it represent a recommendation of the Plio-Pleis­tocene Boundary Commission of INQUA [G. M. Richmond, personal communication]). Before such a speci­fic redefinition could, in fact, be at~ tempted (and before continental or littoral lithostratigraphic, mammalian, and palynological sequences are re­legated to second place in qJ.atters of Pleistocene stratigraphy), an internally consistent radiometric framework­employing different isotopes (cf. Broecker 1965) and substantiated by paleomagnetic correlations (cf. Cox et al. 1965 )-must be obtained for a greater number of potentially suitable type localities. Only then can it be decided whether continental or marine sequences should best be given pre­ference, or whether a boundary defini­tion based on climatic change be in­deed more practical than one based on organic evolution or conventional bio­stratigraphic zones. The first appear­ance of erect bipedal hominids is by no means irrelevant for a consideration of such criteria.

Many of 'the problems of inference and interpretation in the early Pleisto­cene stem from the lengthy twilight zone of incoherent and controversial mid-Pleistocene stratigraphy. Emiliani either ignores or glosses over two of the rather critical, dated sequences available for this time range, and it seems essential to evaluate these in order to demonstrate the present state both of our knowledge and of our Ignorance.

The first such sequence involves the alluvial terraces of the lower and middle Rhine Valley, which are inter-

31

digitated with the remarkably com- plete Pleistocene continental strati- graphy of the Netherlands. Frechen and Lippolt (1965; also Frechen and Boom 1959), as I read them, provide a suite of consistent and apparently sound K/Ar dates for these Rhine terraces: (a) upper terminus of the ciltere Hauptterrasse ("older Main Terrace") ca. 420,000-390,000 years (5 dates); (b) upper beds of the jiingere Hauptterrasse ("younger Main Ter- race" ca. 350,000-340,000 years (4 dates); (c) basal beds of altere Mittel- terrasse ("older Middle Terrace") ca. 300,000 years (1 date); (d) basal beds of mittlere Mittelterrasse ("middle Middle Terrace") ca. 220,000 years (1 date); and (e) early downcutting phase following deposition of -the mittlere Mittelterrasse, ca. 140,000-150,000 years (2 dates). This entire sequence predates the jiingere Mittelterrasse ("younger Middle Terrace"), which di- rectly underlies the moraines of the Drenthe stadial of the Saale glaciation (De Jong 1956; Paas 4961; Kempf 1966). Since German and Netherlands workers now generally ascribe the "older" and "middle" Middle Terraces to stadia of the Elster Glacial, the Holstein Interglacial, as defined in northern Germany and the Nether- lands, appears to have begun a little before 150,000 K/Ar years ago. How- ever, Zagwijn (1963) gives substantial reasons why the upper units of the "younger" Main Terrace must be cor- related with the Weert Zone of the uppermost Sterksel Formation, i.e., with an early phase of the Elster Gla- cial. Thus the Elster complex, as defined in a critical area, appears to date from a little before ca. 350,000 to a little before 150,000 K/Ar years ago. It might be remarked in passing that these particular isotopic dates are no less consistent or theoretically justi- fied than the rather more scanty Pa/Th dates available from the Carib- bean deep-sea core A254-BR-C (see Rosholt et al. 1962; Emiliani 1964a).

On a variety of subtropical and tro- pical coasts transgressive beach de- posits, with related molluscan faunas, have been correlated with non-glacial intervals of the later Pleistocene, while regressional eolianites are attributed to periods of low, glacial-age sea level. With the recent advance of Th/U dating, a second chronology of sorts has been developed for the high, non- glacial sea-level stages (cf. Stearns and Thurbet 1965; Thurber et al. 1965; Broecker and Thurber 1965; Richards and Thurber 1966). One of the more instructive stratigraphic sequences of this kind has been described from the Balearic Islands by Butzer and Cuerda (1962a, b) and partly dated by Th/U on Mallorca as well as on the Spanish mainland and Morocco (Stearns and Thurber 1-965; also unpublished). A

glacial complex of at least two regres- sional phases precedes the Tyrrhenian I transgression (with several dates of "greater than" 200,000 or 300,000 years). A second glacial complex of four regressional phases ("Penultimate Regression") precedes the Tyrrhenian II, a complex regression generally characterized by Strombus bubonius and other Senegalese mollusks in the western Mediterranean Basin. Al- though the Th/U dates for the Tyrr- henian II are not all consistent, they suggest one time unit of ca. 165,000- 120,000 years ago, with a number of earlier, and possibly significant, dates falling between 230,000 and 190,000 years. It is curious that- eolianites did not develop, except on a very localiz- ed scale, during the seemingly minor regression between the Tyrrhenian II and III. The latter stage, with equi- valent beaches in the Caribbean and Pacific areas, would date ca. 90,000- 70,000 Th/U years.

Comparing the Rhine Valley -and Balearic Island sequences, it appears that the Tyrrhenian I is not, as once widely assumed, equivalent to the Holstein Interglacial. Instead, dn present evidence, it would seem to be contemporary with the Cromerian, thus setting the "Penultimate Regres- sion" of Mallorca parallel to the Elster Glacial and the Tyrrhenian II to the Holstein Interglacial. The potential implications of such a stratigraphic re- vision for mammalian and archaeolog- ical correlations between North Africa, Spain, and continental Europe are dif- ficult to overview at the moment. As- suming that Th/U and C14 dating are temporally consistent, the Tyrrhenian Jll would appear to be correlated with the Eem. But this immediately raises another problem: why the Saale Gla- cial, occupying the interval between the Tyrrhenian II and III, should have left virtually no eolianite record in the Mediterranean region. Equally disturb- ing is the assignment of this, the great- est continental glaciation of Europe, with its complex of several major stadials, to a time span of only 30,000 years, i.e., ca. 120,000-90,000 Th/U years (D. L. Thurber, personal com- munication) or ca. 130,000-100,000 Pa/Th years (see Rosholt et al. 1962; Emiliani 1964a).

If we now attempt to compare these two sequences with the deep sea core stratigraphy of Emiliani (1964a, 1966; Rosholt et al. 1961, 1962; cf. also Ericson et al. 1964), we seem to reach an impasse beyond the cold maximum of about 115,000 B.P. If the generaliz- ed paleotemperature curve of Emiliani proves to be correct in detail, the "in- terstadials" of the Middle Pleistocene, as they have been called by glacial geomorphologists, compare in wave- length but not in amplitude with the mid-Wuirm interstadial. This would

render specific marine-continental cor- relations difficult for decades to come. One might speculate that Emiliani's four cold maxima between ca. 330,000 and 170,000 (extrapolated) Pa/Th years ago represent the Elster complex, or one might propose any of a dozen other possible correlations. The status and nomenclature proposed for the earlier Pleistocene cold intervals would, accordingly, be liable to almost arbitrary interpretation. In view of the inadequacy of the best available radiometric sequences to bridge the stratigraphic chaos of the Middle Pleistocene, I feel quite strongly that correlations of deep-sea paleotempera- ture curves with continental or littoral stratigraphies are premature for the early-to-middle-Pleistocene time range.

Two final, brief comments to the late Pleistocene chronology: It is dis- turbing that Emiliani's cold peak of ca. 60,000 Pa/Th years ago broadly coin- cides with the complex of interstadial- type zones known as Broerup, Amers- foort, Rodebaek, as defined by C14. Are there in fact systematic inconsi- stencies between our radiometric yard- sticks? The poor fit of the one C14- crossdated Pa/Th date in the A 254- BR-C core (Rosholt et al. 1962) seems to suggest this, as does the above- mentioned time lag between Th/U and Pa/Th in the late Middle Pelistocene.

Although there is still no suitable name for the mid-Wiirm interstadial complex ("Paudorf"? "Arcy"?), Emi- liani's revival of the term Laufen is undesirable. Originally the Laufen- Schwankung was thought to represent an Alpine interstadial, but in 1922 Penck relegated all allied phenomena to the Riss/Wiirm (Eem) Interglacial. Despite the possible validity of the weathering horizon developed on the Laufenschotter at H6rmating as mid- Wiirm, use of the name would be a source of confusion.

by H. B. S. COOKE*

Halifax, Canada. 18 III 67

The decision in 1948 by the 18th In- ternational Geological Congress to de- fine the base of the Pleistocene as the bottom of the Calabrian also included a statement that this boundary should be placed "at the horizon of the first indication of climatic deterioration." The subsequent decision by the 1965 INQUA Congress to place the bound- ary at the first appearance of the fora- minifer Hyalinea (Anomalina) baltica in the type section at Le Castella has the merit of precision, but the appear- ance of this foraminifer is not the first indication of climatic deterioration. Barbieri and Medioli (1964), for exam- ple, have shown that the indigenous foraminifera displayed fluctuations suggestive of Pliocene cooling long be- fore the arrival of Hyalinea baltica

32 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

digitated with the remarkably com­plete Pleistocene continental strati­graphy of the Netherlands. Frechen and Lippolt (1965; also Frechen and Boom 1959), as I read them, provide a suite of consistent and apparently sound KI Ar dates for these Rhine terraces: (a) upper terminus of the altere Hauptterrasse ("older Main Terrace") ca. 420,000-390,000 years (5 dates); (b) upper beds of the jungere Hauptterrasse ("younger Main Ter­race" ca. 350,000-340,000 years (4 dates); (c) basal beds of altere Mittel­terrasse ("older Middle Terrace") ca. 300,000 years (1 date); (d) basal beds of mittlere Mittelterrasse ("middle Middle Terrace") ca. 220,000 years (1 date); and (e) early downcutting phase following deposition of 'the mittlere Mittelterrasse, ca. 140,000-150,000 years (2 dates). This entire sequence predates the jungere Mittelterrasse ("younger Middle Terrace"), which di­rectly underlies the moraines of the Drenthe stadial of the Saale glaciation (De Jong 1956; Paas 1961; Kempf 1966). Since German and Netherlands workers now generally ascribe the "older" and "middle" Middle Terraces to stadia of the Elster Glacial, the Holstein Interglacial, as defined in northern Germany and the Nether­lands, appears to have begun a little before 150,000 KI Ar years ago. How­

-ever, Zagwijn (1963) gives substantial reasons why the upper units of the "younger" Main Terrace must be cor­related with the Weert Zone of the uppermost Sterksel Formation, i.e., with an early phase of the Elster Gla­cial. Thus the Elster complex, as defined in a critical area, appears to date from a little before ca. 350,000 to a little before 150,000 KI Ar years ago. It might be remarked in passing that these particular isotopic dates are no less consistent or theoretically justi­fied than the rather more scanty Pa/Th dates available from the Carib­bean deep-sea core A254-BR-C (see Rosholt et al. 1962; Emiliani 1964a). , On a variety of subtropical and tro­

pical coasts transgressive beach de­posits, with related molluscan faunas, have been correlated with non-glacial intervals of the later Pleistocene, while regressional eolianites are attributed to periods of low, glacial-age sea level. With the recent advance of Th/U dating, a second chronology of sorts has been developed for the high, non­glacial sea-level stages (d. Stearns and Thurbet 1965; Thurber et al. 1965; Broecker and Thurber 1965; Richards and Thurber 1966). One of the more instructive stratigraphic sequences of this kind has been described from the Balearic Islands by Butzer and Cuerda (1962a, b) and partly dated by Th/U on Mallorca as well as on the Spanish mainland and Morocco (Stearns and Thurber 1965; also unpublished). A

32

glacial complex of at least two regres­sional phases precedes the Tyrrhenian I transgression (with several dates of "greater than" 200,000 or 300,000 years). A second glacial complex of four regressional phases ("Penultimate Regression") precedes the Tyrrhenian II, a complex regression generally characterized by S trombus bubonius and other Senegalese mollusks in the western Mediterranean Basin. Al­though the Th/U dates for the Tyrr­henian II are not all consistent, they suggest one time unit of ca. 165,000-120,000 yeats ago, with a number of earlier, and possibly significant, dates falling between 230,000 and 190,000 years. It is curious that: eolianites did not develop, except on a very localiz­ed scale, during the seemingly minor regression between the Tyrrhenian II and III. The latter stage, with equi­valent beaches in the Caribbean and Pacific areas, would date ea. 90,000-70,000 Th/U years.

Comparing the Rhine Valley -and Balearic Island sequences, it appears that the Tyrrhenian I is not, as once widely assumed, equivalent to the Holstein Interglacial. Instead, dn present evidence, it would seem to be contemporary with the Cromer ian, thus setting the "Penultimate Regres­sion" of Mallorca parallel to the Elster Glacial and the Tyrrhenian II to the Holstein Interglacial. The potential implications of such a stratigraphic re­vision for mammalian and archaeolog­ical correlations between North Africa, Spain, and continental Europe are dif­ficult to overview at the moment. As­suming that Th/U and C14 dating are' temporally consistent, the Tyrrhenian III would appear to be correlated with the Eem. But this immediately raises another problem: why the Saale Gla­cial, occupying the interval between the Tyrrhenian II and III, should have left virtually no eolianite record in the Mediterranean region. Equally disturb­ing is the assignment of this, the great­est continental glaciation of Europe, with its complex of several major stadials, to a time span of only 30,000 years, i.e., ca. 120,000-90,000 Th/U years (D. L. Thurber, personal com-

- munication) or ca. 130,000-100,000 Pal Th years (see Rosholt et al. 1962; Emiliani 1964a).

If we now attempt to compare these two sequences with the deep sea core stratigraphy of Emiliani (1964a, 1966; Rosholt et al. 1961, 1962; d. also Ericson et al. 1964), we seem to reach an impasse beyond the cold maximum of about 115,000 B.P. If the generaliz­ed paleotemperature curve of Emiliani proves to be correct in detail, the "in­terstadials" of the Middle Pleistocene, as they have been called by glacial geomorphologists, compare in wave­length but not in amplitude with the mid-Wiirm interstadial. This would

render specific marine-continental cor­relations difficult for decades to come. One might speculate that Emiliani's four cold maxima between ca. 330,000 and 170,000 (extrapolated) Pa/Th years ago represent the Elster complex, or one might propose any of a dozen other possible correlations. The status and nomenclature proposed for the earlier Pleistocene cold intervals would, accordingly, be liable to almost arbitrary interpretation. In view of the inadequacy of the best available radiometric sequences to bridge the stratigraphic chaos of the Middle Pleistocene, I feel quite strongly' that correlations of deep-sea paleotempera­ture curves with continental or littoral stratigraphies are premature for the early-to-middle-Pleistocene time range.

Two final, brief comments to the late Pleistocene chronology: It is dis­turbing that Emiliani's cold peak of ca. 60,000 Pa/Th years ago broadly coin­cides with the complex of interstadial­type zones known as Broerup, Amers­foort, Rodebaek, as defined by 0 4•

Are there in fact systematic inconsi­stencies between our radiometric yard­sticks? The poor fit of the one 0 4-

crossdated Pa/Th date in the A 254-BR-C core (Rosholt et al. 1962) seems to suggest this, as does the above­mentioned time lag between Th/U and Pal Th in the late Middle Pelistocene.

Although there is still no suitable name for the mid-Wiirm interstadial complex ("Paudorf"? "Arcy"?), Emi­liani's revival of the term Laufen is undesirable. Originally the Laufen­Schwankung was thought to represent an Alpine interstadial, but in 1922 Penck relegated all allied phenomena to the Riss/Wiirm (Eem) Interglacial. Despite the possible validity of the weathering horizon developed on the Laufenschotter at Hormating as mid­Wiirm, use of the name would be a source of confusion.

by H. B. S. COOKE*'

Halifax, Canada. 18 III 67

The decision in 1948 by the 18th In­ternational Geological Congress to de­fine the base of the Pleistocene as the bottom of the Calabrian also included a statement that this boundary should be placed "at the horizon of the first indication of climatic deterioration." The subsequent decision by the 1965 INQUA Congress to place the bound­ary at the first appearance of the fora­minifer Hyalinea (Anomalina) baltica in the type section at Le Castella has the merit of precision, but the appear­ance of this foraminifer is not the first indication of climatic deterioration. Barbieri and Medioli (1964), for exam­ple, have shown that the indigen9us foraminifera displayed fluctuations suggestive of Pliocene cooling long be­fore the arrival of Hyalinea baltica

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH and its close associate, the mollusk Arctica (Cyprina) islandica. The former favours a moderately deep- water muddy environment and the lat- ter a shallow-water sandy habitat, so lithology must be borne in mind in interpreting the presence or the absence of either form; indeed, local factors may control the order of first appear- ance at different localities. There is evidence that Arctica islandica appear- ed before Hyalinea baltica, and this suggests that climatic deterioration was quite severe at a time before the Plio- Pleistocene boundary as defined in 1965.

As these two "critical" elements of the marine fauna normally inhabit northern latitudes, it is clear that their occurrence in the Mediterranean is the result of cold water spilling in through the Straits of Gibraltar. Arctica is- landica and Hyaltnea baltica would not be likely to arrive at exactly the same time and, furthermore, their spread eastwards and northwards through the Mediterranean would depend to some extent on the different mechanisms and rates of dispersal of the respective embryonic forms. De- spite these variables, the spread would be rapid enough for the first appear- ance of these forms to constitute a reference point probably more accu- rate than any of the other climatic in- dicators. Nevertheless, colder northern waters must have been moving down the west coast of Europe for some time before it was possible for the invasion of the Mediterranean to take place, and it is presumably this pre-Calabrian cooling that is evidenced in the in- digenous microfauna of the Mediter- ranean. In short, although the defini- tion of the Plio-Pleistocene boundary at Le Castella provides a valuable time line for the Mediterranean marine sequences, it does not render very much easier the task of defining this boundary, even in marine sequences, in other critical areas such as the Ne- therlands and East Anglia. Presumably in these areas the climatic deterioration would have been manifest long before the cold waters moved as far south as Gibraltar. Furthermore, the terrestrial deposits which constitute the "Villa- franchian" are not equivalent to this precisely defined Calabrian, and. the Villafranchian undoubtedly extends back into the Pliocene of this defini- tion (see, for example, Azzaroli 1964). How far back into the Pliocene the Villafranchian must go is uncertain, but one might surmise that Elephas meridionalis is at least as old as the base of the Calabrian and that the older deposits with Anancus arver- nensis and Elephas planifrons would be Pliocene, although still "lower Vii- lafranchian."

These observations might seem pointless except insofar as they help

to resolve to some extent the apparent conflict between the K/Ar dates for terrestrial deposits and the time scale from oceanic cores. The important mammal-bearing deposits of East Afri- ca seem to be faunistically Villafran- chian, yet the K/Ar date of 1.75 X 106 years for Olduvai Bed I seems great in relation to the glacial/inter- glacial sequence in Europe and the core data. The mammals in the Kaiso Beds of Uganda seem to be at least as old as those of Olduvai Bed I (Cooke and Coryndon, unpublished; but see Bishop 1965) and the "Earlier Kaiso" assemblage parallels some of the "Lower Villafranchian- of sites in the Maghreb of North Africa. The lower Kaiso beds pass downwards into re- latively thin passage beds and then into the Kisegi Beds. The molluscan faunas have been studied by Gautier (1965, 1966, 1967), who is puzzled by the fact that the characteristic mid- Miocene Kisegi fauna passes up smoothly into that of the lower Kaiso beds without any suggestion of a major hiatus, and yet the mammalian evi- dence has pointed to the Kaiso as "Villafranchian." There does not seem to be much placeffor the Pliocene, and Gautier "feels that probably the Plio- cene has suffered amputation at both its boundaries in sub-Saharan Africa." Coryndon and I have been forced by a study of the mammals to reach a similar conclusion and to suggest that the early Kaiso fauna must range down into the Pliocene. This provides support for the suggestion by Emiliani that "the genus Homo dates from well back into the Pliocene." Furthermore, as Africa has been a source of indige- nous development from which mam- mals emigrated to Eurasia, time lines are difficult to determine in Africa in relation to the European deposits and their faunas. It would seem that the correlation Calabrian = Villafran- chian has been misleading and there still exists a great deal of confusion in defining the boundaries in the ter- restrial deposits and in relating them to the marine sequence. A reevaluation of the nomenclature for the mammal- bearing sediments is clearly necessary.

by C. S. COON*

Gloucester, Mass., U.S.A. 7 III 67

Emiliani's account of the history of of- ficial attemps to define the Plio-Pleis- tocene boundary is detailed, lucid, and useful. His discussion of ihe role of marine invertebrate fauna in such dating is instructive. It surprises me a little to see Fontechevade, Swans- combe, and Steinheim dated at about 95,000 years, much younger than geo- logist's previous figures.

The only part of this wellwritten paper on which I venture to go into details is that in which he relies on other people's conclusions. Here, if he is occasionally confused or even wrong, he has only fallen into a wide pit already inhabited, at one time or another, by almost everyone who has aimed at broad interdisciplinary cover- age.

He dates Australopithecus robustus first, Australopithecus africanus sec- ond, and "Homo erectus habilis" third in sequence, but where is his evidence? He postulates scattered pop- ulations of Homo erectus in Europe before the appearance of Homo sa- piens, but no such animal has yet been found there. Vertessz6lbs II, with a cranial capacity reckoned at 1556 cc., is called by Thoma (1966) Homo (erectus seu sapiens) palaeohbngaricus, and on size alone it is fully sapiens.

Emiliani uses the term Homo sapiens sapiens to designate all races of living men, although the term has priority as Linnaeus' trinominal for living Euro- peans. He further states that the pres- ence of ". . . Steinheim, Swanscombe, Ehringdorf, and Fontechevade point to Europe as the cradle of modern man." If he had said "the most ancient cradle of modern man," he might have been closer to the truth.

by MALCOLM F. FARMER*

Whittier, Calif., U.S.A. 2 III 67

With the rapid accumulation of knowledge of the geological history of coastal regions and continental shelves, and of marine deposits in these regions and from the bottom of ocean basins as well as deposits from the formerly glaciated areas, it is becoming increa- singly clear that revision of concepts concerning the Pleistocene is in order. Emiliani's paper is a very welcome con- tribution, offering a report on pro- gress and some guidance for the fu- ture.

The concepts of glacial and inter- glacial appear to be under revision. The earth has not been free of ice since the Pliocene, although the amounts and areas of ice accumulation have varied. Emiliani's suggestion of a re- semblance between the Pleistocene and the Permian offers perspective on the Pleistocene. The traditional view of that epoch reflects a kind of ethno- centrism which regards the present as a unique period, a time of climax, the time of the great modern man, rather than just a point in a sequence. This has needed revision for a long time.

Emiliani suggests that during the Pleistocene, and perhaps earlier, pop- ulations became separated and isolat- ed and then in periods of "better" cli-

Vol. 9 . No. 1 . February 1968 33

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

and its close associate, the mollusk Arctica (Cyprina) islandica. The former favours a moderately deep­water muddy environment and the lat­ter a shallow-water sandy habitat, so lithology must be borne in mind in interpreting the presence or the absence of either form; indeed, local factors may control the order of first appear­ance at different localities. There is evidence that Arctica islandica appear­ed before Hyalinea baltica, and this suggests that climatic deterioration was quite severe at a time before the Plio­Pleistocene boundary as defined in 1965.

As these two "critical" elements of the marine fauna normally inhabit northern latitudes, it is clear that their occurrence in the Mediterranean is the result of cold water spilling in through the Straits of Gibraltar. Arctica is­landica and Hyalinea baltica would not be likely to arrive at exactly the same time and, furthermore, their spread eastwards and northwards through the Mediterranean would depend to some extent on the different mechanisms and rates of dispersal of the respective embryonic forms. De­spite these variables, the spread would be rapid enough for the first appear­ance of these forms to constitute a reference point probably more accu­rate than any of the other climatic in­dicators. Nevertheless, colder northern waters must have been moving down the west coast of Europe for some time before it was possible for the invasion of the Mediterranean to take place, and it is presumably this pre-Calabrian cooling that is evidenced in the in­digenous microfauna of the Mediter­ranean. In short, although the defini­tion of the plio-Pleistocene boundary at Le Castella provides a valuable time line for the Mediterranean marine sequences, it does . not render very much easier the task of defining this boundary, even in marine sequences, in other critical areas such as the Ne­therlands and East Anglia. Presumably jn these areas the climatic deterioration would have been manifest long before the cold waters moved as far south as Gibraltar. Furthermore, the terrestrial deposits which constitute the "Villa­franchian" are not equivalent to this precisely defined Calabrian, and. the Villafranchian undoubtedly extends back into the Pliocene of this defini­tion (see, for example, Azzaroli 1964). How far back into the Pliocene the Villafranchian must go is uncertain, but one might surmise that Elephas meridionalis is at least as old as the base of the Calabrian and that the older deposits with Anancus arver­nensis and Elephas planifrons would be Pliocene, although still "lower Vil­lafranchian. "

These observations pointless except insofar

might seem as they help

Vol. 9 . No.1. February 1968

to resolve to some extent the apparent conflict between the KI Ar dates for terrestrial deposits and the time scale from oceanic cores. The important mammal-bearing deposits of East Afri­ca seem to be faunistically Villafran­chian, yet the KI AT date of 1.75 X 106 years for Olduvai Bed I seems great in relation to the glacial! inter­glacial sequence in Europe and the core data. The mammals in the Kaiso Beds of Uganda seem to be at least as old as those of Olduvai Bed I (Cooke and Coryndon, unpublished; but see Bishop 1965) and the "Earlier Kaiso" assemblage parallels some' of the "Lower Villafranchian" of sites in the Maghreb of North Africa. The lower Kaiso beds pass downwards into re­latively thin passage beds and then into the Kisegi Beds. The molluscan faunas have been studied by Gautier (1965, 1966, 1967), who is puzzled by the fact that the characteristic mid­Miocene Kisegi fauna passes up smoothly into that of the lower Kaiso beds without any sU!Jgestion of a major hiatus, and yet the mammalian evi­dence has pointed to the Kaiso as "Villafranchian." There does not seem to be much placeffor the Pliocene, and Gautier "feels that probably the Plio­cene has suffered amputation at both its boundaries in sub-Saharan Africa." Coryndon and I have been forced by a study of the mammals to reach a similar conclusion and to suggest that the early Kaiso fauna must range down into the Pliocene. This provides support for the suggestion by Emiliani that "the genus Homo dates from well back into the ·Pliocene." Furthermore, as Africa has been a source of indige­nous development from which mam­mals emigrated to Eurasia, time lines are difficult to determine in Africa in relation to the European deposits and their faunas. It would seem that the correlation Calabrian = Villafran­chian has been misleading and there still exists a great deal of confUSIon in defining the boundaries in the ter­restrial deposits and in relating them to the marine sequence. A reevaluation of the nomenclature for the mammal­bearing sediments is clearly necessary.

by C. S. COON*"

Gloucester, Mass., U.S.A. 7 III 67

Emiliani's account of the history of of­ficial attemps to define the Plio-Pleis­tocene boundary is detailed, lucid, and useful. His discussion of the role of marine invertebrate faana in such dating is instructive. It surprises me a little to see Fontechevade, Swans­combe, and Steinheim dated at about 95,000 years, much younger than geo­logist's previous figures.

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH

The only part of this wellwritten paper on which I venture to go into details is that in which he relies on other people's conclusions. Here, if he is occasionally confused or even wrong, he has only fallen into a wide pit already inhabited, at one time or another, by almost everyone who has aimed at broad interdisciplinary cover­age.

He dates Australopithecus robustus first, Australopithecus africanus sec­ond, and "Homo erectus habilis" third in sequence, but where is his evidence? He postulates scattered pop­ulations of Homo erectus in Europe before the appearance Of Homo sa­piens, but no such animal has yet been found there. Vertesszolos II, with a cranial capacity reckoned at 1556 cc., is called by Thoma (1966 ) Homo (erectus seu !apiens) palaeohungaricus, and on size alone it is fully sapiens.

Emiliani uses the term Homo sapiens sapiens to designate all races of living men, although the term has priority as Linnaeus' trinominal for living Euro­peans. He further states that the pres­ence of " ... Steinheim, Swans combe, Ehringdorf, and Fontechevade point to Europe as the cradle of modern man." If he had said "the most ancient cradle of modern man," he might have been closer to the truth.

by MALCOLM F. FARMER*"

Whittier, Calif., U.S.A. 2 III 67

With the rapid accumulation of knowledge of the geological history of coastal regions and continental shelves, and of marine deposits in these regions and from the bottom of ocean basins as well as deposits from the formerly glaciated areas, it is becoming increa­singly clear that revision of concepts concerning the Pleistocene is in order. Emiliani's paper is a very welcome con­tribution, offering a report on pro­gress and some guidance for the fu­ture.

The concepts of glacial and inter­glacial appear to be under revision. The earth has not been free of ice since the Pliocene, .although the amounts and areas of ice accumulation have varied. Emiliani's suggestion of a re­semblance between the Pleistocene and the Permian offers perspective on the Pleistocene. The traditional view of that epoch reflects a kind of ethno­centrism which regards the present as a unique period, a time of climax, the time of the great mo(iern man, rather than just a point in 'a sequence. This has needed revision for a long time.

Emiliani suggests that during the Pleistocene, and perhaps earlier, pop­ulations became separated and isolat­ed and then in periods of "better" cli-

33

mate had an opportunity to be re- joined (hence the polytypic stock). Such populations were never separated long enough to have become so sharply differentiated as to prevent hybridiza- tion. Culture and the nature of learned behavior may have contributed to this situation in that behavioral pattern changes occured instead of ana- tomical changes, and differences in learned behavior patterns were not in- suarmountable as anatomical or phy- siological differences might have been.

The possibility that Australopithecus africanus served as a meal for A. ro- bustus is one on which studies of pri- mate behavior may throw some light.

With regard to the centers of de- velopment of the varieties of man during the Pleistocene, there may be four, perhaps five: eastern Africa, western Eurasia, northeastern central Eurasia, southeastern Eurasia, and per- haps west Africa. The southern margins of Eurasia and Africa appear as primary areas for early primates with Africa, western Eurasia, north- eastern central Eurasia, and south- eastern Eurasia all playing a part in the development of the primate, man.

Emiliani suggests that physiological and anatomical disadvantages, parti- cularly those which made it difficult to live in cold conditions, were in- volved in the extinction of Neander- thals. Invasion by people from outside the Neanderthal areas appears to have been part of the situation. Both su- periority of cultural achievement and differences in standards of physical at- tractiveness may have been involved. The new peoples may also have been more prolific. Perhaps the displace- ment of the Australian aborigines by Western Europeans may be a model for the Neanderthal situation.

by JOHN E. FRISCH*

Tokyo, Japan. 14 III 67

Emiliani's article is a very useful sum- mary of the many contributions for which he is known to all students of paleoanthropology. It helps particu- larly to understand on what points these students may sometimes disagree with him. Several such points arise in the second half of the article, where he attempts to apply his dating me- thod to human evolution:

1) It is assumed that man can be "defined as a primate capable of sys- tematically manufacturing tools." To my knowledge, no other living animal form has ever been defined taxonomi- cally by its behavior. Moreover, it should not be overlooked that the word "systematically," crucial for the proposed definition, is as likely to refer to a continuous variable such as, let us say, brain size, but is less sus- ceptible to exact measurement than the

latter trait. I have recently attempted a morphological definition of the genus Homo (Frisch 1965).

2) Inferring the capacity of making a comfortable living (under ordinary conditions) from the cranial capacity of Homo erectus would seem to imply an understanding of the connection between brain size and technological skill which I wish very much we had.

3) When the author says "European summers during the glacial ages were even colder than the European winters of today," one wonders what part of Europe he refers to. Does the statement hold both for the surroundings of Brno in central Europe and for those of the Guattari cave on Italy's Mediterranean shore? Can it be stated of the latter environment that "surviving a single glacial night must have been a very difficult task"?

4) Many palaeoanthropologists might feel unhappy at seeing the Steinheim, Swanscombe, Ehringsdorf, and Fon- techevade remains lumped together as "praesapiens" or "early sapiens" types.

The above questions are meant merely to stress how much prudence is called for in using the valuable data offered here by Emiliani for a better understanding of human evolution.

by ALEXANDER GALLUS*

Melbourne, Australia. 13 III 67

Biological evolutionary theory seems to have influenced scientific thinking in other disciplines only in a simplified form. Emiliani's paper is a case in point. His views on human evolution can be reduced to a few simple postu- lates:

1) Homo evolved in a single phy- logenetic lineage, each "taxon" re- presented by a single polytypic "stock" which succeeded the one preceding it in a "rather orderly" way.

Comment: The case has been argued convincingly for at least two synchro- nic, even sympatric hominids of at least species rank in the Early and Middle Pleistocene (Tobias 1965, 1966; Patterson 1965:42-43; Leakey 1965: 11, 106; Robinson 1963a:394; 1965b: 49). An ancestral Australopithecus robustus before A. africanus reverses relative dating (Tobias 1966), and there seems to be no proof that the "taxon" Homo erectus pekinensis is ancestral to Homo sapiens "praesa- piens." The phylogenetic succession from H. sapiens neanderthalensis to H. sapiens saptens is still very con- troversial (Brace 1964b; Pradel 1966). It seems premature to construct a phy- logenetic lineage of this sort until dif- ficulties are fully settled.

2) Species formation affecting Homo erectus and leading to H. sa- piens proceeded through isolation fol- lowing climatic changes after H.

erectus had spread to many parts of the globe. One small population evolved independently in isolation and spread to replace the original stock.

Comment: Species formation is by no means as simple as that. The factors involved are intricate and many (Huxley 1942). Some of the most im- portant problem complexes should be mentioned here:

a) long-range trends, like the de- velopment of the central nervous system in man, which requires con- stancy of some factor or factors and which occur in spite of change of en- vironment (Huxley 1942; Decker 1963; see also "canalisation," Fraser 1961).

b) constant factors influencing se- lection pressure, of which the prev- alence of aggressive competition within or between human species and "cul- ture" acting as a novel and constant environment are examples (Huxley 1942:128-30; Dobzhansky 1960; Brel- tinger 1961; Robinson 1965b:33). "Culture" is seen by Dobzhansky (1960:117) as a new factor in evolu- tion, arising with Homo:

T he pressure of natural selection has al- ways been exerted towards the maintenance and improvement of those genotypes which confer on their possessors the capacity to acquire, to use and to transmit culture.

This new type of evolution is in- fluenced by conscious choice or deci- sion ("freedom"); functional adapta- bility has much increased through conscious choice. Similar arguments have been put forward by Decker (1963), Strong (1953), Spuhler (1960), Debetz (1961), Kortlandt (1962), He- wes (1961), Weinert (1938:4-5, 29, 58- 61), Gallus (1953:57-61), Wasburn (1965:101), and Rendel (1959).

c) polymorphy and clines within Homo sapiens (Huxley 1942:208-9, 354), which presuppose non-interrup- tion of interbreeding.

d) foetalisation (Huxley 1942:527- 32).

3) Man had spread previous and be- came isolated during an Ice Age.

Comment: It is impossible at present to be dogmatic about the chronology of human migrations. In fact this ques- tion is in urgent need of attention and clarification.

4) Australopithecus africanus "may have" evolved by beginning to eat meat and by discovering the "imagina- tive use of tools" and hunting strategy.

Comment: This question has been argued in detail by Robinson (1963) and Hall (1963), the latter denying the critical significance of tool-use for the transition from ape to human form. I would like,here only to put in a plea for a deeper -penetration of the subject than Emiliani's. "To discover" means either "to detect" or "to invent." To "'detect" tool use is out of the question, for something can be de- tected only if it is pre-existent; thus the

34 CIJRRENT ANTHROP OLOGY

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

mate had an opportunity to be re­joined (hence the polytypic,stock). Such populations were never separated long enough to have become so sharply differentiated as to prevent hybridiza­tion. Culture and the nature of learned behavior may have contributed to this situation in that behavioral pattern changes occured instead of ana­tomical changes, and differences in learned behavior patterns were not in­surmountable as anatomical or phy­siological differences might have been.

The possibility that Australopithecus africanus served as a meal for A. ro­bustus is one on which studies of pri­mate behavior may throw some light.

With regard to the centers of de­velopment of the varieties of man during the Pleistocene, there may. be four, perhaps five: eastern Africa, western Eurasia, northeastern central Eurasia, southeastern Eurasia, and per­haps west Africa. The southern margins of Eurasia and Africa appear as primary areas for early primates with Africa, western Eurasia, north­eastern central Eurasia, and south­eastern Eurasia all playing a part in the development of the primate, man.

Emiliani suggests that physiological and anatomical disadvantages, parti­cularly those which made it difficult to live in cold conditions, were in­volved in the extinction of Neander­thals. Invasion by people from outside the Neanderthal areas appears to have been part of the situation. Both su­periority of cultural achievement and differences in standards of physical at­tractiveness may have been involved. The new peoples may also have been more prolific. Perhaps the displace­ment of the Australian aborigines by Western Europeans may be a model for the Neanderthal situation.

by JOHN E. FRISCH*"

Tokyo,. Japan. 14 III 67

Emiliani's article is a very useful sum­mary of the many contributions for which he is known to all students of paleoanthropology. It helps particu­larly to understand on what points these students may sometimes disagree with him. Several such points arise in the second half of the article, where he attempts to apply his dating me­thod to human evolution:

1) It is assumed that man can be "defined as a primate capable of sys­tematically manufacturing tools." To my knowledge, no other living animal form has ever been defined taxonomi­cally by its behavior., Moreover, it should not be overlooked that the word "systematically," crucial for the proposed definition, is as likely to refer tq a continuous variable such as, let us say, brain size, but is less sus­ceptible to exact measurement than the

34

latter trait. I have recently attempted a morphological definition of the genus Homo (Frisch 1965).

2) Inferring the capacity of making a comfortable living (under ordinary conditions) from the cranial capacity of Homo erectus would seem to imply an understanding of the connection between brain size and technological skill which I wish very much we had.

3) When the author says "European summers during the glacial ages were even colder than the European winters of today," one wonders what part of Europe he refers to. Does the statement hold both for the surroundings of Brno in central Europe and for those of the Guattari cave on Italy'S Mediterranean shore? Can it be stated of the latter environment that "surviving a single glacial night must have been a very difficult task"?

4) Many palaeoanthropologists might feel unhappy at seeing the Steinheim, Swanscombe, Ehringsdorf, and Fon­techevade remains lumped together as "pra.esapiens" or "early sapiens" types.

The above questions are meant merely to stress how much prudence is called for in using the valuable data offered here by Emiliani for a better understanding of human evolution.

by ALEXANDER GALLUS*"

Melbourne, Australia. 13 III 67

Biological evolutionary theory seems to have influenced scientific thinking in other disciplines only in a simplified form. Emiliani's paper is a case in point. His views on human evolution can be reduced to a few simple postu­lates:

1) Homo evolved in a single phy­logenetic lineage, each "taxon" re­presented by a single polytypic "stock" which succeeded the one preceding it in a "rather orderly" way.

Comment: The case has been argued convincingly for at least two synchro­nic, even sympatric hominids of at least species rank in the Early and Middle Pleistocene (Tobias 1965, 1966; Patterson 1965 :42-43; Leakey 1965: 11, 106; Robinson 1963a:394; 1965b: 49). An ancestral Australopithecus robustus before A. africanus reverses relative dating (Tobias 1966), and there seems to be no proof that the "taxon" Homo erectus pekinensis is ancestral to Homo sapiens "praesa­piens." The phylogenetic succession from H. sapiens neanderthalensis to H. sapiens sapiens is still very con­troversial (Brace 1964b; Pradel 1966). It seems premature to construct a phy­logenetic lineage of this sort until dif­ficulties are fully settled.

2) Species formation affecting Homo erectus and leading to H. sa­piens proceeded through isolation fol­lowing climatic changes after H.

erectus had spread to many parts of the globe. One small population evolved independently in isolation and spread to replace the original stock.

Comment: Species formation is by no means as simple as that. The factors involved are intricate and many (Huxley 1942). Some of the most im­portant problem complexes should be mentioned here:

a) long-range trends, like the de­velopment of the central nervous system in man, which requires con­stancy of some factor or factors and which occur in spite of change of en­vironment (Huxley 1942; Decker 1963; see also "canalisation," Fraser 1961).

b) constant factors influencing se­lection pressure, of which the prev­alence of aggressive competition within or between human species and "cul­ture" acting as' a novel and constant ~nvironment are examples (Huxley 1942:128-30; 'Dobzhansky 1960; Brei­tinger 1961; Robinson 1965b:33). "Culture" is seen by Dobzhansky (1960:117) as a new factor in evolu­tion, arising with Homo:

The pressure of natural selection has al­ways been exerted towards the maintenance and improvement of those genorypes which confer on their possessors the capacity to acquire, to use and to transmit culture.

This new type of evolution is in­fluenced by conscious choice or deci­sion ("freedom"); functional adapta­bility has much increased through conscious choice. Similar arguments have been put forward by Decker (1963), Strong (1953), Spuhler (1960), Debetz (1961), Kortlandt (1962), He­wes (1961), Weinert (1938:4-5, 29,58-61), Gallus (1953:57-61), Was burn (1965:101), and Rendel (1959).

c) polymorphy and clines within Homo sapiens (Huxley 1942 :208-9, 354), which presuppose non-interrup­tion of interbreeding.

d) /oetalisation (Huxley 1942 :527-32).

3) Man had spread previous and be­came isolated during an Ice Age.

Comment: It is impossible at present to be dogmatic about the chronology of human migrations. In fact this ques­tion is in urgent need of attention ane;! clarification.

4) Australopithecus africanus "may have" evolved by beginning to eat meat and by discovering the "imagina­tive use of tools" and hunting strategy.

Comment: This question has been argued in detail by Robinson (1963) and Hall (1963), the latter denying the critical significance of tool-use for the transition from ape to human form. I would like.here only to put in a plea for a deeper .penetration of the subject than Emiliani's. "To discover" means either "to detect" or "to invent." To '''detect'' tool use is out of the question, for something can be de­tected only if it is pre-existent; thus the

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH meaning of "to discover" is here "to invent," and the real problem is whether or not cultural innovation de- pending on abstract thinking (i.e., "in- vention" or "choice" of a certain new type of adaptive behavior) was an im- portant factor in human evolution (Ascher 1965:48, Dobzhansky 1965: 64).

Emiliani's treatment of the relative and absolute chronology of climatic events is lucid, but his comment's on human evolution are unsatisfactory in that they are based on a simplified version of evolutionary theory. It 'is necessary to take into consideration the effects of human behavior on adaptation and selection pressure and thus on evolution (De Vore 1965). It is further necessary to take into con- sideration all possible biological factors which have been analysed by evolu- tionists. Human evolution is surely complex, and one cannot even assume that the variables involved remained the same throughout the Pleistocene. Finally, I question whether "isolation as a result of climatic change" was really a dominant factor of species formation in Homo erectus and H. sapiens times, rather than one which had only a modifying or disturbing effect on other, much more important, factors in the evolution of Man.

by M. GIGOUT*

Orleans, France. 11 III 67

Emiliani will forgive me for empha- sizing only the points on which I am not completely in agreement with him. It is difficult for me to follow him when he identifies some 20 glaciations in the last million years. Of course, glaciations and pluvials are subdivided by interstadials with warmer climates; but the interlocking of glacial and plu- vial formations and of littorals of glacio-eustatic origin certainly seems to lilnit the major climatic episodes to five or six (Gigout 1965; Choubert, Joly, Gigout, Marcais, Margat, and Raynal 1956; Fisk and McFarlan 1955; and Bernard, Leblanc, and Ma- jor 1962). Even if we count the sub- divisions of glaciations, we arrive at only a dozen stages (Venzo 1964).

The equivalence Wiirm = Wisconsin cannot be considered as established. The Wisconsin is often double, and some authors attach it to the Riss + Wiirm group (Richmond 1965).

For my part, I will defend the unique- ness of the Quaternary. It is well- known that it is n6t comparable in duration to other eras; but it has its own particular methods of study, dif- ferent from those of the Tertiary, e.g., morphology, stratigraphy, prehistory, palaeopedology, etc. This is what makes a crossroads of the Quaternary. There are Quaternarists; there are no "Ter- tiarists."

by R. DALE GIVENS*

San Antonio, Texas, U.S.A. 8 III 67

It is gratifying to know that geologists and palaeontologists are moving closer to an adequate chronolgy of the Plei- stocene and before. It is also gratifying to find support for the "we are still in the Pleistocene" idea; a number of us have long felt this to be the case. However, a number of questionable in- terpretations appear in the latter half of Emiliani's article. The statement that it would not be surprising to find the genus Homo dating from well back into the Pliocene is presumably based on the Olduvai Gorge material which Leakey calls Homo habilis. Designating this form as Homo, however, seems completely unjustified on present evidence, since the characteristics re- ported to date fall within the range of variations we can expect for Au- stralopithecus and certainly closer to the latter than to any definite Homo -erectus or any other. Thus it is very unlikely that this genus will ever be dated back into the Pliocene.

Classifying Fontechevade and Swanscombe either as a sapiens sub- species or as "praesapiens" is unwar- ranted at present, especially since it implies ancestry to the later H. sapiens sapiens to the exclusion of other types. It seems more reasonable to look at them and Steinheim, etc., as belonging to an early and variable group of H. sapiens that were ancestral in general to later types.

Emiliani's suggested sequence of fos- sil types in a phylogenetic lineage would also be strengthened if subspe- cies were ignored. And again we are presented with two equations-A. robustus = vegetarian and A. africa- nus = carnivore (or at least omnivore) -for which there is not as yet ade- quate evidence.

by ROGER T. GRANGE, JR.*

Tampa, Fla., U.S.A. 16 III 67

CA review articles frequently offer to students a striking illustration of the complexities which usually underlie the seemingly simple textbook state- ment. They can also be stimulating for the professional scholar. Emiliani's summary of the problems of pleisto- cene dating is just such a review.

The latter part of the article is sure to produce considerable confusion in its use of such classifications as Homo erectuws habilis. This seems particularly objectionable in view of the fact that even the term Homo habilis is open to serious question (LeGros Clark 1967: 116).

The hypothesis Emiliani advances concerning the morphological sequence

of fossil men is an interesting one despite the disagreements which are sure to arise over his terminology. The expert discussion this hypothesis will certainly evoke should produce a valu- able review of the issues, and this, after all, is the way we advance our knowledge.

by JAMES J. HESTER*

Bethesda, Md., U.S.A. 11 III 67

This paper by Emiliani represents, in my opinion, an outstanding contribu- tion to the study of human ecology during the Pleistocene. He is definitely on the right course in his attempt to correlate environmental changes with the evolution of man. The fact that the Pleistocene was a period of extreme climatic stress undoubtedly served to isolate populations and to affect in general their evolution in the manner he outlines. However, when we pro- ceed to specific details of this problem we lack much critical data. Of special importance to understanding the fate of the Neanderthals, for example, would -be the collection of pollen and other types of environmental data from their occupation sites or from temporally correlated continental de- posits. Also of importance would be more detailed studies of the cultural means by which the Neanderthals coped with the climatic stresses of the Pleistocene. Such studies might support Emiliani's inferences as to the nature of the European continental climate based on the deep-sea core data or, on the other hand, might bring about some revision of these inferences.

I agree with the methods that Emi- liani has employed in reconstructing continental climate from pelagic fora- minifera and littoral marine shells.

Further, I believe that the climatic shifts during the Pleistocene were re- gular and worldwide and that it should therefore be feasible to make climatic generalizations. The only pro- blem I perceive is that his reconstruc- tion is of a climate so severe that it must have provided an extreme test of human survival capability. Before we can accept this reconstruction, we must seek supporting evdience from the hu- man occupation sites in question.

by RALPH L. HOLLOWAY, JR.*

New York, N.Y., U.S.A. 1 iii 67

I will limit my remarks to the palaeo- anthropological portions of this paper, because here a number of confusions concerning taxonomy have led Emi- liani to speculate unduly under the guise.of modern knowledge about spe- ciation and evolution. I think that

Vol. 9 . No. 1 . Febrzary 1968 35

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

meaning of "to dis)::over" is here "to invent," and the real problem is whether or not cultural innovation de­pending on a,bstract thinking (i.e., "in­vention" or "choice" of a certain new type of adaptive behavior) was an im­portant factor in human evolution (Ascher 1965 :48, Dobzhansky 1965: 64).

Emiliani's treatment of the relative and absolute chronology of climatic events is lucid, but his comment's on human evolution are unsatisfactory in that they are based on a simplified version of evolutionary theory. It 'is necessary to take into consideration the effects of human behavior on adaptation and selection pressure and thus on evolution (De Vore 1965). It is further necessary to take into con­sideration all possible biological factors which have been analysed by evolu­tionists. Human evolution is surely complex, and one cannot even assume that the variables involved remained the same throughout the Pleistocene. Finally, I question whether "isolation as a result of climatic change" was really a dominant factor of species formation in Homo erectus and H. sapiens times, rather than one which had only a modifying or disturbing effect on other, much more important, factors in the evolution of Man.

by M. GIGOUT*"

Orleans, France. 11 III 67

Emiliani will forgive me for empha­sizing only the points on which I am not completely in agreement with him. It is difficult for me to follow him when he identifies some 20 glaciations in the last million years. Of course, glaciations and pluvials are subdivided by interstadials with warmer climates; but the interlocking of glacial and plu­vial formations and of littorals of glacio-eustatic origin certainly seems to liJUit the major climatic episodes to five, or six (Gigout 1965; Choubert, loly, Gigout, Marcais, Margat, and

,Raynal 1956; Fisk and McFarlan 1955; and Bernard, Leblanc, and Ma­jor 1962). Even if we count the sub­divisions of glaciations, we arrive at only a dozen stages (Venzo 1964).

The equivalence Wiirm = Wisconsin cannot be considered as established. The Wisconsin is often double, and some authors attach it to the Riss + Wiirm group (Richmond 1965).

For my part, I will defend the unique­ness of the Quaternary. It is well­known that it is n6t comparable in duration to other eras; but it has its own particular methods of study, dif­ferent from those of the Tertiary, e.g., morphology, stratigraphy, prehistory, palaeopedology, etc. This is what makes a crossroads of the Quaternary. There are Quaternarists; there are no "Ter­tiarists."

Vol. 9. No.1. February 1968

by R. DALE GIVENS*"

San Antonto, Texas, U.S.A. 8 III 67

It is gratifying to know that geologists and palaeontologists are moving closer to an adequate chronolgy of the Plei­stocene and before. It is also gratifying to find support for the "we are still in the Pleistocene" idea; a number of us have long felt this to be the case. However, a number of questionable in­terpretatiQns appear in the latter half of Emiliani's article. The statement that it would not be surprising to find the genus Homo dating from well back into the Pliocene is presumably based on the Olduvai Gorge material which Leakey calls Homo habilis. Designating this form as Homo, however, seems completely unjustified on present evidence, since the characteristics re­ported to date fall within the range of variations we can expect for Au­stralopithecus and certainly closer to the latter than to any definite Homo -erectus or any other. Thus it is very unlikely that this &e.nus will ever be dated back into the ll1Iliocene.

Classifying Fontechevade and Swans combe either as a sapiens sub­species or as "praesapiens" is unwar­ranted at present, especially since it implies ancestry to the later H. sapiens sapiens to the exclusion of other types. It seems more reasonable to look at them and Steinheim, etc., as belonging to an early and variable group of H. sapiens that were ancestral in' general to later types.

Emiliani's suggested sequence of fos­sil types in a phylogenetic lineage would also be strengthened if subspe­cies were ignored. And again we are presented with two equations-A. robustus = vegetarian and A. africa­nus = carnivore (or at least omnivore) -for which there is not as yet ade­quate evidence.

by ROGER T. GRANGE, JR.*"

Tampa, Fla., U.S.A. 16 III 67

CA review articles frequently offer to students a striking illustration of the complexities which usually underlie the seemingly simple textbook state­ment. They can also be stimulating for the professional scholar. Emiliani's summary of the problems of pleisto­cene dating is just such a review.

The latter part of the article is sure to produce considerable confusion in its use of such classifications as Homo erectus habilis. This seems particularly objectionable in view of the fact that even the term Homo habilis is open. to serious question (LeGros Clark 1967: 116).

The hypothesis Emiliani advances concerning the morphological sequence

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH

of fossil men is an interesting one despite the disagreements which: are sure to arise over his terminology. The expert discussion this hypothesis will certainly evoke should produce a valu­able review of the issues, and this, after all, is the way we advance our knowledge.

by JAMES J. HESTER*"

Bethesda, Md., U.S.A. 11 III 67

This paper by Emiliani represents, in my opinion, an outstanding contribu­tion to the study of human ecology during the Pleistocene. He is definitely on the right course in his attempt to correlate environmental changes with the evolution of man. The fact that the Pleistocene was a period of extreme climatic stress undoubtedly served to isolate populations and to affect in general their evolution in the manner he outlines. However, when we pro­ceed to specific details of this problem we lack much critical data. Of special importance to understanding the fate of the Neanderthals, for example, would -be the collection of pollen and other types of environmental data from their occupation sites or from temporally correlated continental de­posits. Also of importance would be more detailed studies of the cultural means by which the Neanderthals coped with the climatic stresses of the Pleistocene. Such studies might support Emiliani's inferences as to the nature of the European continental climate based on the deep-sea core data or, on the other hand, might bring about some revision of these inferences.

I agree with the methods that Emi­liani has employed in reconstructing continental climate from pelagic fora­minifera and littoral marine shells.

Further, I believe that the climatic shifts during the Pleistocene were re­gular and worldwide and that it should therefore be feasible to make climatic generalizations. The only pro­blem I perceive is that his reconstruc­tion is of a climate so severe that it must have provided an extreme test of human survival capability. Before we can accept this reconstruction, we must seek supporting evdience from the hu­man occupation sites in question.

by RALPH L. HOLLOWAY, JR.*'

New York, N.Y., U.S.A. 1 III 67

I will limit my remarks to the palaeo­anthropological portions of this paper, because here a number of confusions concerning taxonomy have led Emi­liani to speculate unduly under the guise .of modern knowledge about spe­ciation and evolution. I think that

35

much of the speculation and the inter- pretation of deep-sea cores for Pleisto- cene environments follows from his un- critical acceptance of certain taxono- mic rubrics. The K40/A40 date of 1.75 X 106 years at Olduvai Gorge, Bed I, relates to the Australopithecine group. I fail to see the logic behind his state- ment that it will come as no great sur- prise to find the genus Homo "well back into the Pliocene." Emiliani ac- cepts without question a number of dubious sequences and taxonomic la- bels for the early hominid fragments. "Homo habilis," at least those report- ed for Bed I, may not be significantly different from Australopithecus afri- canus, in spite of the proclamations based on such low-valence attributes as cranial capacities, tooth dimensions, or various post-cranial fragments. Simi- larly, the sequence of A. robust6s, A. afrzcanus, etc., is based on a sort of ecological logic and not on empirical evidence that allows only a single in- terpretation. The South African evid- ence clearly reverses the sequence, and Olduvai Gorge can be interpreted in the same manner if one assumes that "pre-Zinj" is actually A. africanus.

I find myself intrigued by the sug- gestion that the "pre-Australopithecus evolutionary step which led to bipedal posture is likely to have been selec- tive..." (are not all "steps" by defi- nition adaptive?); but bipedal posture can hardly in itself have led to improv- ed perception or communication, and one wonders where the evidence is that "in other animals, an increase in the length of the neck has served the same purpose." Similarly, the acquisition of meat-eating by the africanus taxon is seen as a reason for africanus' evolving from robustus groups. Next, cannibal- ism is offered as an important dynamic in the development of the imaginative use of tools and strategies for getting a good hominid meal; but no attempt is made to weigh the possibilities of ob- taining enough protein without prey- ing on other hominids: e.g., scavenging, cooperative hunting; hunting of imma- ture animals, etc.

Were Homo erectus groups "under the severe environmental stress of major glaciations" in Java, North Africa, East Africa, and China? And is there any evidence for Emiliani's assertion for that European summers were colder than present European win- ters? The evidence from deep-sea cores, at least from the Caribbean and Equa- torial Africa, suggests, according to Emiliani, an amplitude of 6-7? C. Does this tally with the above claim? Can the flow of colder waters from melting ice masses and their effects on forami- nifera tell us about the rigors of con- 'tinental life in areas where Homo erectus and subsequent finds existed?

The latter part of Emiliani's paper suggests to me a reversion tO Certain

environmental theories (e.g., Hunting- ton's) about the evolution of the brain, behavior, cold weather, and modern man. I gather from Emiliani's com- ments that only in Europe, with the rigors of glaciers, do the "capable brain and consummate skills" develop which lead to such "clear-cut early sapiens" types as Steinheim, Swans- combe, etc. "Europe as the cradle of modern man" seems like an unfortu- nate way to characterize the complexi- ties of hominid evolution. According to Emiliani's logic, the rigors of Euro- pean summers and drastic winters should have led to better-adapted groups than arthritic, sinusitis-suf- fering, flu-ridden Neanderthals. We know so little about populations of hominids that it is pointless to claim that one group had a particular sensi- tivity to arthritis or any other malady. Neanderthals apparently adapted to a wide number of ecological conditions (Europe, Middle East, Far East, East and South Africa) and were replac- ed (?) or evolved into sapiens sapiens types in many places.

I am frankly mystified about the purpose of this paper. Is it to offer a number of speculations about the dynamics of early hominid evolution, or to provide evidence regarding the environments of the early hominids, or to show that deep-sea cores are of value in talking about the other two questions? As far as I can tell, Emi- liani has succeeded only with respect to the first question. The taxonomic distinctions he uses are particularly open to criticism, and I find no con- vincing arguments to support his spe- culations.

by W. W. HOWELLS*

Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 20 III 67

To one outside the field, the first part of this paper is an informative treat- ment of the dating of marine deposits and their correlation with late Pleisto- cene events; what seems especially in- teresting is the uniformity in am- plitude, and to an extent in duration, of the temperature cycles. Emiliani is duly conservative about absolute dates for the earlier glacial phases; I wish he might go in for more discussion of the results of other dating methods and their mutual reconciliation.

I do not see the obvious connection of the second part of the paper with the first. Here Emiliani is decidedly less cautious than before, occasionally landing in a terminological swamp: we have a subspecies (Homo sapiens sa- piens) "speciating" and subspecies of sapiens being manufactured from Homo erectufs. It seems likely that the anthropologists, while deriding older blunders in nomenclature may be get- ting into new difficulties by being

overspecific in trying to name in a systematically correct way, what are really very small samples of fossil hominids. None of this actually hides Emiliani's substantive suggestion- which I think is probably right-that successive forms of hominids arose primarily from some fraction of the preceding form, not from its totality.

by KENNETH A. R. KENNEDY*

Ithaca, N.Y., U.S.A. 14 III 67

In his endeavor to relate the climatic history of the Pliocene and Pleistocene epochs to hominid evolution, Emiliani puts forward two ideas suggested a century ago when the case for early man was argued from the evidence of a few fossils from sites in France, Bel- gium, and Germany: (1) modern-type man (Homo sapiens) evolved in Eu- rope out of a more primitive human stock which had its origins in Africa; (2) Neanderthal Man, an early oc- cupant of the European cradle of modern man, met extinction with the debut of sapient humanity.

With regard to the first idea, I doubt that the European fossil record is sufficiently well understood to sup- port the contention that

While the fossil finds of Australopithecus and Homo erectus point to Africa as the cradle of the early Homininae, the finds of such "prae-sapiens" or early sapiens types as Steinheim, Swanscombe, Ehringsdorf, and Fontechevade point to Europe as the cradle of modern man.

Granted that the antiquity of Euro- pean fossil hominids is somewhat more certain than the ages of human 'remains in other parts of the Old World, the fact remains that the bony traces of Homo sapiens have been recovered from Pleistocene deposits in Siberia, China, Borneo, the Sudan, and South Africa. Does this theory assume that all non-European or non-Western Asiatic sapiens form fossil hominids are the vestiges of a Pleistocene dispersal out of the northwest corner of the Old World?

In the days when it was still accept- able to refer to Neanderthal Man as representative of a species other than sapiens, the problem of his extinction was interpreted in terms of superior power in warfare and intellect on the part of the Cro-Magnon successors. Emiliani's suggestion that the Neander- thals' demise might be related to phy- siological disadvantages, particularly osteoarthritic and respiratory maladies, is provocative. But if the Neander- thals were cold-adapted in their peri- glacial milieu, a climatic situation that they appear to have borne through several millenia, it seems curious that their disappearance is explicable by a sudden ineffectiveness of such a favor-

36 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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mucli of the speculation and'the inter­pretation of deep-sea cores for Pleisto­cene environments follows from his un­critical acceptance of certain taxono­mic rubrics. The K 40j A40 date of 1.75 X 106 years at Olduvai Gorge, Bed I, relates to the Australopithecine group. I fail to see the logic behind his state­ment that it will come as no great sur­prise to find the genus Homo "well back into the Pliocene." Emiliani ac­cepts without question a number of dubious sequences and taxonomic la­~els for the early hominid, fragments. "H omo habilis," at least those report­ed for Bed I, may not be significantly different from Australopithecus afri­canus, in spite of the proclamations based on such low-valence attributes as cranial capacities, tooth dimensions, or v;:trious post-cranial fragments. Simi­larly, the sequence of A. robuotus, A. africanus, etc., is based on a sort of ecological logic and not on empirical evidence that allows only a single in­terpretation. The South African evid­ence clearly reverses the sequence, and Olduvai Gorge can be interpreted in the same manner if one assumes that "pre-Zinj" is actually A. africanus.

I find myself intrigued by the sug­gestion that the "pre-Australopithecus evolutionary step which led to bipedal posture is likely to have been selec­tive ... " (are not all "steps" by defi­nition adaptive?); but bipedal posture can hardly in itself have led to improv­ed perception or communication, and one wonders where the evidence is that "in other animals, an increase in the length of the neck has served the same purpose." Similarly, the acquisition of meat-eating by the africanus taxon is seen as a reason for africanus' evolving from robustus groups. Next, cannibal­ism is offered as an important dynamic in the development of the imaginative use of tools and strategies for getting a good hominid meal; but no attempt is made to weigh the possibilities of ob­taining enough protein without prey­ing on other hominids: e.g., scavenging, cooperative hunting; hunting of imma­ture animals, etc.

Were Homo erectus groups "under the severe environmental stress of major glaciations" in Java, North Africa, East Africa, and China? And is there any evidence for Emiliani's assertion for that European summers were colder than present European win­ters? The evidence from deep-sea cores, at least from the Caribbean and Equ~­torial Africa, suggests, according to Emiliani, an amplitude of 6_70 C. Does this tally with the above claim? Can the flow of colder waters from melting ice masses and their effects on forami­nifera tell us about the rigors of con­,tinental life in areas where Homo erectus and subsequent finds existed?

The latter part of Emiliani's paper suggests to me a reversion to certain

36

environmental theories (e.g., Hunting­ton's) about the evolution of the brain, behavior, cold weather, and modern man. I gather from Emiliani's com­ments that only in Europe, with the rigors of glaciers, do the "capable brain and consummate skills" develop which lead to such "clear-cut early sapiens" types as Steinheim, Swans­combe, etc. "Europe as the cradle of modern man" seems like an unfortu­nate way to characterize the complexi­ties of hominid evolution. According to Emiliani's logic, the rigors of Euro­pean summers and drastic winters should have led to better-adapted groups than arthritic, sinusitis-suf­fering, flu-ridden Neanderthals. We know so little about populations of hominids that it is pointless to claim that one group had' a particular sensi­tivity to arthritis or any other malady. Neanderthals apparently adapted to a wide number of ecological conditions (Europe, Middle East, Far East, East and South Africa) and were replac­ed (?) or evolved into sapiens sapiens types in many places.

I am frankly mystified about the purpose of this paper. Is it to offer a number of speculations about the dynamics of early hominid evolution, or to provide evidence regarding the environments of the early hominids, or to show that deep-sea cores are of value in talking about the other two questions? As far as I can tell, Emi­liani has succeeded only with respect to the first question. The taxonomic distinctions he uses are particularly open to criticism, and I find no con­vincing arguments to support his spe­culations.

by W. W. HOWELLS*'

Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 20 III 67

To one outside the field, the first part of this paper is an informative treat­ment of the dating of marine deposits and their correlation with late Pleisto­cene events; what seems especially in­teresting is the uniformity in am­plitude, and to an extent in duration, of the temperature cycles. Emiliani is duly conservative about absolute dates for the earlier glacial phases; I wish he might go in for more discussion of the results of other dating methods and their mutual reconciliation.

I do not see the obvious connection of the second part of the paper with the first. Here Emiliani is decidedly less cautious than before, occasionally landing in a terminological swamp: we have a s.ubspecies (Homo sapiens sa­pi ens) "speciating" and subspecies of sapiens being manufactured from Homo erectus. It seems likely that the anthropologists, while deriding older blunders in nomenclature may be get­ting into new difficulties by being

overspecific in trying to name in a systematically correct way, what are really very small samples of fossil hominids. None of this actually hides Emiliani's substantive suggestion­which I think is probably right-that successive forms of hominids arose primarily from some fraction of the preceding form, not from its totality.

by KENNETH A. R. KENNEDY*'

Ithaca, N. Y., U.S.A. 14 III 67

In his endeavor to relate the climatic history of the Pliocene and Pleistocene epochs to hominid evolution, Emiliani puts forward two ideas suggested a century ago when the case for early man was argued from the evidence of a few fossils from sites in France, Bel­gium, and Germany: (1) modern-type man (Homo sapiens) evolved in Eu­rope out of a more primitive human stock which had its origins in Africa; (2) Neanderthal Man, an early oc­cupant of the, European cradle of modern man, met extinction with the debut of sapient humanity.

With regard to the first idea, I doubt that the European fossil record is sufficiently well understood to sup­port the contention that

While the fossil finds of Australopithecus and Homo erectus point to Africa as the cradle of the early Homininae, the finds of such "prae-sapiens" or early sapiens types as Steinheim, Swanscombe, Ehringsdorf, and Fontechevade point to Europe as the cradle of modern man.

Granted that the antiquity of Euro­pean fossil hominids is somewhat more certain than the ages of human "remains in other parts of the Old World, the fact remains that the bony traces of Homo sapiens have been recovered from Pleistocene deposits in Siberia, China, Borneo, the Sudan, and South Africa. Does this theory assume that all non-European or non-Western Asiatic sapiens form fossil hom in ids are the vestiges of a Pleistocene dispersal out of the northwest corner of the Old World?

In the days when it was still accept­able to refer to Neanderthal Man as representative of a species other than sapiens, the problem of his extinction was interpreted in terms of superior power in warfare and intellect on the part of the Cro-Magnon successors. Emiliani's suggestion that the Neander­thals' demise might be related to phy­siological disadvantages, particularly osteoarthritic and re'Spiratory maladies, is provocative. But if the Neander:-, thals were cold-adapted in their peri­glacial milieu, a climatic situation that they appear to have borne through several millenia, it seems curious that their disappearance is explicable by a sudden ineffectiveness of such a favor-

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

PROBABLE PARALE.LISATION WIT34 WOLOSTET CURVE 11966)1 | I OLOCENE W R M C W E I C H S E L E E M R I S S II t WART 1 E TENTATIVE ABSOLUTE OATlNG Wl.TERt l"SOLAt10 C'U"RCEA YEARSBP ? ? 1035 32 13 152 3 27 CYCL.ES Or FIRST tA-I) ANO SECONO 3 1-3) ORDER C A 8 3 2 1 C3 C2 t 9 C j3 171 'ESOILS SEt&UE S I OECALI IROWN E- 9 ? SOL SOIN' CT O R IP \ T

ACUMLAE ESSERE TUCNSSSAE _MM

I R I SS I 1 RENTU4E ) j 4OLSTEIN 11-ll) | MINOEL t ELSTER ) II I_ | MINOEL E ELSTER )I CROM E R G G0 N Z t MENAP ) i WAAL I DONAU 1EtzURON ) T I G LI U M I t |-

0 243 271 485 5M 602 7-26 3 f 3 962

C 0| 03 27133~333 O3323C93333 - 2 3 3 F 3 FF 23 F I G 3 ! 3- G 2 GI | 3 | 2 U j 03 02 Di 3? E2 _3 A-03 i 2 3

_81. LATRNTV Pos-eto uv ftePau n ro aes. TheN OF X ordinat represent FAUN ATere thicknes SofL Lolo edmn C ees

13E 333331333333 3,I N-3 -

changes from mainly cold to mainly warm. Each soil recorded is identified by the cycle to which it belongs and by a letter (e.g.,` _1)1 C14 dates are all from Vestonice (Kuklaand Kli'ma196t1).Warm forestmalacofaunas are found buried in Ca-horizons of lessive soils (Lovzek 1964). Absolute chronology is based on comparison with the winter insolation curve for 55?N latitude (cf. Figs. 2 and 3). Cyclical division is according to Kukla (1961).

able adaptation. To be sure, cases of osteoarthritis occur in the fossil series from Krapina, La Ferarssie, La Quina, and La Chapelle-aux-Saints; but rheu- matic diseases also occurred among the Cro-Magnon population as well as in later Mesolithic and Neolithic com- munities in Europe, and osteoarthritis has been identified in such Pleistocene mammals as Bos primigenius and the cave bear. If the Neanderthals dis- appeared in the dramatic fashion so often described, the causes may reside ir factors which leave no trace in the fossil record: the capability of the Cro-Magnon peoples to form socially cohesive units with a slightly higher margin of efficiency and success than could be realized in the social tradi- tions of Neanderthals. More effective methods of communication and co- operation between individuals of a social unit may be of critical adaptive importance in the competition for food in an area undergoing climatic and biotic changes during and between glacial optima. While the case for ex- tinction by physiological disability cannot be ruled out, the morphology of the large sinus cavities of Neander- thal Man and the incidence of rheu- matic disease recorded in his fossil re- mains cannot in themselves stand as evidence for extinction by flu and other ailments popularly associated with life in a cold climate.

by J. KUKLA*

Prague, Czechoslovakia. 17 v 67

Emiliani's newly adjusted Q18/016 tem- perature curve is welcome. The placing of the Kotzebuan peak at 170,000 years encourages comparisons with events of continental glaciations. However I am still skeptical of many isotope dates from sea cores for the period between 70,000 and 300,000 years because .so little is known of the geochemistry of the ocean floor. The Recent-Pelukian

section of Emiliani's curve shows close resemblance to the Pelukian-Kotzebuan division, where the same number of minor temperature cycles seem to be registered. Each division may easily be considered to some periodic climatic variation causing glacials and intergla- cials.

A loess-section curve recently con- structed after detailed studies of a number of well-preserved loess and sol's sections resting on river terraces of the Bohemian massif may be of par- ticular interest in this connection. Sed- imentation pockets filled with richly divided strata, including palaeontologi- cally evidenced interglacials, show the same sequence of sedimentation and pedogenesis in two areas 200 kilo- meters apart (Kukla, Lozek, and Za6- ruba 1961). The sequences recorded must therefore reflect wide-range cli- matic changes rather than local sedi- mentation conditions. Carbon-14 dates from Vestonice fix chronologically the more recent part of the loess curve (Kukla and Klf ma 1961). (Sample Gro 2105 has recently been re-dated by Vogel [personal- communication to Kli'ma] at more than 34,000 years B.P. instead of the 52,000 years origi- nally reported.) Sequences of clearly different ages show surprisingly close correspondence. This observation has led to the definition of sedimentation cycles of first and second order (Kukla 1961). Six first-order cycles, each of them representing the timespan of one glacial and one interglacial, were originally described (Kukla and Lozek 1961). Today much new evidence is available, demonstrating the existence of eight cycles below the Holocene at the principal site of Cerveny kopec. Almost completely developed soils and loess sequences C to I underlie the in- completely preserved soils of cycle B. Two pedocomplexes below PK V, cycle D, each corresponding to one first-order cycle, have recently been discovered. Drilling has shown that

soils of the Stranska skala locality, 6.5 km east of Cerveny kopec, which con- tain a rich Biharian fauna (Lozek and Fejfar 1957), must, because of their relations to terraces, be younger than cycle I and older than cycle D. Soil- development comparison has placed them equivalent to cycle E or F (Kukla, unpublished). A closer fix is expected to be obtained in the future by petro- graphical methods.

The loess-section curve (Fig. 1) shows the observed sequences of soils and sediments in the best-preserved sections of Bohemia and Moravia. Whereas sediments of cycles I to E have been studied only at Cerveny. kopec, the well-developed cycle D is known from six sites, cycle C from twelve sites, and cycle B from several.

The curve is tentatively dated on an absolute time scale based on the Croll- Milankovich theory of changes in the earth's orbit but using for dating the changes in insolation in the Northern Hemisphere in the winter, rather than the summer, half-year. This point should be explained in more detail.

An attempt was originally made to apply either the Milankovich (1941) or the Brouwer and van Woerkom (1953) summer half-year insolation curves to the data, but no logical parallel appeared for the most recent, C14-dated part of the loess-section curve. The primarily cold period be- tween 30,000 and 65,000 years B.P. cannot be explained in terms of any reasonable response time (Broecker 1965). Nevertheless, it is obvious that the cyclical repetition of loess and soils must have been caused by some astronomical factor. Two possibilities remain: either it is the Southern He- misphere that determinates world cli- mate-which can hardly be accepted- or it is not the summer half of the year, but the winter one, that plays the decisive role.

So, using Milankovich's (1941) table XXV (calculated for every five milen-

Vol. 9 . No. 1 . February 1968

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

PROBABLE ::::~~L2~~~'~Gwl~r&~':~~~~~~~:R6s6:): t! ~~"~~'"~~~5~=:P:=;=:;:t=::=~W '~'~M~'"~'~"~"'~"~'=:£=::i~'~';M~116~==~~~'~~~5A2R~,"~'~'=:=:i::c3E~~=~:=-':E tY fiRST lA-II DRDER C t-.;\\ %

:~i!I------=~~~;====*-I

FIG. 1. Loess-section curve of the Prague and Brno areas. The "x" ordinate represents the observed thickness of soil or sediment in meters; the "y" ordinate represents the types of soil or sediment in the order in which they are supposed to' succeed each other as the climate changes from mainly cold to mainly warm. Each soil recorded is identified by the cycle to which it belongs and by a letter (e.g., ~_"). 0 4

<lates are all from Vestonice (Kukla and Klima 1961). Warm forest malacofaunas are found buried in Ca-horizons of lessive soils (Lozek 1964). Absolute chronology is based on comparison with the winter insolation curve for 55°N latitude (d. Figs. 2 and 3). Cyclical division is according to Kukla (1961).

able adaptation. To be sure, cases of osteoarthritis occur in the fossil series from Krapina, La Ferarssie, La Quina, and La Chapelle-aux-Saints; but rheu­matic diseases also occurred among the Cro-Magnon population as well as in later Mesolithic and Neolithic com­munities in Europe, and osteoarthritis has been identified in such Pleistocene mammals as Bos primigenius and the cave bear. If the Neanderthals dis­appeared in the dramatic fashion so often described, the causes may reside in factors which leave no trace in the fossil record: the capability of the Cro-Magnon peoples to form socially cohesive units with a slightly higher margin of efficiency and success than could be realized in the social tradi­tions of Neanderthals. More effective methods of communication and co­operation between individuals of a social unit may be of critical adaptive importance in the competition for food in an area undergoing climatic and biotic changes during and between glacial optima. While the case for ex­tinction by physiological disability cannot be ruled out, the morphology of the large sinus cavities of Neander­thal Man and the incidence of rheu­matic disease recorded in his fossil re­mains cannot in themselves stand as evidence for extinction by flu and other ailments popularly associated with life in a cold climate.

by J. KUKLA*"

Prague, Czechoslovakia. 17 v 67

Emiliani's newly adjusted 018/0 16 tem­perature curve is welcome. The placing of the Kotzebuan peak at 170,000 years encourages comparisons with events of continental glaciations. However I am still skeptical of many isotope dates from sea cores for the p'eriod between 70,000 and 300,000 years because .so little is known of the geochemistry of the ocean floor. The Recent-Pelukian

Vol. 9 . No.1. February 1968

section of Emiliani's curve shows close resemblance to the Pelukian-Kotzebuan division, where the same number of minor temperature cycles seem to be registered. Each division may easily be considered to some periodic climatic variation causing glacials and intergla­cials.

A loess-section curve recently con­structed after detailed' studies of a number of well-preserved loess and soils sections resting on river terraces of the Bohemian massif may be of par­ticular interest in this connection. Sed­imentation pockets filled with richly divided strata, including palaeontologi­cally evidenced interglacials, show the same sequence of sedimentation and pedogenesis in two areas 200 kilo­meters apart (Kukla, Lozek, and Za­ruba 1961). The sequences recorded must therefore reflect wide-range cli­matic changes rather than local sedi­mentation conditions. Carbon-14 dates from Vestonice fix chronologically the more recent part of the loess curve (Kukla and KHma 1961). (Sample Gro 2105 has recenJI y been re-dated by Vogel [personal - communication to KHma] at more than 34,000 years B.P. instead of the 52,000 years origi­nally reported.) Sequences of clearly different ages show surprisingly close correspondence. This observation has led to the definition of sedimentation cycles of first and second order (Kukla 1961). Six first-order cycles, each of them representing the timespan of one glacial and one interglacial, were originally described (Kukla and Lozek 1961) . Today much new evidence is available, demonstrating the existence of eight cycles below the Holocene at the principal site of Cerveny kopec. Almost completely developed soils and loess sequences C to I underlie the in­completely preserved soils of cycle B. Two pedocomplexes below PK V, cycle D, each corresponding to one first-order cycle, have recently been discovered. Drilling has shown that

soils of the Stranska skala locality, 6.5 kin east of Cerveny kopec, which con­tain a rich Biharian fauna (Lozek and Fejfar 1957), must, because of their relations to terraces, be younger than cycle I and older than cycle D. Soil­development comparison has placed them equivalent to cycle E or F (Kukla, unpublished). A closer fix is expected to be obtained in the future by petro­graphical methods.

The loess-section curve (Fig. 1) shows) the observed sequences of soils and sediments in the best-preserved sections of Bohemia and Moravia. Whereas sediments of cycles I to E have been studied only at Cerveny kopec, the well-developed cycle D is known from six sites, cycle C from twelve sites, and cycle B from several.

The curve is tentatively dated on an absolute time scale based on the Croll­Milankovich theory of changes in the earth's orbit but using for dating the changes in insolation in the Northern Hemisphere in the winter, rather than the summer, half-year. This point should be explained in more detail.

An attempt was originally made to apply either the Milankovich (1941) or the Brouwer and van Woerkom (1953) summer half-year insolation curves to the data, but no logical parallel appeared for the most re.cent, C1Ldated part of the loess-section curve. The primarily cold period be­tween 30,000 and 65,000 years B.P. cannot be explained in terms of any reasonable response time (Broecker 1965). Nevertheless, it is obvious that the cyclical repetition of loess and soils must have been caused by some astronomical factor. Two possibilities remain: either it is the Southern He­misphere that determinates world cli­mate-which can hardly be accepted­or it is not the summer half of the year, but the winter one, that plays the decisive role.

So, using Milankovich's (1941) table XXV (calculated for every five milen-

37

L0 0 H800 AD) 50 100X103YEARS 200 300 400 S00 600

5 A AL\ A/ /\ \ // A \Sx A/ tA/ A AJ/ A \/ A W LACTIJAL\I

F'15 [CYCLESA B3 B 2 B ci D3 02 DI E3 E 2 E F3 F2 | F

KYEARS403 10.5 32 128 152 199 243 271 370 391 445 485 506 559 602

FIG. 2. General curve of wlnter half-year insolation for 55? N latitude, based on Milankovich's (1941) calculations. Parallel with loess- section cycles is shown (cf. Fig. 1).

nia, I constructed the general winter half-year insolation curve for 550 north latitude (Fig. 2) and compared it with the known C14 and Th230 Pa23' evidence (Fig. 3). A surprising degree of cor- respondence was found. Main Wiirm (Wisconsin) period shows generally low winter insolation. The Holocene and Paudorf (Plum Point) interval began when winter insolation abruptly increased. Similar rapid increase ac- companies the high sea stands of Tyr- rhenian -2 and Tyrrhenian 1 (Stearns and Thurber 1965). An especially close general correspondence to Emiliani's curve exists up to about 65,000 years ago. More than a general correspond- ence of major oscillations can hardly be expected without a more detailed calculation of the insolation curve. There exist, for example, differences in the location of the Paudorf in- solation peak (22,000 B.P. according to Milankovich, ca. 25,000 according to Brouwer and van Woerkom). It is evident, however, that the main cold- climate episodes are synchronous with winter insolation decrease and vice versa. Turning points seem to have some special importance, perhaps as an impetus to climatic change. The detailed mechanism of the response of world climate to insolation changes is without any doubt very complicated and remains unclear (cf. Mitchell 1965). When this problem has been clarified and the importance of winter accepted, the chance selection of sum- mer as decisive in determining climate will probably be considered the most serious mistake in Quaternary research in recent years.

Some arguments in favour of winter insolation cnanges as determinants of world climate are the following:

1) According to the Milankovich tables, mean summer insolation at 550 N latitude was about 1% higher during last 100,000 years than today. On the basis of this fact alone, no glaciation at all would be expected. Winter insolation, on the other hand, was more than 3 % lower.

2) The summer insolation minimum over the past 105 years was only 3% lower than the present level, the maxi- mum 4.4% higher. Some authors (Upik 1953) have argued that so slight a dif- ference cannot have caused glaciations.

The winter insolation minimum, on the other hand, was 13% lower, the maxi- mum 7% higher. The increase that ac- companied the Eemian transgression reached 23% at 12,000 years B.P., enough to influence world climate sub- stantially.

3) The albedo during glacial winters must have been considerably higher than during winters of inter- glacials due to the large snow-covered areas in front of the glaciers. In sum- mers the difference would have been much less, with high albedo being restricted only to glacier-covered areas. The austausch Koeffizient, twice as high in winter as in summer, must also

have played an important positive role. 4) The observed lowering of sea

level in Holland between 1730 and 1820 was accompanied by a decrease in mean January temperatures but practically no change in July temper- atures and an increase of mean annual temperature (Fairbridge 1961).

5) The comparative studies of mi- croclimate of glaciated and non-glaciat- ed areas at similar latitudes that have sometimes been used to support the relative importance of summer insola- tion (Koppen and Wegener 1924) have a serious defect: the areas compared are under the influence of the same in- solation.

w ' J LOESS CURVE SOLAR-INSOLATION CURVE ERIE LOBE ww EUROPE PALEOTEMPERATURE -_J - OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA FOR 55'N LATI TU DE ST TGAit " |C WINTEP IN SFULL.BASICT EVE STRATIGRAF Y STRATIGRAPHY CURVE FOR SURFACE ) t) "2 +COLD WARM WINTR 7I FULL N.BASIC S LEVE WATERS OF CARRIBEAN

L'J x a : SUMMER DOTD CANIC UNITL C'4D ATED II DOTED BASIC LEVEL C C PRINCIPAL C EMILIANI 1967 u.i < i - CX14573 'CANON UNITS (GOLDTHWAIT Ct DATE

O O z Z = o 5- > DECREASE CANOUNITS AL ttREASE EI EVENTS BASED IN 0Q8/0Q1 ANALYSIS C) C) L la. u 0A ) I 1800 A D GLACIAL DEGREES OF CELSIUS 0 _ a3 O . O - 150/O -10O% -5% LEVEL + 5/o ADVANCE Z ?D 20 22 24 26 28

< Q HOLOCENE MALACOFAUNASJ RECENT _ SQ cC I rw LLER0D

? I -~~~~~ CREEK 0~~~o ~BOLLING I - A ~ z L ERIE... I KLASCAUX

I z 4..... 7 S) I Y> g ) PDRT C BRI PATAUD A VI\ PAUDORF u u 30 A~~A --4 FARMD E Id

30 I |- ^1S 'D H MRSO zT)

_J z ~~~~~POD HRADEM 1Li .) (ERTOVA PEC ))

\L) --t:<GAHANNA ~ TPO

0 50 >< )PORT WARREN F_

I e INTERG S ~~~ITYRRHENIAN 1 b

0 3 1,s <j \,

60i ) D TALBOT A BRJRUP I }1n1 JTE-BRADTVILLE ' 0 T

FIG 3 Copaiso o losssetios f teastglcia8c0l wth majo iopedted

870 ST PIERRE) if T AMERSFOORT u ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ go -<GREAT BASIN

teprtr cuv,Dfnt t ae aemre yasldtiage tesb noe

110~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ INTERGLACIAL YREA

M2 ALACOFAUNASRRENA

130

Li A DATES

FIG. 3. Comparison of loess sections of the last glacial cycle with major isotope-dated Pleistocene events, with winter and summer insolation curves, and with Emiliani's palaeo- temperature curve, Definite C14 dates are marked by a solid triangle, others by an open triangle and an estimate in figures. Sources other than those mentioned above are Kaufman and Broecker (1965), Leroi-Gourhan (1965), Morisson and Frye (1965), Movius (1960), and Musil and Valoch (1966).

38 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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% I I • i I I Iii iii t i , tit I I I Iii i 1 t iii Iii I I Iii i I I Iii i I Iii 1 I ' I I I I I , I I I I

10 a I1S00 ADI 50 100. 103YEARS 200 300 400 500 600

5 + (\ /\" /\ 1\ /\ !\ ,,!\ f\ f\ f\ A v-v 1\ /\ 1\ c:-A--t~. A!~AL\j ~J vV \]V\)l.TV V'l V Vl/V -\/J\J\j\/V'v v

15 LONG CYCLE i-b'

FIG. 2. General curve of winter half;year insolation for 55° IN latitude, based on Milankovich's (1941) calculations. Parallel with loess-section cycles is shown (cf. Fig. 1). \

nia, I constructed the general winter half-year insolation curve for 55° north latitude (Fig. 2) and compared it with the known C14 and Th230 Pa231 evidence (Fig. 3). A surprising degree of cor­respondence was found. Main Wiirm (Wisconsin) period shows generally low winter insolation. The Holocene and Paudorf (Plum Point) interval began when winter insolation abruptly increased. Similar rapid increase ac­companies the high sea stands of Tyr­rhenian 1 and Tyrrhenian 1 (Stearns and Thurber 1965). An especially close general correspondence to Emiliani's curve exists up to about 65,000 years ago. More than a general correspond­ence of major oscillations can hardly be expected without a more detailed calculation of the insolation curve. There exist, for example, differences in the location of the Paudorf in­solation peak (22,000 B.P. according to Milankovich, ca. 25,000 according to Brouwer and van Woerkom). It is evident, however, that the main cold­climate episodes are synchronous with winter insolation decrease and vice versa. Turning points seem to have some special importance, perhaps as an impetus to climatic change. The detailed mechanism of the response of world climate to insolation changes is without any doubt very complicated and remains unclear (d. Mitchell 1965). When this problem has been clarified and the importance of winter accepted, the chance selection of sum­mer as decisive in determining climate will probably be considered the most serious mistake in Quaternary research in recent years.

Some arguments in favour of winter insolation changes as determinants of world climate are the following:

1) According to the Milankovich tables, mean summer insolation at 55 0

N latitude was about 1 % higher during last 100,000 years than today. On the basis of this fact alone, no glaciation at all would be expected. Winter insolation, on the other hand, was more than 3% lower.

2) The summer insolation minimum over the past 105 years was only 3% lower than the present level, the maxi­mum 4.4% higher. Some authors (Opik 1953) have argued that so slight a dif­ference cannot have caused glaciations.

38

The winter insolation minimum, on the other hand, was 13% lower, the maxi­mum 7% higher. The increase that ac­companied the Eemian transgression reached 23% at 12,000 years B.P., enough to influence world climate sub­stantially.

3) The albedo during glacial winters must have been considerably higher than during winters of inter­glacials due to the large snow-covered areas in front of the glaciers. In sum­mers the difference would have been much less, with high albedo being restricted only to glacier-covered areas. The austausch Koejfizient, twice as high in winter as in summer, must also

have played an important positive role. 4) The observed lowering of sea

level in Holland between 1730 and 1820 was accompanied by a decrease in mean January temperatures but practically no change in July temper­atures and an increase of mean annual temperature (Fairbridge 1961).

5) The comparative studies of mi­croclimate of glaciated and non-glaciat­ed areas at similar latitudes that have sometimes been used to support the relative importance of summer insola­tion (Koppen and Wegener 1924) have a serious defect: the areas compared are under the influence of the same in­solation.

"'ir V,I II) W LOESS CURVE SOLAR-INSOLATION CURVE ERIE LOBE ~~ EUROPE PALEOT MPERATURE j j 5 Of CZECHOSLOVAKIA WIN~~~ 51~ ~ult~ ~:sYcD L~VEL STRATIGRAP~Y ~~ STRATIGRAPI-IY CURVE ~OR SURfACE

tl t> II)~ .$LO W'A~ SUMMER Do~f~401 ~:~I~f'l'l~~~C CI"'DATEO ~~ PRINCIPAL WA:E:;'L~~N~~::~B;AN ~ cr: ~I< >-1 ~II ~I~ I~ ~ 14573 'CANON UNITS (GOLDTH'w'AIT ~L5 c14 DATED 18 115 ~ ~ i= ~ ~ fA ~~ ~ ~ ~ 4 DECREASE iNtREASE ET AL 1965 ) ~la EVENTS BASED IN 0 II 0 ANALYSIS 00 UIQ.. ::::; j [3 ~g ~ ~ ~ 1800 AD GLACIAL~:g DEGREES OF CELSIUS

o .... ::l 1/...1 -15% -10% -5% LEVEL +5% ADVANCE o~ ~D 20 22 2-t 26 28 -= IDID en ~31:r~:J: ~..J 1111111111111111111111111 ~RET~~t; 'W~ II I I I 1 III

I 0 > LA5CAUX

I It'l ~BRI PATAUD \, - ~~ FARMDAL,;) 'N, ) PAUOORF

; ~ ~ -:- T _~ '" -=s POD HRADEM r ::::> is -S tERTOVA PEC

W Z o N q ~g PLUM PO":!!) r.. .::> D' ARCY

\.::! u g -<:'GAI-IANNA B 'CJ: T ',> e ~i UPTON 0

L.l"'f---...... ::::::::!:-------+---{ I ~~ c:( ) PORT c5~ WARREN ~-~ ;~g--)TAlBOT;!; -~-~~-~, :: u ::, BR"RUP ~ ~ ~ ) ~ ....c:::::..BRADTVILLE g To::o w

ST PIERRE" ~ T AMERSFOORT ~ ~ I< I J W t

TYRRHENIAN 1. !I j ~ ;

U"'1---/'-+----+---:~~=t-,-. -~-....::::::[REAT 8A5IN i- ______ b 1 ;::

. i"'; If " __ ""j Cl4 DATES !

FIG. 3. Comparison of loess sections of the last glacial cycle with major isotope-dated Pleistocene events, with winter and summer insolation curves, and with Emiliani's palaeo­temperature curve, Definite C14 dates are marked by a solid triangle, others by an open triangle and an estimate in figures. Sources other than those mentioned above are Kaufman and Broecker (1965), Leroi-Gourhan (1965), Morisson and Frye (1965), Movius (1960), and Musil and Valoch (1966).

CURRENT AN'THROPOLOGY

Emiliani: PLEISToCENE EPOCH For the purpose of loess-curve- dating, however the summer vs. winter dilemma is of secondary importance. The principal task is to find some pe- riodic variation in insolation which might correspond to the first-order cycle of loess sections. Two approaches are available: (1) In Figure 3 a time- span of 117,000 years lies between the beginning of the Holocene and the probable beginning of the Eemian. The general insolation characteristics of this time span closely correspond to those of the preceding 115,000-year period, thus revealing the existence of a cycle of 115-117 millenia. (2) The only periodic variation in the insola- tion curve longer than 50,000 years (the minimum possible C14-dated duration of the last glacial) is a cycle of 115,000-117,000 years. Every third cycle seems to be longer, from 125,000 to 127,000 years (cycles D and G). The normal 116,000-year cycle consists of five minor periodic repetitions (probably caused by variations in the precession of the equinoxes) 20,000- 23,000 years long. The first three have much greater amplitude than the last two. The first and the third insolation peaks, about 40,000 years apart, are contemporaneous with the fictitious two-fold glaciations of the Milanko- vich curve. The last twin of cycle B corresponds to the doubled forest soil of the lessive sequence in the loess sections. This comparison is supported by the high sea stands of 85,000 and 120,000 years B.P. and by the inter- glacial fauna that accompanies both the lower lessive and the older high sea stand.

I consider the evidence sufficient to reintroduce the insolation curve to Quarternary research. If the loess-sec- tion glacial cycle has some astrono- mical cause, then it can hardly be other than insolation changes, and if such is the case the glacial cycle must logically be 115,000-127,000 years in duration, at least for the last million years. I have therefore added tentative absolute dating to the loess-section curve and, for better comprehension, superimposed on it the terms of clas- sical European stratigraphy according to Woldstedt (1966). There is a general correspondence between the curve and the classical sequence as to the position of the Stranska skala Lower Biharian fauna. The total length of classical European glaciation agrees roughly with the latest estimates (Evernden and Curtis 1965). The soils of cycles G, H, and I are much more intensive than any younger soil (cf. Brun- nacker's [1964] Riesenboden). Our curve shows that care must be taken in evaluating sections from the remote Pleistocene; complicated sequences of climatic oscillations such as occur in the more recent part of the Pleistocene, must also be expected there. The tenta-

tive dating of the loess-section curve will remain only a working hypothesis until sufficient isotope data has been collected to support it.

A similar approach would surely be useful in deep-sea core research, where sedimentation rates cannot be sup- ported by isotope dating. Emiliani's Eem temperature maximum, placed at about 98,000 years (Rosholt et al. 1961), disagrees with the generally ac- cepted dates of 85,000 and 120,000 years for high sea stands which must have been separated by a cold episode with low sea level. At least a general parallel may be drawn between the Holocene and the first part of the Eemian. In the Holocene, the high sea stand is evidently synchronous with Emiliani's sea-water temperature peak; but the Eemian high sea stand of 120,000 years would be accompanied, according to Emiliani's curve, by a very low sea temperature, comparable with to the one recorded during the Wisconsin glaciation. Since this can hardly be the case, I have recommend- ed relocating the Eem maximum as shown in Figure 3. The Broecker et al. (1958) estimate of 150,000 years for the age of the "X-V" boundary partly supports this recommendation.

Emiliani's objections to established nomenclature are more than logical. For geologists working on continents, however, it is practical to continue with the established division of Holo- cene and Pleistocene, maybe setting off the Villafranchian (or the Eopleisto- cene of Russian authors) as a separate period. Subdivisions of the Pleistocene should be based on cyclical climatic changes, whereas the delimitation of the Villafranchian can only be based on biostratigraphy (Zubakov and Krasnov 1959).

As for Paleolithic populations fesist- ing the harsh glacial winters of Eu- rope, we must point out that no evid- ence is available of the presence of man in the middle latitudes of Europe during a glacial winter. It seems much more likely that the Paleolithic hunter followed his quarry into the North in glacial times only in summer and re- treated in winter to southern France or the Black Sea basin. The incredibly long migrations of the Great Lakes In- dians, recorded for instance by Tanner (1940), make this seem probable.

by G. KURTH*

Braunschwezg, Germany. 14 II 67

Discussing Emiliani's methods and re- sults in dating Pleistocene levels is not the palaeoanthropologist's business. His proposal that we use terms like Ter- tiary, Quaternary, Holocene, and Plost-Pleist:ocene only informally will

meet general agreement and should perhaps receive more emphasis if we are to arrive at a better understanding of the ongoing process of evolution. Whether or not average temperatures

based on criteria specific to Voastal areas are relevant also for other parts of a continent seems less clear; for example, the protected area of Bohe- mia and Moravia appears, on present evidence, to have had relatively high summer temperatures during the last glaciation and to have therefore sup- ported what was for that time a dense population.

Regarding the long process of achieving erect posture, Kummer (1956) has shown that Oreopithecus probably had a genu valgum. This in- dicates a trend toward bipedal walk- ing already in the Miocene, although it is impossible to trace direct connec- tions to the bipedal human hominids of Africa. Generally we should be very careful, in our present stage of know- ledge, not to deduce too much as to the geographical location of any particular process, much less of speciation. Dif- ferences in the intensity of research and in the opportunities to reach fossil-bearing levels may make our views very one-sided.

It is not clear that one can deduce Australopithecus africanus from A. robustus (cf. Heberer 1965). The known fossils of A. robustus are gene- rally more recent, some even belonging to the early Middle Pleistocene. Mixed diet is well known from ground-living primates (e.g., baboons) and is prob- ably very old among hominids. I do not have enough space here to discuss the taxonomy of the human hominids (but see Kurth 1967). In any case, their probably slow rate of increase and the length of their generations sug- gest that successful migrations over large areas with different environ- mental conditions would have required a very long time. Our fossil finds are scattered and still insufficient -for tracing lineages even though we can describe morphologically specific or subspecific groupings. I would hesitate to deduce from the relatively richer European fossil record that the "cen- tre" of sapiens speciation was in Eu- rope, despite the fact that conditions there favored isolation. The few human fossils and the similarly scarce cultural remains before the Wiirimi cover such a long time span that con- sideration of direct connections can be speculative only. Is it not enough that fossils for one time-horizon demon- strate one particular trend of differen- tiation? Why do we need more special and speculative interpretations when the facts demonstrate the validity of our general theory? We are still too much in the stage of gathering facts

Vol. 9 . No. 1 . February 1968 39

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For the purpose of loess-curve­dating, however the summer vs. winter dilemma is of secondary importance. The principal task is to find some pe­riodic variation in insolation which might correspond to the first-order cycle of loess sections. TW9 approaches are available: (1) In Figure 3 a time­span of 117,000 years lies between the beginning of the Holocene and the probable beginning of the Eemian. The general insolation characteristics of this time span closely correspond to those of the preceding 115,000-year period, thus revealing the existence of a cycle of 115-117 millenia. (2) The only periodic variation in the insola­tion curve longer than 50,000 years (the minimum possible C14-dated duration of the last glacial) is a cycle of 115,000-117,000 years. Every third cycle seems to be longer, from 125,000 to 127,000 years (cycles D and G). The normal 116,000-year cycle consists of five minor periodic repetitions (probably caused by variations in the precession of the equinoxes) 20,000-23,000 years long. The first three have much greater amplitude than the last two. The first and the third insolation peaks, about 40,000 years apart, are contemporaneous with the fictitious two-fold glaciations of the Milanko­vich curve. The last twin of cycle B corresponds to the doubled forest soil of the lessive sequence in the loess sections. This comparison is supported by the high sea stands of 85,000 and 120,000 years B.P. and by the inter­glacial fa)lna that accompanies both the lower lessive and the older high sea stand.

I consider the evidence sufficient to reintroduce the insolation curve to Quarternary research. If the loess-sec­tion glacial cycle has some astrono­mical cause, then it can hardly be other than insolation changes, and if such is the case the glacial cycle must logically be 115,000-127,000 years in duration, at least for the last million years. I have therefore added tentative absolute dating to the loess-section curve and, for better comprehension, superimposed on it the terms of clas­sical European stratigraphy according to Woldstedt (1966). There is a general correspondence, between the curve and the classical sequence as to the position of the Stranska skala Lower Biharian fauna. The total length of classical European glaciation agrees roughly with the latest estimates (Evernden and Curtis 1965). The soils of cycles G, H, and I are much more intensive than any younger soil (cf. Brun­nacker's [1964] Riesenboden). Our curve shows that care must be taken in evaluating sections from the remote Pleistocene; complicated sequences of climatic oscillations such as occur in the more recent part of the Pleistocene, must also be expected there. The tent a-

Vol. 9 . No.1. February 1968

tive dating of the loess-section curve will remain only a working hypothesis until sufficient isotope data has been collected to support it.

A similar approach would surely be useful in deep-sea core research, where sedimentation rates cannot be sup­ported by isotope dating. Emiliani's Eem· temperature maximum, placed at about 98,000 years (Rosholt et al. 1961), disagrees with the generally ac­cepted dates of 85,000 and 120,000 years for high sea stands which must have been separated by a cold episode with low sea level. At least a general parallel may be drawn between the Holocene and the first part of the Eemian. In the Holocene, the high sea stand is evidently synchronous with Emiliani's sea-water temperature peak; but the Eemian high sea stand of 120,000 years would be accompanied, according to Emiliani's curve, by a very low sea temperature, comparable with to the one recorded during the Wisconsin glaciation. Since this can hardly be the case, I have recommend­ed relocating the Eem maximum as shown in Figure 3. The Broecker et al. (1958) estimate of 150,000 years for the age of the "X-V" boundary partly supports this recommendation.

Emiliani's objections to established nomenclature are more than logical. For geologists working on continents, however, it is practical to continue with the established division of Holo­cene and Pleistocene, maybe setting off the Villafranchian (or the Eopleisto­cene of Russian authors) as a separate period. Subdivisions of the Pleistocene should be based on cyclical climatic changes, whereas the delimitation of the Villafranchian can only be based on biostratigraphy (Zubakov and Krasnov 1959).

As for Paleolithic populations resist­ing the harsh glacial winters of Eu­rope, we must point out that no evid­ence is available of the presence of man in the middle latitudes of Europe during a glacial winter. It seems much more likely that the Paleolithic hunter followed his quarry into the North in glacial times only in summer and re­treated in winter to southern France or the Black Sea basin. The incredibly long migrations of the Great Lakes In­dians, recorded for instance by Tanner (1940), make this seem probable.

by G. KURTH*

BraunschU'~ig, Germany. 14 III 67

Discussing Emiliani's methods and re­sults in dating Pleistocene levels is not the palaeoanthropologist's business. His proposal that we use terms like Ter­tiary, Quaternary, Holocene, and Post-Pleistocene only informally will

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH

meet general agreement and should perhaps receive more emphasis if we are to arrive at a better understanding of the ongoing process of evolution. Whether or not average temperatures based on criteria specific to toastal areas are relevant also for other parts of a continent seems less clear; for example, the protected area of Bohe­mia and Moravia appears, on present evidence, to have had relatively high summer temperatures during the last glaciation and to have therefore sup­ported what was for that time a dense population.

Regarding the long process of achieving erect posture, Kummer (1956) has shown that Oreopithecus probably had a genu valgum. This in­dicates a trend toward bipedal walk­ing already in the Miocene, although it is impossible to trace direct connec­tions to the bipedal human hominids of Africa. Generally we should be very careful, in our present stage of know­ledge, not to deduce too much as to the geographical location of any particular process, much less of speciation. Dif­ferences in the intensity of research and in the opportunities to reach fossil-bearing levels may make our views very one-sided.

It is not clear that one can deduce Australopithecus africanus from A. robustus (cf. Heberer 1965). The known fossils of A. robustus are gene­rally more recent, some even belonging to the early Middle Pleistocene. Mixed diet is well known from ground-living primates (e.g., baboons) and is prob­ably very old among hominids. I do not have enough space here to discuss the taxonomy of the human hominids (but see Kurth 1967). In any case, their probably slow rate of increase and the length of their generations sug­gest that successful migrations over large areas with different environ­mental conditions would have required a very long time. Our fossil finds are scattered and still insufficient for tracing lineages even though we can describe morphologically specific or subspecific groupings. I would hesitate to deduce from the relatively richer European fossil record that the "cen­tre" of sapiens speciation was in Eu­rope, despite the fact that conditions there favored isolation. The few human fossils and the similarly scarce cultural remains before the Wiirl)1 cover such a long time span that con­sideration of direct connections can be speculative only. Is it not enough that fossils for one time-horizon demon­strate one particular trend of differen­tiation? Why do we need more special and speculative interpretations when the facts demonstrate the validity of our general theory ? We are still too much in the stage of gathering facts

39

toward a better reconstruction of our past; it will be a long time before we can correlate the data gained by dif- ferent methods.

by GABRIEL W. LASKER*

Derozit, Mzch., U.S.A. 8 iii 67

Since Emiliani (1956b) is one of those who has proposed relatively recent dates for the glaciations of the Pleisto- cene, it is very helpful to have his views on how the Pleistocene dates of human evolutionary events should be revised on the basis of the new evi- dence. When he calls on "modern views on speciation and evolution" to help relate the fossils, however, per- haps he is putting the weaker case forward. There are differences as well as similarities between man and other organisms, and one should develop concepts of human evolution on the basis of human biology, the fossil re- cord, and archaeological dating and context.

For instance, Emiliani's casual re- mark that cannibalism may have play- ed a very important role gives me an excuse to point out that, since the pop- ulation could not continually decline without extinction of the species, can- nibalism never can have been a very important source of human food for the species as a whole for any appre- ciable length of time. Let us assume that man's remote ancestors used for existence only half the present recom- mended dietary intake, but grew to nearly present-day size at each age of life. Then a pregnant female would eat some 1,600 calories per day for 280 days of pregnancy, but the newborn infant would yield as food only about 3,200 calories-140 calories to nurture the infant for each calorie it could yield as food. By one year of age the child would have consumed another 182,000 calories (even if one made no allowance for a nursing mother), and the ratio would be about 70 calories per calorie available to the cannibals. By three years the ratio would be about 84 to 1, by six years 104 to 1, by nine years 1 1 1 to 1, and so on. Furthermore, some individuals must survive to adulthood, and no species could utilize all its dead as food. Therefore, whatever the importance of cannibalism in magic, warfare, and other aspects of human life, a warm- blooded animal with long gestation time, usually single births, and rela- tively slow growth could not get more than a small fraction of one per cent of its food from cannibalism. The low ratio of Australopithecus remains to other fossils at Makapansgat is in ac- cord with this interpretation.

If there were two sympatric species of Australopithecus (or one Australo- pithecine and one hominine), and one

were carnivorous and one not,then the remains of the vegetarian would be relatively more numerous if it were an important food resource of the carnivorous species. However, the ana- tomical evidence adduced to support the existence of such different adapt- ations in specimens assigned to each of two sympatric species is weak. Fur- thermore, the known remains of the two kinds are similar in frequency.

by JOHN M. LONGYEAR, III*

Ithaca, N.Y., U.S.A. 10 III 67

Although I intend to confine my re- marks to a few points in the last sec- tion of Emiliani's paper, I would like to note in passing that his discussion of the Pleistocene as revealed by deep- sea and other sediments is a welcome synthesis to a non-specialist such as myself.

The assumption of bipedal posture by our remote ancestors was surely more important than Emiliani suggests. This step was not only "likely to have been selective," it was crucial, and the consequent improvement in perception and communication was unquestion- ably of far less importance, from a se- lection standpoint, than was the free- ing of the forelimbs for manipulation, carrying, etc. This same observation, of course, has already been made by many authors: LaBarre (1954), Wash- burn (1960), Hewes (1961), and Hockett and Ascher (1964), just to name a few.

Emiliani speaks of Pleistocene Eu- rope and Asia as a "typical evolu- tionary mill." In truth, this region at that time must have been occupied by small, isolated, and inbreeding groups of humans, hemmed in by barriers of ice and water, and only occasionally meeting other bands and interbreeding with them. It was under these circum- stances, according to Wright (1931) and others, that repaid, adaptive evolution was most likely to take place. The ques- tion remains, however: just what, exactly, was adaptive under those cir- cumstances? Was it modification of the body for greater tolerance of cold? This has been suggested; in fact, the Neanderthal type itself has been ex- plained at least in part, as an example of adaptation to cold (Coon 1962). But there are obstacles to this line of reason- ing. One is the disappearance of Nean- derthals at about the Wiirm maximum, just when they should have been most successful. Another is the interpreta- tion, by Emiliani and others, of cer- tain Neanderthal peculiarities as mala- daptive rather than adaptive, to cold.

Given the course of hominid evolu- tion and histo}ry up to mid-Pleistocene times, it seems to me that the only trend which could be considered adap- tive from then on, no matter what the

environment, would be a trend toward any modifications of mind or body which would heighten man's ability to invent, use, and maintain culture. Neanderthals may have had brains as large as, or larger than, that of Homo sapiens sapiens, but I do not think we can assume (with Emiliani) that they were as "intelligent." They simply did not have the cultural ability of Homo sapiens sapiens, and therefore were not as well adapted to the human way of life.

by M. A. MACCONAILL*

Cork, Ireland. 10 III 67

Emiliani's article is a very valuable contribution, particularly from the non-specialist's angle. Its value lies as ,much in its concision and clarity as in the information it supplies. An ob- jective definition of epochs is highly desirable. Our author is voicing the feelings of many of us when he says that "some of the confusion existing in Pleistocene literature appears to result from semantics alone."

His general sequence from Austra- lopithecus onwards is reasonable enough when it is combined, as he suggests, with overlap. His suggestion that the Neanderthals could have been even more intelligent than ourselves is delightful. How angry it would have made those older anthropologists whose canon was so often Facies eius non mihi placet, ergo stultissimus est. (I just don't like his look, therefore the fellow's a fool)!

Reverting to the matter of semantics, some semantic rectifying could well be performed on the current naming of the real or presumptive ancestry of Homo hodiernus. Emiliani defines Man as "a primate capable of systemati- cally manufacturing tools," thus mak- ing behaviour his criterion of human- ness. This is commendable, for it is the canon of a complete anthropologist, one who cares for culture as much as for crania. His criterion is respectable insofar as c (the capability of systema- tically manufacturing tools) implies h (humanness); but if it is to be a true definition, then h must also imply c, that is, c and h must be equivalent. Our author suggests that Australopi- thecus africanus may have evolved from A. robustus by developing a taste for meat and by discovering the need for "the imaginative usage of tools and the employment of sophisticated stra- tegies" to keep the larders filled. But are not the latter two "aids to evolu- tion" precisely those that distinguish man from all other animals? What is the computer but an imaginative use of tools? What is the theory of games but an attempt to develop even more sophisticated strategies? In short, the

40 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

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toward a better reconstruction of our past; it will be a long time before we can correlate the data gained by dif­ferent methods.

by GABRIEL W. LASKER*"

Delroit, Mich., U.S.A. 8 III 67

Since Emiliani (1956b) is one of those who has proposed relatively recent dates for the glaciations of the Pleisto­cene, it is very helpful to have his views on how the Pleistocene dates of human evolutionary events should be revised on the basis of the new evi­dence. When he calls on "modern views on speciation and evolution" to help relate the fossils, however, per­haps he is putting the weaker case forward. There are, differences as well as similarities between man and other organisms, and one should develop concepts of human evolution on the basis of human biology, the fossil re­cord, and archaeological dating' and context.

For instance, Emiliani's casual re­mark that cannibalism may have play­ed- a very important role gives me an excuse to point out that, since the pop­ulation could not continually decline without extinction of the species, can­nibalism never can have been a very important source of human food for the species as a whole for any appre­ciable length of time. Let us assume that man's remote ancestors used for existence only half the present recom­mended dietary intake, but grew to nearly present-day size at each age of life. Then a pregnant female would eat some 1,600 calories per day for 280 days of pregnancy, but the newborn infant would yield as food only about 3,200 calories-140 calories to nurture the infant for each calorie it could yield as food. By one year of age the child would have consumed another 182,000 calories (even if one made no allowance for a nursing mother), and the ratio would be about 70 calories per calorie available to the cannibals. By three years the ratio would be about 84 to 1, by six years 104 to 1, by nine years 111 to 1, and so on. Furthermore, some individuals must survive to adulthood, and no species could utilize all its dead as food. Therefore, whatever the importance of d.nnibalism in magic, warfare, and other aspects of human life, a warm­blooded animal with long gestation time, usually single births, and rela­tively slow growth could not get more than a small fraction of one per cent of its food from cannibalism. The low ratio of Australopithecus remains to other fossils at Makapansgat is in ac­cord with this interpretation.

If there were two sympatric species of Australopithecus (or one Australo­pithecine and one hominine), and one

40

were carnivorous and one not, then the' remains of the vegetarian would by relatively more numerous if it were an important food resource of the carnivorous species. However, the ana­tomical evidence adduced to support the existence of such different adapt­ations in specimens assigned to each of two sympatric species is weak. Fur­thermore, the known remains of the two kinds are similar in frequency.

by JOHN M. LONGYEAR, III*"

Ithaca, N.Y., U.S.A. 10 III 67

Although I intend to confine my re­marks to a few points in the last sec­tion of Emiliani's paper, I would like to note in passing that his discussion of the Pleistocene as revealed by deep­sea and other sediments is a welcome synthesis to a non-specialist such as myself.

The assumption of bipedal posture by our remote ancestors was surely more important than Emiliani suggests. This step was not only "likely to have been selective," it was crucial, and the consequent improvement in perception and communication was unquestion­ably of far less importance, from a se­lection standpoint, than was the free­ing of the forelimbs for manipulation, carrying, etc. This same observation, of course, has already been made by many authors: LaBarre (1954), Wash­burn (1960), Hewes (1961), and Hockett and Ascher (1964), just to name a few.

Emiliani speaks of Pleistocene Eu­rope and Asia as a "typical evolu­tionary mill." In truth, this region at that time must have been occupied by small, isolated, and inbreeding groups of humans, hemmed il! by barriers of ice and water, and only occasionally meeting other bands and interbreeding with them. It was under these circum­stances, according to Wright (1931) and others, that repaid, adaptive evolution was most likely to take place. The ques­tion remains, however: just what, exactly, was adaptive under those cir­cumstances? Was it modification of the body for greater tolerance of cold? This has been suggested; in fact, the Neanderthal type itself has been ex­plained at least in part, as an example of adaptation to cold (Coon 1962). But there are obstacles to this line of reason­ing. One is the disappearance of Nean­derthals at about the Wiirm maximum, just when they should have been most successful. Another is the interpreta­tion, by Emiliani and others, of cer­tain Neanderthal peculiarities as mala­daptive rather than adaptive, to cold.

Given the course of hominid evolu­tion and history up to mid-Pleistocene times, it seems to me that the only trend which could be considered adap­tive from then on, no matter what the

environment, would be a trend toward any modifications of mind or body which would heighten man's ability to invent, use, and maintain culture. Neanderthals may have had brains as large as, or larger than, that of Homo sapiens sapiens, but I do not think we can assume (with Emiliani) that they were as "intelligent." They simply did not have the cultural ability of Homo sapiens sapiens, and therefore were not as well adapted to the human way of life.

by M. A. MACCONAILL*"

Cork, Ireland. 10 III 67

Emiliani's article is a very valuable contribution, particularly from the non-specialist's angle. Its value lies as 'much in its concision and clarity as in the information it supplies. An ob­jective definition of epochs is highly desirable. Our author is voicing' the feelings of many of us when he says that "some of the confusion existing in Pleistocene literature appears to result from semantics alone."

His general sequence from Austra­lopithecus onwards is reasonable enough when it is combined, as he suggests, with overlap. His suggestion that the Neanderthals could have been even more intelligent than ourselves is delightful. How angry it would have made those older anthropologists whose canon was so often Facies eius non mihi placet, ergo stultissimus est. (I just don't like his luok, therefore the fellow's a fool)!

Reverting to the matter of semantics, some semantic rectifying could well be performed on the current naming of the real or presumptive ancestry of Homo hodiernus. Emiliani defines Man as "a primate capable of systemati­cally manufacturing tools," thus mak­ing behaviour his criterion of human­ness. This is commendable, for it is the canon of a complete anthropologist, one who cares for culture as much as for crania. His criterion is respectable insofar as c (the capability of systema­tically manufacturing tools) implies h (humanness); but if it is to be a true definition, then h must also imply c, that is, c and h must be equivalent. Our author suggests that Australopi­thecus africanus may have evolved from A. robustus by developing a taste for meat and by discovering the need for "the imaginative usage of tools and the employment of sophisticated stra­tegies" to keep the larders filled. But are not the latter two "aids to evolu­tion" precisely those that distinguish man from all other animals? What is the comp'uter but an imaginative use of tools? What is the theory of games but an attempt to develop even more sophisticated strategies? In short, the powers connoted by the aforesaid

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH "aids" are precisely what is intended by the term sapiens. Consistency, then, requires either that we be told the con- ditions under which "h implies c" or that we change Australopithecus afri- canus to Homo sapiens australis (or H. sapiens with some other adjective). To make h and c equivalent is to add a second postulate to the acceptable "c implies h." It does not follow from "All grass is green" that "Everything green is grass." The question When, if ever, did a primate become human? is an affair of an unwritten and unwit- nessed history. Here, as in other branches of science, we have a realm of abiding uncertainty. Unlike the pro- blm of the epochs, it cannot be solved by isotopes. All we can do is to deter- mine the epochal range within which the thing must have happened. To- wards this knowledge Emiliani has ad- vanced our steps significantly.

by CHARLES A. REED*

Chicago, III, U.S.A 21 III 67

I am delighted to have this succinct summary of Emiliani's research and the relevant work of others, combined with his interpretation of the meaning of the fluctuating paleo-environment to the history of man. Much of this literature, including some of the au- thor's own papers, does not come auto- matically to the attention of those of us whose training and experience has been primarily biological.

General agreement is at last emer- ging, from what has seemed to be a welter of dispute, concerning the time and changing events marking the Plio- Pleistocene boundary. To the date of "more than 3.3 million years for the beginning of the Villafranchian" in France can now be added the near- identical date for the inauguration of mountain glaciation in the Sierra Ne- vadas of California (Curry 1966).

I wonder if geologists who special- ize in the marine Pleistocene always record temperature (climatic) oscilla- tions lasting approximately 50,000 years each in terms of cycles per second (cps). Emiliani reports that the tem- perature oscillations of the Late Ceno- zoic - happened with a frequency of 6.7 x 10-l' cps. My grade-school ari- thmetic translated this into 21.13 cy- cles per million years, and in the next column Emiliani agreed: "The total number cycles occurring ... during the past 1,000,000 years problably num- bered 20." Why not say so the first time and avoid the. possible errors to my arithmetic?

If each such.cycle has occurred ca. each 50,000 years, for a million years past, can we somehow correlate 20 such cycles with the four (or five?) textbook glacial periods, even allowing for the addition of stadials, or should

we abandon the old system as unwork- able? Also, what canbe said of the pre- ceding more than two million years of the Pleistocene? Should we now expect to find evidence for three million years or more of glacial cycles? The pattern becomes more complicated when we think of the possibility of correlated pluvial cycles in more tropic latitudes.

I will also welcome an explanation of the statement that "other animals" have evolved long necks in lieu of me- chanisms for offense and defense. Long necks, relative to body size, have evolv- ed in giraffes and gerenuks, but the length of neck in each case is a part of a complex feeding mechanism and is not used for either offense or defense, in the common meaning of the terms. (Contests between male giraffes, with the heads being swung as battering rams on the ends of the long necks, are part of their social behavior.) The necks of some carnivores (polar bear, cheetah, weasel) are longer than are those of their respective close relatives, but would also seem to have evolved as a part of a feeding mechanism. Such a mechanisw in a carnivore may be con- sidered "offensive"; but basically a giraffe lifting its head to browse and a weasel using its length of neck to aid in catching a mouse are utilizing similar kinds of feeding adaptations. No Pri- mate, with the capabilities inherent in the grasping hand, needs an elongated neck as a feeding adaptation; the Pri- mate has instead the whole length of forelimb.

Does Emiliani perhaps overstress the relationship between glacial climates and the evolution of Homo erectus? We welcome all suggestions, certainly, but H. erectus lived throughout much of the Eastern Hemisphere (from south- ern Africa to Java to northeastern China to central and southwestern Europe). Over this area many environ- mental variables existed; glaciation and its accompanying climatic changes, however dramatic in our eyes, may not have been the selective factors respon- sible for molding what we call erectus to a population we define as sapiens.

We know nothing of the differences, if any, in rates of human evolution in glacial and non-glacial regions and/or periods. Indeed, there seems little evi- dence at present that Homo erectus lived in extreme glacial cold. The con- ditions at Choukoutien, admittedly cold-temperate (but certainly not with summers as cold as those of European winters today), may have been as diffi- cult as any survived by Homo erectus, since the Hungarian site at Vertesszol- lbs has been described as having been occupied during an interstadial period within the Mindel (Kretzoi and Vertes 1 965).

Even during a period of continental

glaciation, I cannot believe that the circum-Mediterranean area would have had summers as extremely cold as pos- tulated by Emiliani. Even under con- ditions of increased cloud cover, the summer sun must have accomplished considerable warming, quite as it does in the Arctic today. Under summer con- ditions postulated as being as cold as those of the winter of many parts of Europe today no insects would fly and no insect-pollinated plants survive. What would such conditions mean in terms of floral and faunal succession, and of total biomass? What would be the number of frost-free days, what the length (if any) of the growing season? What would the surviving flora pro- vide in the way of food, not only di- rectly to man but to a fauna upon which a human population could also depend? I have no answers at present to most of these questions, but in the circum-Mediterranean area I cannot believe that the environment during a glacial stage was as extremely frigid as Emiliani's phraseology must certainly suggest to most readers.

Our knowledge of glacial environ- ments is best derived from studies of the last maximum of the Wiirm-Wis- consin, when conditions over most of Europe would admittedly have been difficult for a hominid at the cultural level of Homo erectus. At this time a few hundred miles of tundra separated the ice-front from the forest, and the livable habitats for H. erectus in Europe (if conditions were similar during some part of his period of occu- pancy there) would probably have been reduced to the Mediterranean coastland and the peninsulas of Iberia, Italy, and the Balkans (Wright 1961: Fig. 6). Were conditions in these areas during the Wiirm maximum as extreme as Emiliani has postulated them to have been in that prior glacial period during which H. erectus was supposedly occu- pying these same regions? I think not.

However, as I mentioned before, the circum-Mediterranean was not the only region in which Homo erectus lived, nor was the glacial environment the only region in which he could have evolved. Earlier hominids, in southern and eastern Africa, had seemingly not needed the stimulus of a peri-glacial environment for their particular bio- logical and cultural passage through the australopithecine grade.

by KARL H. SCHWERIN*

Albuquerque, N. Mex., U.S.A. 13 III 67

Clearly one of Emiliani's objectives is to clarify our understanding of recent geological epochs and to sharpen the definition of boundaries. I will limit my comments to these considerations.

Vol. 9 . No. 1 . February 1968 41

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

"aids" are precisely what is intended by the term sapiens. Consistency, then, requires either that we be told the con­ditions under which "h implies c" or that we change Australopithecus afri­canus to Homo sapiens australis (or H. sapiens with some other adjective). To make hand c equivalent is to add a second postulate to the acceptable "c implies h." It does not follow from "All grass is green" that "Everything green is grass." The question When, if ever, did a primate become human? is an affair of an unwritten and unwit­nessed history. Here, as in other branches of science, we have a realm of abiding uncertainty. Unlike the pro­bLm of the epochs, it cannot be solved by isotopes. All we can do is to deter­mine the epochal range within which the thing must have happened. To­wards this knowledge Emiliani has ad­vanced our steps significantly.

by CHARLES A. REED*"

Chicago, Ill., U.S:A. 21 III 67

I am delighted to have this succinct summary of Emiliani's research and the relevant work of others, combined with his interpretation of the meaning of the fluctuating paleo-environment to the history of man. Much of this literature, including some of the au­thor's own papers, does not come auto­matically to the attention of those of us whose training and experience has been primarily biological.

General agreement is at last emer­ging, from what has seemed to be a welter of dispute, concerning the time and changing events marking the Plio­Pleistocene boundary. To the date of "more than 3.3 million years for the beginning of the Villafranchian" in France can now be added the near­identical date for the inauguration of mountain glaciation in the Sierra Ne­vadas of California (Curry 1966).

I wonder if geologists who special­ize in the marine Pleistocene always record temperature (climatic) oscilla­tions lasting approximately 50,000 years each in terms of cycles per second (cps). Emiliani reports that the tem­perature oscillations of the Late Ceno­zoic' happened with a frequency of 6.7 x 10-13 cps. My grade-school ari­thmetic translated this into 21.13 cy­cles per million years, and in the next column Emiliani :tgreed: "The total number cycles occurring ... during the past 1,000,000 years problably num­bered 20." Why not say so the first time and avoid the- possible errors to my arithmetic?

If each such.(Cycle has occurred ca. each 50,000 years, for a million years past, can we somehow correlat~ 20 such cycles with the four (or five?) textbook glacial periGlds, even allowing for the addition of stadials, or should

Vol. 9 . No.1. February 1968

we abandon the old system as unwork­able? Also, what can -be said of the pre­ceding more than two million years of the Pleistocene? Should we now expect to find evidence for three million years or more of glacial cycles? The pattern becomes more comp'icated when we think of the possibility of correlated pluvial cycles in more tropic latitudes.

I will also welcome an explanation of the statement that "other animals" have evolved long necks in lieu of me­chanisms for offense and defense. Long necks, relative to body size, have evolv­ed in giraffes and gerenuks, but the length of neck in each case is a part of a complex feeding mechanism and is not used for either offense or defense, in the common meaning of the terms. (Contests between male giraffes, with the heads being swung as battering rams on the ends of the long necks, are part of their social behavior.) The necks of some carnivores (polar bear, cheetah, weasel) are longer than are those of their respective close relatives, but would also seem to have evolved as a part of a feeding mechanism. Such a mechanism in a carnivore may be con­sidered "offensive"; but basically a giraffe lifting its head to browse and a weasel using its length of neck to aid in catching a mouse are utilizing similar kinds of feeding adaptations. No Pri­mate, with the capabilities inherent in the grasping hand, needs an elongated neck as a feeding adaptation; the Pri­mate has instead the whole length of forelimb.

Does Emiliani perhaps overstJ.:'ess the relationship between glacial climates and the evolution of Homo erectus? We welcome all suggestions, certainly, but H. erectus lived throughout much of the Eastern Hemisphere (from south­ern Africa to Java to northeastern China to central and southwestern Europe). Over this area many environ­mental variables existed; glaciation and its accompanying climatic changes, however dramatic in our eyes, may not have been the selective factors respon­sible for molding what we call erectus to a population we define as sapiens.

We know nothing of the differences, if any, in rates of human evolution in glacial and non-glacial regions and/or periods. Indeed, there seems little evi­dence at present that Homo erectus lived in extreme glacial cold. The con­ditions at Choukoutien, admittedly cold-temperate (but certainly not with summers as cold as those of European winters today), may have been as diffi­cult as any survived by Homo erectus, since the Hungarian site at Vertesszol­lik has been described as having been occupied during an interstadial period within the Mindel (Kretzoi and Vertes 1965).

Even during a period of continental

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH

glaciation, I cannot believe that the circum-Mediterranean area would have had summers as extremely cold as pos­tulated by Emiliani. Even under con­ditions of increased cloud cover, the summer sun must have accomplished considerable warming, quite as it does in the Arctic today. Under summer con­ditions postulated as being as cold as those of the winter of many parts of Europe today no insects would fly and no insect-pollinated plants survive. What would such conditions mean in terms of floral and faunal succession, and of total biomass? What would be the number of frost-free days, what the length (if any) of the growing season? What would the surviving flora pro­vide in the way of food, not only di­rectly to man but to a fauna upon which a human population could also depend? I have no answers at present to most of these questions, but in the circum-Mediterranean area. I cannot believe that the environment during a glacial stage was as extremely frigid as Emiliani's phraseology must certainly suggest to most readers.

Our knowledge of glacial environ­ments is best derived from studies of the last maximum of the Wiirm-Wis­consin, when conditions over mos.t of Europe would admittedly have been difficult for a hominid at the cultural level of Homo erectus. At this time a few hundred miles of tundra separated the ice-front from the forest, and the livable habitats for H. erectus in Europe (if conditions were similar during some part of his period of occu­pancy there) would probably have been reduced to the Mediterranean coastland and the peninsulas of Iberia, Italy, and the Balkans (Wright 1961: Fig. 6). Were conditions in these areas during the Wiirm maximum as extreme as Emiliani has postulated them to have been in that prior glacial period during which H. erectu5 was supposedly occu­pying these same regions? I think not.

However, as I mentioned before, the circum-Mediterranean was not the only region in which Homo erectus lived, nor was the glacial environment the only region in which he could have evolved. Earlier hominids, in southern and eastern Africa, had seemingly not needed the stimulus of a peri-glacial environment for their particular bio­logical and cultural passage through the australopithecine grade.

by KARL H. SCHWERIN*"

Albuquerque, N. Mex., U.S.A. 13 III 67

Clearly one of Emiliwi's objectives is to clarify our understanding of recent geological epochs and to sharpen the definition of boundaries. I will limit my comments to these considerations.

41

Understandably he is approaching these questions from the point of view of a geologist-palaeontologist. Bound- aries are defined by the appearance of certain marine species at a particular locality in space and time, or by geo- logical evidence of past temperature variations with which the occurence of such marine species is correlated. This approach leads him to state,

It will not come as a great surprise if it should appear, when the Plio-Pleistocene boundary has been dated, that the genus Homo dates from well back into the Plio- cene.

If, however, we are to define Homo as "a primate capable of systemati- cally manufacturing tools," i.e., a cul- ture-bearing animal, I think one could argue on evolutionary and logical grounds that the appearance of cul- ture-bearing hominids should represent at the very least a new geological pe- riod, if not the start of a new era. The evolutionary process has certainly not ceased, but it has clearly taken a new direction with the development of cul- ture.

Of course, from a strictly geological point of view, one might argue that the existence of man, along with his culture, has had little impact on the Pliocene and Pleistocene record. Though we do find cultural remains, they and human skeletal materials would seem to the palaeontologist to be little different from the fossil re- mains of other species.

Within the past 10,000-15,000 years, however, man has begun to have a profound and widespread effect on the biological and geological features of the earth. Since plants and animals were first domesticated some 10,000 years ago, man has not only spread his domestic species at the expense of wild ones, he has cleared forests, plowed grasslands, drained lakes and swamps, irrigated deserts, and greatly speeded up natural processes of erosion (some of these effects are discussed in Tho- mas 1956). These biological and geo- logical effects are of sufficient magni- tude that I would expect them to pro- duce a marked disturbance or uncon- formity in the geological record, com- parable to that which separates earlier geological stages. The unique thing about this unconformity is that, for the first time in the history of evolution, it has a cultural base. This disturbance may seem insignificant from our per- spective, but I am sure it would not be if it were viewed by a geologist se.veral million years hence, and in the context of the adjacent geological strata.

Emiliani himself goes so far as to recognize a faunal change, noting that many animal species have become ex- tinct in the past 15,000 years as a con- sequence of human expansion. Thus I

fail to understand his objection to "Holocene." If I understand him cor- rectly, he would replace this with a mere subdivision of the Pleistocene, which he calls the "Flandrian"; i.e., he would lump recent geological history with the preceding epochs of the Ce- nozoic. I hope I have shown that there are good, indeed compelling, reasons for classifying the last 10,000 (or per- haps 15,000) years as marking a dis- tinct geological epoch-one which, however, is defined by completely dif- ferent criteria than those which have preceded it.

Returning to the question of pe- riods versus eras, if we are to agree with Simpson (1960:286-87) that with culture "a fundamentally new sort of evolution has also appeared," then it seems to me appropriate to recognize a new era, the Culturozoic (or Paideo- zoic, if the Greek form is preferred). Huxley argues (1956:6) that this had its beginning mid-Pliocene. Emiliani seems to be of the same mind. The only question is what date we are to assign the mid-Pliocene.

If we are to admit that the develop- ment of culture has indeed been so profoundly significant for the course of evolution that it requires recogni- tion of a new geological era, then we must mark the beginning of that era where culture itself has its beginning (which would also provide a terminal date for the Pliocene). Even though culture had little effect geologically during the Plio-Pleistocene (as cur- rently defined), we might view this epoch as analogous to the Palaeocene, which served as a sort of preliminary developmental stage before the marked expansion of most mammalian orders in the Eocene and later epochs of the Cenozoic. My principal differences with Emiliani, then, concern what fac- tors are to be considered in deter- mining boundaries and how much sig- nificance is to be ascribed to these factors.

by GiiNTER SMOLLA*

Frankfurt Germany. 20 III 67

Everyone will agree that "some of the confusion existing in Pleistocene liter- ature appears to result from semantics alone"; but-alas-I cannot see that Emiliani gives us any helpful sugges- tions for solving this problem. Terms like "posfglacial" or "Holocene" for the past 10,000 years are indeed out of scale compared with the absolute length of the "glacial" and the whole Pleistocene. For the archaeologist, how- ever, the scale is quite different. The past 10,000 years are for him full of events. He has to work not only with geological, but also-and more and more-with historical time scales. The term "Flandrian" proposed by Emi-

liani may be more "logical" and meaningful in his special field, but for workers in the various fields of biolog- ical and cultural history of mankind it can only produce more confusion.

Emiliani accepts the old myth that "man" is less capable for the "struggle of life" than other animals. But what enemies specialize in eating men? What animals of man's size can walk and run and climb and swim as well as he? Even more problematic is the "very important role" of cannibalism in the early stages of human evolution. Every cultural anthropologist knows that cannibalism is absent in known hunt- ing and food-gathering populations, but nearly typical for primitive food- producing communities. There are some hints that cannibalism may have been practiced by early man (Chou- koutien Loc. 1), but there is no known analogy by which we can interpret them. And where is the unquestionable evidence that Australopithecus killed and ate members of his own or related species?

Without question, changes in ecolog- ical conditions during the Pleistocene should have selective influence on human evolution; but it will be very difficult to produce evidence for this speculative supposition. Perhaps "mo- dern man," i.e., homo sapiens sapiens, was better able to withstand cold weather than "the Neanderthals," but he replaced the latter not only in cold regions but also in temperate and even warm ones.

The one factor in the evolution of man during the Pleistocene which we must know about above all others is time. We are indebted to Emiliani for his very stimulating work on dating and correlating Pleistocene events, and we look forward eagerly to hearing more from him on those subjects.

by L. VAN VALEN*

Chicago, III, U.S.A. 3 iII 67

Emiliani's stratigraphic and palaeo- temperature discussions are quite wel- come. The agreement between his re- sults and varieties of Milankovich's isolation curves (Van Woerkom 1953) is rather good and provides presump- tive support for both.

Most of the section on biology would, however, have benefited by omission. "Modern views on speciation and evolution" do not require geo- graphic isolation for phyletic evolu- tion, and as far as any kind of evolu- tion at the subspecific level (e.g., Neanderthals) is concerned, geographic isolation, as opposed to occupancy of different areas, would be evoked only in special cases. One species can change into another by evolution in the same continuously occupied area. (See Simp- son [1961] for a discussion of the

42 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Understandably he is approaching these questions from the point of view of a geologist-palaeontologist. Bound­aries are defined by the appearance of certain marine species at a particular locality in space and time, or by geo­logical evidence of past temperature variations with which the occurence of such marine species is correlated. This approach leads him to state,

It will not come as a great surprise if it should appear, when the Plio-Pleistocene boundary has been dated, that the genus Homo dates from well back into the Plio­cene.

If, however, we are to define Homo as "a primate capable of systemati­cally manufacturing tools," i.e., a cul­ture-bearing animal, I think one could argue on evolutionary and logical grounds that the appearance of cul­ture-bearing hominids should represent at the very least a new geological pe­riod, if not the start of a new era. The evolutionary process has certainly not ceased, but it has clearly taken a new direction with the development of cul­ture.

Of course, from a strictly geological point of view, one might argue that the existence of man, along with his culture, has had little impact on the Pliocene and Pleistocene record. Though we do find cultural remains, they and human skeletal materials would seem to the palaeontologist to be little different from the fossil re­mains of other species.

Within the past 10,000-15,000 years, however; man has begun to have a profound and widespread effect on the biological and geological features of the earth. Since plants and animals were first domesticated some 10,000 years ago, man has not only spread his domestic species at the expense of wild ones, he has cleared forests, plowed grasslands, drained lakes and swamps, irrigated deserts, and greatly speeded up natural processes of erosion (some of these effects are discussed in Tho­mas 1956). These biological and· geo­logical effects are of sufficient magni­tude that I would expect them to pro­duce a marked disturbance or uncon­formity in the geological record, com­parable to that which separates earlier geological stages. The unique thing about this unconformity is that, for the first time in the history of evolution, it has a cultural base. This disturbance may seem insignificant from our per­srective, but I am sure it would not be i it were viewed by a geologist se.veral million years hence, and in the context of the adjacent geological strata.

Emiliani himself goes so far as to recognize a faunal change, noting that many animal species have become ex­tinct in the past 15,000 years as a con­sequence of human expansion. Thus I

42

fail to understand his objection to "Holocene." If I understand him cor­rectly, he would replace this with a mere subdivision of the Pleistocene, which he calls the "Flandrian"; i.e., he would lump recent geological history with the preceding epochs of the Ce­nozoic. I hope I have shown that there are good, indeed compelling, reasons for classifying the last 1 0,000 (or per­haps 15,000) years as marking a dis­tinct geological epoch-one which, however, is defined by completely dif­ferent criteria than those which have preceded it.

Returning to the question of pe­riods versus eras, if we are to agree with Simpson (1960:286-87) that with culture "a fundamentally new sort of evolution has also appeared," then it seems to me appropriate to recognize a new era, the Culturozoic (or Paideo­zoic, if the Greek form is preferred). Huxley argues (1956:6) that this had its beginning mid-Pliocene. Emiliani seems to be of the same mind. The only question is what date we are to assign the mid-Pliocene.

If we are to admit that the develop­ment of culture has indeed been so profoundly significant for the course of evolution that it requires recogni­tion of a new geological era, then we must mark the beginning of that era where culture itself has its beginning (which would. also provide a terminal date for the Pliocene). Even though culture had little effect geologically during the Plio-Pleistocene (as cur­rently defined), we might view this epoch as analogous to the Palaeocene, which served as a sort of preliminary developmental stage before the marked expansion of most mammalian orders in the Eocene and later epochs of the Cenozoic. My principal differ~nces with Emiliani, then, concern what fac­tors are to be considered in deter­mining boundaries and how much sig­nificance is to be ascribed to these factors.

by GUNTER SMOLLA *

Frankfurt Germany. 20 III 67

Everyone will agree that "some of the confusion existing in Pleistocene liter­ature appears to result from semantics alone"; but-alas- I cannot see that Emiliani gives us any helpful sugges­tions for solving this problem. Terms like "pos(glacial" or "Holocene" for the past 1 0,0.00 years are indeed out of scale compared with the absolute length of the "glacial" and the whole Pleistocene. For the archaeologist, how­ever, the scale is quite different. The past 1 0,000 years are for him full of events. He has to work not only with geological, but also-and more and more-with historical time scales. The term "Flandrian" proposed by Emi-

liani may be more "logical" and meaningful in his special field, but for workers in the various fields of biolog­ical and cultural history of mankind it can only produce more confusion.

Emiliani accepts the old myth that "man" is less capable for the "struggle of life" than other animals. But what enemies specialize in eating men? What animals of man's size can walk and run and climb and swim as well as he? Even more problematic is the "very important role" of cannibalism in the early stages of human evolution. Every cultural anthropologist knows that cannibalism is absent in known hunt­ing and food-gathering populations, but nearly typical for primitive food­producing communities. There are some hints that cannibalism may have been practiced by early man (Chou­koutien Loc. 1), but there is no known analogy by which we can interpret them. And where is the unquestionable evidence that Australopithecus killed and ate members of his own or related species?

Without question, changes in ecolog­ical conditions during the Pleistocene should have selective influence on human evolution; but it will be very difficult to produce evidence for this speculative supposition. Perhaps "mo­dern man," i.e., homo sapiens sapiens, was better able to withstand cold weather than "the Neanderthals," but he replaced the latter not only in cold regions but also in temperate and even warm ones.

The one factor in the evolution of man during the Pleistocene which we must know about above all others is time. We are indebted to Emiliani for his very stimulating work on dating and correlating Pleistocene events, and we look forward eagerly to hearing more from him on those subjects.

by L. V AN V ALEN*

Chicago, Ill., U.S.A. 3 III 67

Emiliani's stratigraphic and palaeo­temperature discussions are quite wel­come. The agreement between his re­sults and varieties of Milankovich's isolation curves (Van Woerkom 1953) is rather good and provides presump­tive support for both.

Most of the section on biology would, however, have benefited by omission. "Modern views on speciation and evolution" do not require geo­graphic isolation for phyletic evolu­tion, and as far as any kind of evolu­tion at the subspecific level (e.g., Neanderthals) is concerned, geographic isolation, as opposed to occupancy of different areas, would be evoked only in special cases. One species can change into another by evolution in the same continuously occupied area. (See Simp­son [1961] for a discussion. of the

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH principles of phyletic evolution and Van Valen [1966] for a more detailed theory of subspecific evolution possibly applicable to man.)

Determination of the place of origin of Homo is a problem in sampling, even in the unlikely event that this transition occurred in a restricted re- gion. The degree of knowledge of mammalian faunas of appropriate ages must be weighed in each region against the presence or absence of human fos-

sils. The fragmentary evidence from Indonesia and China in fact suggests transitional early Homo in these re- gions also. It is also questionable (Dar- lington 1957) whether the severity of glacial climate contributed importantly to human or other evolution except for direct adaptations to cold.

Are there any data on the relative frequency of arthritis in Neanderthals

and more recent man? I thought the sample size of even all Neanderthals was still too small for age-specific statistics such as this. The suggestion of a relation between the size of air sinuses and the occurrence or severity of upper respiratory disease is interest- ing and apparently original, even if perhaps unlikely, and could be tested in recent populations.

Reply

by CESARE EMILIANI*

I am gratified to see that my paper has been honored by such a large number of CA* comments. Because different comments often cover the same points, I will provide a general reply, followed by a few specific remarks. Each state- ment or group of statements is followed by the name(s) in brackets of the au- thor(s) who prompted the statement(s).

According to the principles followed by stratigraphers since "strata Smith," and later internationally agreed upon, the stratigraphic subdivision of the entire geologic column since the Cam- brian is based upon marine deposits. Each term is defined on the basis of a type section. The term "Pleistocene" is no exceptlion: it is defined on the basis of the type section at Le Castella, Ca- labria, southern Italy, following the unanimous decision of the 7th INQUA Congress (Richmond and Emiliani 1967) [Butzer].

It is true that the decision of the 18th International Geological Congress to place the Plio-Pleistocene boundary at the base of the Calabrian stage also included a statement to the effect that this boundary be placed "at the hori- zon of the first indication of climate deterioration" in the continuous late Cenozoic marine sections of Italy. Sub- sequent research has shown, however, that the first indication of climatic de- terioration dates from many million years ago, and the Pleistocene, thus defined would probably include most of the Pliocene. Substantial glaciation in Antarctica problably began 5,000,000 years ago (Emiliani 1957), and evidence for glaciation elsewhere dates from at least 3,000,000 years (Curry 1966). Thus, the Pleistocene cannot be defined in terms of cooling alone [Cooke]. As a matter of fact, isotopic analysis of the Le Castella sec- tion has shown that the Plio-Pleisto- cene boundary, as defined today, is not accompanied by any substantial temperature decrease (Emiliani, May-

eda, and Selli 1961). ' Thus the bound- ary, as presently defined, appears to rest on an ecological event of rather limited significance. Within the next few years, absolute dating of marine epicontinental sections and the intensive study of thick oceanic sections from the open seas may provide new evidence advising a redefinition of the Plio- Pleistocene boundary. For the time being, the term Pleistocene should be restricted to its formal meaning: any deviation therefrom will only create confusion [Butzer, Schwerin].

I am quite sympathetic to the pro- blems which scholars dealing with con- tinental deposits face because of the difficulty (or impossibility) of corre- lating these deposits with the marine sections. While these problems will not be solved by applying indiscriminately (i.e., without the support of absolute dating) the marine terminology to the continental deposits, they can be quite easily solved by establishing an inde- pendent palaeontological nomenclature based upon the fossil evidence of the continents, a road which the Soviet stu- dents have already adopted with their usage of the term "Anthropogene." I agree with Anati that CA should coor- dinate this meritorious effort. The con- tinental terminology would then be re- lated to the marine one only at the points where absolute dates are avail- able. Only a few such points exist at

ttie present time beyond the range of C14: these, together with the points provided by C14 dating, indicate a ge- neral agreement, within the limits of error of the various analytical tech- niques, between oceanic, marine epi- continental, and continental events [Butzer, Cooke]. 2

The notion that there were four gla- ciations has such great classic fascina- tion that it will not die easily. How- ever, the evidence from both marine and continental deposits, indicating that there were considerably more than four glaciations, is both compelling and mounting. For instance, Kukla, in his comment, mentions eight loesses; Scherf (1936) found eleven weathering hori- zons in the loess section at Paks, Hun- gary; and Lona (1963) illustrates eight climatic oscillations within the Donau- Mindel interval, all having full gla- cial/interglacial amplitude. I would venture to say that, whenever the stra- tigraphic record is analyzed in suffi- cient detail, strong climatic oscilla- tions are noticed; and whenever a time scale (or even a time estimate) exists, the wave length appears to be in the neighborhood of 50,000 years [Gigout, Ree]. These analyses, of course, are most easily done on oceanic sediments. Sea-level changes also appear to follow the time scale provided by the deep- sea cores. Thus, the high stands dated at 125,000 and 85,000 years ago cor- respond to dated high isotopic temper- atures, separated by a temperature min- ium at about 110,000 years [Kukla].

The relationship between semi-an- nual insolation variations at different latitudes and climatic oscillations re- quires closer analysis. K6ppen and Wegener (1924) assigned predominant significance to the summer insolation variations at 65?N. Kukla, in his com- ment, speaks in favor of the winter in- solation variations at 55?N. I believe that these are only first-order approxi- mations, and that the effect of insola- tion variations at different critical la-

1 It is curious that, of the many hundred molluscan and foraminiferal species which occur in the North Atlantic, only two dozen species entered the Mediterranean at the be- ginning of the Calabrian and nearly all of these species are common to both the North Atlantic and the Baltic. Species living in the Baltic must necessarily be adjusted to ab- normal salinity conditions. I wonder whether the northern guests may not have entered the Mediterranean through a temporary pas- sage in southwestern France, acting as a sa- linity ecologic filter. The maximum required subsidence would be about 186 m. along a small area between Toulouse and Carcas- sonne. The scanty marine deposits in the area may have been entirely eroded away since, thus eliminating any evidence of such a marine transgression.

2 I do not accept as definite any C14 date greater than about 45,QOO years [Butzer].

Vol. 9 . No. 1 . February 1968

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

principles of phyletic evolution and Van Valen [1966] for a more detailed theory of subspecific evolution possibly applicable to man.)

Determination of the place of origin of Homo is a problem in sampling, even in the unlikely event that this transition occurred in a restricted re­gion. The degree of knowledge of mammalian faunas of appropriate ages must be weighed in each region against the presence or absence of human fos-

Reply by CESARE EMILIANI'*

I am gratified to see that my paper has been honored by such a large number of CA* comments. Because different comments often cover the same points, I will provide a general reply, followed by a few specific remarks. Each state­ment or group of statements is followed by the name(s) in brackets of the au­thor(s) who prompted the statement(s).

According to the principles followed by stratigraphers since "strata Smith," and later internationally agreed upon, the stratigraphic subdivision of the entire geologic column since the Cam­brian is based upon marine deposits. Each term is defined on the basis of a type section. The term "Pleistocene" is no except~on: it is defined on the basis of the type section at Le Castella, Ca­labria, southern Italy, following the unanimous decision of the 7th INQUA Congress (Richmond and Emiliani 1967) [Butzer].

It is true that the decision of the 18th International Geological Congress to place the Plio-Pleistocene boundary at the base of the Calabrian stage also included a statement to the effect that this boundary be placed ·"at the hori­zon of the first indication of climate deterioration" in the continuous late Cenozoic marine sections of Italy. Sub­sequent research has shown, however, that the first indication of climatic de­terioration dates from many million years ago, and 'the Pleistocene, thus defined would probably include most of the Pliocene. Substantial glaciation in Antarctica problably began 5,000,0~0 years ago (Emiliani 1957), and eVIdence for glaciation elsewhere dates from at least 3,000,000 years (Curry 1966). Thus, the Pleistocene cannot be defined in terms of cooling alone [Cooke]. As a matter of fact isotopic analysis of the Le Castella sec~ tion has shown that the Plio-Pleisto­cene boundary, as defined today, is not accompanied by any substantial

,temperature decrease (Emili ani, May-

Vol. 9. No.1. February 1968

sils. The fragmentary evidence from Indonesia and China in fact suggests transitional early Homo in these re­gions also. It is also questionable (Dar­lington 1957) whether the severity of glacial climate contributed importantly to human or oth~r evolution except for direct adaptations to cold.

Are there any .data on the relative frequency of arthritis in Neanderthals

eda, and Selli 1961). I Thus the bound­ary, as presently defined, appears to rest on an ecological event of rather limited significance. Within the next few years, absolute dating of marine epicontinental sections and the intensive study of thick-oceanic sections from the open seas may provide new evidence advising a redefinition of the Plio­Pleistocene boundary. For the time being, the term Pleistocene should be restricted to its formal meaning: any deviation therefrom will only create confusion [Butzer, Schwerin].

I am quite sympathetic to the pro­blems which scholars dealing with con­tinental deposits face because of' the difficulty (or impossibility) of corre­lating these deposits with the marine sections. While these problems will not be solved by applying indiscriminately (i.e., without the support of absolute dating) the marine terminology to the continental deposits, they can be quite easily solved by establishing an inde­pendent palaeontological nomenclature based upon the fossil evidence of the continents, a road which the Soviet stu­dents have already adopted with their usage of the term "Anthropogene." I agree with Anati that ~A should coor': dinate this meritorious effort. The con­tinental terminology would then be re­lated to the marine one only at the points where absolute dates are avail­able. Only a few such points exist at

I It is curious that, of the many hundred molluscan and foraminiferal species which occur in the North Atlantic, only two dozen species entered the Mediterranean at the be­ginning of the Calabrian and nearly all of these species are common to both the North Atlantic and the Baltic. Species living in the Baltic must necessarily be adjusted to ab­normal salinity conditions. I wonder whether the northern guests may not have entered the Mediterranean through a temporary pas­sage in southwestern France, acting as a sa­linity ecologic filter. The maximum required subsidence would be about 186 m. along a small area between Toulouse and Carcas­sonne. The scanty marine deposits in the area may have been entirely eroded away since, thus eliminating any evidence of such a marine transgression.

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH

and more recent man? I thought the sample size of even all Neanderthals was still too small for age-specific statistics such as this. The suggestion of a relation between the size of air sinuses and the occurrence or severity of upper respiratory disease is interest­ing and apparently original, even if perhaps unlikely, and could be tested, in recent populations.

the present time beyond the range of C14: these, together with the points provided by CI4 dating, indicate a ge­neral agreement, within the limits of error of the various analytical tech­niques, between oceanic, marine epi­continental, and continental events [Butzer, Cooke]. 2

The notion that there were four gla­ciations has such great classic fascina­tion that it will not die easily. How­ever, the evidence from both marine and continental deposits, indicating that there were considerably more than four glaciations, is both compelling and mounting. For instance, Kukla, in his comment, mentions eight loesses; Scherf (1936) found eleven weathering hori­zons in the loess section at Paks, Hun­gary; and Lona (1963) illustrates eight climatic oscillations within the Donau­Mindel interval, all having full gla­cial/interglacial amplitude. I would venture to say that, whenever the stra­tigraphic record is analyzed in suffi­cient detail, strong climatic oscilla­tions are noticed; and whenever a time scale (or even a time estimate) exists, the wave length appears to be in the neighborhood of 50,000 years [Gigout, Ree]. These analyses, of course, are most easily done on oceanic sediments. Sea-level changes also appear to follow the time scale provided by the deep­sea cores. Thus, the high stands dated at 125,000 and 85,000 years ago cor­respond to dated high isotopic temper­atures, separated by a temperature min­ium at about 110,000 years [Kukla].

The relationship between semi-an­nual insolation variations at different latitudes and climatic oscillations re­quires closer analysis. Koppen and Wegener (1924) assigned predominant significance to the summer insolation variations at 65°N. Kukla, in his com­ment, speaks in favor of the winter in­solation variations at 55°N. I believe that these are only first-order approxi­mations, and that the effect of insola­tion vanations at different critical la-

2 I do not accept as definite any C14 date greater than about 45,QOO years [Butzer}.

43

titudes and in different seasons should be evaluated. For instance, it may be argued (Emiliani 1966) that summer- insolation minima in the accumulation latitudes coupled with insolation maxi- ma in the evaporation latitudes will tend to produce strong glaciations; summer-insolation maxima in the ac- cumulation areas coupled with insola- tion minima in the evaporation areas will tend to produce warm intergla- cials; and intermediate conditions may produce milder glacials and intergla- cials [Kukla].

The glacial/interglacial amplitude of the climatic oscillations remained es- sentially constant at an estimated 60?C during the past 425,000 years, with the single execption of deep-sea core stage 3. This temperature range is essentially the same as today's winter/summer range for the open North Atlantic, and it is on the basis of this similarity that I stated that glacial summers were. es- sentially similar to intergracial winters I now believe that I did overstate the case, and that what is true for the open North Atlantic need not be true for in- land seas (North Sea, Baltic, Mediter- ranean) or for the continents at middle and high latitudes. There, the glacial/ interglacial range appears to have been smaller than today's winter/summer range. As an example, the glacial/inter- glacial range as measured by isotopic analysis of fossil marine shells (food refuse) from the Haua Fteah Cave of Cyrenaica appears to have been about 8?C (Emiliani et al. 1964: Fig. 5) while today's winter/summer range is 11C. A more appropriate generalization would be that, for Europe and the Me- diterranean basin, glacial summers were similar to today's late autumns [Frisch, Hester, Holloway]. In the low latitudes, on the other hand, the glacial/interglacial range was much greater than the modern winter/sum- mer range. My estimate of a 6?C tem- perature decrease for the Caribbean- equatorial Atlantic area was found by

van der Hammen and Gonzales (1960) to coincide with estimates obtained by them from the fossil floras.

We know, from direct palaeontolo- gical and palaeobotanical evidence, that the climatic oscillations of the Pleistocene had a profound effect on both plants and animals, not only on the continents but also in the sea. There is little doubt that, when floras migrate, plant-eaters also migrate, and meat- eaters follow. Thus, the Pleistocene was a time of great and repeated migra- tions, a phenomenon per se conduc- tive to the splitting of large popula- tions into smaller groups and to gene- tic isolation of some of these: It is not necessary, for isolation, to have inter- vening glaciers: an intervening hostile ecology may be sufficient [Holloway, Kukla, Reed, Van Valen]. Conditions for rapid evolution were established for the entire biosphere, and not for man alone [Brace]. I do not believe that, as a rule, an entire species spe- ciates into a different one. My reason for this belief is that, a hundred years after Darwin, the missing links are still largely missing in the geological record [Brace].

It is an almost universally adopted view that the most important result of bipedal posture in early Hominidae was the freeing of the anterior limbs for toolmaking. My point however is that bipedal posture was not achieved through the necessity of making tools, but through the more primordial ne- cessity of better perception for scout- ing. Mammals which have attained a certain body size (making hiding diffi- cult), which are preyed upon by carni- vores, and which have no adequate defense mechanism, tend to have their perception centers as high above the ground as permitted by their general body architecture (gazelles, zebras, etc.). This is not the case for other mam- mals having similar feeding habits but endowed with powerful offense and defense mechanisms (bisons, rhinoce-

ros, etc.). Giraffes developed extra- long necks (and forelimbs) as a second- ary effect related to tree-grazing. Early Hominidae, even though they may have been able to swim, run, climb, etc., would have been successful in these activities, as evasive practices, only if alerted in time. It would seem that they too would have benefited from increased perception and that the benefit might have resulted in vertical posture [Holloway, Longyear, Smolla, Reed].

Whether or not the genus Homo dates from the Pliocene depends on two things: (a) the definition of Homo; and (b) the absolute age of the appearance of Hyalinea baltica at Le Castella. If habilis is assigned to Homo, and if the appearance of H. baltica at Le Castella is as recent as some micropalaeontolo- gical evidence suggests (about 700,000 years, according to Hay and Boudreaux 1968), then Homo originated in the Pliocene [Holloway].

I will conclude with a few assorted remarks. I should have used subspe- ciated instead of speciated when dis- cussing the origin of Homo sapiens sapiens [Howell]. The term Flandrian is not my idea, but was proposed by Dubois in 1924 [Schwerin, Smolla]. I do not equate evolution with changes in cranial capacity [Anati]. I wish to amplify my statement on cannibalism to emphasize that cannibalism includes not only nutritional cannibalism but also cultural cannibalism. The latter is likely to have been more important than the former, and I should have dis- cussed this point [Anati, Lasker]. The age which I estimated for Swanscombe (Emiliani 1956) is 125,000 years and not 95,000 years. Also, I provided no time estimate for Steinheim [Coon]. The Neanderthals had apparently a very advanced culture: they not only invented religion but exhibited excel- lent judgment in choosing the right place (Monte Circeo, only 50 miles from Rome) [Longyear].

References Cited

ALLCHIN, BRIDGET. 1963. The Indian stone age sequence. Journal of the Royal An- thropological Institute 93:2 10-34.

[CLB*] ANDERSEN, Sv. TH., HL. DE VRIEs, and W.

H. ZAGWIJN. 1960. Climatic change and radiocarbon dating in the Weichselian glacial of Denmark and the Netherlands. Geologie en Mihnbouw 39:38-42.

ARRHENIUS, G. 1952. Sediment cores from the East Pacific. Swedish Deep-Sea Ex- pedition 1947-48, Reports 5:1-227.

ASCHER, R. 1965. "Discussion," in The origin of man. Edited by P. B. DeVore, pp. 47-48. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation. [AG*]

AZZAROLI, A. 1964. .Rinoceronti pliocenici

del Valdarno inferiore. Palaeontographica Italica 57:11-20. [HBSC*]

BARBIERI, F., and F. MEDIOLI. 1964. Signi- ficato Paleoecologico di alcuni generi di foraminiferi nella serie Pliocenica Ver- nasca-Castell'Arquato. L'Ateneo Parmense 35:1-27. [HBSC*]

BISHOP, W. W. 1965. Quaternary geology and geomorphology in the Albertine Rift valley, Uganda. Geological Society of America, Special Paper 84:293-3-21.

BLANCHARD, R. L. 1963. Uranium decay series disequilibrium in age determination of marine calcium carbonate. Unpublish- ed Ph.D. thesis, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri.

BORDES, FRANCOIS. 1961. Mousterian cul- tures in France. Science 134:803-10.

[CLB*] BRACE, C. L. 1963a. Review of: Evolution

und Hominization. Edited by Gottfried Kurth (Stuttgart: G. Fischer, 1962). American Journal of Physical Anthropol- ogy 21:87-91. [CLB]*

1963b. Review of: Ideas on human evolution. Selected essays, 1949-1961. Edited by William Howells (Cambridge: 3-19. Harvard University Press, 1962). Human Biology 35:545-48. [CLB*]

1964a. "A non-racial approach toward the understanding of human diversity," in The concept of race. Edited by M. F. A. Montagu. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe. [CBL*]

19641. The fate of the "classic" Neanderthals: A consideration of hominid catastrophism. CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY 5: 9-19.

1964c. The concept of race. CURRENT

44 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

titudes and in different seasons should be evaluated. For instance, it may be argued (Emiliani 1966) that summer­insolation minima in the accumulation latitudes coupled with insolation maxi­ma in the evaporation latitudes will tend to produce strong glaciations; summer-insolation maxima in the ac­cumulation areas coupled with insola­tion minima in the evaporation areas will tend to produce warm intergla­cials; and intermediate conditions may produce milder glacials and intergla­cials [Kukla].

The glacial!interglacial amplitude of the climatic oscillations remained es­sentially constant at an estimated 60°C during the past 425,000 years, with the single execption of deep-sea core stage 3. This temperature range is essentially the same as today's winter/summer range for the open North Atlantic, and it is on the basis of this similarity that I stated that glacial summers were. es­sentially similar to intergracial winters I now believe that I did overstate the case, and that what is true for the open North Atlantic need not be true for in­land seas (North Sea, Baltic, Mediter­ranean) or for the continents at middle and high latitudes. There, the glacial! interglacial range appears to have been smaller than today's winter/summer range. As an example, the glacial!inter­glacial range as measured by isotopic analysis of fossil marine shells (food refuse) from the Haua Fteah Cave of Cyrenaica appears to have been about 8°C (Emiliani et al. 1964: Fig. 5) while today's winter/summer range is 11°C. A more appropriate generalization would be that, for Europe and the Me­diterranean basin, glacial summers were similar to today's late autumns [Frisch, Hester, Holloway]. In the low latitudes, on the other hand, the glacial!interglacial range was much greater than the modern winter/sum­mer range. My estimate of a 6°C tem­perature decrease for the Caribbean­equatorial Atlantic area was found by

References Cited

ALLCHIN, BRIDGET. 1963. The Indian stone age sequence. Journal of the Royal An­thropological Institute 93 :210-34.

[CLB*] ANDERSEN, Sv. TH~, HL. DE VRIES, and W.

H. ZAGWIJN. 1960. Climatic change and radiocarbon dating in the Weichselian glacial of Denmark and the Netherlands. Geologie en MiJnbouw 39:38-42.

ARRHENIUS, G. 1952. Sediment cores from the East Pacific. Swedish Deep-Sea Ex­pedition 1947-48, Reports 5:1-227.

ASCHER, R. 1965. "Discussion," in The origin of man. Edited by P. B. DeVore, pp. 47-48. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation. [AG*]

AZZAROLI, A. 1964 .. Rinoceronti pliocenici

44

van der Hammen and Gonzales (1960) to coincide with estimates obtained by them from the fossil floras.

We know, from direct palaeontolo­gical and palaeobotanical evidence, that the climatic oscillations of the Pleistocene had a profound effect on both plants and animals, not only on the continents but also in the sea. There is little doubt that, when floras migrate, plant-eaters also migrate, and meat­eaters follow. Thus, the Pleistocene was a time of great and repeated migra­tions, a phenomenon per se conduc­tive to the splitting of large popula­tions into smaller groups and to gene­tic isolation of some of these: It is not necessary, for isolation, to have inter­vening glaciers: an intervening hostile ecology may be sufficient [Holloway, Kukla, Reed, Van Valen]. Conditions for rapid evolution were established for the entire biosphere, and not for man alone [Brace]. I do not believe that, as a rule, an entire species spe­ciates into a different one. My reason for this belief is that, a hundred years after Darwin, the missing links are still largely missing in the geological record [Brace ].

It is an almost universally adopted view that the most important result of bipedal posture in early Hominidae was the freeing of the anterior limbs for toolmaking. My point however is that bipedal posture was not achieved through the necessity of making tools, but through the more primordial ne­cessity of better perception for scout­ing. Mammals which have attained a certain body size (making hiding diffi­cult), which are preyed upon by carni­vores, and which have no adequate defense mechanism, tend to have their perception centers as high above the ground as permitted by their general body architecture (gazelles, zebras, etc.). This is not the case for other mam­mals having similar feeding habits but endowed with powerful offense and defense mechanisms (bisons, rhinoce-

del Valdarno inferiore. Palaeontographica Itallca 57:11-20. [HBSC*]

BARBIERI, F., and F. MEDIOLI. 1964. Signi­ficato Paleoecologico di alcuni generi di foramimferi nella serie Pliocenica Ver­nasca-Castell'Arquato. L'Ateneo Parmense 35:1-27. [HBSO~r]

BISHOP, W. W. 1965. Quaternary geology and geomorphology in the Albertine Rift valley, Uganda. Geological Society of AmerIca, Special Paper 84:293-3-21.

BLANCHARD, R. L. 1963. Uranium decay series disequilibrium in age determination of marine calcium carbonate. Unpublish­ed Ph.D. thesis, Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri.

BORDES, FRANr';:orS. 1961. Mousterian cul­tures in France. Science 134:803-10.

[CLMr] BRACE, C. L. 1963a. Review of: Evolution

ros, etc.). Giraffes developed extra­long necks (and forelimbs) as a second­ary effect related to tree-grazing. Early Hominidae, even though they may have been able to swim, run, climb, etc., would have been successful in these activities, as evasive practices, only if alerted in time. It would seem that they too would have benefited from increased perception and that the benefit might have resulted in vertical posture [Holloway, Longyear, Smolla, Reed].

Whether or not the genus Homo dates from the Pliocene depends on two things: (a) the definition of Homo; and (b) the absolute age of the appearance of H yalinea baltica at Le Castella. If habilis is assigned to Homo, and if the appearance of H. baltica at Le Castella is as recent as some micropalaeontolo­gical evidence suggests (about 700,000 years, according to Hay and Boudreaux 1968), then Homo originated in the Pliocene [ Holloway].

I will conclude with a few assorted remarks. I should have used subspe­ciated instead of speciated when dis­cussing the origin of Homo sapiens sapiens [Howell]. The term Flandrian is not my idea, but was proposed by Dubois in 1924 [Schwerin, Smolla]. I do not equate evolution with changes in cranial capacity [Anati]. I wish to amplify my statement on cannibalism to emphasize that cannibalism includes not only nutritional cannibalism but also cultural cannibalism. The latter is likely. to have been more important than the former, and I should have dis­cussed this point [Anati, Lasker]. The age which I estimated for Swanscombe (Emiliani 1956) is 125,000 years and not 95,000 years. Also, I provided no time estimate for Steinheim [Coon]. The Neanderthals had apparently a very advanced culture: they not only invented religion but exhibited excel­lent judgment in choosing the right place (Monte Circeo, only 50 miles from Rome) [Longyear].

und Hominization. Edited by Gottfried Kurth (Stuttgart: G. Fischer, 1962). American Journal of Physical Anthropol­ogy 21:87-91. [CLB]*

---. 1963b. Review of: Ideas on human el'O!ution: Selected essays, 1949-1961. Edited by William Howells (Cambridge: 3-19. Harvard University Press, 1962). Human Biology 35:545-48. [CLB*]

---. 1964a. "A non-racial approach toward the understanding of human diversity," in The concept of race. Edited by M. F. A. Montagu. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe. [CBL*]

---. 1964b. The fate of the "classic" Neanderthals: A consideration of hominid catastrophism. CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY 5: 9-19.

1964c. The concept of race. CURRENT

CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH ANTHROPOLOGY 5:313-20. [CLB*] 1966. Reply to: More on the fate of

the "classis" Neanderthals. CURRENT AN- THROPOLOGY 7:210-14. [CLB]*

1967. The dietary hypothesis and early hominid interpretations. Supplement to the Journal of Dental Research. Edited by Albert A. Dahlberg. In press. [CLB*J

BRACE, C. L., and M. F. ASHLEY MONTAGU. 1965. Man's evolution. An introduction to physical anthropology. New York: Macmillan. [CLB*]

BREITINGER, E. 1961. "Anthropologie und Urgeschichte: Chapter 3, Die biohistorische Synthese," in Theorie und Praxis der Zu- sammenarbeit Zwzschen den Anthropolo- gischen Disziplznen. Edited bv E. Beir- tinger, J. Haeckel, and R. Pittioni, pp. 56-60. Horn: Wenner-Gren Foundation.

[AG*] BROECKER, W. S. 1965. "Isotope geo-

chemistry and the Pleistocene climatic record," in The Quaternary of the United States. Edited by H. E. Wright, Jr. and D. G. Frey, pp. 737-53. Princeton: Princeton University Press. [KWB, JK*]

BROECKER, W. S., and D. L. THURBER. 1965. Uranium series of corals and oolites from Bahaman and Florida Key lime- stones. Science 149:58-60. [KWB*]

BROECKER, W. S., K. K. TUREKIAN, and B.

C. HEEZEN. 1958. The relation of, deep sea sedimentation rates to variations in climate American Journal of Science 256: 503-17. [JK*]

BROUWER, D. 1953. "The polar motion and changes in the earth's orbit," in Climatic change. Edited by Harlow Shapley, pp. 147-59. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. [JK*]

BROWN, W. L. 1958. Some zoological con- cepts applied to problems in evolution of hominid lineage. American Scientist 46: 151-58. [CLB*]

BROWN, W. L., and E. 0. WILSON. 1954. Points of view: The case against the trinomen. Systematic Zoology 3:174-76.

FCLB*] BRUNNACKER, KARL. 1964. Schatzungen iuber

die Dauer des Quartars, insbesondere auf der Grundlage seiner Palaoboden. Geolo- gische Rundschau 54:415-28. [JK*]

BUTZER, K. W., and J. CUERDA. 1962a. Coastal stratigraphy of southern Mallorca and its implications for the Pleistocene chronology of the Mediterranean Sea. Journal of Geology 70:396-416.

[KWB*] 1962b. Nuevos yacimientos marinos

cuaternarios de las Baleares. Notas y Com- municaciones, Instituto Geologico y Mi- nero de Espaia 67:25-70. [KWB*]

CAMPBELL, B. G. 1965. The nomenclature of the hominidae, including a definitive list of hominid taxa. Occasional Papers of the Royal Anthropological Institute 22: 1-34. [CLB*]

CAVALLI-SFORZA, L. L., I. BARRAI, and A. EDWARDS. 1964. Analysis of human evolu- tion under random genetic drift. Gold Spring Harbor Symposia on Quantitative Biology 29:9-20. [CLB*]

CLARK. J. DESMOND. 1959. The prehistory of Southern Africa. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. [CLB*]

COON, CARLETON S. 1962. The origin of races. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

[JML*] COX, A., R. R. DOELL, and G. B. DALRYM-

PLE. 1965. "Quaternary paleomagnetic stratigraphy," in The Quaternary of the United States. Edited by H. E. Wright,

Jr. and D. G. Frey, pp. 817-30. Prince- ton: Princeton University Press.

[KWB*] CURRAY, JOSEPH R. 1965. "Late quaternary

history, continental shelves of the U.S." In The Quaternary of the United States. Edited by H. E. Wright, Jr. and D. G. Frey, pp. 723-35. Princeton University Press. [JK*]

CURRY, ROBERT R. 1966. Glaciation about 3,000,000 years ago in the Sierra Nevada Science 154:770-71. [CAR*]

CURTIS, G. 1965. Potassium-Argon date for early Villafranchian of France (Abstract) American Geophysical Union, Trans- actions 46:178.

DARLINGTON, C. D. 1957. Zoogeography. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

DEBETZ, G. F. 1961. "The social life of Early Man through the work of Soviet archaeologists," in Social life of Early Man. Edited by S. L. Washburn, pp. 137-50. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology no. 31. [AG*]

DECKER, H. C. 1963. Das Denken in Be- griffen als Kriterium der Menschen- werdung. Oosterhout: Anthropological Pu- blications. [AG*]

DE JONG, J. D. 1956. Sedimentpetrogra- phische Untersuchungen in Terrassen- schottern im Gebiet zwischen Krefeld und Kleve. Geologie en Mijnhouw 18:389-94.

[KWB*] DEVORE, B. I. 1965. "Behavior as adapta-

tion," in The origin of man. Edited by P. B. DeVore, pp. 52-57, discussion pp. 57-70. New York: Wenner-Gren Founda- tion. - [AG*]

DOBZHANSKY, TH. 1955. Evolution, genetics, and man. New York: John Wiley.

[CLB*I 1960. The hiological hasis of human

freedom. New York: Columbia Paperback. [AG*]

19,62. Mankind evolving. The evolu- tion of the human species. New Haven: Yale University Press. [CLB*]

1963. "Genetic entities in hominid evolution," in Classification and human evolution. Edited by S. L. Washburn, pp. 347-62. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology no. 37. [CLB*]

1965. "Discussion" in The.origin of man. Edited by P. B. DeVore, pp. 62- 64. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation.

[AG*] DUBOIs, G. 1938. "Sur quelques termes de

la nomenclature du Quaternaire marin." III International Quartirs Konferenz, Wien 1936, Verhandlungen, p. 270-72.

EMILIANI, C. 1954. Temperatures of Pacific bottom waters and polar superficial waters during the Tertiary. Science 119: 853-5 5.

1955a. Pleistocene temperature varia- tions in the Mediterranean. Quaternaria 2:87-98. ---. 1955h. Pleistocene temperatures. Journal of Geology 63:538-78.

1956a. Oligocene and Miocene tem- peratures of the equatorial and sub- tropical Atlantic Ocean. Journal of Geology 64:281-88.

1956h. Note on absolute chronology of human evolution. Science 123:924-26.

[GWL*] --.1957. "<Glaciations and their causes."

Proceedings of the Committee on Re- search in lYVater Resources, University of California, Conference on Recent Re-

search in Climatology, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, March 25-26, 1957, pp. 36-42.

196 la. The temperature decrease of surface sea-water in high latitudes and of abyssal-hadal water in open oceanic basins during the past 75 million years. Deep- Sea Research 8:144-47.

1961b. Cenozoic climatic changes as indicated by the stratigraphy and chronol- ogy of deep-sea cores of Globigerina-ooze facies. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 95:521-36.

1964a. Paleotemperature analysis of the Caribbean cores A254-BR-C and CP- 28. Geological Society of America, Bulle- tin 75:129-44.

1964b. "Dating human evolution," in Physical anthropology and archaeology. Edited by P. B. Hammond, pp. 36-44. New York: Macmillan.

1966a. Paleotemperature analysis of the Caribbean cores P6304-8 and P6304- 9, and a generalized temperature curve for the past 425,000 years. Journal of Geology 74:109-24.

1966b. Isotopic paleotemperatures. Science 154:851-57. [CLB*I

1967. "The Pleistocene record of the Atlantic and Pacific oceanic sediments; correlations with the Alaskan stages by absolute dating; and the age of the last reversal of the geomagnetic field," in Progress in oceanography. Vol. 4. Edited by B. C. Heezen. Oxford: Pergamon Press.

EMILIANI, C. L. CARDINI, T. MAYEDA, C. B. M. MCBURNEY, and E. TONGIORGI. 1964. "Paleotemperature analysis of fossil shells of marine mollusks (food refuse) from the Arene Candide Cave, Italy, and the Haua Fteah Cave, Cyrenaica," in Isotopic and cosmic chemistry (H. C. Urey Vo- lume). Edited by H. Craig, S. L. Miller, and G. J. Wasserburg, pp. 1337,6. Am- sterdam: North-Holland Publishing.

EMILIANI, C., and J. GEISS. 1959. On glacia- tions and their causes. Geologische Rund- schau 56(1957)576-601.

EMILIANI, C., T. MAYEDA, and R. SELLI. 1961. Paleotemperature analysis of the Plio-Pleistocene section at Le Castella, Calabria, southern Italy. Geological Society of America, Bulletin 72:679-88.

ENNOUCHI, EMILE. 1962. Un Neandertalien: I'homme du Jebel Irhoud (Maroc). L'An- thropologie 66:279-98. [CLB*]

ERICSON, D. B., M. EWING, and G. WOLLIN. 1964. The Pleistocene epoch in deep-sea sediments. Science 146:723-32.

[KWB*] EVERNDEN, J. F., and G. H. CuRTIS. 1965.

Potassium-argon dating of Late Cenozoic rocks in East Africa and Italy. CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY 6-343-64.

FAIRBRIDGE, RHODES W. 1961. Radiation solaire et variations cycliques du niveau marin. Revue de geographie physique et de geologie dynamique 4(1) :2-14.

[JK*] FRASER, A. S. 1961. The inconstant constant.

The Australian Scientist 1:35-42. [AG*]

FRECHEN, J., and G. v. D. BOOM. 1959. Die sedimentpetrographische Horizontierung der Pleistozinen Terrassenschotter im Mit- telrheingebiet. Fortschraite zur Geologie des Rheinland und Westfalen 4:89-125.

[{KWB*] FRECHEN, J., and H. J. LIPPOLT. 1965.

Vol. 9 . No. 1 . February 1968 45

This content downloaded from 128.83.56.173 on Tue, 18 Jul 2017 14:02:30 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

ANTHROPOLOGY 5:313-20. [CLB*l ---. 1966. Reply to: More on the fate of

the "class is" Neanderthals. CURRENT AN­THROPOLOGY 7:210-14. [CLB1*

---. 1967. The dietary hypothesis and early hominid interpretations. Supplement to the Journal of Dental Research. Edited by Albert A. Dahlberg. In press. [CLB*J

BRACE, C. L., and M. F. ASHLEY MONTAGU. 1965. Man's evolution:' An introduction to physical anthropology. New Yark: Macmillan. [ CLB* 1

BREITINGER, E. 1961. "Anthropologie und Urgeschichte: Chapter 3, Die biohistorische Synrhese," in The9fie und Praxis der Zu­sammenarbeit ZWISchen den Anthropolo­gischen Diszipltnen. Edited bv ·E. Beir­tinger, J. Haeckel, and R. Pittioni, pp. 56-60. Horn: Wenner-Gren Foundation.

[AG*l BROECKER, W. S. 1965. "Isotope geo­

chemistry and the Pleistocene climatic record," in The Quaternary of the United States. Edited by H. E. Wright, Jr. and D. G. Frey, pp. 737-53, Princeton: Princeton University Press, [KWB, JK*l

BROECKER, w, S., and D. L. THURBER. 1965. Uranium series of corals and oolites from Bahaman and Florida Key lime­stones. Sctence 149:58-60. [KWB*l

BROECKER, W. S., K. K. TUREKIAN, and B. C. HEEZEN. 1958, The relation of, deep sea sedimentation rates to variations in climate American Journal of Science 256: 503-17, - [JK*l

BROUWER, D. 1953. "The polar motion and changes in the earth's orbit," in Climatic change. Edited by Harlow Shapley, pp. 147-59. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. []K* 1

BROWN, W. L. 1958. Some zoological con­cepts applied to problems in evolution of hominid lineage, American SCIentist 46: 151-58. [CLB*J

BROWN, W. L., and E. O. WILSON. 1954. Points of view: The case against the trinomen. SystematIc Zoology 3:174-76.

rCLB*l BRUNNACKER, KARL. 1964. Schatzungen iiber

die Dauer des Quartars, insbesondere auf der Grundlage seiner PaIaoboden. Geolo­gische Rundschau 54:415-28. []K'I~rl

BUTZER, K. W" and J. CUERDA. 1962a. Coastal stratigraphy of southern Mallorca and its implications for the Pleistocene chronology of the Mediterranean Sea. Journal of Geology 70:396-416.

[KWB*l ---. 1962b. Nuevos yacimientos marinos

cuaternarios de las Baleares. Notas y Com­municaciones, Instituto Geologico y Mi­nero de Espana 67:25-70. [KWB*l

CAMPBELL, B. G. 1965. The nomenclature of the hominidae, including a definitive list of hominid taxa. OccasIonal Papers-of the Royal AnthropologIcal Institute 22: 1-34. [CLB*l

CAVALLI-SFORZA, L. L., I. BARRAI, and A, EDWARDS. 1964. Analysis of human evolu­tion under random genetic drift. Gold Spring Harbor Symposia on Quantitative Biology 29:9-20, [CLB*J

CLARK. J. DESMOND. 1959. The prehistory of Southern Africa. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. [CLB* 1

COON, CARLETON S. 1962. The origin of races. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

[]ML*l Cox, A" R. R. DOELL, and G. B. DALRYM­

PLE. 1965, "Quaternary paleomagnetic stratigraphy," in The Quaternary of the Untted States. Edited by H. E. Wright,

Vol. 9 . No.1. February 1968

Jr. and D. G. Frey, pp. 817-30. Prince­ton: Princeton University Press.

[KWB*J CURRAY, JOSEPH R. 1965. "Late quaternary

history, continental shelves of the U.S." In The Quaternary of the United States, Edited by H. E. Wright, Jr. and D. G. Frey, pp. 723-35. Princeton University Press. []K*l

CURRY, ROBERT R, 1966. Glaciation about 3,000,000 years ago in the Sierra Nevada Sctence 154:770-71. [CAR*l

CURTIS, G. 1965. Potassium-Argon date for early Villafranchian of France (Abstract) AmerIcan GeophYSIcal Union, Trans­actIons 46:178.

DARLINGTON, C. D, 1957. Zoogeography. Cambridge: Harvard University Press,

DEBETZ, G. F. 1961. "The social life of Early Man through the work of Soviet archaeologists," in Social life of Early Man. Edited by S, L. Washburn, pp, 137-50, Viking Fund Publiciltions in Anthropology no. 31. [AG*l

DECKER, H. c. 1963, Das Denken in Be­griffen als Kriterlum der Menschen­werdung, Oosterhout: Anthropological Pu­blications. [AG* 1

DE JONG, J. D. 1956. Sedimentpetrogra­phische Untersuchungen in Terrassen­schottern im Gebiet zwischen Krefeld und Kleve, Geologie en Mi;nbouw 18:389-94,

[KWB*J DEVORE, B. I. 1965. "Behavior as adapta­

tion," in The ortgin of man, Edited by P. B. DeVore, pp, 52-57, discussion pp. 57-70. New York: Wenner-Gren Founda­tion. [AG*l

DOBZHANSKY, TH. 1955. Evolution, genetics, and man. New York: John Wiley.

[CLB*l ---. 1960. The biological basis of human

freedom. New York: Columbia Paperback, [AG*J

---, 19.62. Mankind evolving: The evolu­tion of the human species. New Haven: Yale University Press. [CLB*l

---, 1963, "Genetic entities in hominid evolution," in Classtfication and human evolutIon. Edited by S. L. Washburn, pp. 347-62. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology no. 37. [CLB*J

---. 1965. "Discussion" in The.origin of man. Edited by P. B. DeVore, pp. 62-64. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation.

[AG*l DUBOIS, G. 1938. "Sur quelques termes de

la nomenclature du Quaternaire marin." III International Quartars Konferenz, Wien 1936, Verhandlungen, p. 270-72,

EMILIANI, C. 1954, Temperatures of Pacific bottom waters and polar superficial waters during the Tertiary. Science 119: 853-55,

---. 1955a. Pleistocene temperature varia­tions in the Mediterranean, Quaternaria 2:87-98.

. 1955b, Pleistocene temperatures, Journal of Geology 63:538-78.

---. 1956a. Oligocene and Miocene tem­peratures of the equatorial and sub­tropical Atlantic Ocean, Journal of Geology 64:281-88.

---. 1956b. Note on absolute chronology of human evolution. Science 123:924-26.

[GWL*J ---. 1957. "Glaciations and their causes."

Proceedings of the Committee on Re­search in J17 ater Resources, University of Caltfornta, Conference on Recent Re-

Emiliani: PLEISTOCENE EPOCH

search tn Climatology, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, March 25-26, 1957, pp.36-42.

---, 1961a. The temperature decrease of surface sea-water in high latitudes and of abyssal-hadal water in open oceanic basins during the past 75 million years. Deep­Sea Research 8:144-47.

---. 1961b. Cenozoic climatic changes as indicated by the stratigraphy and chronol­ogy of deep-sea cores of Globigerina-ooze facies, Annals of the New York Academy of Sctences 95:521-36.

---. 1964a. Paleotemperature analysis of the Caribbean cores A254-BR-C and CP-28, Geological Society of America, Bulle­tin 75:129-44.

---. 1964b. "Dating human evolution," in PhYSIcal anthropology and archaeology, Edited by P. B. Hammond, pp. 36-44. New York: Macmillan,

---. 1966a. Paleotemperature analysis of the Caribbean cores P6304-8 and P6304-9, and a generalized temperature curve for the past 425,000 years. Journal of Geology 74: 109-24.

1966b. Isotopic paleotemperatures, Science 154:851-57. [CLB*l

---. 1967. "The Pleistocene record of the Atlantic and Pacific oceanic sediments; correlations with the Alaskan stages by absolute dating; and the age of the last reversal of the geomagnetic field," in Progress in oceanography. Vol. 4. Edited by B. C. Heezen, Oxford: Pergamon Press.

EMILIANI, C. L. CARDINI, T. MAYEDA, C. B. M. McBURNEY, and E. TONGIORGI. 1964. "Paleotemperature analysis of fossil shells of marine mollusks (food refuse) from the Arene Candide Cave, Italy, and the Haua Fteah Cave, Cyrenaica," in Isotopic and cosmic chemistry (H. C. Urey Vo­lume). Edited by H. Craig, S, L. Miller, and G. J. Wasserburg, pp. 133-;-~6. Am­sterdam: North-Holland Publishing.

EMILI ANI, c., and J. GEISS. 1959, On glacia­tions and their causes. Geologische Rund­schau 56(1957)576-601.

EMILIANI, c., T. MAYEDA, and R. SELL!. 1961. Paleotemperature analysis of the Plio-Pleistocene section at Le Castella, Calabria, southern Italy. Geological Society of America, Bulletin 72:679-88.

ENNOUCHI, EMILE. 1962. Un Neandertalien: l'homme du Jebel Irhoud (Maroc). VAn­thropologie 66:279-98. [CLB*l

ERICSON, D. B., M. EWING, and G, WOLLIN. 1964, The Pleistocene epoch in deep-sea sediments, SCIence 146:723-32.

[KWB*l EVERNDEN, J. F., and G. H. CURTIS, 1965.

Potassium-argon dating of Late Cenozoic rocks in East Africa and Italy. CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY 6'343-64,

FAIRBRIDGE, RHODES W. 1961. Radiation solaire et variations cycliques du niveau marin, Revue de g"eographie physique et de geologie dynamlque 4(1):2-14,

[]K*J FRASER, A. S. 1961. The inconstant constant.

The Australtan ScientIst 1:35-42. [AG*J

FRECHEN, J., and G. v. D. BOOM. 1959, Die sedimentpetrographische Horizontierung der Pleistozanen Terrassenschotter im Mit­telrheingebiet. FortschrlJte zur Geologie des Rheinland und Westfalen 4:89-125,

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Kalium-Argon-Daten zum Alter des Laacher Vulkanismus, der Rheinterrassen und der Eiszeiten. Eiszeitalter und Ge- genwart 16:5-30.

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