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DigitalResources Electronic Working Paper 2014-004

The Phonology of Lopit and Comparison of Dialects

Timothy M. Stirtz

The Phonology of Lopit and Comparison of Dialects Timothy M. Stirtz

SIL International®

2014

SIL Electronic Working Papers 2014-004, May 2014 © 2014 SIL International® All rights reserved

Abstract

Five of the six Lopit dialects of South Sudan have at least 90% lexical similarity and are rightly called dialects of the same language. Nevertheless, 60% of words differ in at least two dialects. In addition, the same phonemes, syllable types, and morphological alternations can be claimed for all the dialects with few exceptions. Although there are some common alternation patterns among the dialects, the alternations as well as which dialects alternate are mostly unpredictable.

Contents

Abstract Introduction 1 Phonology of Lopit

1.1 Consonants 1.1.1 Consonant distribution 1.1.2 Consonant contrasts

1.2 Vowels 1.2.1 Vowel distribution in word positions 1.2.2 Vowel contrasts 1.2.3 Vowel distribution in two adjacent syllables of roots

1.3 Syllables 1.3.1 Syllable structure 1.3.2 Ambiguous segments

1.4 Tone 1.5 Noun plural formation 1.6 Vowel morphophonology 1.7 Consonant morphophonology 1.8 Tone morphophonology

2 Comparison of Lopit dialects 2.1 Dialect comparison of lexical similarities and identical words 2.2 Consonant alternations among dialects 2.3 Vowel alternations among dialects 2.4 Dialect comparison of syllable structure 2.5 Noun plural formation alternation among the dialects 2.6 Vowel morphophonology in other dialects 2.7 Consonant morphophonology in other dialects 2.8 Dialect alternation of prefixes

3 Summary Appendix Aː Dialect comparison wordlist Appendix Bː Lopit villages in dialect areas References

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Introduction

Lopit (ISO code [lpx]) is an Eastern Nilotic, Eastern Sudanic, Nilo-Saharan language. It is related to Otuhu, Dongotono, Lango (of South Sudan), Lokoya, and more distantly related to Bari, Kakwa, Mandari, and Toposa. The Ethnologue (Lewis et. al. 2013) states there are 50,000 Lopit speakers who mainly live in the Lopit Hills northeast of Torit, South Sudan.

There are six dialects of Lopit (Moodie 2012): namely, Ngabori, Dorik, Ngotira, Lomiha, Lohutok, and Lolongo. Turner (2001) analyzes the phonology of Lopit, using language resource people from the Lolongo dialect. In his verb analysis primarily using the Dorik dialect of Lopit, Moodie (2012) also gives a brief phonology. This paper analyses the phonology of the Ngotira dialect of Lopit, and makes comparisons with four other dialects where they differ. Only Ngabori, which is reported to be nearly the same as Dorik, is not represented1.

Although 60% of words are segmentally different in at least two dialects, all dialects are at least 90% lexically similar with each other. The dialects share nearly all of the same phonemes, syllable structures, and phonological processes. And although there are some common alternation patterns among the dialects, the alternations, as well as which dialects alternate are mostly unpredictable.

This analysis is based on 285 nouns in singular and plural form and 60 imperative verbs, all collected in each of five Lopit dialects. The tone analysis is more tentative in that it is based on the tone of 200 Ngotira noun roots and the corresponding number forms of 120 of each of these nouns.

In the first half of the paper, I describe phonological aspects of the Ngotira dialect, in which I first discuss consonant and vowel phonemes, showing contrastive pairs and their distribution in sections 2.1–2.2; secondly, syllable structure and interpretation of ambiguous segments in 2.3, and some tone features in 2.4; and thirdly, various morphological processes in 2.6–2.8, including vowel alternations, consonant alternations, and tone alternations. In the second half of the paper, I compare the Lopit dialects based on their similarity in the wordlist of appendix A, and how they differ or are similar in their phonological aspects to Ngotira.

1 Phonology of Lopit

1.1 Consonants

The 23 consonant phonemes of table 1 are found in the Ngotira dialect of Lopit.

Table 1. Consonant phonemes

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Voiceless plosives p t c k Voiced plosives b d ɟ g Fricatives f s h Nasals m n ɲ ŋ Approximants r, l semivowels w y

The symbol y is used for the palatal approximant instead of the IPA symbol j so as to be more easily seen in the data in contrast with ɟ.

1 Special thanks to language resource persons: Valente Otwari Ladu (Dorik), Achaha Samuel Nartisio (Ngotira), Caesar Ongorwo Bong (Lomiaha), Philip Horiho Odingo (Lohutok), and Paul Ahatar Gilbert (Lolongo).

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2

The related language Otuho (Coates 1985) has the additional phonemes /θ/ and /đ/ (voiced alveolar tongue blade flap).

1.1.1 Consonant distribution

The data in (1) show that all Ngotira Lopit consonants can occur word-initial and intervocalically. Nasals /m/, /n/, /ɲ/, /ŋ/, the fricatives /f/, /s/, and the approximants /l/, /r/ surface word-final, but not the fricative /h/ or the semivowel /w/. The voiceless plosives /t/, /k/ also occur word-final, but the voicing contrast present between these plosives and /d/, /g/ in other environments is neutralized word-final. Note that unless a hyphen is present, the words of (1) and following examples are analyzed to be mono-morphemic in that they cannot reasonably be divided into two or more attested roots or affixes found in the data.

(1) Word-initial Intervocalic Word-final p pír ‘point’ ipɔtit ‘brush’ t tuluhu ‘squirrel’ mɔtì ‘pot’ tàmɔt ‘bull’ c ciwali ‘flute, instrument’ ícɛt ‘dancing ornament’ k kɔrì ‘giraffe’ akaf ‘hold up, raise’ bàtàk ‘pig, hog’ b bɔlɔrɔŋ ‘hippo’ kɛbù ‘hoe’ d dɔŋɛ ‘mountain’ màdɔk ‘gum’ ɟ ɟá-tí ‘green vegetable’ táɟí ‘heart’ g gùs ‘skin’ mùgù ‘granary’ f fɔfɔng ‘cactus trees’ ɛfír ‘fat (adj)’ ŋádyɛf ‘tongue’ s súhɛ ‘chest’ bùsùk ‘bull’ ìdîs ‘shadow of cloud’ h hɔhɔrɔ ‘chicken’ súhɛ ‘chest’ m múnú ‘snake’ tɔmɛ ‘elephant’ ngíɟím ‘chin’ n nuha ‘burying’ jànî ‘broom’ fácàn ‘color, marking’ ɲ ɲá ‘utter’ múɲá ‘liver’ ŋìdɔɲ ‘monkey’ ŋ ŋàmà ‘grains’ bɔŋɔ ‘item of clothing’ mɔlɔŋ ‘baboon’ l lɔgulɛ ‘elbow’ wɔlɔ ‘dove’ bɛl ‘stripe, spot’ r ráng ‘bow’ gɔrɔ ‘gourd jug’ fɔtír ‘warthog’ w wɔttì ‘cow dung’ lɛwá ‘gazelle type’ eytiriw ‘hears’ y yáyá ‘porcupines’ mìyàŋ ‘grass’ háy ‘rain’

1.1.2 Consonant contrasts

The Ngotira words with contrastive pairs of consonants in (2) show that each of the consonants are phonemes. All words are monomorphemic unless they contain a hyphen to indicate a morpheme boundary.

(2) p – b pɔr ‘mancala game’ bɔk ‘goat stable’ p – f pɔr ‘mancala game’ fɔk ‘earth, ground’ b – m bɔŋɔ ‘item of clothing’ mɔɲɛ ‘father, owner’ b – w bɔk ‘goat stable’ wɔk ‘escarpment’ f – w fɔk ‘earth, ground’ wɔk ‘escarpment’ m – w mɔlɔŋ ‘baboon’ wɔlɔ ‘dove’ t – d tɔmɛ ‘elephant’ dɔŋɛ ‘mountain’ t – s tɔhɔni ‘person’ sɔhɔt-í ‘palm tree’ d – n ídɔ ‘sky’ hinɔ ‘excrement’

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d – r dɔrɔŋ ‘barren high land’ rɔfán ‘roof frame’ d – l dɛmí ‘knife’ lɛwá ‘gazelle type’ n – r hana ‘hand’ hárá ‘stool, chair’ n – l ɟànî ‘broom’ sàlì ‘cooking place’ r – l rɔfán ‘roof frame’ lɔgulɛ ‘elbow’ c – ɟ càlù ‘porridge’ ɟànî ‘broom’ ɟ – ɲ ɟá-tí ‘green vegetable’ ɲá ‘utter’ ɟ – y ɟànî ‘broom’ yànì ‘tree (general)’ ɲ – y ɲá ‘utter’ yàfà ‘moon, month’ k – g kɔrì ‘giraffe’ gɔrɔ ‘gourd jug’ g – ŋ girisa-y ‘bush, forest’ ŋìryà ‘thick porridge’ g – w gɔrɔ ‘gourd jug’ wɔlɔ ‘dove’ ŋ – w lɔŋɔhɛ ‘cow manure’ lɔwɔtɛ ‘diarrhea’ k – h kɔrì ‘giraffe’ hɔtɔ ‘blood’ f – h fúrɛ ‘name, song’ hùrɔ ‘kid’ s – h sàlì ‘cooking place’ hárí ‘river’ w – h wɔlɔ ‘dove’ hɔlɔŋ ‘sun, day’ m – n hìmɔ ‘nose’ hinɔ ‘excrement’ n – ɲ yɔni ‘dried skin’ mɔɲí-tí ‘intestine’ n – ŋ hana ‘hand’ màŋât ‘camp, platform’ ɲ – ŋ mɔɲɛ ‘father, owner’ dɔŋɛ ‘mountain’

In (3), voiced and voiceless plosives are shown to be contrastive at the beginning (B) and middle (M) of words. However, this contrast is neutralized at the end (E) of words.

(3) Neutralization of voicing contrast for word-final plosives t – d B tɔmɛ ‘elephant’ dɔŋɛ ‘mountain’ M hìtɔ ‘child’ ídɔ ‘sky’ E tàmɔt ‘bull’ ----- k – g B kɔrì ‘giraffe’ gɔrɔ ‘gourd jug’ M íkát ‘door’ igɔlɔ ‘bell’ E bàtàk ‘pig, hog’ -----

Word-final plosive phonemes surface as voiceless in the intervocalic environment resulting when the plural noun suffix -i is attached. We can assume the word-final plosives are voiceless in the underlying form since they are not voiced in the intervocalic environment. Root-final /k/ is merely weakened to /h/ as in ìtàh-í ‘ostriches’, a process further discussed in section 2.7.

(4) Word-final /t/, /k/ t tàmɔt ‘bull’ tàmɔt-ì ‘bulls’ k ítàk ‘ostrich’ ìtàh-í ‘ostriches’

As shown in the pairs of words in (5) there is some evidence for contrastive consonant length in roots. Since there are unambiguous CVC syllables such as in fɔk ‘earth’, lengthened consonants are analyzed as two of the same consonant occurring across adjacent syllables (C.C) such as in hìt.tɔ ‘anus’ with initial CVC syllable. In this analysis, there is no need to posit extra phonemes such as /tː/, /dː/, /lː/, /rː/, /w:/, /y:/.

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(5) Contrastive consonant length t – tt hìtɔ ‘child’ hìttɔ ‘anus, source, root, beginning’ d – dd màdɔh-í ‘gums’ hàddɛ ‘roots’ l – ll bùlà ‘cow stable’ ìllá ‘friend, brother’ r – rr hɔhɔrɔ ‘chicken, hen’ mɔrrɔ ‘beans’ w – ww áwɔŋ ‘monkey’ hàww-ɛ ‘arrow’ y – yy yáyá ‘porcupine’ hayyɔhɔ-ni ‘shepherd’

As discussed in section 1.3.2 there are no unambiguous consonant sequences in Lopit such as word-medial non-geminate consonant sequences (*C1.C2). Thus, it can be posited that the first of two adjacent consonants assimilates to the second consonant in all its features, provided that neither of these consonants are the semivowels /y/ or /w/.

(6) Assimilation of adjacent consonants word-medial C1C2 → C2C2, where C1 and C2 ≠ /y/ or /w/

As shown in section 2.3.2, there is evidence for this process happening through morphology. When the singular suffix -ti is attached to the root-final /r/ of hɔfìr ‘hairs’, the /r/ and /t/ become /tt/ in the singular noun hɔfít-tî ‘hair’.

Alternatively, lengthened consonants could be analyzed as single-unit syllable onsets (.C:) rather than two of the same consonant occurring across adjacent syllables. In such an analysis, the contrastive consonant length would be a fortis/lenis or strong/weak distinction. Such an analysis adds at least the six consonant phonemes /t:/, /d:/, /l:/, /r:/, /w:/, /y:/ and is therefore not taken in this description.

In (7), /k/ and /h/ are shown to be contrastive at the beginning and middle of words. However, this contrast does not occur at the end of words in that /h/ does not occur word-final.

(7) Neutralization of /k/-/h/ contrast word-final k – h B kɔrì ‘giraffe’ hɔtɔ ‘blood’ M ikubɔri ‘hunt’ ihuma ‘do’ E bàtàk ‘pig, hog’ -----

In roots, the surface form of intervocalic /h/ varies depending on the speed of the utterance, speaker and word. However, the surface form of /h/ corresponds often to the alternations of (8).

(8) Alternation of /h/ Phonemic Phonetic /h/ → [x] / ____ a, ɔ lahalai [laxalai] ‘pole’ halɔhɔ-ni [halɔxɔni] ‘trapper’ [ɣ] / ____ ɔ, u hɔhɔrɔ [haɣɔrɔ] ‘chicken’ tuluhu [tuluɣu] ‘squirrel’ [h] / ____ i, ɛ haydihita-ni [haydihitani] ‘leader’ sìhɛt [sìhɛt] ‘chicken comb’

1.2 Vowels

There are five Lopit vowel phonemes.

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Table 2. Vowel phonemes

Front Central Back High i u Non-high ɛ ɔ a

The word hʊtʊk ‘mouth’ has the vowel /ʊ/, which is contrastive with the vowel /ɔ/ in hɔlɔŋ ‘day’ and with the vowel /u/ in bùsùk ‘bull’. However, hʊtʊk ‘mouth’ is the only word found thus far with the vowel /ʊ/.

Turner (2001ː40) proposes a 9-vowel system in his description of the Lolongo dialect of Lopit. In this description, the four vowels of table 2 have a corresponding [+ or – ATR] vowel ([i]-[ɪ], [u]-[ʊ], [e]-[ɛ], [o]-[ɔ]). Moodie (2012ː16) acknowledges a 9-vowel system in the Dorik dialect of Lopit, but mostly ignores the [ATR] distinction in his transcription of data.

The [ATR] distinction explains the vowel contrast between hʊtʊk ([-ATR]) ‘mouth’ and bùsùk ([+ATR]) ‘bull’. However, it causes us to ask why there is no [ATR] contrast for the vowels /i/, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/. Perhaps a contrast with these vowels will be found in a larger data set, or perhaps only certain speakers or dialects are aware of the [ATR] contrast in these vowels. The speakers I worked with from five different dialects were not aware of and did not speak with an [ATR] distinction in the data for this analysis2.

1.2.1 Vowel distribution in word positions

All Lopit vowels occur in word-medial and word-final positions. The vowels /i, ɛ, a/ occur in word-initial position of a few nouns.

(9) Word-initial Word-medial Word-final i ítàk ‘ostrich’ hìɟì ‘middle’ hárí ‘river’ ɛ ɛfír ‘fat (adj)’ fɛrɛ ‘spear’ tɛrɛ ‘hail’ a áwɔŋ ‘oribi, monkey’ hárá ‘stool’ yàfà ‘moon, month’ ɔ ---- hɔtɔ ‘blood’ gɔrɔ ‘gourd jug’ u ---- múnú ‘snake’ mùgù ‘granary’

1.2.2 Vowel contrasts

The words with contrastive pairs of vowels in (10) show that each of the vowels are phonemes.

2 In analyzing the vowels, I relied both on speaker intuition and on my own hearing. That is, each of 285 nouns were written in all dialects on slips of paper and sorted according to the syllable structure of the Ngotira dialect. After reading each noun, the Lopit speakers from five different dialects sorted the Ngotira words into piles as a group effort, arriving at a consensus for each placement decision. The result was five different vowel piles for each syllable structure. It was only when I pointed out the difference in vowel quality of hʊtʊk ‘mouth’ that the speakers separated this word into a sixth pile. Apparently the speakers were not even aware of the sound difference for this word until I pointed out the difference. I did not hear a difference in [ATR] vowel quality for other vowel pairs ([i] – [ɪ], [e] – [ɛ], [o] – [ɔ]) in any of the Lopit data, although I have heard this difference clearly in Mandari and other Eastern Sudanic languages.

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(10) i – ɛ sìhɛt ‘chicken comb’ sɛhi ‘thing, property’ ɛ – a hɛɟu ‘leg, foot’ hàɟì ‘house’ a – ɔ màrìŋ ‘fence, pen’ mɔrìŋ ‘dikdik’a ɔ – u sɔhɔt-í ‘palm tree’ súhɛ ‘chest’ i – u sìhɛt ‘chicken comb’ súhɛ ‘chest’ ɛ – ɔ lɛkyɛrɛ ‘pebble’ lɔkuduk ‘crow, bird type’ a a type of gazelle

1.2.3 Vowel distribution in two adjacent syllables of roots

The Ngotira data of (11) show that all possible combinations of vowels in adjacent syllables of roots are found. There are no co-occurance restrictions on vowels in adjacent syllables, and the same vowel distribution in two adjacent syllables of roots occurs in other Lopit dialects.

(11) Vowel distribution in adjacent syllables i, i ìdîs ‘shadow’ ɔ, i mɔtì ‘pot’ i, ɛ sìhɛt ‘chicken comb’ ɔ, ɛ tɔmɛ ‘elephant’ i, a rísá ‘tail’ ɔ, a rɔfán ‘roof frame’ i, ɔ ídɔ ‘sky’ ɔ, ɔ wɔlɔ ‘dove’ i, u ihuma ‘tortoise’ ɔ, u lɔkuduk ‘crow’ ɛ, i dɛmí ‘knife’ u, i bùnî ‘pool’ ɛ, ɛ fɛrɛ ‘spear’ u, ɛ súhɛ ‘chest’ ɛ, a lɛwá ‘gazelle type’ u, a bùlà ‘stable’ ɛ, ɔ teterɔk ‘prepare’ u, ɔ hùrɔ ‘kid’ ɛ, u kɛbù ‘hoe’ u, u múnú ‘snake’ a, i hàɟì ‘house’ a, ɛ hàddɛ ‘roots’ a, a hárá ‘stool’ a, ɔ tàmɔt ‘bull’ a, u tàmù ‘helmet’

1.3 Syllables

1.3.1 Syllable structure

Lopit has the syllable types V, CV, and CVC. In addition, the semivowels /y, w/ (S) can be the second consonant of complex consonant onset (CSV, CSVC), or can be the first consonant of a complex consonant coda (CVSC).

Table 3. Syllable Types

V í.tàk ‘ostrich’ CV rɛ ‘milk’ CVC fɔk ‘earth, ground’ CSV fwà.râ ‘dancing place’ CSVC cyàŋ ‘animal’ CVSC hɔyt ‘bones’

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The syllable type V only occurs word-initial, and the syllable type CVC only occurs word-final in unambiguous syllable constructions. Monomorphemic nouns are most commonly disyllabic, but may also be monosyllabic or trisyllabic.

(12) Syllable structures V.CV ídɔ ‘sky’ V.CVC íkát ‘door’ CV.CV bùhù ‘shield’ CV.CVC bùsùk ‘bull’ V.CV.CV itulɛ ‘small hole’ V.CV.CVC irɛfit ‘container’ CV.CV.CV lɔgulɛ ‘elbow’ CV.CV.CVC kurufat ‘whip’

Syllable structures with semivowels in complex onsets and codas are given in (13). CSV syllables are only found in word-initial position of disyllabic words, and only with the semivowel /w/. CSVC and CVSC are only found in monosyllabic words.

(13) Syllable structures with semivowels in complex onsets and codas /y/ /w/ CSV.CV fwàrâ ‘dancing place’ CSV.CVC mwárák ‘animal horn’ CSVC kyɛr ‘sheep’ kwàn ‘body’ CVSC hɔyt ‘bones’

As shown in (14), the semivowels /w/, /y/ can also be the only consonant in onsets and codas. However, /w/ is not found in syllable-final position.

(14) Syllable structures with semivowels in simple onsets and codas CV V.CVC CVC w wɔttì ‘cow dung’ áwɔŋ ‘monkey’ háy ‘rain’ y yáyá ‘porcupines’ mìyàŋ ‘grass’

As mentioned above, CVC syllable constructions only occur unambiguously in word-final position. However, they are also analyzed to occur in word-initial position, when semivowels either fill the coda slot of the CVC syllable (lɛymɛ ‘lion’), or when semivowels fill the onset slot of a syllable following a CVC syllable (ŋádyɛf ‘tongue’). In the resulting consonant sequences of such words, the semivowels /y/ can be the first consonant (lɛymɛ ‘lion’), and both /y/ and /w/ can be the second consonant (ŋádyɛf ‘tongue’, hɔrwɔŋ ‘back’). However, /w/ is not found to be the first consonant of a sequence (except when it geminates, as in hàww-ɛ ‘arrow’).

(15) Syllable structures with semivowels in consonant sequences /y/ /w/ CVC.CV lɛymɛ ‘lion’ hàryɛ ‘night’ hɔfwɔ ‘flour’ CVC.CVC ŋádyɛf ‘tongue’ hɔrwɔŋ ‘back’ CVC.CV.CV hafyala ‘claws’ haswani ‘buffalo’

In addition, the word ís.yɔ ‘honey, oil’ could be analyzed as having a VC syllable when /y/ is allowed as a consonant, although there are no words found with unambiguous VC syllable constructions.

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1.3.2 Ambiguous segments

Regarding ambiguous segments, I first consider three alternatives to analyzing syllable types as having semivowels in complex onsets and codas; that is, they could be: (1) vowel sequences, (2) vowel glides, or (3) prenasalized and labialized consonants. I now discuss why each of these alternate analyses is not preferred.

The semivowels in complex consonant onsets and codas of (16) are not analyzed as vowel sequences for the following reasons: There are no unambiguous vowel sequences, such as two consecutive non-high vowels. Rather, all adjacent vowels involve at least one high vowel, which is analyzed as a semivowel /y/ or /w/. Furthermore, there is no contrastive vowel length. When analyzed as semivowels, all high vowels to adjacent to other vowels in the same syllable fill the S slot of CSV, CSVC or CVSC syllable types, and there is no need for syllable types such as CVV or CVVC.

(16) Semivowels in complex consonant onsets and codas: kyɛr ‘sheep’ hɔyt ‘bones’ kwàn ‘body’ fwàrâ ‘dancing place’

A second alternate analysis is that there are on and off vowel glides. Such an analysis removes the need for the syllable types CSV, CSVC, CVSC. For example, CSVC words such as cyàŋ ‘animal’ would then be CVC (cⁱàŋ). It also removes the need for CVC syllables in non-final position, which is advantageous in that CVC syllables are only unambiguous in word-final position. CVC.CV words such as bɛlyɛ ‘skin’ would be CV.CV (bɛlⁱɛ). However, such an analysis is not taken because it would add at least the 9 vowel glide phonemes /ⁱɛ, ⁱa, ⁱɔ, ⁱu, ᵘa, ᵘɔ, ɛⁱ, aⁱ, ɔⁱ/.

(17) Semivowels preceding vowels Vowels preceding semivowels yɛ bɛlyɛ ‘skin’ ɛy lɛymɛ ‘lion’ ya cyàŋ ‘animal (general)’ ay fàyt-î ‘ebony tree’ yɔ hìfyɔŋ ‘water’ ɔy mɔytɛ ‘morning’ yu tɛlyu ‘climb, jump down’ wa fwàrâ ‘dancing place’ wɔ hɔrwɔŋ ‘back’

Thirdly, the consonants immediately preceding semivowels are not analyzed as being labialized or palatalized, since this analysis would require at least the 17 additional consonant phonemes /tʷ, cʲ, kʲ, kʷ, bʷ, dʲ, dʷ, fʲ, fʷ, sʲ, sʷ, mʷ, nʷ, lʲ, lʷ, rʲ, rʷ/. There are at least 7 consonants that can precede the semivowel /y/, and at least 10 consonants that can precede the semivowel /w/. In additon, this analysis does not account for the semivowels immediately preceding other consonants, such as in lɛymɛ ‘lion’, fàyt-î ‘ebony tree’ and mɔytɛ ‘morning’.

(18) Consonants preceding semivowels /y/ /w/ t ---- lɔtwala ‘ash’ c cyàŋ ‘animal’ ---- k kyɛr ‘sheep’ kwà-n ‘body’ b ---- ibwɔ-ni ‘diviner’ d ŋádyɛf ‘tongue’ dwànî ‘weed’ f hìfyɔŋ ‘water’ hɔfwɔ ‘flour’ s ísyɔ ‘honey, oil’ haswani ‘buffalo’ m ---- mwárák ‘animal horn’

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(18) Consonants preceding semivowels /y/ /w/ n ---- hinwara ‘ash’ l bɛlyɛ ‘skin’ lɔlwari ‘dry ground’ r hàryɛ ‘night’ ŋɔrwɔ ‘wives’

Lengthened consonants are analyzed to be two of the same consonant across adjacent syllables (VC.CV) rather than single-unit syllable onsets (V.CːV). As mentioned in section 1.1.2, the geminate consonant analysis eliminates the need for the phonemes /tː/, /dː/, /lː/, /rː/, /wː/, /yː/. Instead, the CVC syllable type that unambiguously occurs in word-final position is analyzed as also occurring in word-initial position, having the same consonant coda as the consonant onset of the following syllable.

(19) Word-medial lengthened consonants tt hìttɔ ‘anus, source, root, beginning’ dd hàddɛ ‘roots’ ll ìllá ‘friend, brother’ rr mɔrrɔ ‘beans’ ww hàww-ɛ ‘arrow’ yy hayyɔhɔ-ni ‘shepherd’

1.4 Tone

As in related languages, Lopit is analyzed to have two underlying level tones, High and Low, as in hɔy ‘you sg.’ and hɔy ‘us’. Contour tone consists of more than one level tone on the same syllable. The syllable is the tone-bearing unit, and at most two tones are allowed on the same syllable. Rising tone such as in hɔyt ‘bones’ and bɛlyɛ ‘skin’ is rare. Falling tone is common on the final syllable of words, but rare elsewhere, as in bɔrɛ ‘stable’ and hɔfît-tî ‘hair-sg.’ The lexical function of tone is low in that there are few tone minimal pairs. The grammatical distinctions of case and noun plural formation can be made solely by tone, and are discussed in section 1.8.

Noun tone melodies are represented by the nouns in isolation of (20–21), where the number of nouns with the given tone and syllable structure is shown to the left of each noun. There are four tone melodies in (C)VCV and (C)VCVC syllable structure of nouns, besides combination tone melodies, which indicates a system with two underlying level tones.

(20) Singular noun root Plural noun root CV CVC CV CVC H 3 háy ‘rain’ 9 bɔk ‘stable’ 1 kɔy ‘pathes’ 2 sáŋ ‘properties’ L 2 mày ‘place’ 10 fɔk ‘earth’ 1 hì ‘breasts’ 4 hùŋ ‘knees’ HL 1 yɛy ‘death’ LH 1 hɔyt ‘bones’

(21) Singular noun root Plural noun root (C)VCV (C)VCVC (C)VCV H 32 hábú ‘chief’ 20 tɔbɔk ‘bowl’ 8 mɔɲí ‘intestines’ L 16 kɔrì ‘giraffe’ 16 bùsùk ‘bull’ 11 ŋàmà ‘grain’ HL 3 lɛymɛ ‘lion’ 4 ítàk ‘ostrich’ LH 3 gàráy ‘bush,

pasture’ 4 hìlúk ‘hyena’ 1 fàrá ‘leaves’

LHL 11 ɟànî ‘broom’ 5 màdɔk ‘gum 5 ɲɔŋɔ ‘beeswax’

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I now discuss the morphophonology of Ngotira Lopit. Sound alternations across morpheme boundaries include vowel alternations (1.6), consonant alternations (1.7), and tone alternations (1.8). Noun plural formation is briefly described in section 1.5 to assist the reader in following the noun examples of later sections. For further explanation of Lopit morphology and syntax, see the Lopit Grammar Book (Ladu et al. 2014).

1.5 Noun plural formation

There are three ways that nouns have singular and plural forms. As shown in table 4, nouns can attach various suffixes or a certain specific prefix to mark the singular form, as in hàddɛ-tí ‘root-sg’ or hì-yɛnì ‘sg-rope’. They can attach suffixes to mark the plural form as in cyàŋ-ì ‘animal-pl’, or they can mark both the singular and plural form as in hi-ɲaŋ/ɲaŋ-i ‘sg-crocodile/crocodile-pl’. A suffix or prefix before the slash indicates affixation on singular nouns, whereas following the slash indicates affixation on plural nouns.

Table 4. Three segmental ways of forming singular and plural nouns

Suffixes, Prefix Singular noun Root Plural noun -ti/ hàddɛ-tí hàddɛ hàddɛ ‘root’ hi-/ hì-yɛnì yɛní yɛní ‘rope’ /-i cyàŋ cyàŋ cyáŋ-ì ‘animal (general)’ hi-/-i hi-ɲaŋ -ɲaŋ- ɲaŋ-i ‘crocodile’

The noun system has multiple singular and plural marker suffixes, the most common of which are listed in (22–24). They are listed according to the number of nouns found to attach the suffix or prefix. The suffixes are mostly unpredictable as to which root they attach, by either the root-final segments or by the semantics of the root. Vowel-initial suffixes attach to roots with either vowel or consonant-final roots. Consonant-initial suffixes attach to vowel-final roots, and only rarely to consonant-final roots.

(22) Noun singular suffixes and prefix # Root-final/initial Suffix, Prefix Singular Plural 17 con., vow. -i/ fàrá-y fàrá ‘leaf’ 11 con., vow. -ti/ mɔrrɔ-tí mɔrrɔ ‘bean’ 2 con., vow. -ɔ/ hɔyt-ɔ hɔyt ‘bone’ 1 con., vow. -ɛ/ hàm-ɛ hàm ‘fish’ 3 con. hi-/ hì-yɛnì yɛní ‘rope, trap’

(23) Noun plural suffixes # Root-final Suffix Singular Plural 32 con., vow. /-i gùs gús-ì ‘skin’ 22 con., vow. /-a kɛbù kɛbw-â ‘hoe’ 19 con., vow. /-ɔ hárí háry-ɔ ‘beating stick’ 13 vow. /-ɟin wɔlɔ wɔlɔ-ɟín ‘dove’ 6 vow. /-n hɔhɔrɔ hɔhɔrɔ-n ‘chicken’ 4 vow. /-ha lɛmini lɛmini-ha ‘leopard’ 4 vow. /-hɔ haswani haswani-hɔ ‘buffalo’ 4 vow. /-sɛn lɛtiri letiri-sɛn ‘hoe’ 3 vow. /-si múrɔ múrɔ-sì ‘thigh’ 2 vow. /-ɛ hɔɲɛ hɔɲy-ɛ ‘mother’ 2 con. /-in íkát ìkát-ìn ‘door’ 2 vow. /-na gɔrɔ gɔrɔ-nà ‘gourd jug’

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(24) Combinations of singular and plural affixes # Root-final Suffix Singular Plural 3 con., vow. hi-/-i hi-ɲaŋ ɲaŋ-i ‘crocodile’ 3 vow. hi-/-si hì-tɔ tɔ-si ‘scorpion’ 2 vow. -i/-ara hanas-i hanas-ara ‘sister’ 2 con. -ɛ/-a hamuh-ɛ hamuh-a ‘shoe’

In addition, there are three nouns that only differ by tone in singular and plural form.

(25) Nouns that differ only by tone in singular and plural form # Root-final Suffix Singular Plural 3 vow. Tone/Tone yànì yání ‘tree (general)’

1.6 Vowel morphophonology

When certain vowels are joined at morpheme boundaries in noun plural formation, they become semivowels. As represented by the formation rule of (26), root-final /i, ɛ/ become /y/ before a vowel-initial suffix; root-final /u/ becomes /w/ in the same environment, and a suffix-initial /i/ becomes /y/ following a root-final non-high vowel.

(26) Semivowel formation i, ɛ → y / ____ + V u → w / ____ + V i → y / a, ɔ, ɛ + ____

In (27), the number of nouns with the given plural or singular suffix and root-final vowel is shown. Before a vowel-initial suffix, the root-final vowel /u/ becomes /w/ as in kɛbù/kɛbw-â ‘hoe’ and the root-final vowels /i, ɛ/ become /y/ as in ɟànî/ɟàny-â ‘broom’. In this process, the non-high root-final vowel /ɛ/ is raised to the high semivowel /y/ as in tɔmɛ/tɔmy-â ‘elephant’. In addition, a suffix-initial /i/ becomes /y/ following the root-final low vowel as in rísá/rìsâ-y ‘tail’. In Mandari (Stirtz 2014), root-final /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ become the semivowels /y/ and /w/ respectively, when vowel-initial suffixes are attached.

(27) Semivowels resulting from vowels joined through morphology Suffix Root-final # Singular Plural Plural suffix /-a u → w 1 kɛbù kɛbw-â ‘hoe’ i → y 4 ɟànî ɟàny-â ‘broom’ ɛ → y 3 tɔmɛ tɔmy-â ‘elephant’ /-aha ɛ → y 1 lɔgulɛ lɔguly-aha ‘elbow’ /-ɔ u → w 5 mùgù mùgw-ɔ ‘granary’ i → y 6 hárí hàry-ɔ ‘club, stick’ /-ɔhɔ ɛ → y 1 itulɛ ituly-ɔhɔ ‘small hoe’ /-ɔk ɛ → y 1 dɔŋɛ dɔŋy-ɔk ‘hill’ /-ɛ ɛ → y 2 hɔɲɛ hɔɲy-ɛ ‘mother’ /-i → y a 4 rísá rìsâ-y ‘tail’ /-ita → yta ɛ 1 fúrɛ fúrɛ-ytà ‘name, song’ Singular suffix -ɔ/ u → w 1 mɔrw-ɔ mɔrú ‘stove’ -i → y/ a 7 ìwâ-y ìwâ ‘wing’ ɔ 1 rabɔlɔ-y rabɔlɔ ‘banana’

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Depending on the speaker, when some words such as fɛrɛ/fɛrì.à ‘spear’ are said slowly, the suffix-initial vowel is juxtaposed to the root-final vowel, introducing a new syllable. At normal speed, such words have a semivowel (fɛrɛ/fɛryà ‘spear’).

When the singular suffix -i attaches to hìkwà ‘thorns’, there is a resulting semivowel /y/ in the singular hìkwâ-y ‘thorn-sg’. However, when the plural suffix -i attaches to the word ŋìryà ‘porridge’ with the same syllable structure, /y/ is inserted as a syllable onset (ŋìríyà-y ‘porridges’), and thus increases the number of syllables. This is the only word found with this alternate solution of insertion for joined vowels.

Nearly all nouns have the same root vowels in both singular and plural forms. But root vowels alternate between the singular and plural form in ‘sheep’, ‘knife’, ‘fat’ and ‘oribi monkey’ as shown in (50). Nouns that do not have vowel alternations are given for comparison.

(28) Nouns with vowel alternations Root vowel Singular Plural ɛ akyɛr akyɛr-i ‘star’ ɔ fúryɔ fùryɔ-ɟìn ‘smoke’ ɛ / ɔ kyɛr kyɔr-ɔ ‘sheep’ ɛ tàfɛŋ tàfɛŋ-ɔ ‘guinea pig’ ɛ / ɔ dɛmí dɔmy-ɔ ‘knife’ u hut-ti hur-u ‘worm’ ɔ sɔhɔt-í sɔhɔt ‘palm tree’ a hàlâ-y hàlâ ‘side, end’ ɔ, a / u sɔmâ-y sùmù ‘fat, oil’ ɔ sɔfɛ sɔfy-â ‘drill, planting tool’ ɔ / a áwɔŋ àwáŋ-à ‘oribi monkey’

1.7 Consonant morphophonology

In (7), /k/ and /h/ were shown to be contrastive at the beginning and middle of words (kɔrì ‘giraffe’ – hɔtɔ ‘blood’; ikubɔri ‘hunt’ – ihuma ‘do’). However, in the intervocalic environment resulting when the plural suffixes -i, -a, -ɔ, -ɛ are attached to root-final /k/, the /k/ weakens to an allphone of the phoneme /h/ as represented by the rule of (29).

(29) Morphological alternation of /k/ k → h / ____ + V

Depending on the suffix vowel attached, the /h/ is realized as the allophones [x], [ɣ] or [h] according to the phonological alternations of /h/ in (8) (/h/ becomes [x] before /a/ or /ɔ/, [ɣ] before /ɔ/ or /u/, and [h] before /i/ or /ɛ/). The nouns of (30) are shown to alternate in this way.

(30) Nouns with morphological alternations of /k/ Singular Plural

Phonemic Plural Phonetic

/k/ becomes

[x] before + a bàtàk bàtàh-â [bàtàx-â] ‘pig, hog’

bùsùk búsúh-à [búsúx-à] ‘bull’ fɛtɛk fɛtɛh-â [fɛtɛx-â] ‘fish

spear’ [ɣ] before + ɔ tɔbɔk tɔbɔh-ɔ [tɔbɔɣ-ɔ] ‘bowl’

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Singular Plural Phonemic

Plural Phonetic

[h] before + i, ɛ màdɔk màdɔh-í [màdɔh-í] ‘gum’ ítàk ìtàh-í [ìtàh-í] ‘ostrich’ lɛfɛrrɛk lɛfɛrrɛh-i [lɛfɛrrɛh-i] ‘hare’ lɔkuduk lɔkuduh-i [lɔkuduh-i] ‘crow’ lɛfidik lɛfidih-i [lɛfidih-i] ‘trap’ hìyɔk yɔh-ɛ [yɔh-ɛ] ‘ear’

There is some evidence for an alternation of /r/ to /t/ at morpheme boundaries. In (31), when the singular suffix -ti is attached to the root-final /r/ of hɔfìr ‘hairs’, the /r/ and /t/ become /tt/ in the singular noun hɔfít-tî [hɔfîttî] ‘hair’. This is an application of the assimilation rule of (6) that says the first of two adjacent consonants assimilates to the second consonant in all its features, provided that neither of these consonants are the semivowels /y/ or /w/.

(31) Nouns with morphological alternations of /r/ Suffix Singular Plural -ti/ hɔfît-tî hɔfìr ‘hair, feather’ -ti/-u hut-ti hur-u ‘worm’ -ut/-tɔ múr-út mut-tɔ ‘neck’ -ɛ/-tin bɔr-ɛ bɔt-tin ‘stable’

Possibly, a similar alternation takes place for root-final /n/ in mán-á/mát-tà ‘farm’. There is also evidence for an alternation of /t/ to /c/ before /y/ and a vowel, as represented

by (57).

(32) Alternation of /t/ t → c / ____ yV

When the plural suffix -ɔ is attached to ŋátí ‘side, part’, /t/ becomes /c/ before the root-final /i/ that results as /y/ through semivowel formation (ŋàcy-ɔ ‘sides, parts’). As shown in (18), no roots are found with /t/ before the semivowel /y/. So, the alternation of (32) can be analyzed to occur throughout the Ngotira dialect and not merely as a result of morphology. In Dorik, the /t/ remains in the plural nouns of (33) (ŋati-hɛn ‘sides, parts’, etc.) just as /t/ is present in the Dorik word tyaŋ ‘animal (general)’ instead of /c/ (cyàŋ) as in other dialects. Thus, an alternative analysis of the words of (33) having suffixes in both singular and plural form (-ti/-cyɔ) is not warranted.

(33) Nouns with alternation of /t/ Suffix Singular Plural /-ɔ ŋátí ŋàcy-ɔ ‘side, part’ ɟátí ɟacy-ɔ ‘green vegetable’ mɔtì mɔcy-ɔ ‘pot’

1.8 Tone morphophonology

I now briefly discuss the tone changes across morpheme boundaries in nouns, as well as case, which can be distinguished only by tone.

When plural or singular morphemes are attached to nouns, there can be polar tone, replacement tone, and various other allotones (tonal allomorphs of the same suffix). The plural suffix -i (P) has polar tone in that it always surfaces as opposite the surface tone of the root-final syllable. However, the tone of the root often differs from singular to plural form, and is not entirely predictable.

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(34) Singular Plural Singular Plural CVCVC -i (P) CVC -i (P) H 1 ígɛm ìgɛm-í ‘work’ 1 bɛl bɛl-ì ‘stripe, spot’ L 2 hɔlɔŋ hɔlɔŋ-ì ‘day’ 3 gùs gús-ì ‘skin’ 1 tàmɔt tàmɔt-ì ‘bull’ HL 2 fácàn fácán-ì ‘marking’ 2 lɛdìs lɛdìs-í ‘shadow’ LH 2 rɔfán rɔfàn-í ‘roof frame’ LHL 2 sìhɛt sìhɛt-í ‘chicken comb’

The plural suffix -a may have the allotones -â, -à with root Low replacement (LR) tone or -â with root (LR) tone. The suffix -â attaches in màrìŋ/màrìŋ-â ‘fence’; the suffix -à (LR) attaches in ŋíɟím/ŋìɟìm-à ‘chin’ and the root High tone is replaced with Low tone; the suffix -â (LR) attaches in mwárák/mwàràh-â ‘horn’ and the root High tone is replaced with Low tone.

(35) Singular Plural Singular Plural (C)VCV -â, -à (LR), -â (LR) (C)VCVC -à (LR), -â (LR) H 3 táɟí tàɟy-â ‘heart’ 5 ŋíɟím ŋìɟìm-à ‘chin’ 1 fɛrɛ fɛry-à ‘spear’ 1 áwɔŋ àwáŋ-à ‘monkey’ 1 mwárák mwàràh-â ‘horn’ L 2 sàlì sàly-â ‘stove’ 5 màrìŋ màrìŋ-â ‘fence’ 1 bùsùk búsúh-à ‘bull’ LHL 2 sɔfɛ sɔfy-â ‘drill, hoe’ Singular Plural CVC -â, -à (LR) H 2 ráŋ ràŋ-à ‘bow’ L 1 tɛl tɛl-â ‘calf pen’

The plural suffix -ɔ may have the allotones -ɔ, ɔ (LR) and -ɔ (LR).

(36) Singular Plural Singular Plural (C)VCV -ɔ, -ɔ (LR), -ɔ (LR) (C)VCVC -ɔ, -ɔ (LR) H 3 bálú bàlw-ɔ ‘beer’ 3 húnɔm hùnɔm-ɔ ‘cave’ 1 hárí hàry-ɔ ‘club, stick’ L 5 kɔrì kɔry-ɔ ‘giraffe’ 4 ŋìdɔɲ ŋìdɔɲ-ɔ ‘monkey’

The plural suffix -ɟin may have the allotones -ɟìn (LR) and -ɟin (P).

(37) Singular Plural CVCV -ɟìn (LR), -ɟin (P) H 5 hárá hàrà-ɟìn ‘stool’ L 1 yàfà yáfá-ɟìn ‘month’ LH 1 hɔtwáy hɔtwày-ɟín ‘inside’ LHL 1 wɔlɔ wɔlɔ-ɟín ‘dove’ 1 hàryɛ háryɛ-ɟìn ‘night’ 1 fwàrâ fwàrà-ɟìn ‘dancing place’

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The singular suffix -i may have the allotones -î, -í, -ì. The singular suffix -ti may have the allotones -tí, -tì.

(38) Singular Plural Singular Plural -î, -í, -ì CVCV -í, -ì CVCVC H 1 fɔfɔŋ-ì fɔfɔŋ ‘cactus’ 1 lɔrwɔt-í lɔrwɔt ‘cannibal’ L 2 hìkwâ-y hìkwà ‘thorn’ LH 1 fàrá-y fàrá ‘leaf’ LHL 2 hàlâ-y hàlâ ‘side, end’ 1 sɔhɔt-í sɔhɔt ‘palm tree’

(39) Singular Plural Singular Plural -î CVC -tí, -tì CVCV H 2 mɔɲí-tí mɔɲí ‘intestine’ 1 hàlá-tì hálá ‘tooth’ L 2 cɛŋ-î cɛŋ ‘animal’ 1 hàddɛ-tí hàddɛ ‘root’ LHL 2 mɔrrɔ-tí mɔrrɔ ‘bean’

Plural formation of the three nouns of (40) is only by tone. Although tone is the only distinction between singular and plural form in these nouns, the tone differs in each noun. The root tone changes from singular to plural form are the same as in the nouns of (34) with the suffix -i (P). Thus, these nouns may have dropped or merged suffix -i, but kept the root tone changes caused by the suffix. Alternatively, one or more of the nouns of (40) may have previously had a different suffix that was dropped or merged. The noun hínɛ/hìnɛ ‘goat’ may have had the plural suffix -ɛ as in hɔɲɛ/hɔɲy-ɛ ‘mother’ and later dropped the suffix.

(40) Plural formation only by tone Similar tone in nouns with -i (P), -ɛ, -ɔ (LR) Tone Singular Plural Singular Plural H/L hínɛ hìnɛ ‘goat’ ígɛm ìgɛm-í ‘work’ hɔɲɛ hɔɲy-ɛ ‘mother’ L/H yànì yání ‘tree (general)’ hɔlɔŋ hɔlɔŋ-ì ‘day’ LHL/L bùnî bùnì ‘pool’ sìhɛt sìhɛt-í ‘chicken comb’ bálú bàlw-ɔ ‘beer’

The noun bùnî/bùnì ‘pool’ may have had the plural suffix -ɔ (LR) as in bálú/bàlw-ɔ ‘beer’ since the segmental suffix -ɔ still occurs in two other dialects of ‘pools’.

(41) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo buni bùnî buni buni buni-t ‘pool’ buni-cɔ bùnì buny-ɔ buny-ɔ buni

As shown in (42), tone also distinguishes at least accusative, nominative, and genitive case3. The frames in which the data were elicited are shown above the words in each case.

3 To be a true comparison of tone, the noun slot should be clause-final in all three case frames. Or, it should first be determined how following and preceding High and Low tone effect the tone of nouns in a given phrase.

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(42) Case tone Isolation Object Subject Possessor ɔwɔlɔ mɔrìŋ ______ ɔwɔlɔ ______ mɔrìŋ ɔttú mɔttɛ ______ ‘Dikdik saw ______’ ‘______ saw Dikdik’ ‘friend of ______ comes’ H hítɛŋ hítɛŋ hítɛŋ hìtɛŋ ‘cow’ L mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ ‘baboon’ HL ítàk ítàk ìták ìtâk ‘ostrich’ LHL màdɔk màdɔk mádɔk màdɔk ‘gum’

2 Comparison of Lopit dialects

Having briefly discussed Ngotira Lopit phonology, I now make comparisons between Ngotira and other dialects of Lopit. I begin with a comparison of lexical similarities as well as words that are segmentally identical (2.1). Then I discuss dialect comparisons of consonants (2.2), vowels (2.3), syllables (2.4), noun plural formation (2.5), vowel morphophonology (2.6), and consonant morphophonology (2.7). Lastly, variation among dialects in derivational noun prefixes and inflectional verb prefixes are also discussed (2.8).

2.1 Dialect comparison of lexical similarities and identical words

The Lopit dialects are spoken on different mountains or sides of mountains in the Lopit mountain range running approximately north to south, northeast of the community of Torit. A list of village names in various dialect areas is given in appendix B. The northern most dialect is locally known as Ngabori, followed by Dorik, and so forth until the southern most dialect—Lolongo. The lexical similarities among five dialects shown in table 5 follow the geographic proximity of the dialects. Thus, the percentages of lexical similarity diminish moving down and to the left; that is, as the dialects are further spaced from each other. The percentages of table 5 are based on the dialect comparison wordlist in appendix A.

Table 5. Percentage of words lexically similar among Lopit dialects

Dorik Ngotira 96.0 Lomiaha 93.6 96.6 Lohutok 93.4 96.3 99.7 Lolongo 90.7 93.1 94.3 94.4 Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo

In comparing the phonology of the dialects, I generally ignore the differences in lexemes among the dialects, and instead focus on patterns of alternation among the lexically similar words and morphemes of the dialects. Thus, it is important to also consider the percentage of words segmentally identical among the dialects, which are given in table 6. Note that the percentages of identical words are significantly lower than the percentages of lexical similarity, and also diminish moving down and to the left, as the dialects are further spaced from each other. Only 39.2% of words are segmentally identical in each of five dialects. Thus, more than 60% of words are different in at least two dialects. The percentages of table 6 are also based on the comparison wordlist presented in appendix A.

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Table 6. Percentage of words segmentally identical among Lopit dialects

Dorik Ngotira 62.6 Lomiaha 48.7 66.3 Lohutok 49.1 64.6 93.4 Lolongo 41.7 52.8 67.3 70.0 Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongok

2.2 Consonant alternations among dialects

Five Lopit dialects have the same consonants as table 1 with the exception of Dorik, which does not have the phoneme /s/. Words with /s/ in other dialects have /c/ in Dorik. Futhermore, five Lopit dialects have the same consonant distribution as in (1), and in addition, /b/ can be word-final in Dorik as in the word hɔb ‘ground’. Although phonemes are nearly the same in all Lopit dialects, there are some notable consonant alternations in some dialects, although which dialect has which alternation is not always predictable.

In the Dorik dialect, the phoneme /b/ can be word-final as in hɔb ‘ground’, whereas /b/ is not found word-final in other dialects.

(43) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo hɔb fɔk fɔw faw faw ‘ground’

In Dorik, which has no /s/ phoneme, /c/ is used instead of /s/ in all word positions.

(44) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo Word-initial cali sàlì sali sali sali ‘stove’ Intervocalic bucuk bùsùk busuk busuk busuk ‘bull’ Word-final guc gùs gus gus gus ‘skin’

All Lopit dialects have words with initial /l/, such as lɛymɛ ‘lion’. However, /l/ is elided word-initial in some Lomiaha and Lohutok words, and more frequently in Lolongo words.

(45) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo l lɛymɛ lɛymɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmɛ ‘lion’ l ~ ∅ lɔgulɛ lɔgulɛ lɔgulɛ lɔgulɛ ɔgulɛ ‘elbow’ l ~ ∅ lɔyami lɛyamɛ ɔyami ɔyami ɔyamɛ ‘wind’

However, in some words before a front vowel /i/ or /ɛ/, /l/ is used instead of /r/—either word-initial or intervocalically in Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo.

(46) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo r rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy ‘thing, issue’ r ~ l rɛ rɛ lɛ lɛ lɛ ‘milk’ r mariŋ màrìŋ mariŋ mariŋ mariŋ ‘fence, pen’ r ~ l hari hárí hali hali hali ‘club’

In some words before a front vowel, word-initial /h/ is elided in some dialects. However, which dialects elide /h/ vary from word to word.

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(47) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo h hiyɔk hìyɔk hiyɔk hiyɔk hiyɔk ‘ear’ ∅ idɔ ídɔ idɔ idɔ idɔ ‘sky’ h ~ ∅ icyɔ ísyɔ hisyɔ hisyɔ isyɔ ‘honey, oil’ hikway hìkwây ikway ikway hiway ‘thorn’ hidik ìdîs idis idis ɛdis ‘shadow of cloud’ iha íkát ikat ikat hihat ‘door’

In some words, intervocalic /k/ is weakened to /h/ in some dialects. However, the dialects in which /k/ weakens to /h/ vary from word to word. Furthermore, in the word súhɛ ‘chest’, /h/ becomes /g/ in the Dorik dialect.

(48) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo h ihɔ íhɔ ihɔ ihɔ ihɔ ‘dew’ k lɛykɛrɛ lɛkyɛrɛ ɔkɛlɛ ɔkɛlɛ ɔkɔfɛ ‘pebble’ k ~ h ihɔy ikɔy ikɔy kɔy hihɛ ‘path, road’ ikuma ihuma ihuma ihuma ihuma ‘tortoise’ tuhɛ lɔkuduk lɔhuruk lɔhuruk ɔhuruk ‘crow’ g tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔli ‘canoe’ h ~ g cugɛ súhɛ suhɛ suhɛ suhɛ ‘chest’

Most other consonant phonemes are found in five dialects of the same word. However, in a few words there are other consonant alternations among the dialects.

(49) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo s cihɛt sìhɛt sihɛt sihɛt sihɛt ‘chicken comb’ t tafar táfár tafar tafar tafar ‘lake, pond’ s ~ t cɔhinɛ sɛhi sɛhinɛ sɛhinɛ tɛhinɛ ‘thing, property’ y yɔni yɔni yɔni yɔni yɔni ‘hide’ w wɔr wɔr wɔr wɔr wɔr ‘stream, river’ y ~ w yɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ ‘come’ ŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ ‘barren land’ m hunɔm húnɔm hinɔm hinɔm hinɔm ‘cave’ ŋ ~ m hɔmwɔŋ hɔmwɔŋ hɔmɔm hɔmɔm hɔmɔm ‘face, forehead’ n ɟani ɟànî ɟani ɟani ɟani ‘broom’ r garay gàráy garay garay igara ‘dry grassland’ n ~ r dwani dwànî dwani dwani dwari ‘weed’

In the words ‘water turtle’, ‘hyena’ and ‘call’ of (50), consonant length alternates among the dialects. Although /nn/ is not found in the nouns or verbs of this analysis for any dialect, it occurs in demonstratives and relative connectors such as ìnnâŋ ‘that, which’ in all dialects except Ngotira.

(50) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo r dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ ‘barren land’ rr mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ ‘stone’ r ~ rr ihɛrɛk ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ‘water turtle’ l cali sàlì sali sali sali ‘stove’ ll illa ìllá illa illa illa ‘friend, brother’ l ~ ll hilluk hìlúk hilluk hilluk ibu ‘hyena’ ilɔlɔŋɔ ilɔlɔŋɔ illillɔŋɔ illillɔŋɔ illillɔŋɔ ‘call’

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Some lengthened consonants are found in more word positions in certain dialects. In these dialects, it may be preferable to analyze lengthened consonants as single-unit syllable onsets (.C:) so that they fit into word-initial CV and CVC syllable types. Word-initial /ll/ occurs in the word llɛwá ‘gazelle type’ in Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo. Word-initial /tt/ occurs in the word ttim ‘bush, wilderness’ in Lohutok and Lolongo. Word-medial /mm/ occurs in the word immadɔk ‘gum’ in Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo.

(51) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo l lɛymɛ lɛymɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmɛ ‘lion’ l ~ ll lɛwa lɛwá llɛywa llɛywa llɛwa ‘gazelle type’ t taɟi táɟí taɟi taɟi taɟi ‘heart’ t ~ tt tim tìm tim ttim ttim ‘bush, wilderness’ m mana máná mana mana mana ‘farm’ hima hímá hima hima hima ‘fire’ m ~ mm madɔk màdɔk immadɔk immadɔk immadɔk ‘gum’

2.3 Vowel alternations among dialects

Five Lopit dialects have the same vowel distribution as (9), and in addition, Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo have word-initial /ɔ/ as in ɔyiri ‘spirit’.

Most vowel phonemes are found in five dialects of the same word. However in some words, the vowel alternations seen in (52) occur among the dialects. And which dialect has which vowel, varies from word to word.

(52) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo ɛ bɛl bɛl bɛl bɛl bɛl ‘stripe, spot’ ɔ wɔr wɔr wɔr wɔr wɔr ‘stream, river’ a haŋ hàŋ haŋ haŋ haŋ ‘home, village’ u huk hùk huk huk huk ‘charcoal (pl)’ i hit hìt hit hit hit ‘excrement (pl)’ yɛ haryɛ hàryɛ haryɛ haryɛ haryɛ ‘night’ ya ifya ifya ifya ifya ifya ‘ask’ ɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy ‘thing, issue’ ɛ ~ ɔ ɛfir ɛfír ɔfir ɔfir ɔfir ‘fat (adj)’ dɔmi dɛmí dɛmi dɛmi dɛmi ‘knife’ ɔ ~ a lɔhɔlay lahalay lahalay ahalay ɔhɔlɛ ‘pole’ halɔha-ni halɔhɔ-ni halaha-ni halaha-ni halɔhɔ-ni ‘trapper’ ilɔma ilɔma ilama ilama ilama ‘distance’ ɛ ~ a ihɛrɛk ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ‘water turtle’ hayyɔhɔni hayyɔhɔni hɛyyɔhɔni hɛyyɔhɔni hɛyyɔhɔni ‘shepherd’ u ~ i hiwaru hiwaru huwaru huwaru huwaru ‘cat (general)’ hunɔm húnɔm hinɔm hinɔm hinɔm ‘cave’ huhɔy hikwɔy huhwɛ huhɛ huhɛ ‘charcoal’ hicu husuŋ husuŋ husuŋ hisuŋ ‘cows’ ɛ ~ i pir pír pɛr pɛr pɛr ‘bicycle’ u ~ ɔ cumay sɔmây sɔmay sɔmay sɔmay ‘fat (n)’ a ~ i hanaci hanasi hanasɛ inasi hinasi ‘sister’ yɛ ~ ya hafyɛlay hafyalay hafyalay hafyalay hafyalay ‘claw’ iryɛtak iryɛtak iryatak iryatak iryatak ‘tie around neck’ ɔy ~ ɛy hɔytɔy hɔytɔ hɔytɛ hɔytɛ hɛytɔ ‘bone’

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In some words, a vowel without an adjacent semivowel alternates with a vowel and adjacent semivowel among the dialects. And which dialect has which vowel and semivowel, varies from word to word.

(53) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo yɔ hayyɔhɔ-ni hayyɔhɔ-ni hɛyyɔhɔ-ni hɛyyɔhɔ-ni hɛyyɔhɔ-ni ‘shepherd’ wɔ mɔrwɔ mɔrwɔ mɔrwɔ mɔrwɔ mɔrwɔ ‘stone’ ay cumay sɔmây sɔmay sɔmay sɔmay ‘fat’ ɛ ~ yɔ dɛrɔ dɛrɔ dyɔrɔ dyɔrɔ dyɔrɔti ‘rats’ ɛ ~ yɛ kɛr kyɛr kɛr kɛr kɛr ‘sheep’ irɛfit irɛfit ilyɛfit ilyɛfit ɔlɛfit ‘container’ ɛ ~ ya imɛtak imɛtak imyatak imyatak imyatak ‘increase,

become’ inɛfɔ inɛfa inɛfu inyafa inyafa ‘catch’ lɔrɛwa lɛrɛwa lɔlyawa lɔlyawa ɔlɛwa ‘husband’ ɔ ~ wɔ idɔŋɔ idɔŋɔ idwɔŋɔ idwɔŋɔ idwɔŋɔ ‘appear’ hɔmwɔŋ hɔmwɔŋ hɔmɔm hɔmɔm hɔmɔm ‘face, forehead’ ɛ ~ ɛy lɛymɛ lɛymɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmɛ ‘lion’ lɛwa lɛwá llɛywa llɛywa llɛwa ‘gazelle type’ lɛyfɔri lɛyfɔri lɛyfɔri lɛyfɔri ɛfɔri ‘kitchen’ ɔ ~ ɔy mɔytɛ mɔytɛ mɔtyɛ mɔtyɛ mɔtɛ ‘morning’ a ~ ay fayti fàytî fati fati fati ‘ebony tree’ garay gàráy garay garay igara ‘dry grassland’ a ~ aw hawwɛ hàwwɛ hawwɛ hawwɛ hawɔ ‘arrow’

In a few other words, there are vowel-consonant alternations among the dialects.

(54) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo wa mɔrwari mɔrwari mɔrwari mɔrwari mɔrwari ‘rocky place’ wa ~ wa kwan kwàn wan wan hwan ‘body’ wa ~ usa ibwari ibwari ibusari ibusari oburusari ‘escape’ ca ~ tya icaha icaha ityaha ityaha ityara ‘begin’ cɔw ~ sw hɔcɔwan haswani haswani haswani haswani ‘buffalo’ llu ~ lyu tɛ-lyu tɛ-lyu tɔ-llu tɔ-llu tɔ-llu ‘jumb down’ sːi ~ syɔ ma-cɔhi may-syɔka ma-sːik ma-sːik ma-sːik ‘places’ a In Ngotira, ‘places’ can be either may-sihi or may-syɔk.

2.4 Dialect comparison of syllable structure

Syllable types and structures are generally the same for the five dialects. However, CVSC syllable types are not found in Lomiaha or Lohutok. However, the semivowel /w/ is found word-final in Lolongo faw ‘earth, ground’ in Lolongo.

Semivowels precede and follow the same vowels in other dialects as in (17), except that in Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo, /y/ does not precede /u/, but instead precedes /ɔ/ as in dyɔrɔ ‘rats’. In addition, /w/ precedes /ɛ/ in Lomiaha huh-wɛ ‘charcoal’ and Lolongo ilulwɛ ‘cry’.

The same consonants precede semivowels in other dialects, except that in Dorik —which has no /s/ phoneme— /c/ precedes /y/ instead of /s/ as in icyɔ ‘honey’. In Dorik, as in other dialects, /c/ is not

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found to precede /w/. In addition to the Ngotira consonants preceding adjacent vowels shown in (18), /t/ precedes /y/ in Dorik as in tyaŋ ‘animal’, and /ɟ/ precedes /y/ in Lolongo as in ɟyani ‘broom’.

Lastly, tone was only elicited for the Ngotira data in this analysis. However, Turner (2001ː44) claims a two contrastive level tone system in Lolongo (High and Low), and Moodie claims at least High and Low tone in Dorik (2012ː15).

2.5 Noun plural formation alternation among the dialects

In other dialects, the same plural formation affixes are found except that Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo do not have -sen, and these dialects use -ira instead of -ara. In Dorik, which has no phoneme /s/, the suffixes -ci and -cen are used instead of -si and -sen.

Most plural formation affixes are found in five dialects of the same word. However in some words, there are alternations of the affixes among the dialects. And which dialect has which alternation, varies from word to word. Which suffix alternates also varies from word to word. In (55), the plural suffix -a is shown to alternate with various suffixes and in various dialects. Singular forms of nouns are listed above plural forms in each of five dialects.

(55) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo tafar táfár tafar tafar tafar ‘lake, pond’ -a tafar-a tàfàr-à tafar-a tafar-a tafar-a cɔfɛ sɔfɛ sɔfɛ sɔfɛ hisɔfɛ ‘drill, hoe’ -a ~ -cin cɔfɛ-cin sɔfy-â sɔfy-a sɔfy-a sɔfy-a hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ ‘back’ -a ~ -itcɔk hɔrwɔŋ-a hɔrwɔŋ-â hɔrwɔŋ-a hɔrwɔŋ-a hɔrwɔŋ-itɔk fɔtir fɔtír fɔtir fɔtir fɔtir ‘warthog’ -a ~ -ak fɔtir-a fɔtìr-à fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak cali sàlì sali sali sali ‘stove’ -a ~ -cɔ, -tɔ cali-cɔ sàly-â sali-tɔ sali-tɔ sali-tɔ

In (56), the plural suffix -ɔ alternates with various suffixes and in various dialects.

(56) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ ‘baboon’ -ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ tamu tàmù tamu tamu tamu ‘helmet’ -ɔ ~ -cin tamu-cin tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ ‘high land’ -ɔ ~ -i dɔrɔŋ-ɔ dɔrɔŋ-ì dɔrɔŋ-i dɔrɔŋ-i dɔrɔŋ-i fuhɛr fúhɛr fuhɛr fuhɛr fuhɛr ‘farm’ -ɔ ~ -a fuhɛr-ɔ fùhɛr-ɔ fuhyar-a fuhyar-a fuhyar-a buni bùnî buni buni buni-t ‘pool’ -ɔ ~ -cɔ, ∅ buni-cɔ bùnì buny-ɔ buny-ɔ buni

The alternations of the plural suffix -ɟin are similarly unpredictable.

(57) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ ‘flour’ -ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟìn hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔtwa hɔtwáy hɔtway hɔtway hɔtw-ay ‘inside’ -ɟin ~ -ɛ hɔtwa-yɟin hɔtwày-ɟín hɔtway-ɟin hɔtway-ɟin hɔtw-ɛ

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(57) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo hɔtɔ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ ‘blood’ -ɟin ~ ∅ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ-ɟin hɔtɔ-ɟin hɔtɔ-ɟin hɔtɔ-ɟin gɔrɔ gɔrɔ gɔrɔ gɔrɔ gɔrɔ ‘jug’ -ɟin ~ -na gɔrɔ-na gɔrɔ-nà gɔrɔ-ɟin gɔrɔ-ɟin gɔrɔ-ɟin bɛlɛ-lyɛ bɛlyɛ bɛlyɛ bɛlyɛ bɛly-ɛ ‘skin’ -ɟin ~ -sin, -lɛ bɛly-ɛ bɛlyɛ-ɟìn bɛlyɛ-sin bɛlyɛ-sin bɛlɛ-lɛ

The singular suffix -i also has unpredictable alternations.

(58) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo -i cɛŋ-i cɛŋ-î cɛŋ-i cɛŋ-i cɛŋ-i ‘bird’ cɛŋ cɛŋ cɛŋ cɛŋ cɛŋ -i ~ -ti iwa-y ìwâ-y huwa-ti huwa-ti iwa-ti ‘wing’ iwa ìwâ huwa huwa iwa -i ~ -iti, -yɔ lakyɛ-ti lɛfɛr-iti ɔfyɛr-i ɔfɛr-i hafɛr-yɔ ‘louse, lice’ lakyɛ lɛfɛr-ɔ ɔfyɛr ɔfɛr hafɛr

The singular prefix hi- is most common in singular nouns of all dialects, such as in hì-yɛnì/yɛní ‘rope’. However, hi- begins both singular and plural nouns in some dialects of the words of (59).

(59) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo hi- hi-yɛni hì-yɛnì hi-yɛni hi-yɛni hi-yɛni ‘rope’ yɛni yɛní yɛni yɛni yɛni hi-riŋɔ hi-riŋɔ hiri-ŋɔ hiri-ŋɔ hiri-ŋɔ ‘meat’ riŋɔ-y riŋɔ-y hiri hiri hiri hiɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ ‘crocodile’ hiɲaŋ-a ɲaŋ-i ɲaŋ-i ɲaŋ-i ɲaŋ-i hunɔm húnɔm hi-nɔm hi-nɔm hi-nɔm ‘cave’ hunɔm-ɔ hùnɔm-ɔ nɔm-i nɔm-i nɔm-i

Most nouns utilize the same mechanisms for forming singular and plural nouns in all dialects. That is, in most nouns, all dialects attach a suffix or prefix to the singular form, or they all attach a suffix to the plural form, or they use a combination of the two. However in the nouns of (60), the dialects alternate in the way they form the singular and plural of the noun.

(60) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo mwarah-i mwárák mwarah-ati mwarah-ati mwarah-ati ‘horn’ mwarah-a mwàràh-â mwarak mwarak mwarak tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔl-i tɔgɔl-i tɔgɔl-i ‘canoe’ tɔgɔli-cɛn tɔgɔli-sɛn tɔgɔl-ɔ tɔgɔl-ɔ tɔgɔl-ɔ haŋɛr-i haŋɛr-i haŋɛr-i haŋɛr-i haŋɛri ‘fruit, seed’ haŋɛr haŋɛr haŋɛr haŋɛr haŋɛry-ɔ huŋ-u huŋ-u huŋu huŋu huŋu ‘knee’ huŋ-a hùŋ huŋu-ta huŋu-ta huŋu-ta

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2.6 Vowel morphophonology in other dialects

In other Lopit dialects, the root-final vowels /u, i, ɛ/ also become the semivowels /w/ or /y/ before vowel-initial suffixes. In addition, the suffix -i becomes the semivowel /y/ when attached to singular or plural nouns with root-final /a/.

In some dialects of certain words, there is rounding assimilation of the root vowel /ɛ/ to the plural suffix -ɔ.

(61) Rounding assimilation ɛ → ɔ / ____ +ɔ

However, which dialect has the alternation, varies from word to word. In kyɛr/kyɔr-ɔ ‘sheep’, /ɛ/ becomes /ɔ/ in the four dialects with suffix -ɔ. In dɛmí/dɔm-ɔ ‘knife’, /ɛ/ becomes /ɔ/ in Ngotira, but not in other dialects. In tàfɛŋ/tàfɛŋ-ɔ ‘guinea pig’, /ɛ/ becomes /yɔ/ in Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo, but not in Ngotira.

(62) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo kɛr kyɛr kɛr kɛr kɛr ‘sheep’ kɛr-a kyɔr-ɔ kyɔr-ɔ kyɔr-ɔ kyɔr-ɔ ‘sheep-PL’ dɔmi dɛmí dɛmi dɛmi dɛmi ‘knife’ dɔmy-ɔ dɔmy-ɔ dɛmy-ɔ dɛmy-ɔ dɛmy-ɔ ‘knife-PL’ tafiŋ tàfɛŋ tafɛŋ-i tafɛŋ-i tafɛŋ-i ‘guinea pig’ tafiŋ-ɔ tàfɛŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔa ‘guinea pig-PL’ a In kyɛr/kyɔr-ɔ ‘sheep’ and tafɛŋ-i / tafyɔŋ-ɔ ‘guinea pig’ of (62), yɔ occurs following

non-alvoelar /k/ and /f/, whereas in dɛmí/dɔm-ɔ ‘knife’ /ɔ/ (without /y/) follows alveolar /d/. However, /ɔy/ is common following alveolar consonants in other words such as hisyɔ ‘honey, oil’.

2.7 Consonant morphophonology in other dialects

In other dialects of Lopit, /k/, /r/, /t/ have the same morphological alternations as in Ngotira. Consonant sequences are not found in roots or through morphology in Ngotira. However, in Dorik,

the consonants ŋk are joined when the suffix -kɔ attaches to liŋ in the singular noun liŋ-kɔ ‘salt’, which has no plural form. The consonants ŋɲ in the Dorik singular noun ciŋɲati ‘sand’, again having no plural form, may also be joined through morphology. For still unknown reasons, the consonant sequence rt occurs in the Lomiaha-Lohutok-Lolongo plural noun fɔrt-ir-ak ‘warthogs’, but not in the singular noun fɔtir. To date, no other consonant sequences are found in the data of any dialect.

(63) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo ŋ-k liŋ-kɔ líŋ liŋ liŋ liŋ ‘salt’ ŋɲ ciŋɲati siŋɛta siŋatay siŋata siŋatɛ ‘sand’ fɔtir fɔtír fɔtir fɔtir fɔtir ‘warthog’ rt fɔtir-a fɔtìr-à fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak

2.8 Dialect alternation of prefixes

In derivational noun prefixes, as well as in imperative verb prefixes, certain alternations occur among the dialects.

The derivational noun prefix da- in Ngotira dá-mày ‘position’ may have originally been the preposition da ‘from, in, at’ as in da haɟi ‘in the house’. In Ngotira, this preposition is dɔ before a noun

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with vowel ɔ or u as in dɔ bɔk ‘in the stable’, and dɛ before a noun with vowel ɛ or i as in dɛ tim ‘in the forest’. In other dialects, there are other alternations for the same preposition, as shown in (64).

(64) Vowel of following noun

Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo

ɔ, u dɔ bɔŋit dɔ bɔk dɔ bɔk tɔ bɔrɛ dɔ bɔŋit ‘in stable’ ɛ, i dɛ tim dɛ tim dɔ tim tɔ ttim dɔ ttim ‘in forest’ a dɛ haɟi da haɟi da haɟi ta haɟi da haɟi ‘in house’

The derivational prefix dɛ-, da-, ta- in ‘position’ has the same alternations in each of the dialects as the preposition dɛ, da, ta, dɔ, tɔ ‘from, in, at’.

(65) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo ma-y mày ma-y ma-y ma-y ‘place’ ma-cɔhi may-syɔka ma-sːik ma-sːik ma-sːik dɛ- ~ da- ~ ta- dɛ-ma-y dá-mày da-ma-y ta-ma-y da-ma-y ‘position’ dɛ-ma-cɔhi da-may-syɔk da-ma-sːik ta-ma-sːik da-ma-sːik a In Ngotira, ‘places’ can be either may-sihi or may-syɔk.

The noun derivational prefix lɔ-, lɛ- may have similar alternations in each of the dialects as the preposition lɔ, lɛ ‘for’.

(66) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo lɔ- ~ ∅ mɔɲɔmiɟi-ti mɔɲɔmiɟi-ti lɔ-mɔɲɔmiɟi lɔ-mɔɲɔmiɟi lɔ-mɔɲɔmiti ‘villager’ mɔɲɔmiɟi mɔɲɔmiɟi mɔɲɔmiɟi mɔɲɔmiɟi mɔɲɔmi lɔ- ~ lɛ- lɔ-fidik lɛ-fidik lɔ-fidik lɔ-fidik lɛ-fidik ‘trap’ lɔ-fidih-i lɛ-fidih-i lɔ-fidih-i lɔ-fidih-i ɔ-fidih-i lɔ- ~ lɛ- lɔ-tiri lɛ-tiri lɔ-tiri lɔ-tiri lɔ-tiri ‘small hoe’ lɔ-tiri-cɛn lɛ-tiri-sɛn lɔ-tiri-ha lɔ-tiri-ha lɔ-tiri-hyɛn

The imperative verbs of (67) have an inflectional prefix tɛ-, ta-, tu-, tɔ-, ti- that alternates among the dialects in some verbs according to the root vowel.

(67) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo tɛ- ~ ta- te-dada ta-dada ta-dada ta-dada ta-dada ‘touch, feel’ tɛ-mala ta-malay ta-malay ta-malay ta-malɛ ‘bleet, cry’ tɛ- ~ tɔ- tɛ-ɟiŋak tɛ-ɟìŋày tɔ-ɟiŋay tɔ-ɟiŋay tɔ-ɟiŋɛ ‘enter’ tɛ-lyu tɛ-lyu tɔ-llu tɔ-llu tɔ-llu ‘jump down’ tu- ~ tɔ- tu-munɔ tɔ-munɔy tɔ-munɛy tɔ-munɛy tɔ-munɛ ‘be happy, love’ ti- ~ tɔ- ti-tɔhɔy tɔ-tɔhɔy tɔ-tɔhɔy tɔ-tɔhɔy tɔ-tɔhɛ ‘kill’

3 Summary

With the present data for the Ngotira Lopit language, I propose 19 consonant phonemes; namely, (/p/, /b/, /t/, /d/, /c/, /ɟ/, /k/, /g/, /f/, /s/, /h/, /m/, /n/, /ɲ/, /ŋ/, /r/, /l/, /y/, /w/), 5 vowel phomenes (/i/, /ɛ/, /a/, /ɔ/, /u/), 6 syllable types (V, CV, CVC, CSV, CSVC, CVSC), and 2 underlying level tones (High, Low). When vowels are joined through affixation in singular and plural nouns, semivowels are formed. Consonant alternations in noun morphology include root-final /k/ changing to /h/, /r/ to /t/, and /t/ to /c/. In addition, there are suffixes with polar tone and replacement tone.

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Since Dorik, Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo have at least 90% lexical similarity with Ngotira, they are rightly called dialects of the same language. Nevertheless, 60% of words differ in at least two dialects. Even so, the same phonemes, syllable types, and morphological alternations can be claimed for all the dialects, with few exceptions. A few patterns of variation among the dialects can be observed, such as that in Dorik /c/ is used instead of /s/, or that in some words of Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo, word-initial /l/ is elided, or /r/ becomes /l/. However, most alternation among the dialects and in which dialect the alternation occurs is not as predictable.

Appendix Aː Dialect comparison wordlist

In table 7, all the Ngotira words of the second dialect column are in bold. If a word is segmentally different from the dialect word next to it, it is also in bold. The numbers in the Code column represent different combinations of dialect agreement. The percentage of words with each combination is given. In the Dialect Comparison Wordlist that follows, each word is labeled with the code number that represents the dialect agreement combination.

Table 7. Dialect agreement combination codes

Code % Agreement combination

Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo

D N M H L 1 39.2 D=N=M=H=L batak bàtàk batak batak batak ‘pig, hog’ 2 13.3 D; N=M=H=L dɔmi dɛmí dɛmi dɛmi dɛmi ‘knife’ 3 7.1 D=N=M=H; L awɔŋ áwɔŋ awɔŋ awɔŋ hawɔŋ ‘monkey’ 4 1.3 N; D=M=H=L kɛr kyɛr kɛr kɛr kɛr ‘sheep’ 5 8.9 D=N; M=H=L ɛfir ɛfír ɔfir ɔfir ɔfir ‘fat’ 6 4.4 D; N; M=H=L rufan rɔfán ɔfyɔti ɔfyɔti ɔfyɔti ‘roof’ 7 6.9 D; N; M=H; L naŋɔrwɔ nɔŋɔrwɔ ɔŋɔrwɔ ɔŋɔrwɔ aŋɔrwɔ ‘wife’ 8 .7 D; N=M; H=L ciwar ciwali ciwali ciwal ciwal ‘flute’ 9 1.3 D=N; M=H; L lɛymɛ lɛymɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmɛ ‘lion’ 10 4.4 D=N; M=H; L hidɔtiti hidɔtiti hɔdɔdi hɔdɔdi hitɔlɛwa ‘man’ 11 4.7 D; N=M=H; L hacay hàsây hasay hasay tahwo ‘calf’ 12 2.2 D; N; M; H; L hanaci hanasi hanasɛ inasi hinasi ‘sister’ 13 1.0 D; N; M; H=L hɔb fɔk fɔw faw faw ‘ground’ 14 .5 D; N=M; H; L dɛ-ma-y dá-mày da-ma-y ta-ma-y da-ma-y ‘position’ 15 .3 D=N=M; H=L tim tìm tim ttim ttim ‘grass’ 16 .3 D=N; M; H; L hɔyt hɔyt hɔhit hɔy hɛyt ‘bones’ 17 .5 D=N; M; H=L tɔhɔni tɔhɔni tihɔni tuŋani tuŋani ‘person’ 18 .3 D; N; M=L; H lɔyiriha lɛririha ɔyirihyɛn ɔyiriha ɔyirihyɛn ‘spirits’ 19 .3 D=H; N; M; L hahɛri akyɛri hahyɛri hahɛri haŋɛryɔ ‘star’ 20 .3 N; D=M=H; L hilluk hìlúk hilluk hilluk ibu ‘hyena’ 21 .2 N=L; D=M=H lɔfidik lɛfidik lɔfidik lɔfidik lɛfidik ‘trap’ 22 .7 D=L; N; M=H ɲɔŋati ɲɔŋɔtí ɲaŋati ɲaŋati ɲɔŋati ‘beeswax’ 23 .2 D=N=L; M=H tɔdɔra tɔdɔra tadara tadara tɔdɔra ‘be ripe’ 24 .2 D=N=H; M; L yani yani iyani yani yɛni ‘bring’ 25 .2 D=L; N=M; H bɔŋit bɔk bɔk bɔrɛ bɔŋit ‘stable’ 26 .2 N=M; D=H=L hiyɔ hùwɔ huwɔ hiyɔ hiyɔ ‘people’

In the list below, there are 285 nouns in singular and/or plural forms and 62 verbs in imperative form. Plural noun forms are listed below singular forms. For further information about each word, see the Lopit Dictionary (Ladu et al. 2014).

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Dialect Comparison Wordlist

Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 19 hahɛr-i akyɛr-i hahyɛr-i hahɛr-i haŋɛr-yɔ ‘star’ n 19 hahɛr akyɛr hahyɛr hahɛr haŋɛr 3 awɔŋ áwɔŋ awɔŋ awɔŋ hawɔŋ ‘oribi monkey’ n 3 awaŋ-a àwáŋ-à awaŋ-a awaŋ-a hawaŋ-a 1 balaŋ báláŋ balaŋ balaŋ balaŋ ‘salt’ n 7 balaŋ-in bàlàŋ-à balaŋ balaŋ balaŋ-ir 1 balu bálú balu balu balu ‘beer’ n 1 balw-ɔ bàlw-ɔ balw-ɔ balw-ɔ balw-ɔ 1 batak bàtàk batak batak batak ‘pig, hog’ n 1 batah-a bàtàh-â batah-a batah-a batah-a 1 bɛl bɛl bɛl bɛl bɛl ‘stripe, spot,

patch’ n

1 bɛl-i bɛl-ì bɛl-i bɛl-i bɛl-i 2 bɛlɛ-lyɛ bɛlyɛ bɛlyɛ bɛlyɛ bɛly-ɛ ‘skin’ n 7 bɛly-ɛ bɛlyɛ-ɟìn bɛlyɛ-sin bɛlyɛ-sin bɛlɛ-lɛ 25 bɔŋit bɔk bɔk bɔrɛ bɔŋit ‘goat stable’ n 2 bɔttin bɔŋittɔ bɔŋittɔ bɔŋittɔ bɔŋit-tɔ 1 bɔlɔrɔŋ bɔlɔrɔŋ bɔlɔrɔŋ bɔlɔrɔŋ bɔlɔrɔŋ ‘hippo’ n 1 bɔlɔrɔŋ-i bɔlɔrɔŋ-i bɔlɔrɔŋ-i bɔlɔrɔŋ-i bɔlɔrɔŋ-i 1 bɔŋit bɔŋít bɔŋit bɔŋit bɔŋit ‘stable’ n 1 bɔŋit-tɔ bɔŋit-tɔ bɔŋit-tɔ bɔŋit-tɔ bɔŋit-tɔ 1 bɔŋɔ bɔŋɔ bɔŋɔ bɔŋɔ bɔŋɔ ‘item of

clothing’ n

1 bɔŋɔ-ɟin bɔŋɔ-ɟìn bɔŋɔ-ɟin bɔŋɔ-ɟin bɔŋɔ-ɟin 1 bɔr-ɛ bɔr-ɛ bɔrɛ bɔrɛ bɔrɛ ‘stable’ n 5 bɔt-tin bɔt-tin bɔŋittɔ bɔŋittɔ bɔŋittɔ 1 buhu bùhù buhu buhu buhu shield’ n 3 bukw-ɔ bùkw-ɔ bukw-ɔ bukw-ɔ buhw-ɔ 3 bula bùlà bula bula bur ‘cow stable’ n 12 bula-cin bula-sɛn bula-hyɛn bula-sin bur-i 3 buni bùnî buni buni buni-t pool of water’ n 7 buni-cɔ bùnì buny-ɔ buny-ɔ buni 2 bucuk bùsùk busuk busuk busuk ‘bull’ n 2 bucuh-a búsúh-à busuh-a busuh-a busuh-a 9 calu càlù haturu haturu tur ‘porridge’ n 12 calu-ɟin càlw-ɔ haturu-hyɛn haturu tur-ɔ 1 cɛŋ-i cɛŋ-î cɛŋ-i cɛŋ-i cɛŋ-i ‘bird’ n 1 cɛŋ cɛŋ cɛŋ cɛŋ cɛŋ 2 tyaŋ cyàŋ cyaŋ cyaŋ cyaŋ ‘animal

(general)’ n

2 tyaŋ-i cyáŋ-ì cyaŋ-i cyaŋ-i cyaŋ-i 8 ciwar ciwali ciwali ciwal ciwal ‘flute’ n 8 ciwar-a ciwali-sɛn ciwali-sɛn ciwal-i ciwal-i 14 dɛ-ma-y dá-mày da-ma-y ta-ma-y da-ma-y ‘position’ n 18 dɛ-ma-cɔhi da-may-syɔk da-ma-sːik ta-ma-sːik da-ma-sːik

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 2 dɔmi dɛmí dɛmi dɛmi dɛmi ‘knife’ n 5 dɔmy-ɔ dɔmy-ɔ dɛmy-ɔ dɛmy-ɔ dɛmy-ɔ 1 dɔŋɛ dɔŋɛ dɔŋɛ dɔŋɛ dɔŋɛ ‘hill, mountain’ n 1 dɔŋy-ɔk dɔŋy-ɔk dɔŋy-ɔk dɔŋy-ɔk dɔŋy-ɔk 1 dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ ‘barren high

land’ n

2 dɔrɔŋ-ɔ dɔrɔŋ-ì dɔrɔŋ-i dɔrɔŋ-i dɔrɔŋ-i 7 duŋɛl dúŋɛs nɔŋa-ti nɔŋa-ti nuŋa-ti ‘beeswax’ n.sg 7 duŋɛl-ɔ ----- nɔŋa nɔŋa nuŋa 3 dwani dwànî dwani dwani dwari ‘weed’ n.sg 5 ɛfir ɛfír ɔfir ɔfir ɔfir ‘fat’ adj 1 facan fácàn facan facan facan ‘type of

marking’ n

1 facan-i fácàn-ì facan-i facan-i facan-i 5 fayt-i fàyt-î fati fati fati ‘ebony tree’ n 9 fayt-ɔ fàyt-ɔ faty-ɔ faty-ɔ facy-ɔ 1 far fàr far far far ‘midday,

daytime’ n

1 far-riɟin fár-ríɟìn far-riɟin far-riɟin far-riɟin 1 fara-y fàrá-y fara-y fara-y fara-y ‘leaf’ n 1 fara fàrá fara fara fara 1 fɛrɛ fɛrɛ fɛrɛ fɛrɛ fɛrɛ ‘spear’ n 1 fɛry-a fɛry-à fɛry-a fɛry-a fɛry-a 1 fɛtɛk fɛtɛk fɛtɛk fɛtɛk fɛtɛk ‘fish spear’ n 1 fɛtɛh-a fɛtɛh-â fɛtɛh-a fɛtɛh-a fɛtɛh-a 1 fɔfɔŋ-i fɔfɔŋ-ì fɔfɔŋ-i fɔfɔŋ-i fɔfɔŋ-i ‘cactus’ n 1 fɔfɔŋ fɔfɔŋ fɔfɔŋ fɔfɔŋ fɔfɔŋ 13 hɔb fɔk fɔw faw faw ‘ground’ n.sg 1 fɔtir fɔtír fɔtir fɔtir fɔtir ‘warthog’ n 5 fɔtir-a fɔtìr-à fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak 1 fuhɛr fúhɛr fuhɛr fuhɛr fuhɛr ‘farm away

from house’ n

5 fuhɛr-ɔ fùhɛr-ɔ fuhyar-a fuhyar-a fuhyar-a 1 fur fúr fur fur fur ‘dust (Arabic)’ n.sg 1 furɛ fúrɛ furɛ furɛ furɛ ‘name, song’ n 4 furɛ-ta fúrɛ-ytà furɛ-ta furɛ-ta furɛ-ta 5 furyɔ fúryɔ furɔ furɔ furɔ ‘smoke’ n 6 furyɔ fùryɔ-ɟìn furɔ furɔ furɔ 1 fwara fwàrâ fwara fwara fwara ‘dancing place’ n 3 fwara-ɟin fwàrà-ɟìn fwara-ɟin fwara-ɟin fwara-sin 3 gara-y gàrá-y gara-y gara-y igara ‘dry grassland’ n.sg 7 girica-y girisa-y musa musa girisa ‘bush, forest,

small trees’ n

7 girica girisa musa-ri musa-ri girisa-ri 1 gɔrɔ gɔrɔ gɔrɔ gɔrɔ gɔrɔ ‘jug made

from gourd’ n

5 gɔrɔ-na gɔrɔ-nà gɔrɔ-ɟin gɔrɔ-ɟin gɔrɔ-ɟin 2 guc gùs gus gus gus ‘skin’ n 2 guc-i gús-ì gus-i gus-i gus-i

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 6 habɔrɔ-ni

nahɔb habɔlɔ-fak habɔlɔ-ni habɔlɔ-ni habɔlɔ-ni ‘landlord’ n

2 habɔrɔ-k hunahɔb

habɔlɔ-k habɔlɔ-k habɔlɔ-k habɔlɔ-k

1 habu hábú habu habu habu ‘chief, king’ n 6 habu-ci hàbù-sì habw-ɔk habw-ɔk habw-ɔk 11 habu

lɛgala habu lagala

habu lagal-a

habu lagal-a

habu agala

‘government chief’

n

7 habu-ci hu-lɛgala

habu-si i-lagala

habw-ɔk i-lɛgal

habw-ɔk i-lɛgal

habw-ɔk agala

1 haddɛ-ti hàddɛ-tí haddɛ-ti haddɛ-ti haddɛ-ti ‘root’ n 1 haddɛ hàddɛ haddɛ haddɛ haddɛ 2 hafyɛla-y hafyala-y hafyala-y hafyala-y hafyala-y ‘claw’ n 2 hafyɛla hafyala hafyala hafyala hafyala 1 hay háy hay hay hay ‘rain’ n 16 hay-ɟɔ hay-ɟɔ hay hay-ɟɔ hay-ɟin 3 ha-ydihita-

ni ha-ydihita-ni

ha-ydihita-ni

ha-ydihita-ni

hɛdihitani ‘leader’ v.n

3 ha-ydihita-k ha-ydihita-k ha-ydihita-k ha-ydihita-k hɛtadihɔk 1 haɟaŋa-ti haɟaŋa-ti haɟaŋa-ti haɟaŋa-ti haɟaŋa-ti ‘fly’ n 1 haɟaŋa haɟaŋa haɟaŋa haɟaŋa haɟaŋa 1 haɟi hàɟì haɟi haɟi haɟi ‘house’ n 3 haɟi-k haɟi-k haɟi-k haɟi-k hasi-k 5 hala-y hàlâ-y ɔgɛr ɔgɛr ɔgɛr ‘side, end

of something’ n

5 hala hàlâ ɔgɛr-i ɔgɛr-i ɔgɛr-i 1 hala-ti hàlá-tì hala-ti hala-ti hala-ti ‘tooth’ n 1 hala hálá hala hala hala 7 ha-lɔha-ni ha-lɔhɔ-ni ha-laha-ni ha-laha-ni ha-lɔhɔ-ni ‘trapper’ v.n 7 ha-lɔha-k ha-lɔhɔ-k ha-laha-k ha-laha-k ha-lɔhɔ-k 4 ham-i hàm-ɛ ham-i ham-i ham-i ‘fish’ n 1 ham hàm ham ham ham 1 hamilak hamilak hamilak hamilak hamilak ‘saliva’ n.pl 1 hamuh-ɛ hamuh-ɛ hamuh-ɛ hamuh-ɛ hamuh-ɛ ‘shoe’ n 1 hamuh-a hamuh-a hamuh-a hamuh-a hamuh-a 5 hana hana hani hani hani ‘hand’ n 2 hac hàs has has has 12 hanac-i hanas-i hanas-ɛ inasi hinasi ‘sister’ n 12 hanac-ara hans-ara hanas-ira inasi-ra hinasi-ra 1 haŋ hàŋ haŋ haŋ haŋ ‘home, village’ n 1 haŋ-itɛk haŋ-itɛk haŋ-itɛk haŋ-itɛk haŋ-itɛk 1 haŋɛr-i haŋɛr-i haŋɛr-i haŋɛr-i haŋɛri ‘fruit, seed’ n 3 haŋɛr haŋɛr haŋɛr haŋɛr haŋɛry-ɔ 1 haɲahaɲa-y haɲahaɲa-y haɲahaɲa-y haɲahaɲa-y haɲahaɲa-y ‘domestic

animal’ n

1 haɲahaɲa haɲahaɲa haɲahaɲa haɲahaɲa haɲahaɲa

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 1 haɲim-iti hàɲím-ìtì haɲim-iti haɲim-iti haɲim-iti ‘sesame’ n 1 haɲim hàɲìm haɲim haɲim haɲim 3 hara hárá hara hara sɛgɛr ‘stool, chair’ n 11 hara-na hàrà-ɟìn hara-ɟin hara-ɟin sɛgɛr-i 12 irac-i haras-i halasi ilasi hilasi ‘brother’ n 12 irac-ara haras-ara halasi-ra ilasi-ra hilasi-ra 5 hari hárí hali hali hali ‘club, stick’ n 5 hary-ɔ hàry-ɔ haly-ɔ haly-ɔ haly-ɔ 1 hari hárí hari hari hari ‘river’ 1 hary-a hàry-â hary-a hary-a hary-a 1 haryɛ hàryɛ haryɛ haryɛ haryɛ ‘night’ n 1 haryɛ-ɟin háryɛ-ɟìn haryɛ-ɟin haryɛ-ɟin haryɛ-ɟin 1 ha-ruta-ni ha-ruta-ni ha-ruta-ni ha-ruta-ni ha-ruta-ni ‘inheritance’ n 1 ha-ruta-k ha-ruta-k ha-ruta-k ha-ruta-k ha-ruta-k 11 haca-y hàsâ-y hasa-y hasa-y tahw-ɔ ‘calf’ n 11 haca-k hàsà-k hasa-k hasa-k tahw-a 2 hɔcɔwan haswani haswani haswani haswani ‘buffalo’ n 6 hɔcɔwan-i haswani-hɔ haswani haswani haswani 1 hattɛl-i hattɛl-i hattɛl-i hattɛl-i hattɛli ‘egg’ n 3 hattɛl hattɛl hattɛl hattɛl hattɛly-ɔ 3 haww-ɛ hàww-ɛ haww-ɛ haww-ɛ haw-ɔ ‘arrow’ n 3 haww-a haww-a haww-a haww-a haw-a 5 ha-yyɔhɔ-ni ha-yyɔhɔ-ni hɛ-yyɔhɔ-ni hɛ-yyɔhɔ-ni hɛ-yyɔhɔ-ni ‘shepherd’ v.n 5 ha-yyɔhɔ-k ha-yyɔhɔ-k hɛ-yyɔhɔ-k hɛ-yyɔhɔ-k hɛ-yyɔhɔ-k 1 hɛɟ-u hɛɟ-u hɛɟ-u hɛɟ-u hɛɟ-u ‘leg, foot’ n 1 hɛɟ-ɛk hɛɟ-ɛk hɛɟ-ɛk hɛɟ-ɛk hɛɟ-ɛk 1 dɛrɔ-ti hì-dɛ hi-dɛ hi-dɛ hi-dɛ ‘rat’ n 10 dɛrɔ dɛ-rɔ dy-ɔrɔ dy-ɔrɔ dy-ɔrɔti 1 hi-dɔŋ hi-dɔŋ hi-dɔŋ hi-dɔŋ hi-dɔŋ ‘drum’ n 1 dɔŋ-i dɔŋ-i dɔŋ-i dɔŋ-i dɔŋ-i 3 hidɔŋi hidɔŋi hidɔŋi hidɔŋi hidwɔŋi ‘hammer’ n 3 hidɔŋi-ta hidɔŋi-ta hidɔŋi-ta hidɔŋi-ta hidwɔŋi-ta 10 hidɔti-ti hidɔti-ti hɔdɔdi hɔdɔdi hitɔ-lɛwa ‘man’ n 10 hɔdɔti hɔdɔti lyawa lyawa lɛwa 2 hifyɔŋ ----- ----- ----- ----- 1 hifyɔŋ-i hìfyɔŋ hifyɔŋ hifyɔŋ hifyɔŋ ‘water’ n.pl 1 hiɟi hìɟì hiɟi hiɟi hiɟi ‘middle’ n.sg 10 hikwa-y hìkwâ-y ikwa-y ikwa-y hiwa-y ‘thorn’ n 10 hikwa hìkwà ikwa ikwa hikwa 13 huh-ɔy hik-wɔy huh-wɛ huh-ɛ huh-ɛ ‘charcoal’ n 1 huk hùk huk huk huk 20 hilluk hìlúk hilluk hilluk ibu ‘hyena’ n 20 hilluh-i hìlùh-í hilluh-i hilluh-i ibu-hɔ

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 1 hi-ma hí-má hi-ma hi-ma hi-ma ‘fire’ n 1 ma-ti ma-ti ma-ti ma-ti ma-ti 1 hi-mɔ hì-mɔ hi-mɔ hi-mɔ hi-mɔ ‘nose’ n 2 mɛ-ci mɛ-si mɛ-si mɛ-si mɛ-si 11 hi-nɛy hi-nay hi-nay hi-nay hi-na ‘breast’ n 1 hi hì hi hi hi 1 hinɛ hínɛ hinɛ hinɛ hinɛ ‘goat’ n 1 hinɛ hìnɛ hinɛ hinɛ hinɛ 1 hinɔ hinɔ hinɔ hinɔ hinɔ ‘excrement’ n 1 hit hìt hit hit hit 4 nɔŋɔ hinɔŋɔ nɔŋɔ nɔŋɔ nɔŋɔ ‘deformed

head’ n.sg

2 nɔŋɔ-y ----- ----- ----- ----- 5 hinwara hinwara hunwara hunwara hunwara ‘ash’ n.sg 1 hi-ŋa hi-ŋa hi-ŋa hi-ŋa hi-ŋa ‘year’ n 2 ŋa-ci ŋa-si ŋa-si ŋa-si ŋa-si 10 hi-ŋɔh-u hi-ŋɔh-u i-ŋɔh-u i-ŋɔh-u hi-ŋɔh-u ‘dog’ n 1 ŋɔh-ɛ ŋɔh-ɛ ŋɔh-ɛ ŋɔh-ɛ ŋɔh-ɛ 1 hiɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ ‘crocodile’ n 2 hiɲaŋ-a ɲaŋ-i ɲaŋ-i ɲaŋ-i ɲaŋ-i 1 hiɲɔmɔ-ti hiɲɔmɔ-ti hiɲɔmɔ-ti hiɲɔmɔ-ti hiɲɔmɔ-ti ‘seed (general)’ n 1 hiɲɔmɔ hiɲɔmɔ hiɲɔmɔ hiɲɔmɔ hiɲɔmɔ 1 hipat-a hipat-a hipat-a hipat-a hipat-a ‘mistreatment’ n 2 hipat-iti hipat-ita hipat-ita hipat-ita hipat-ita 1 hiram hiram hiram hiram hiram ‘issue, problem’ n.sg 1 hi-riŋɔ hi-riŋɔ hiri-ŋɔ hiri-ŋɔ hiri-ŋɔ ‘meat’ n 5 riŋɔ-y riŋɔ-y hiri hiri hiri 3 hirɔbi hirɔbi hirɔbi hirɔbi lɔkuhɔ ‘coldness’ n.sg 3 hita hìtà hita hita hɔyɛh-iti ‘fire wood’ n 1 hɔyɛk hɔyɛk hɔyɛk hɔyɛk hɔyɛk 1 hitɛŋ hítɛŋ hitɛŋ hitɛŋ hitɛŋ ‘cow’ n 11 hicu husuŋ husuŋ husuŋ hisuŋ 1 hitɔ hìtɔ hitɔ hitɔ hitɔ ‘child’ n 1 durrɛ durrɛ durrɛ durrɛ durrɛ 1 hi-tɔ hì-tɔ hi-tɔ hi-tɔ hi-tɔ ‘scorpion’ n 2 tɔ-ci tɔ-si tɔ-si tɔ-si tɔ-si 2 hitɔna-

ŋɔrwa hitɔnɔ- ŋɔrwɔ

hitɔnɔ- ŋɔrwɔ

hitɔnɔ- ŋɔrwɔ

hitɔnɔ- ŋɔrwɔ

‘woman’ n

1 ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ 1 hittɔ hìtt-ɔ hittɔ hittɔ hittɔ ‘anus, source,

beginning’ n

6 hittɔ-c hitt-ɛs hittɔ-s hittɔ-s hittɔ-s 5 hi-war-u hi-war-u hu-war-u hu-war-u hu-war-u ‘cat (general)’ n 1 war-ak war-ak war-ak war-ak war-ak 2 ilata hí-yálì hi-yali hi-yali hi-yali ‘oil’ n 2 ilata-y yálí yali yali yali

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 1 hi-yaya hí-yáyà hi-yaya hi-yaya hi-yaya ‘porcupine’ n 1 yaya yáyá yaya yaya yaya 1 hi-yɛni hì-yɛnì hi-yɛni hi-yɛni hi-yɛni ‘rope for

tying animal’ n

1 yɛni yɛní yɛni yɛni yɛni 1 hi-yɔk hì-yɔk hi-yɔk hi-yɔk hi-yɔk ‘ear’ n 1 yɔh-ɛ yɔh-ɛ yɔh-ɛ yɔh-ɛ yɔh-ɛ 10 hiyɔr-rɔ hiyɔr-rɔ hiwɔŋita hiwɔŋita hiwɔlɔŋita ‘roar,

loud sound’ n

10 hiyɔr-rita hiyɔr-rita hiwɔŋita hiwɔŋita hiwɔlɔŋita 6 hɔbɔhɔbɔ-y hɔbɔhɔb-ɛ hɔbɛhɔb-ɛ hɔbɛhɔb-ɛ hɔbɛhɔb-ɛ ‘back of

something’ n

5 hɔbɔhɔbɔ hɔbɔhɔb-ɔ hɔbɛhɔb-ɔ hɔbɛhɔb-ɔ hɔbɛhɔb-ɔ 1 hɔfit-ti hɔfît-tî hɔfit-ti hɔfit-ti hɔfit-ti ‘hair, feather’ n 1 hɔfir hɔfìr hɔfir hɔfir hɔfir 1 hɔfi-tɔy hɔfi-tɔy hɔfitɔ-y hɔfitɔ-y hɔfitɔ-y ‘rope’ n 5 hɔfi hɔfì hɔfitɔ hɔfitɔ hɔfitɔ 1 hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ ‘flour’ n 1 hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟìn hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟin 1 hɔhɔrɔ hɔhɔrɔ hɔhɔr-ɔ hɔhɔr-ɔ hɔhɔr-ɔ ‘chicken, hen’ n 5 hɔhɔrɔ-n hɔhɔrɔ-n hɔhɔr-ɛ hɔhɔr-ɛ hɔhɔr-ɛ 7 hɔyt-ɔy hɔyt-ɔ hɔyt-ɛ hɔy-tɛ hɛyt-ɔ ‘bone’ n 16 hɔyt hɔyt hɔhit hɔy hɛyt 1 hɔlɔŋ hɔlɔŋ hɔlɔŋ hɔlɔŋ hɔlɔŋ ‘sun, day’ n 1 hɔlɔŋ-i hɔlɔŋ-ì hɔlɔŋ-i hɔlɔŋ-i hɔlɔŋ-i 1 hɔlɔrɔŋ hɔlɔrɔŋ hɔlɔrɔŋ hɔlɔrɔŋ hɔlɔrɔŋ ‘bank, beach’ n 1 hɔlɔrɔŋ-i hɔlɔrɔŋ-i hɔlɔrɔŋ-i hɔlɔrɔŋ-i hɔlɔrɔŋ-i 5 hɔmwɔŋ hɔmwɔŋ hɔmɔm hɔmɔm hɔmɔm ‘face, forehead’ n 6 hɔmwɔŋ-itɛ hɔmwàŋ-â hɔmɔm-itɛ hɔmɔm-itɛ hɔmɔm-itɛ 8 hɔtɔɲ-i hɔɲɛ hɔɲɛ hɔtɔɲɛ hɔtɔɲɛ ‘mother’ n 8 hɔtɔɲ-ɛ hɔɲy-ɛ hɔɲy-ɛ hɔtɔɲy-ɛ hɔtɔɲy-ɛ 1 hɔɲɛk hɔɲɛk hɔɲɛk hɔɲɛk hɔɲɛk ‘eye’ n 1 hɔɲɛh-itɛ hɔɲɛh-itɛ hɔɲɛh-itɛ hɔɲɛh-itɛ hɔɲɛh-itɛ 1 hɔ hɔ hɔ hɔ hɔ ‘head’ n 2 hɔ-ci hɔ-sî hɔ-si hɔ-si hɔ-si 1 hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ ‘back’ n 3 hɔrwɔŋ-a hɔrwɔŋ-â hɔrwɔŋ-a hɔrwɔŋ-a hɔrwɔŋ-

itɔk

2 hɔcɛhɛ hɔsɛhɛ hɔsɛhɛ hɔsɛhɛ hɔsɛhɛ ‘belly, stomach’

n 2 hɔcɛhɛ-n hɔsɛhɛ-n hɔsɛhɛ-n hɔsɛhɛ-n hɔsɛhɛ-n 2 hitɛmi hɔsyɛrɛ hɔsyɛrɛ hɔsyɛrɛ hɔsyɛrɛ ‘front’ n.sg 11 hɔcɔk hɔsɔk hɔsɔk hɔsɔk ɔhɔsɔhi ‘giant’ n 11 hɔcɔh-a hɔsɔk hɔsɔk hɔsɔk ɔhɔsɔhi 1 hɔtɔ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ ‘blood’ n 2 hɔtɔ hɔtɔ-ɟin hɔtɔ-ɟin hɔtɔ-ɟin hɔtɔ-ɟin 2 hɔtwa hɔtwáy hɔtway hɔtway hɔtw-ay ‘inside of

something’ n

3 hɔtwa-yɟin hɔtwày-ɟín hɔtway-ɟin hɔtway-ɟin hɔtw-ɛ

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 1 huɟ-uti húɟ-útí huɟ-uti huɟ-uti huɟ-uti ‘grass for

thatch’ n

1 huɟ-i húɟ-í huɟ-i huɟ-i huɟ-i 5 hunɔm húnɔm hi-nɔm hi-nɔm hi-nɔm ‘cave’ n 5 hunɔm-ɔ hùnɔm-ɔ nɔm-i nɔm-i nɔm-i 1 huŋ-u huŋ-u huŋu huŋu huŋu ‘knee’ n 4 huŋ-a hùŋ huŋu-ta huŋu-ta huŋu-ta 5 hurɔ hùrɔ hulɔ hulɔ hulɔ ‘kid’ n 5 hurɔ-hɔ hùrɔ-hɔ hulɔ-hɔ hulɔ-hɔ hulɔ-hɔ 2 huru-ti hut-ti hut-ti hut-ti hut-ti ‘worm’ n 1 huru hur-u hur-u hur-u hur-u 1 hutuk hútúk hutuk hutuk hutuk ‘mouth’ n 10 hutuh-ɛn hutuh-ɛn hutuh-ɛ hutuh-ɛ hutuh-yɛ 3 ibara ibara ibara ibara iba ‘arrive’ v.i 1 ibɔŋɔ ibɔŋɔ ibɔŋɔ ibɔŋɔ ibɔŋɔ ‘meet’ v.i 1 ibura ibura ibura ibura ibura ‘penetrate, open’ v.t 9 ibwari ibwari ibusari ibusari oburusari ‘escape’ v.i 2 ib-ɔni ibw-ɔni ibwɔni ibwɔni ibwɔni ‘fortune teller’ n 5 ibw-ana ibw-ana ibɔni ibɔni ibɔni 1 iburahini iburahini iburahini iburahini iburahini ‘attack’ v.t 9 icaha icaha ityaha ityaha ityara ‘begin’ v.t 3 icɛt ícɛt icɛt icɛt hikɛt ‘dancing

ornament’ n

10 icɛyt-i ìcɛyt-ì icɛt-i icɛt-i hikɛt-i 11 hidik ìdîs idis idis ɛdis ‘shadow

of cloud’ n

11 hidik ìdîs idis idis ɛdis-i 1 idɔ ídɔ idɔ idɔ idɔ ‘sky’ n.sg 5 idɔŋɔ idɔŋɔ idwɔŋɔ idwɔŋɔ idwɔŋɔ ‘appear’ v.i 1 idumɛlɛ idumɛlɛ idumɛlɛ idumɛlɛ idumɛlɛ ‘darkness’ n.sg 1 ifya ifya ifya ifya ifya ‘ask’ v.i 1 igɛm ígɛm igɛm igɛm igɛm ‘work’ n 1 igɛm-i ìgɛm-ì igɛm-i igɛm-i igɛm-i 1 igɛrit igɛrit igɛrit igɛrit igɛrit ‘paint,

decoration’ n

2 igɛrit-a igɛrit-i igɛrit-i igɛrit-i igɛrit-i 3 igigilɔ igigilɔy igigilɔy igigilɔy igigilɛ ‘think’ v.t 1 igɔlɔ igɔlɔ igɔlɔ igɔlɔg igɔlɔ ‘bell’ n 1 igɔlɔ-hɔ igɔlɔ-hɔ igɔlɔ-hɔ igɔlɔh-ɔ igɔlɔ-hɔ 1 ihɔ íhɔ ihɔ ihɔ ihɔ ‘dew’ n.sg 1 i-hɔhɔ i-hɔhɔ i-hɔhɔ i-hɔhɔ i-hɔhɔ ‘female thief’ n 1 hɔhɔ-lak hɔhɔ-lak hɔhɔ-lak hɔhɔ-lak hɔhɔ-lak 2 ikuma ihuma ihuma ihuma ihuma ‘tortoise’ n 2 ikuma-hi ihuma-ha ihuma-ha ihuma-ha ihuma-ha 1 ihuma ihuma ihuma ihuma ihuma ‘do’ v.t 2 itahafu-ti ikafuti ikafuti ikafuti ikafuti ‘bat’ n 2 itahafu-ɟɔ ikafuti ikafuti ikafuti ikafuti

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 2 ihɛrɛk ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ‘water turtle’ n 2 ihɛrɛh-i ikarrah-i ikarrah-i ikarrah-i ikarrah-i 11 iha íkát ikat ikat hihat ‘door’ n 11 iha-tin ìkát-ìn ikat-in ikat-in hihat-in 11 i-hɔy i-kɔy ikɔ-y kɔy hihɛ ‘path, road’ n 13 hɔy kɔy ikɔ-tya kɔy kɔy 7 ikubɔ ikubɔri tɔlihari tɔlihari italihari ‘hunt’ v.t 1 illa ìllá illa illa illa ‘friend, brother’ n 5 ilɔlɔŋɔ ilɔlɔŋɔ illillɔŋɔ illillɔŋɔ illillɔŋɔ ‘call’ v.t 5 ilɔm-a ilɔma ilama ilama ilama ‘distance’ n.sg 11 ilɔm-ita ----- ----- ----- ilama-ha 5 imɛtak imɛtak imyatak imyatak imyatak ‘increase, become’ v.i 13 inɛfɔ inɛfa inɛfu inyafa inyafa ‘catch’ v.t 1 inɔ inɔ inɔ inɔ inɔ ‘go, went’ v.i 3 iŋɔtit iŋɔtit iŋɔtit iŋɔtit hiŋɔtit ‘adze,

cutting tool’ n

3 iŋɔtit-i iŋɔtit-i iŋɔtit-i iŋɔtit-i hiŋɔtit-i 11 tɛŋɛru iɲɛru iɲɛru iɲɛru tɔɲɛru ‘run, come out’ v.i 1 ipɔtit ipɔtit ipɔtit ipɔtit ipɔtit ‘brush’ n 1 ipɔtit-i ipɔtit-i ipɔtit-i ipɔtit-i ipɔtit-i 10 irɛfit irɛfit ilyɛfit ilyɛfit ɔlɛfit ‘container

(for milk)’ n

10 irɛfit-i irɛfit-i ilyɛfit-i ilyɛfit-i ɔlɛfit-i 9 irɛfɔ ìrɛfɔ iryɔfɔ iryɔfɔ iryɔfɛ ‘search’ v.t 5 iryɛtak iryɛtak iryatak iryatak iryatak ‘tie around neck’ v.t 12 iruhɔ írúhù iruhɔk iruhɔ iruhɔk ‘accept’ v.t 1 irumɔk irumɔk irumɔk irumɔk irumɔk ‘attack’ v.t 7 irurwɔ irurwɔy ilulwɔy ilulwɔy ilulwɛ ‘cry’ v.i 7 icyɔ ísyɔ hisyɔ hisyɔ isyɔ ‘honey, oil’ n 7 icyɔ-ɟin ìsyɔ-ɟìn hisyɔ-ɟin hisyɔ-ɟin isyɔ-ɟin 2 itawuk ítàk itak itak itak ‘ostrich’ n 2 itawuh-i ìtàh-ì itah-i itah-i itah-i 2 itaniŋɔ ítírà itira itira itira ‘hear’ v.t 1 itiran itira-n itiran itiran itiran ‘fog, mist’ n.sg 10 itul-ɛ itulɛ itul-it itul-it itulɛ-t ‘small hole’ n 7 itul-ɔhɔ ituly-ɔhɔ itul-ɔhɔ itul-ɔhɔ ituly-ɔhɔ 10 iwa-y ìwâ-y huwa-ti huwa-ti iwa-ti ‘wing’ n 10 iwa ìwâ huwa huwa iwa 2 iyaŋiti íyáŋ iyaŋ iyaŋ iyaŋ ‘(my) mother’ n.sg 11 iyɔrɔ iyɔrɔy iyɔrɔy iyɔrɔy iwiwɔŋitɛ ‘shout’ v.i. 1 ɟani ɟànî ɟani ɟani ɟani ‘broom’ n 11 ɟani-cɔ ɟàny-â ɟany-a ɟany-a ɟyani 1 ɟati ɟátí ɟati ɟati ɟati ‘green

vegetable’ n

2 ɟaty-ɔ ɟacy-ɔ ɟacy-ɔ ɟacy-ɔ ɟacy-ɔ 1 ɟɔrɛ ɟɔrɛ ɟɔrɛ ɟɔrɛ ɟɔrɛ ‘big rocks’ n.sg 1 kal kál kal kal kal ‘side, end’ n.sg

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 1 kɛbu kɛbù kɛbu kɛbu kɛbu ‘hoe’ n 1 kɛbw-a kɛbw-â kɛbw-a kɛbw-a kɛbw-a 4 kɛr kyɛr kɛr kɛr kɛr ‘sheep’ n 2 kɛr-a kyɔr-ɔ kyɔr-ɔ kyɔr-ɔ kyɔr-ɔ 1 kɔri kɔrì kɔri kɔri kɔri ‘giraffe’ n 1 kɔry-ɔ kɔry-ɔ kɔry-ɔ kɔry-ɔ kɔry-ɔ 1 kurufat kurufat kurufat kurufat kurufat ‘whip’ n 1 kurufat-i kurufat-i kurufat-i kurufat-i kurufat-i 10 kwan kwà-n wa-n wa-n hwa-n ‘body’ n 7 kwan-itɛ kwa-ytɛ wa-tyɛ wa-tyɛ hwa-tɛk 14 lɔhɔla-y lahala-y lahala-y ahala-y ɔhɔl-ɛ ‘pole

(in house)’ n

14 lɔhɔla-ɟin lahala-ɟin lahala-ɟin ahala-ɟin ɔhɔl-aɟin 7 lɔdik lɛdìs ɔhidis ɔhidis ɛdis ‘shadow’ n 7 lɔdih-i lɛdìs-í ɔhidis-i ɔhidis-i ɛdis-i 12 lakyɛ-ti lɛfɛr-iti ɔfyɛr-i ɔfɛr-i hafɛr-yɔ ‘louse, lice’ n 12 lakyɛ lɛfɛr-ɔ ɔfyɛr ɔfɛr hafɛr 6 lɔfɛrrɛ lɛfɛrrɛk hitɔɟɔ hitɔɟɔ hitɔɟɔ ‘hare, rabbit’ n 6 lɔfɛrrɛ-hi lɛfɛrrɛh-i hitɔɟɔ-sin hitɔɟɔ-sin hitɔɟɔ-sin 21 lɔfidik lɛfidik lɔfidik lɔfidik lɛfidik ‘trap’ n 20 lɔfidih-i lɛfidih-i lɔfidih-i lɔfidih-i ɔfidih-i 3 lɛy-fɔri lɛy-fɔri lɛy-fɔri lɛy-fɔri ɛ-fɔri ‘kitchen’ v.n.l 10 lɛymɛ lɛymɛ lɛmy-ɛ lɛmy-ɛ lɛm-ɛ ‘lion’ n 2 lɛymɛ-hɔ lɛmy-ɔhɔ lɛmy-ɔhɔ lɛmy-ɔhɔ lɛmy-ɔhɔ 5 lɛy-ramitari lɛy-ramitari ɛ-ramitari ɛ-ramitari ɛ-ramitari ‘dancing place’ v.n.l 7 lɛykɛrɛ lɛkyɛrɛ ɔkɛlɛ ɔkɛlɛ ɔkɔfɛ ‘pebble’ n 7 lɛykɛrɛ-n lɛkyɛrɛ-n ɔkɛlɛ-n ɔkɛlɛ-n ɔkɔfy-aha 7 lɔmini lɛmini ɔmini ɔmini hu-war-u ‘leopard’ n 7 lɔmini-ha lɛmini-ha ɔmini-ha ɔymini-ha war-ak 7 lɔ-rɛwa lɛ-rɛwa lɔ-lyawa lɔ-lyawa ɔ-lɛwa ‘husband’ n 10 rɛwa rɛwà lyawa lyawa lɛwa 4 lɔtiri lɛtiri lɔtiri lɔtiri lɔtiri ‘small hoe’ n 7 lɔtiri-cɛn lɛtiri-sɛn lɔtiri-ha lɔtiri-ha lɔtiri-hyɛn 10 lɛwa lɛwá llɛywa llɛywa llɛwa ‘gazelle type’ n 7 lɛwa-na lɛwâ-y llɛywa llɛywa llɛwa-y 7 lɔyami lɛyamɛ ɔyami ɔyami ɔyamɛ ‘wind’ n.sg 6 lɔyiri lɛyiri ɔyiri ɔyiri ɔyiri ‘spirit’ n 18 lɔyiri-ha lɛyiri-ha ɔyiri-hyɛn ɔyiri-ha ɔyiri-hyɛn 2 liŋkɔ líŋ liŋ liŋ liŋ ‘salt’ n.sg 3 lɔbɔŋi lɔbɔŋi lɔbɔŋi lɔbɔŋi ɔbɔŋi ‘tree type’ n 3 lɔbɔŋi-n lɔbɔŋi-n lɔbɔŋi-n lɔbɔŋi-n ɔbɔŋi-n 1 lɔgulɛ lɔgulɛ lɔgulɛ lɔgulɛ ɔgulɛ ‘elbow’ n 11 lɔgulɛ-cɔ lɔguly-aha lɔguly-aha lɔguly-aha ɔguly-aha 1 lɔ-hɔhɔ lɔ-hɔhɔ lɔ-hɔhɔ lɔ-hɔhɔ lɔ-hɔhɔ ‘male thief’ n 10 hɔhɔ-lak hɔhɔ-lak lɔ-huruhi lɔ-huruhi hɔhɔ-lak

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 7 tuhɛ lɔkuduk lɔhuruk lɔhuruk ɔhuruk ‘crow’ n 7 tuhɛ-cɔ lɔkuduh-i lɔhuruh-i lɔhuruh-i ɔhuruh-i 3 lɔlwari lɔlwari lɔlwari lɔlwari ɔlwar ‘dry ground’ n.sg 22 cɔla lɔŋɔhɛ cala cala cɔla ‘compacted

cow manure’ n.sg

2 cɔla-cin ----- ----- ----- ----- 3 lɔrɔmɔri lɔrɔmɔri lɔrɔmɔri lɔrɔmɔri ɔrɔmɔri ‘digging place’ n.sg 5 lɔrwɔt-i lɔrwɔt-í ɔlwɔt-i ɔlwɔti ɔlwɔti ‘cannibal’ n 17 lɔrwɔt lɔrwɔt ɔlwɔt halwɔk halwɔk 1 lɔtwala lɔtwala lɔtwala lɔtwala lɔtwala ‘ash’ n.sg 11 lɔwɔtɔy lɔwɔtɛ lɔwɔtɛ lɔwɔtɛ ɔwɔtɛk ‘diarrhea’ n.sg 5 madɔk màdɔk immadɔk immadɔk immadɔk ‘gum’ n 6 madɔh-a màdɔh-í immadɔh-i immadɔh-i immadɔh-i 1 ma-y mày ma-y ma-y ma-y ‘place’ n 6 ma-cɔhi may-sihi,

may-syɔk ma-sːik ma-sːik ma-sːik

1 mana máná mana mana mana ‘farm away from house’

n 1 matta máttà matta matta matta 1 maŋat màŋât maŋat maŋat maŋat ‘camp,

platform’ n

1 maŋat-in màŋàt-în maŋat-in maŋat-in maŋat-in 1 mariŋ màrìŋ mariŋ mariŋ mariŋ ‘fence, pen’ n 2 mariŋ-ɔ màrìŋ-â mariŋ-a mariŋ-a mariŋ-a 1 marwa-ni marwa-ni marwa-ni marwa-ni marwa-ni ‘old one’ n 1 marwa-k marwa-k marwa-k marwa-k marwa-k 1 milɛ milɛ milɛ milɛ milɛ ‘salt (Arabic)’ n.sg 3 miyaŋ mìyàŋ miyaŋ miyaŋ myaŋ ‘grass (general)’ n.sg 10 mɔytɛ mɔytɛ mɔtyɛ mɔtyɛ mɔtɛ ‘morning’ n.sg 1 mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ ‘baboon’ n 1 mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ 1 mɔɲɛ mɔɲɛ mɔɲɛ mɔɲɛ mɔɲɛ ‘father, owner’ n 1 mɔɲy-ɛ mɔɲy-ɛ mɔɲy-ɛ mɔɲy-ɛ mɔɲy-ɛ 1 mɔɲi-ti mɔɲí-tí mɔɲit-i mɔɲit-i mɔɲit-i ‘intestine’ n 5 mɔɲi mɔɲí mɔɲit mɔɲit mɔɲit 10 mɔɲɔmiɟi-ti mɔɲɔmiɟi-ti lɔ-mɔɲɔmiɟi lɔ-mɔɲɔmiɟi lɔ-

mɔɲɔmiti ‘villager’ n

3 mɔɲɔmiɟi mɔɲɔmiɟi mɔɲɔmiɟi mɔɲɔmiɟi mɔɲɔmi 1 mɔriŋ mɔrìŋ mɔriŋ mɔriŋ mɔriŋ ‘dikdik’ n 1 mɔriŋ-ɔ mɔrìŋ-ɔ mɔriŋ-ɔ mɔriŋ-ɔ mɔriŋ-ɔ 1 mɔrrɔ-ti mɔrrɔ-tí mɔrrɔ-ti mɔrrɔ-ti mɔrrɔ-ti ‘bean’ n 1 mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ 1 mɔrwari mɔrwari mɔrwari mɔrwari mɔrwari ‘rocky place’ n.sg 1 mɔrw-ɔ mɔrw-ɔ mɔrw-ɔ mɔrw-ɔ mɔrw-ɔ ‘stone’ n 1 mɔru mɔrú mɔru mɔru mɔru 1 mɔti mɔtì mɔti mɔti mɔti ‘pot’ n 2 mɔty-ɔ mɔcy-ɔ mɔcy-ɔ mɔcy-ɔ mɔcy-ɔ

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 1 mɔttɛ mɔttɛ mɔttɛ mɔttɛ mɔttɛ ‘friend’ n 11 mɔttɛ-ɟa mɔty-arak mɔty-arak mɔty-arak mɔty-ak 2 lɔgur mùgù mugu mugu mugu ‘granary’ n 2 lɔgur-i mùgw-ɔ mugw-ɔ mugw-ɔ mugw-ɔ 1 muhuɲɔ muhuɲɔ muhuɲ-ɔ muhuɲ-ɔ muhuɲ-ɔ ‘leather’ n 5 muhuɲɔ-n muhuɲɔ-n muhuɲ muhuɲ muhuɲ 1 mun-u mún-ú mun-u mun-u mun-u ‘snake’ n 5 mun-yɔk mun-yɔk mun-ɔk mun-ɔk mun-ɔk 1 muɲa múɲá muɲa muɲa muɲa ‘liver’ n 11 muɲa-na mùɲâ-y muɲa-y muɲa-y muɲa-ɟin 3 murɔ múrɔ murɔ murɔ ɔhuya ‘thigh’ n 12 murɔ-ci múrɔ-sì mɔrɔ-ɟin murɔ-y ɔhuya-ha 1 mur-ut múr-út mur-ut mur-ut mur-ut ‘neck’ n 1 mut-tɔ mut-tɔ mut-tɔ mut-tɔ mut-tɔ 6 mwarah-i mwárák mwarah-ati mwarah-ati mwarah-ati ‘horn of

animal’ n

5 mwarah-a mwàràh-â mwarak mwarak mwarak 5 nɔlɔwɔri nɔlɔwɔri nɔlɔkwat nɔlɔkwat nɔlɔkwat ‘loud sound’ n.sg 7 na-ŋɔrwɔ nɔ-ŋɔrwɔ ɔ-ŋɔrwɔ ɔ-ŋɔrwɔ a-ŋɔrwɔ ‘wife’ n 1 ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ 3 ŋabura ŋabura ŋabura ŋabura tɔŋɔs-a ‘wound,

infection’ n

3 ŋabura-ha ŋabura-ha ŋabura-ha ŋabura-ha tɔŋɔs 1 ŋadyɛf ŋádyɛf ŋadyɛf ŋadyɛf ŋadyɛf ‘tongue’ n 3 ŋadyɛf-a ŋàdyɛf-à ŋadyɛf-a ŋadyɛf-a ŋadyaf-a 12 ŋaɲin-i ŋayn-i ŋɛn-i ŋan-ay ŋani-ni ‘girl’ n 13 ŋaɲin-ɔk ŋayn-ɔk ŋɛn-ɔk ŋan-yɔk ŋany-ɔk 1 ŋama-ri ŋama-ri ŋama-ri ŋama-ri ŋama-ri ‘grain in field’ n 1 ŋama ŋàmà ŋama ŋama ŋama 1 ŋati ŋátí ŋati ŋati ŋati ‘side’ n 2 ŋati-hɛn ŋàcy-ɔ ŋacy-ɔ ŋacy-ɔ ŋacy-ɔ 1 ŋidɔɲ ŋìdɔɲ ŋidɔɲ ŋidɔɲ ŋidɔɲ ‘monkey’ n 1 ŋidɔɲ-ɔ ŋìdɔɲ-ɔ ŋidɔɲ-ɔ ŋidɔɲ-ɔ ŋidɔɲ-ɔ 1 ŋiɟim ŋíɟím ŋiɟim ŋiɟim ŋiɟim ‘chin’ n 1 ŋiɟim-a ŋìɟìm-à ŋiɟim-a ŋiɟim-a ŋiɟim-a 1 ŋirya ŋìryà ŋirya ŋirya ŋirya ‘thick

porridge’ n

5 ŋiriya-y ŋìríyà-y ŋirya-sin ŋirya-sin ŋirya-sin 5 ɲa ɲá ɲawa ɲawa ɲawa ‘utter’ n 10 ɲa-tin ɲa-tin ɲawa-tin ɲawa-tin ɲawa-ra 1 ɲahu-tɔ ɲahu-tɔ ɲahu-tɔ ɲahu-tɔ ɲahu-tɔ ‘iron, mettal’ n 1 ɲahu-wɔ ɲahu-wɔ ɲahu-wɔ ɲahu-wɔ ɲahu-wɔ 22 ɲɔŋa-ti ɲɔŋɔ-tí ɲaŋa-ti ɲaŋa-ti ɲɔŋa-ti ‘beeswax’ n 22 ɲɔŋa ɲɔŋɔ ɲaŋa ɲaŋa ɲɔŋa 5 pir pír pɛr pɛr pɛr ‘bicycle’ n 5 pir-ra pìr-rà pɛr-i pɛr-i pɛr-i

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 2 bwac pír pir pir pir ‘point of

spear’ n

2 bwac-i pír pir pir pir 1 pɔr pɔr pɔr pɔr pɔr ‘mancala (game

type)’ n.sg

4 rabɔlɔ-ti rabɔlɔ-y rabɔlɔ-ti rabɔlɔ-ti rabɔlɔ-ti ‘banana’ n 1 rabɔlɔ rabɔlɔ rabɔlɔ rabɔlɔ rabɔlɔ 3 raŋ ráŋ raŋ raŋ iraŋ ‘bow’ n 3 raŋ-a ràŋ-à raŋ-a raŋ-a iraŋ-i 5 rɛ rɛ lɛ lɛ lɛ ‘milk’ n.pl 6 hi-dɔŋay rísá lisa lisa lisa ‘tail’ n 6 dɔŋay rìsâ-y lisa-ra lisa-ra lisa-ra 6 rufan rɔfán ɔfyɔt-i ɔfyɔt-i ɔfyɔt-i ‘roof frame’ n 6 rufan-i rɔfàn-í ɔfyɔt ɔfyɔt ɔfyɔt 5 rɔmɔtɔ rɔmɔtɔ rɔmɔtɛ rɔmɔtɛ rɔmɔtɛ ‘planted field’ n.sg 1 rɔr-ɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy ‘thing, issue,

problem’ n

2 rɔr-i hirrɔ hirrɔ hirrɔ hirrɔ 2 cali sàlì sali sali sali ‘stove,

cooking place’ n

6 cali-cɔ sàly-â sali-tɔ sali-tɔ sali-tɔ 7 cɔhinɛ sɛhi sɛhinɛ sɛhinɛ tɛhinɛ ‘thing, property’ n 2 caŋ sáŋ saŋ saŋ saŋ 2 cihɛt sìhɛt sihɛt sihɛt sihɛt ‘chicken comb’ n 6 cihɛc-ɔ sìhɛt-í sihɛt sihɛt sihɛt 12 ciŋɲati siŋɛta siŋatay siŋata siŋatɛ ‘sand’ n.sg 11 cɔfɛ sɔfɛ sɔfɛ sɔfɛ hisɔfɛ ‘drill, hoe’ n 2 cɔfɛ-cin sɔfy-â sɔfy-a sɔfy-a sɔfya 2 cɔhɔt-i sɔhɔt-í sɔhɔt-i sɔhɔt-i sɔhɔt-i ‘palm tree’ n 2 cɔhɔt sɔhɔt sɔhɔt sɔhɔt sɔhɔt 2 cɔlɔ sɔlɔ sɔlɔ sɔlɔ sɔlɔ ‘spoon’ n.sg 2 cuma-y sɔmâ-y sɔma-y sɔma-y sɔma-y ‘fat’ n 11 cumu sùmù sumu sumu suma 2 cugɛ súhɛ suhɛ suhɛ suhɛ ‘chest’ n 6 cugɛ-na sùhɛ-nà suhy-ɛna suhy-ɛna suhy-ɛna 11 tɛbak tábàk tabak tabak tɔduk ‘beat, hit’ v.t 2 tedada tadada tadada tadada tadada ‘touch, feel’ v.t 1 tafar táfár tafar tafar tafar ‘lake, pond’ n 1 tafar-a tàfàr-à tafar-a tafar-a tafar-a 6 tafiŋ tàfɛŋ tafɛŋ-i tafɛŋ-i tafɛŋ-i ‘guinea pig’ n 6 tafiŋ-ɔ tàfɛŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔ 1 taɟi táɟí taɟi taɟi taɟi ‘heart’ n 1 taɟy-a tàɟy-â taɟy-a taɟy-a taɟy-a 11 tɛmala tamalay tamalay tamalay tamalɛ ‘bleet, cry’ v.i 2 tɛmaɲa tamaɲay tamaɲay tamaɲay tamaɲay ‘live’ v.i 1 tamɔt tàmɔt tamɔt tamɔt tamɔt ‘castrated bull’ n 1 tamɔt-i tàmɔt-ì tamɔt-i tamɔt-i tamɔt-i

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 1 tamu tàmù tamu tamu tamu ‘helmet’ n 2 tamu-cin tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ 2 tira tara tara tara tara ‘is, be’ v.i 1 taturɔ taturɔ taturɔ taturɔ taturɔ ‘scatter’ v.t 7 tɛcɛnita tɛcɛytay ilɔhitay ilɔhitay ilɔhitɛ ‘laugh’ v.i 7 tɛɟiŋak tɛɟìŋày tɔɟiŋay tɔɟiŋay tɔɟiŋɛ ‘enter’ v.i 5 tɛɟiŋu tɛɟiŋu tɔɟiŋu tɔɟiŋu tɔɟiŋu ‘exit’ v.i 7 gul na

hacak tɛl ifagi ifagi bɔŋit a

tawa ‘calf pen’ n

7 gul-a hunna hacak

tɛl-a ifagi ifagi bɔŋit-tɔ a tawa

5 tɛlyu tɛlyu tɔllu tɔllu tɔllu ‘jumb down’ v.i 5 tɛrɛ tɛrɛ tɛlɛ tɛlɛ tɛlɛ ‘hail’ n.pl 7 tɔrɔm tɛrɛm tɔryɛm tɔryɛm tɔrɛm ‘spear’ v.t 7 tɛcɛhu tɛsyɛhu tɔsyɛhu tɔsyɛhu itufu ‘look, find out’ v.t 9 tɛyɛf tɛyɛf tabak tabak tɔfɔdɔk ‘lash, whip, beat’ v.i 5 tɛyyɛt tɛyyɛt tɔyyɛt tɔyyɛt tɔyyɛt ‘pull’ v.t 5 tɛryɔhɔ tɛryɔhɔ tɔryɔhɔ tɔryɔhɔ tɔryɔhɔ ‘be dark’ v.i 12 tɛriŋu tɛriŋay tɔriŋay tɔriŋa tɔriŋɛ ‘see, watch’ v.t 17 tɛtɛrɔk tɛtɛrɔk tɔtyɔrɔk tɛtɛrɔk tɛtɛrɔk ‘prepare’ v.t 9 tɛyɔ tɛyɔ tɔyɔ tɔyɔ tɔyɛyɔ ‘die’ v.i 7 tɛyɔ tɛyɔy tɔyɔy tɔyɔy tɔyɛ ‘cry’ v.i 15 tim tìm tim ttim ttim ‘grass, bush,

wilderness’ n.sg

13 tim-ɔ ----- tim-ɔtin ttim-ɔtin ttim-ɔtin 1 tɔbat tɔbat tɔbat tɔbat tɔbat ‘continue’ v.i 1 tɔbɔk tɔbɔk tɔbɔk tɔbɔk tɔbɔk ‘bowl’ n 22 tɔbɔh-a tɔbɔh-ɔ tɔbwah-a tɔbwah-a tɔbɔh-a 1 tɔbɔt tɔbɔt tɔbɔt tɔbɔt tɔbɔt ‘proceed’ v.i 23 tɔdɔra tɔdɔra tadara tadara tɔdɔra ‘be ripe, ready’ v.i 4 tɔfɔŋyɔ tɔfɔŋi tɔfɔŋyɔ tɔfɔŋyɔ tɔfɔŋyɔ ‘be satisfied’ v.i 1 tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔl-i tɔgɔl-i tɔgɔl-i ‘canoe’ n 6 tɔgɔli-cɛn tɔgɔli-sɛn tɔgɔl-ɔ tɔgɔl-ɔ tɔgɔl-ɔ 1 tɔgɔrɔ tɔgɔrɔ tɔgɔrɔ tɔgɔrɔ tɔgɔrɔ ‘hang, strangle’ v.t 17 tɔhɔni tɔhɔni tihɔni tuŋani tuŋani ‘person’ n 26 hiyɔ hùwɔ huwɔ hiyɔ hiyɔ 1 tɔhɔɲ tɔhɔɲ tɔhɔɲ tɔhɔɲ tɔhɔɲ ‘bite’ v.t 2 tiɟːɔ tɔɟːɔ tɔɟːɔ tɔɟːɔ tɔɟːɔ ‘say, speak’ v.i 1 tɔlwak tɔlwak tɔlwak tɔlwak tɔlwak ‘help’ v.t 1 tɔmɛ tɔmɛ tɔmɛ tɔmɛ tɔmɛ ‘elephant’ n 1 tɔmy-a tɔmy-â tɔmy-a tɔmy-a tɔmy-a 7 tumunɔ tɔmunɔy tɔmunɛy tɔmunɛy tɔmunɛ ‘be happy, love’ v.i 11 tɔŋɔfɔ tɔŋɔfɔy tɔŋɔfɔy tɔŋɔfɔy tɔŋɔfɛ ‘hide’ v.t 2 tɔrɔmɔ tɔrɔmɔy tɔrɔmɔy tɔrɔmɔy tɔrɔmɔy ‘dig, cultivate’ v.t 6 tɔrruma tɔrrùmày tɔrrumu tɔrrumu tɔrrumu ‘find, get, obtain’ v.t

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Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo 11 titɔhɔy tɔtɔhɔy tɔtɔhɔy tɔtɔhɔy tɔtɔhɛ ‘kill’ v.t 9 tɔtɔr tɔtɔr tatarak tatarak tɔtɔrak ‘tie’ v.t 1 tɔwana tɔwana tɔwana tɔwana tɔwana ‘there is, be’ v.i 1 tɔwɔlɔ tɔwɔlɔ tɔwɔlɔ tɔwɔlɔ tɔwɔlɔ ‘see’ v.t 7 tɔŋɔɲɛy tɔwɔɲay tɔhuɲay tɔhuɲay itɔŋɛ ‘stay’ v.i 1 tuduha tuduh-a tuduha tuduha tuduha ‘dust (Arabic)’ n.sg 1 tuluhu tuluhu tuluhu tuluhu tuluhu ‘squirrel’ n 2 tuluhu-cɛn tuluhu-syɛn tuluhu-syɛn tuluhu-syɛn tuluhu-syɛn 7 turɛni turɛɲa turyana turyana tɔryana ‘flower’ n 10 turɛɲa turɛɲa turyana turyana hitɔrɛniti 5 turɔŋ tùrɔŋ tallus-

tallus tallus- tallus

tallus- tallus

‘lump, wound’ n.pl

1 tutuɲɔ tutuɲɔ tutuɲɔ tutuɲɔ tutuɲɔ ‘heel’ n 1 tutuɲɔ-n tutuɲɔ-n tutuɲɔ-n tutuɲɔ-n tutuɲɔ-n 2 tutur-a tútùr tutur tutur tutur ‘forest, woods’ n 1 tutur-i tútúr-ì tutur-i tutur-i tutur-i 3 wɔk wɔk wɔk wɔk dyɛl ‘escarpment’ n 3 wɔh-in wɔh-ìn wɔh-in wɔh-in dyal-a 1 wɔlɔ wɔlɔ wɔlɔ wɔlɔ wɔlɔ ‘dove’ n 6 wɔlɔ-ɟɔ wɔlɔ-ɟín wɔlɔ-ɟit wɔlɔ-ɟit wɔlɔ-ɟit 2 yɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ ‘come’ v.i 1 wɔr wɔr wɔr wɔr wɔr ‘stream, river’ n 15 wɔni wɔni wɔni wɔrɔ wɔrɔ 1 wɔrɔt wɔrɔt wɔrɔt wɔrɔt wɔrɔt ‘animal dung’ n.pl 1 wɔtti wɔttì wɔtti wɔtti wɔtti ‘cow dung’ n.sg 10 wwɔr wwɔr kɔmɛ kɔmɛ wɔr ‘hole for

trapping’ n

10 wwɔr-i wwɔr-ì kɔmɛ-ta kɔmɛ-ta wɔr-i 11 afa yàfà yafa yafa hafa ‘moon, month’ n 11 afa-ɟin yáfá-ɟìn yafa-ɟin yafa-ɟin hafa-ɟin 1 yani yànì yani yani yani ‘tree (general)’ n 1 yani yání yani yani yani 24 yani yani iyani yani yɛni ‘bring’ v.t 5 yɛy yɛy yɛ yɛ yɛ ‘death’ n 6 yɛy-ta ì-yɛy-tì i-yɛ-ti i-yɛ-ti i-yɛ-ti 1 yɔni yɔni yɔni yɔni yɔni ‘hide’ n 1 yɔny-ɔ yɔny-ɔ yɔny-ɔ yɔny-ɔ yɔny-ɔ

Appendix Bː Lopit villages in dialect areas

The village names in each of the six South Sudanese Lopit dialect areas,4 as reported by the language resource persons, are as followsː

Ngabori Dorik Ngotira (East side of mountain)

(East side of mountain)

(East side of mountain)

(West side of mountain)

Buwara Logona wati Ihiran Idali Lomerok Lobelo Mehejik Lodonyok Lodo Lacarok Mura Lopit Losow Haba Lodahori Habirongi Losinya Lohomiling Lohinyang Hiyahi Lohidomok Lohobohobo Lohiri Loluro Lottodo (Dabwar 1) Ngabori Ehana (Dabwar 2) Longeleyo Irube Loturumo Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo Iboni Hidere Mura Ibahore Hosa Mu Lohilang Longija Obitigi Imoluha Hwarra Iduwa Ibele Sohot Hatolok Lattarangi Ifite Wiliwili Malangit Lofuluho Lahado

4 The six dialects of Lopit are spoken in the Lopit Hills northeast of Torit in South Sudan, where the dialects of Ngabori and Dorik are spoken on the northernmost mountain of the range, and the other dialects in the order mentioned below are spoken in consecutive mountains of this range going south, with Lolongo being the sourthern most dialect.

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References

Coates, Heather. 1985. Otuho Phonology and Orthography. Occasional Papers in the Studies of Sudanese Languages. SIL. Juba, South Sudan 4:86–118.

Hall, Beatrice L. and Eluzai M. Yoke. 1981. Bari Vowel Harmony: The Evolution of a Cross-Height Vowel Harmony System. Occasional Papers in the Studies of Sudanese Languages. SIL. Juba, South Sudan 1:55–63.

Ladu, Valente Otwari, Achaha Samuel Nartisio, Caesar Ongorwo Bong, Philip Horiho Odingo, Paul Ahatar Gilbert. (2014). Lopit Grammar Book. Juba, South Sudan. SIL-South Sudan.

Ladu, Valente Otwari, Achaha Samuel Nartisio, Caesar Ongorwo Bong, Philip Horiho Odingo, Paul Ahatar Gilbert, Timothy M. Stirtz. (2014). Lopit Dictionary. Juba, South Sudan. SIL-South Sudan.

Lewis, M. Paul, Gary F. Simons, and Charles D. Fennig (eds.) 2013. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Seventeenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/language/lpx (accessed April 26, 2014).

Moodie, Jonathan. 2012. A Sketch of the Verbal System in Lopit. MA Thesis for the University of Melbourne.

Stirtz, Timothy M. (to appear). Mundari Mid-Vowel Raising in [ATR] Harmony, and other Phonology.

Turner, Darryl. 2001. Lopit Phonology. SIL Sudan.

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