THE OTHER HOLOCAUST--

THE TERROR FAMINE IN UKRAINE

Deople talk about "ther holocaust" as if therehad been only one this centu-ry, and that one unique inhuman history. But what ofthe one inflicted by Josef"Stalin" Djugashvili onUkraine?

Although Ukraine's holocaust byfamine resulted in the deaths of manymore people than were ever attributedto Adolf Hitler in the "official" holocaust,and although it happened only a fewyears earlier, few now living have anyperception of it. That's understandable,as only one "holocaust" is taught in ourschools and constantly featured in themedia.

Could this be because those media areheavily influenced by people who havemuch to gain by promoting one whiledrawing a blackout curtain across theother? Is it merely by accident thatobsessive promotion of the one wouldbe diminished by extensive disclosure ofthe horrors and dimensions of the other?

Whatever the reasons for this dispari-ty, surely it is time to right the balance.What historian Alfred Iilienthal labeled20 years ago as "Holocaustamania" stillcontinues in a torrent of books, moviesand all manner of media drum-beating;leading some Israelis offended by thisexploitation to quip, "There's no busi-ness like Shoah-business." No suchexposure has occurred relative to theUkraine's holocaust, although thattragedy is well documented.

Harvard historian James E. Mace wasbeing conservative when he wrote inFamine in Ukraine-1932-33:1 "TheUkrainian famine was a deliberate act of

By PETER}. LoRDEN

genocide." Marco Carynnyk, writing inthe same book under the heading BlindEye to Murder wrote: "The victims ofthe famine in Ukraine were consigned totheir slow and agonizing deaths . . .where once again democratic govern-ments maintained 'normal relations' andcooperated in suppressing news about agenocide."

Yet, only the "official" holocaust hasbeen globally recognized, Carynnyk add-ing that the other has been "met bysome with a conspiracy of silence that islittle short of criminal."

Wasyl Hryshko's The UkrainianHolocaust of 19332 was published in1983, and Miron Dolot's Execution byHunger: The Hidden Holocaustr in

This emaciated Ukrainian boy appears to be begging for the most basicmortal necessity-food. A Communist party functionary wrote: "Starva-tion had wiped every trace of youth from their faces, turning them intotortured gargoyles." The author Arthur Koestler observed that party-con-trolled Ukrainian newspapers ran pictures of healthy smiling childrenwhile "skeletons tottered in the streets."

THE BARNES REVIEWPAGE 4 JULY. 1996

1985. The latter stated: "History has notrecorded another such crime as thefamine perpetrated against an entirenation, nor one ever carried out in sucha cold-blooded manner."

That Dolot was not exaggerating ismade horribly clear in the definitivework on this tragedy, Robert Conquest'sThe Harvest of Sorrow,4 published in1986. Yet none of these well document-ed accounts seem to have had mucheffect on public consciousness any-where. How quickly the world forgetsvictims of even the most colossal evildo-ing when those aware of it lack themeans to gain public awareness. On anindividual basis, perhaps the best reme-dy would be to ask of anyone bringingup "the holocaust": "Which one are youreferring to?"

-Oe a great novelist could makethose murdered millions rise

and walk before us, make us feel theshame and despair of people deliberate-ly reduced to feeding on grass and treebark, on diseased horses and dead hu-mans, even the bodies of their own chil-dren. Vasilli Grossman's Forever Flow-ing goes some way toward that. Otherscan only recite the bare facts of whathappened, and who was responsible.

The first thing to be grasped about theUkrainian holocaust-the greatest singlecrime of our century-iS that it arosewithin a system which was profoundlyevil. Whoever doubts that need onlyconsult Stalin's Secret War5 by NikolaiTolstoy, to whom any writer on this sub-ject must be deeply indebted. For thesheer magnitude of its crimes againsthumanity, nothing in history can matchthose of the Bolshevik regime.

V.1. Lenin (born Ulyanov) haddeclared at the outset: "The scientificconcept of dictatorship means nothingmore or less than unrestricted power,resting directly on the use of force . . .Yes, the dictatorship of one party." Forits rule to be absolute, people must bemade utterly dependent on the state.Thus, private property was to be abol-ished, along with religion and national-ism. Only one loyalty was to be permit-ted-loyalty to the party, which laterbecame loyalty to the perversely deifiedStalin.

Allmeans of coercion toward this endwere approved, all objections regardedas treasonous, all decent motives dis-missed as "obsolete bourgeois morality."To these men, human life was nothingbut raw material, to be hacked and ham-

A Communist "requisition squad" removes grain hidden by Ukrainian peas-ants desperate to survive. People ate rodents, ants and worms. RobertConquest estimated in Harvest of Sorrow that fiue million Ukrainians diedConquest also noted that forced collectivization killed off some 200,000Germans of the lower Volga (they had come there due to the encouragementof fellou: German Catherine the Great) and that the Cossack regions of theDon and Kuban were totally decimatedmered into whatever shape their ideolo- we don't need him any more." Frenkel'sgy might dictate. pitch gained him the title "Chief Over-

Thus Stalin wrote in 1928 that the seer of the Labor Battle." Later he waspurpose of his offensive against farmers made a general in the NKVD.throughout the Soviet empire was "to To populate a system where the deathremold the peasantry, its mentality and rate was so high (intentionally so, be-production, along collectivist lines." cause Stalin always feared an uprising), aPeople who thought those "lines" would constant supply of fresh victims had tohave anything to do with shared austeri- be supplied. Thus millions ofloyal Sovietty or the cant about "from each accord- citizens were falsely accused, and aning to his capacity and to each according entire national minority sent to jointo his need" were sadly-often fatally- them. Accusations were especially facili-mistaken. tated by Andrei Vyshinsky's 1937 decree

that it wasn't necessary to prove a per-son had said or done something"wrong," but only that he or she mighthave done it.

As MGBCol. Vladimir Komarov told avictim: "You keep saying that you'reonly accused but not convicted. Youmust understand that this distinctiondoes not exist for us. Everyone's guilty."Children were encouraged to denouncetheir parents; pupils their teachers. Norwere the children spared. They oncemade up half the Gulag population, itbeing customary for whole families tobe shipped off and worked to death inthe Kolyma gold fields or the coal minesof Vokuta. Even 12-year-olds were sub-ject to full penalty, a Ukrainian boy inthe Terror Famine getting eight years forhaving two potatoes in his pocket.

Why hadn't the Soviet people, includ-ing Ukrainians, revolted against this hell-ish tyranny? Their failure to do so cer-

A leksandr Solzhenitzyn estimates~ The Gulag Archipelag06 that

some 60 million died there from 1918 to1953, at which time this horrific systemstill held some 10 million in camps rang-ing across one-sixth of the Earth. It wasrun by the secret police organization,(known first as Cheka, then GPU,NKVD, MGB and finally KGB). Its foun-der, Felix Dzershinski, said, "The Chekais not a court; we stand for organized ter-ror."

Lenin had called for concentrationcamps as early as 1918, but their greatexpansion began in 1929. At that time aTurkish Jew and former Black Sea lum-ber tycoon named Naftaly A. Frenkeldazzled Stalin with a grandiose plan to"build socialism" with slave labor on astarvation diet. His guiding principle:"We have to get everything out of a pris-oner in the first three months; after that,

JULY. Jl996 THE BARNES REVI:E~ PAGE 5

tainly reinforced a negative image ofthem in the outside world. Yet howcould the people rise against Stalin,when most had never known anythingbut autocracy, and the secret policewere everywhere?

Their character is shown in an ordersent by NKVD boss Nikolai Yezhov toone of his deputies: "You are chargedwith the task of eliminating 10,000 ene-mies of the people. Report results by sig-nal." Such ruthless repression deprivedthe people of forming a resistance lead-ership. What could potential rebels do?People had to keep their heads down. Insuch a milieu, the safest advice was thatwhich Lazar Moyseyevieh Kaganovieh(aka Kogan) gave to his niece: "Neverask anyone about anything."

The few centers of rebellion-notably some Ukrainian villages in theGreat Famine-were wiped out.

Itmust also be noted that the livesof millions of people had under-

gone a huge dislocation, leaving themeven more powerless to rebel. As weread in Red Empire? by Hughes andWelfare: "Every industrial revolutionrequires a massive shift of populationfrom the country to the towns . . .Seventeen million people made thatjourney in the years of Stalin's Five YearPlan. llliterate, wretched, hungry,pushed around by a new ruling elitewhich despised them, these peasanthordes became the new working classof Russia."

The Terror Famine of 1932-33 wasnot the first. Ukraine has always strug-gled for independence from its enor-mous and aggressive neighbor. Thatstruggle became especially fierce afterthe Red Revolution, when Ukraine'sdeclaration of statehood triggered aBolshevik invasion costing some fourmillion lives. Not only was Ukraine "thebread basket of Europe," but a region ofprosperous and pious farming commu-nities. The southern Ukraine in partieu-

One of the watch towers built in fields throughout Ukraine farm regionsduring Stalin's starvation holocaust. Party activists, such as the YoungPioneers seen in this photo, kept on the lookout for "snippers"; peopleattempting to gather ears of corn. Any peasant caught with stored grainwas treated as a kulak. This meant the family would be shot or deported toslavery in Siberia.

lar exemplified those three things theBolsheviks had sworn to abolish-pri-vate property, religion and nationalism.

After the massacre of Ukrainian lead-ers ordered by Lenin-who in 1918offered his thugs a cash bounty for everylandowner and priest they hanged-the1921-22 famine caused by grain exporta-tion killed millions more. Leon Trotskywas then heading the Red Army, withGen. R.P. Eideman as his grain-grabbingdeputy. Said Trotsky: "That rich granaryis ours!"

The brutal means used to secure it-along with an anti-nationalist campaignwhich saw Ukrainians shot dead on thestreet merely for speaking their own lan-guage-caused such a drop in produc-tion that famine appeared in other partsof the Red empire. Fearing a general lossof control, the Bolsheviks had to inviteforeign aid relief. Even then they insist-ed, through spokesman Maxim Maximo-vieh Litvinov, that food relief go only toother parts of the empire, not Ukraine.

In fact, Isidor Larin of Gosplan (a "FiveYear Plan" commission) was still push-ing for more seizures when transportswere leaving points only 20 miles awayfrom starving villages. Yet, Litvinov toldthe world that the USSR was againexporting grain. "The Soviet govern-ment was actually holding its own starv-ing citizens as hostages to be ransomedfor foreign aid."s This duplicity wasneatly illustrated by the spectacle of twoships berthed side-by-side in Murm-ansk-an American unloading grain forrelief and a Soviet loading grain for salein Hamburg, Germany.

Lenin had to make a tactical re-treat. Temporarily abandoning

Marxist dogma, his New Economic Planencouraged Ukrainian culture while fos-tering the growth of an allegedly inde-pendent Communist Party of Ukraine.Production duly improved. But byI928-with Lenin dead and his ownposition secure-Stalin canceled theNEP. He launched a Five Year Plan ofindustrialization, to be financed byexports. A principal export was grain.Since Bolshevik theory held that its pro-duction-along with political control ofthe peasantry-could best be increasedby forced collectivization, the facade ofUkrainian independence collapsed.

"Collectivization" meant herding allagricultural workers into a kolkhoz orcollective farming complex, where thestate would own everything and tellthem what to do. Stalin's first and terri-

~------.~---.~-----------------------------------------"":":l

PAGE 6 THE BARNES REVIEW

Hollow-eyed peasants "vote" to join a collective farm; the alternative a vir-tual death sentence of ten years in Siberian concentration camps. BrianMoynahan wrote in The Russian Century: "Two million kulaks were dumpedin 'special settlements' on a 400-mile stretch between Gryazovets andArchangel ... At Yemetsk, there was a vast camp of families that had beenseparated from their fathers. Thirty-two thousand lived in 97 barracks,with no medical care."

bly consequential step toward it was toget rid of independent farmers. This cat-egory came to include even the smallestof small holders, such as those whoowned more than one cow, or had hiredothers to work for them.

These kulaks were denounced as"vermin," "capitalist-readers" and "ene-mies of the people.'; Stalin's overall planfor "liquidating the kulaks as a class"throughout the Soviet Union was head-ed by Commissar of Agriculture A.Yakovlev. Its expediter in Ukraine wasYakovBauman.

In this "dekulakization" campaign of1929-32, some 3-t0-4 million Ukrainianswere either murdered or shipped away-often entire families-to early deathsin the Gulags. Only the poorest peasantsthen remained, and it was these whowere left to starve in villages from whichthe Bolsheviks had systematically re-moved every scrap of food. KGB defec-

tor Viktor Kravchenko wrote of them?"They had been trapped and left tostarve, each in his own home, by a polit-ical decision made in a far-off capitalaround conference and banquet tables."When told in that capital of theirhideous suffering, Stalin replied, "Mos-cow has no tears."

In July 1932, the Ukrainian Commu-nist Party had seen that a famine wasimminent, and asked that expropriationsbe reduced. Moscow's response, con-veyed by Vyacheslav M. Molotov andKaganovich, was that the quotas mustbe met. To ensure this, Stalin sent in themurderous Pavel P. Postyshev with hislieutenants Ye Veger and Mendel M.Khatayevich, the latter a senior memberof the Politburo.- -------

Other accomplices included 1.1.Kaminsky, chairman of the CollectiveFarm Center, and V.A. Balitsky, head ofthe Ukrainian GPu. He reported to

JULY. 1996

.Stalin's crony, a Gen. Voroshilov, in mid-1933: "From 8 to 9 million people havealready perished in the Ukraine alone."Given that a few years later Voroshilovwould calmly countersign lists of thou-sands of his brother officers to be exe-cuted in Stalin's purge of the military,this news is not likely to have upset him.But the prime movers and overall

enforcers of the Terror Famine wereStalin's "trustees," Molotov and Kaga-novich, who were to be partners againin the Terror of 1936-38. Roy Medvedev,in All Stalin's Men,lO tells us thatMolotov, long Stalin's foreign ministerand ever the coldly efficient bureaucrat,"played a particularly sinister part inUkraine in 1932, where he directedgrain procurement operations in thesouthern provinces." As for "Kogan," hewas always Stalin's chief trouble-shoot-er, the man relied on to get things doneno matter what the cost in human suf-fering. When Soviet arms reconqueredthe Polish Ukraine in 1944, he was theman Stalin sent in to speed up collec-tivization. Kahan.U however, stated:"Stalin felt that, as a Iew, Lazarwould bemore ruthless in eliminating Ukrainiannationalist tendencies . . . He was notdisappointed. "

In addition to the millions dying inUkraine itself, others died in the nearbyDon and Kuban areas. All told, some 8million Ukrainians starved to death inthe holocaust of 1932-33. Meanwhile,Stalin annually sold to the West expro-priated grain equivalent to a quarter-tonfor each starved individual. No oneshould doubt that the Terror Faminewas man-made, a deliberate act of geno-cide. It stopped precisely at the Ukraine-Russia border.

Starving Ukrainians were forbidden toleave their homeland, and no one wasallowed to bring food into it. Tens ofthousands of "loyal" urban communists,brainwashed to view the peasants astheir enemies, were sent into the coun-tryside to seek out whatever food thepeasants might have hidden. One ofthem was Isaac Babel, another LevKopelev, later well-known as a "dissi-dent writer." Red Empire12 quotes him:"Our great goal was the universal tri-umph of communism, and for the sakeof that goal everything was permissi-ble-to lie, to steal, to destroy hundredsof thousands and even millions of peo-ple." These expropriators were backedby half-a-million Red Army soldiers andcountless GPU agents, not to mentionthe ubiquitous commissars assigned

JULY. 1996 T:HJE BAR~S REVIEW PAGE 7

since i928 to enforce collectivization.How these latter had behaved, des-

cending on peaceful villages to bully thepeasants into abandoning their indepen-dence, is best described by MironDolot,13 who lived through it as a boy.The arrogance of a Commissar Zeitlin istellingly presented there. Peasants weretold, "If you want to eat, join theKolkhoz!" But in the end there wasnothing to eat even there. Watchtowerswere set up in the fields and anyone try-ing to glean a few grains from a harvest-ed field could be shot for "violatingsocialist property."

That charge was even brought againstmen who tried to feed their children bycatching fish in a nearby river. Thesepeople were supposed to die, and any-thing they did to avoid it was a criminalact. That there was plenty of food couldbe seen in piles of grain left to rot; butheavily guarded and maddeninglybeyond reach. Whole transports werewillfully destroyed in order to boost theexport price.

All of this is detailed in The Harvest ofSorrow, previously cited. Overall figureson the death toll from Stalin's agricultur-al policy are hard to pin down. As NikitaKhruschev subsequently admitted, with-out mentioning his own bloody recordin Ukraine-"Nobody was keepingcount." And Stalin did his best to ensurethat nobody could. He had the 1937Census Report suppressed and made it acrime even to utter the Russian word for"famine. "

The once-prosperous Don andKuban areas, where some five

million Ukrainians had lived, werereduced to the same utter desolation astheir southern homeland. Particularlystomach-turning is Conquest's chapteron the fate of the children, who mayhave accounted for some four million ofUkraine's total dead. Orphans of kulakfamilies were treated with special cruel-ty-ostraCized or beaten-up, denied thelittle food given others.

Few dared to help them, because ofthe Leninist axiom: "In the class struggle,philanthropy is evil." Many were shot ordrowned in sunken barges. Thousandsof others were left to starve under guardin isolated camps and bams or collectedin a "children's town," which was actu-ally a bare field. People asking their fatewere told, "The Party is looking afterthem." Indeed it was-their corpseswere hauled away by night.

In the midst of all this, Conquest tells

Stalin had few prestigious dupes with the inteUectual influence of GeorgeBernard Shaw. Here, GBSis being driven in Moscow during the height of theUkraine forced famine. He wrote in The Times of London that "tales of ahalf-starved population dweUing under the lash of a ruthless tyrant" werenonsense. He wrote of "crowds of brightly dressed, toell-fed; happy-lookingworkers." In a time when Orthodox cathedrals and churches were beingrazed or turned into warehouses, Shaw claimed: "In the USSR, unlikeBritain, there is freedom of religion."

the story- of Deputy Commissar ofEducation M.S. Epstein, who spoke inglowing terms of Soviet child care ascompared to the pitiful status of chil-dren in "the capitalist countries."14

Were there no foreign aid orga-nizations to help the people

starving from collectivization, and notonly in Ukraine? Indeed there were, butStalin long refused to let them in. SovietPresident Mikhail Kalinin even brandedsuch organizations as "political impos-tors." When foreign food distributionwas finally permitted, Ukraine was againexcluded. Stalin had learned fromLenin's famine how effective a weaponhunger could be. He was now using it tocrush Ukrainian nationalism once andfor all.

No outsiders must interfere with hisgenocidal project. When it was over inlate 1933, Stalin formed a Committee forMigration to settle the depopulated areawith Russian farmers, Those sent in hadto drag corpses out of the houses anddispose of them. Although they cleanedand whitewashed everywhere, thestench of death remained so pervasivethat many gave up and returned to theirown homes. As the distinguished editorof New York's Ukrainian Quarterly,Dr. Walter Dushnyck, summed it up in a1983 pamphiet,15 "This was a giganticholocaust inflicted on a nation starvingto escape Moscow colonialism." ..------

What was the world's response to this

horror? Some gruesome photos in news-papers, a few demonstrations. But thesewere mostly swamped by Soviet propa-ganda. Officials in London and Washing-ton knew the truth, but took the linethat this was an internal affair of theSoviet Union, to be ignored for the sakeof "preserving diplomatic relations witha friendly power." Part of a massivecover-up by that power was the careful-ly sanitized tour for foreign dignitariessuch as French Prime Minister EdouardHerriot, who then denounced any talkof famine as "Nazi propaganda."

The cover-up was also reinforced bycommunist sympathizers in both theBritish Foreign Office and the AmericanState Department, as well as by FabianSocialists George Bernard Shaw andJames and Beatrice Potter Webb. Tolstoytells us16 that some affluent Americansalso helped by pushing for Americanrecognition of the USSRin return for alucrative deal on stolen czarist artworks.Banker Andrew Mellon and the Hammerclan (principally Armand and his father)were prominent here, Armand's fatherhaving once led the U.S. CommunistParty.

A similar role was to be played in theyears of 1937-38 by Ambassador JosephE. Davies, whose best-selling Mission toMoscow, says Tolstoy, "was a sustainedapologia for all of Stalin's excesses."(That role was to be played again in the1940s, according to Vaksberg, by suchAmerican literati as Howard Fast,

PAGE 8 TlHE BARNlES REVIEW

This ludicrously staged Sovietpropaganda scene (implying the wonders ofcoUectivefarming) loses its humorous aspects when it is realized that itwas photographed in 1933, during the Ukraine holocaust. Brian Moynahanwrote in The Russian Century that, three years after the start of collec-tivization, the number of sheep and goats had been reduced by two-thirds,the number of cattle and horses halved

-Sholem Asch, Iilian Hellman and Albert_Khan, "whose shameless lies praisingStalinism and Stalin it is impossible toread without revulsion'T')

Stalin's chief spokesman in thisfamine was again Maxim Litvinov, nowrisen to foreign minister. He steadfastlydismissed all reports of famine inUkraine as lies put out by "counter-revo-lutionary provocateurs." To their eternaldiscredit, the bulk of the Moscow for-eign press corps backed him up. Only afew, most notably the ManchesterGuardian's Malcolm Muggeridge, triedto get the truth out. The rest, anxious to"keep in" with Soviet censors, allowedthemselves to be led by a man whomMuggeridge later called "The greatestliar I have met in 50 years of journalism."

That man was Walter Duranty, anEnglish correspondent for the New YorkTimes. He ridiculed "scare stories abouta non-existent famine" while privatelytelling friends that the death toll couldreach 10 million. The other correspon-dents even joined him in lampooning anhonest Welsh writer named GarethEvans, who back-packed through afamine area on his own and published ahorrifying account of it in London.- Duranty's reward came in a rare inter-view with Stalin, then his being allowedto accompany Litvinov on the Soviet for-eign minister's American trip to negoti-ate FDR's December, 1933 recognitionof the Soviet Union. Then Duranty-inthe very year of the holocaust he'dhelped to cover up-was honored byThe Nation magazine for his "enlighten-

ing and dispassionate journalism." Hewas eulogized in the New Yorker.Naturally, Karl Radek lauded Duranty inPravda for his help in "overcoming ele-ments hostile to American recognition."

There can be no doubt whatsoev-er regarding the scope and in-

comprehensible brutality of the Ukraineforced famine. Yet one still hears it saidby Soviet sympathizers that the famine-and all other Bolshevik crimes againsthumanity-were actions taken out of"historical necessity." Without suchharsh measures, they say, Stalin couldnever have industrialized, never beatenHitler.

But how could beating Hitler havebeen helped by so oppressing your ownsubjects to the extent that many of theminitially welcomed the Germans as liber-ators? Yet the lies of Litvinov et alia stillecho around the world. And they stillconstituted truth for the Soviet leader-ship as late as 1983. Canadian Prime

-Minister Brian Mulroney's declaration toa Ukrainian group in Toronto that theTerror Famine of 1932-33 was indeed "aman-made tragedy, manufactured inMoscow" drew a stiff protest from theSoviet embassy in Ottawa.- And the cover-up continues. It isunderstandable that those massive andprotracted horrors rate no mention inany Soviet encyclopedia. Interestingly,why does the Chronology of John Pax-ton's California-issued 1933 Encyclo-pedia of Russian History show no entryat all for the epochal year of 1933? Such

JULY, 1996

studied exclusions emphasize why thetruth about the Ukrainian holocaustmust be told.

SOIZhenitsyncomplained that none'of the Bolshevik monsters such as

Molotov and Kaganovich-then still liv-ing comfortably in Moscow-had everbeen tried for their crimes againsthumanity; although some 86,000 "Naziwar criminals" had been convicted by1966. He says, "The imagination and thespiritual strength of Shakespeare's evil-doers stopped short at a dozen corpsesbecause they had no ideology."18

The story of the Ukrainian holocaustmust continue to be told, for the starvedghosts of all those people murdered sixdecades ago are still with us, begging forrecognition. Their most fitting epitaphmay be the cruel comment of the com-missar responsible for sending 50,000 ofthose "loyal" urban communists into theUkrainian countryside with orders to beruthless in stripping it of food. Asrecorded by Conquest, Mendel M. Khat-ayevich told them: "Throw your bour-geois humanitarianism out the window;act like Bolsheviks worthy of ComradeStalin."19 •FOOTNOTES

1. Famine in Ukraine-1932-33, RomanSerbyn and Bohnad Krawchenko, editors,University of Alberta Press, Edmonton, 1986.

2. The Ukrainian Holocaust of 1933, WasylHryshko, Bahriany Foundation, Toronto, 1983.

3. Execution By Hunger: The Hidden Holo-caust, Miron Dolot, W.W. Norton, New York,1985.

4. The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivi-zation and the Terror Famine, Robert Con-quest, University of Alberta Press, Edmonton,1986.

5. Stalin's Secret War, Nikolai Tolstoy,Jonathan Cape, London, 1981.

6. The Gulag Archipelago 1918-1956,Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn, one volume edition,Harper and Row, New York, 1985.

7. Red Empire-The Forbidden History ofthe USSR,Gwynneth Hughes and Simon Wel-fare, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, London, 1990.

8. Serbyn and Krawchenko, p. 157.9. I Chose Freedom, Viktor Kravchenko,

Rutgers University Press, New Jersey, 1988.10. All Stalin's Men, Roy Medvedev,

Anchor/Doubleday, New York, 1983.11. The Wolf of the Kremlin, Stuart Kahan,

Willianl Morrow and Co., New York, 1987.12. Hughes and Welfare, ibid.13. Dolot, ibid.14. Conquest, ibid.15. 50 Years Ago: The Famine Holocaust in

Ukraine, Dr. Walter Dushnyck, World Congressof Free Ukrainians, New York, 1983.

16. Tolstoy, ibid.17. Ibid., p. 339.18. Solzhenitsyn, p. 77.19. Conquest, p. 261.Caption reference: The Russian Century-A

Photographic History of Russia's 100 Years,text by Brian Moynahan, Random House, Inc.,1994