Lisbon 2009 Joint Session ECPR

Workshop 5 Professionalization and Individualized Collective Action:

Analyzing New ‘Participatory’ Dimensions in Civil Society

Abstract:

The organisational models of associations in Lombardy. Internal structuring, repertoires of action and relationship with politics

While over recent decades the traditional forms of citizen participation in politics – such as voting or party membership – have suffered a sharp decline, groups and organisations that come together on specific issues have continued to proliferate. Within the current range of socio-political transformations, associations play a key role both in terms of the creation of social bonds between individuals and in the determination of the political agenda and the articulation of public policies. Associations are thus awarded the merits of having revitalised democratic participation through the generation of the social capital that facilitates mobilisation when issues of public interest arise. However, recent research shows how social associations seem to have now entered a ‘new phase’. Many organisations with a long-standing history have innovated their resources by moving towards a professionalization process, thus risking to lose touch with the grassroots level of the general public. At the same time, various new groups have sprung up, yet they often appear so small and fragmented as to run the risk of becoming self-referential. This paper analyses the changes that have taken place in the organisational structure and in the fields of action of Lombard associations, looking also at the effects of these change on the relationship between associations and politics. The analysis will draw on data from recent research carried out on a sample of 161 associations in this region. Francesca Forno University of Bergamo francesca.forno@unibg.it Emanuele Polizzi University of Milano Bicocca emanuele.polizzi@gmail.com

1. Introduction For almost two decades, scientific and public debate has turned its attention to the relationship between participation in associations and quality of the public sphere. Scholars have particularly focused on the complex relationship between the public’s forms of involvement in voluntary associations and public institutions’ positive functioning. This was the issue raised by Tocqueville and later taken up by Robert Putnam (1993) in his study into the relationship between the quality of regional administrations and Italian civic traditions.

According to Putman’s approach, the connection between the vitality of civic organisations and positive democratic functioning is produced in two main ways: one involves combining various instances of citizenship and turning them into political ones, through appropriate democratic forms; the other involves providing citizens with a kind of “democracy school”, educating them to collective action and civic engagement. This view gives a central role to associations, both for forming social ties between individuals and determining a political agenda and creating public policies (Backman and Smith 2000). Generally in associations, a network of social relationships is created which is based on trust and common standards of reciprocity, termed “social capital”, that can help facilitate processes of social cooperation both economically and politically.

Putnam’s approach had an enormous impact on political studies, though it also raised much criticism (Levi 1996, Portes and Landolt 1996, Tarrow 1996, Jackman and Miller 1998, Sabetti 1996, Stolle Rochon 1998). The very success of Making Democracy Work can be partly attributed to the debate that arose among its critics even more than that among its supporters.

One criticism of Putnam was about the idea that social capital formed in associations is always considered something that produces positive effects on the institutional, political context. On this point, Putnam’s optimism is countered by more complex interpretations that emphasise that there are different types of social capital, whose effects may be nonexistent (Donolo 2003, Barbera 2001) or even negative (Berman 1997, De Filippis 2001, Coffè and Geys 2008)1.

Another criticism focused on the idea that in Putman’s formulation, the origins and system of the reproduction of social capital are primarily cultural, and therefore the virtues of associations are sought in elements deeply rooted in the population’s original culture2. Going on the assumption that the roots of social capital are found in the organisation of civil society, Putnam seems not to recognise the role of institutional players in producing and reproducing social capital. In contrast, scholars like Levi (1996), Tarrow (1996) and Sabetti (1996), to name just a few, maintain that the role of political and institutional players is essential to producing and reproducing social capital, and that public policy can be decisive in the development of the association phenomenon.

A third criticism involves the lack of attention of Putnam’s approach (at least as initially formulated) to the ways in which associations are organised. On this point, many scholars have emphasised how organisational models adopted by associations, as well as the type of relationships that they form internally, play a very significant role in determining their capacity for action and their members’ level of civic orientation. A phenomenon that has been

1 Coffè and Geys’s comment is representative of this point: “Much of the empirical work on social capital stresses the positive externalities generated by high level of interpersonal trust and social network. This abundance of affirmative outcomes has incited a belief that social capital is a normatively positive thing. Still, theoretical contribution have long since acknowledged that social capital is not guaranteed to produce positive externalities on society” [Coffè and Geys p.121-122]. 2 From this perspective, which Putnam attributes to the people of northern Italy’s greater civic tendencies, due to a tradition rooted there since the times of medieval Communes.

particularly closely studied is the associations’ level of professionalism, meaning the use within an association’s activities of business-oriented action models and managerial-type personnel (Skocpol 2003, Rotolo 1999, Maloney, et al. 2007).

According to Theda Skocpol (2003), their expanded capacity for fundraising and lobbying of political institutions has led to a major decrease of associations’ interest in strategies for directly involving the public and a general de-politicisation of their activities. On this point, we have seen a general tendency in recent decades towards the growth of organisational forms that favour members’ involvement in the association’s individual activities. According to Paul Lichterman, a targeted rather than diffuse involvement in an association’s full range of activities and values has resulted in fragmentation and particularism (Lichterman 2006), which in some cases has led to the rejection of political action and apathy (Eliasoph 1998)3. Direct consequences on the quality of a society’s democratic life can be attributed to these changes in organisation.

Starting from points raised as criticism to Putman’s approach, in this paper, we shall specifically investigate some changes that have taken place within associations in the Italian region of Lombardy. We chose this region because, in addition to being one of Italy’s wealthiest, scholars have always considered it an ideal observation point for studies on the relationship between participation in associations and local development. Studies over the last 20 years have frequently related the great number of vibrant associations in this region with its strong economic development.

Before discussing the description of the empirical study results, in the next paragraph we shall briefly describe the main phases in the post-World War II development of Italian associations.

2. Three phases of Italian associations We may briefly outline three phases that have defined Italian associations in recent decades (Biorcio 2001, 2003). The first phase began after World War II and lasted at least until the late 1970s. In this phase, associations developed by linking themselves culturally and organisationally to political parties, forming a relationship with politics that was defined as “collateral”. Associations that came out of the workers’ movement were mainly linked to the Communist Party and to a lesser degree to the Socialist Party. The associations that came out of the Catholic tradition were linked to the Christian Democrat party. In this phase, associations like ACLI and ARCI4, representing the Catholic and Communist subcultures respectively, took on very significant proportions. In this period, associations were built around an organisational model based on widespread roots in the local area, and broad, unrestricted membership, meaning that they included people working in different areas, of different generations and had easy entrance criteria. Activities were focused primarily around socialising or cultural and leisure events. Involvement in politics was mainly practised through participation in party initiatives. The relationship with the parties tended to be subordinate, though they also played a formative role in active politics. In fact, it was not uncommon for party leaders to come from the ranks of the associations themselves.

3 Through an ethnographic-style study, Lichterman notes that many activists are actually “plug-in volunteers”, which are those who offer just their time and energy but do not participate to decision making and do not really socialise with each other. 4 These are still some of the most widespread associations in Italy.

The second phase of Italian associations may be placed between the mid-1980s and the latter half of the 1990s. In this period we see collateral associations becoming more autonomous, as they start to adopt strategies and cultural positions that are less connected to party directives, and we see the flourishing of new, more autonomous, associations, arising from the depletion of Italy’s long era of grassroots politics in the 1970s. These new kinds of associations were focused on new issues, such as environmentalism, peace and specific activities serving the population or at least certain needy sections. These associations, which drew on many old and new associations, quickly acquired a growing technical and organisational capacity, often becoming actual non-profit enterprises with professional staff. This was the start of what would later be called the “third sector”. It partly took up the legacy of the Catholic and Communist subcultures and was partly a reconfiguration of some specific characteristics of this generation of associations. Associations that were created and developed in this phase grew with their own specific identity, less connected to working or religious identities and more to certain quality of life issues. They cannot be directly tied to any specific political party, either culturally or organisationally.

The crisis of the Italian political system and the general de-legitimisation of the political class after Italy’s Tangentopoli [“kickback city”] scandals in the 1990s made associations less subordinate to politics. They took on the public image of a “civil society” that was healthier, detached from the virus of corruption infecting the ruling classes. In public discourse, these associations are often recognised as elements of change and innovation. This was a new era of political importance for associations, in which they increased their membership and became more involved in public life and political practices as players able to manage services and public affairs. They often became political players themselves, with some of their leaders holding roles of responsibility in local administrations, often outside of the old parties of the Italian political arena (Ranci, Pellegrino, Pavolini 2005).

At the end of the 1990s and in recent years, the third phase of associations seems to be taking shape, the characteristics of which are still being defined. On one hand, we find the now well-established organisational and sometimes economic capacities of associations dedicated to providing services. The 1980s and 1990s era led associations to develop further in the direction of expanding their capacity to organise themselves autonomously in local areas. The number of citizens joining seems to have grown, though much less dramatically than in the previous phase. On the other hand, compared to the 1990s, there seems to be less capacity for the associations to act autonomously in the public and political sphere.

During the 1990s, a new political class arose and took root in Italy, creating a political and electoral geography of division between northern Italy which became politically oriented to new right-wing parties, central Italy, dominated by left-wing parties and a changeable south (Diamanti 2003). The establishment of this new political system seems to have progressively filled both the symbolic and real space that civil society seemed to have gained at the start of the 1990s, albeit admittedly for a quite brief period.

Specifically in Lombardy, the region in which our study is focused, starting in 1995, a centre-right political coalition was established, and has now been in power for almost 15 years. A specific element of this regional administration is its having adopted social policies that very strongly favoured the externalisation of certain public services, to the point of making them part of a quasi market system (Bartlett and Le Grand 1993, De Leonardis and Vitale 2001, Giorgi e Tosi 2006). Examples of such policies that they have enacted include the system of vouchers for accessing social and public health services (Monteleone 2007, Giorgi and Polizzi 2007), the policy that introduced the system of credits in the field of professional training and a policy supporting family associations (Gori 2005).

These policies are based on the subsidiarity principle (the application of the principle, also favoured by the European Union, that public actions should be carried out wherever possible by the organisations that are closest to the public (Kazepov 2008, Vitale 2007)). This seems to have led some sectors of associations to take on the operational and disbursement tasks of public services, within a system tending towards market competition between different associations. This competitive dynamic was further encouraged in Italy by national policies supporting associations that invested their resources in business marketing strategies, such as a policy that gives taxpayers the option of designating 0.5% of their taxes to an association of their choice.

In the following pages, we will explore in greater depth certain features of associations in Lombardy, highlighting the characteristics of their most recent phase.

3. The PolisLombardia Study on Non-Profit Organisations5

3.1 Setting the Context Lombardy has always been a region characterised by a broad and active range of associations. The development of Lombard civic associations has often been linked to the economic development of the region, as the fact Lombardy has historically been an advanced region in economic terms has been seen also as a consequence of the activity of its associative networks6.

The research projects carried out over the last 20 years have underlined the scope and liveliness of participation in associations in this part of Italy (La Valle 2004). According to the data that may be gathered from the regional register of voluntary organisations, the number of associations enrolled appears to have doubled over the 1995-2003 period (Istat 2003). This trend towards growing over time also appears to be confirmed by recent research carried out by the coordinating body of the Centri di Servizio al Volontariato of Lombardy (CSV 2007) which reports a further rise in the number of voluntary associations of 17% over the last three years (2006 – 2008).

Nevertheless, if we move on from the general data to consider the real capacity for mobilisation and the real involvement of associations, these data appear more uncertain. Furthermore, we also see that interesting changes have taken place over the last 10 years both in terms of organisation as well as in the action strategies implemented by the associations themselves.

On reading the research data produced over the last few years both in depth and comparatively, the initial observation to make regards the number of members active in the various kinds of associations. According to the CSV research (2007), the association members registered in 2006 numbered around 138,000, i.e. around 170 per 10,000 inhabitants, with a rise in the number of members from 2003 to 2006 of roughly 45%. However, this figure does not indicate the actual degree of participation on the association scene, which according to other research (La Valle 2004, data from the Istat Multiscopo survey ) would appear to be somewhat 5 The data cited here are part of a wider research project aimed at reconstructing the key transformations that have taken place in the non-profit sector in Lombardy carried out by the centre of political and social studies PolisLombardia - http://www.polislombardia.it/ 6 The same research project by Putnam (1993) on Italian regions shows a high presence of associations as well as a high level of involvement of these organisations in public life. This coupling of economic and associative development, according to Putnam and reflected in a more widespread interpretation, has ancient roots, ones which have been characteristic of the Lombard situation since the days of the great landowners, having gone through a period of exceptional expansion during the era of the Lombard Enlightenment. That civic sense identified as specific to the Lombard area as far back as Cattaneo is believed to have been developed in this very period.

lower. With regard to this, the multi-purpose surveys carried out by ISTAT indicate overall stability in the level of associative participation in the last 15 years (La Valle 2004), showing a relatively modest rise (+3.6%) in the level of voluntary work undertaken by Lombard citizens, a result which is further confirmed by the IREF surveys carried out between 1992-1999 (Caltabiano 2003).

As far as forms of organisation are concerned, the research projects of CSV underline how the association network of the region is largely made up of long-standing organisations. More than half the non-profit organisations present in the region were founded before 1990. What’s more, just like the rest of Italy, most of the associations appear to be of small or medium size. In the region, 74% of the associations have fewer than 35 volunteers and 54.5% fewer than 20 (of which 39.3% from 11 to 20 volunteers and 25.2% between 1 and 10). From 2003 to 2006, the number of large associations (with more than 60 members), appear to have recorded no more than a slight rise, passing from 13% to 16%. Moreover, the presence of these kinds of organisation is concentrated most of all in the city of Milan.

Another element that comes through from the research carried out by CSV (2006) concerns the inter-organisational links between different associations. In particular, the research, highlights just how many links there are between different organisations. Nevertheless, the data suggest that in most cases these ties are largely of a vertical kind: 30% of the associations have formal relationships with Local Councils, whereas only 5.5% have relationships with other associations. There thus seems to exist a strong element of segmentation on a horizontal level and therefore also on a territorial one.

What’s more, over the last few years, the CVS researches underlines how associations have focused ever more on service activities, particularly on the basis of public commissions and especially of a social and public health care kind. There are two pieces of data that appear to confirm this trend. The first refers to the sector in which the Lombard associations are most heavily involved. Here it is clear to see that around two thirds of the associations work in the field of social care (75% compared to 54% on a national level). A second element that confirms this trend is the source of financial support: one third of the voluntary associations present in Lombardy survives largely thanks to public finances, and in general public financial support makes up 45% of the associations’ income.

The elements that we have presented here in brief paint a picture of a complex organisational universe that calls for more detailed investigation. In the following analysis we shall attempt to understand the reasons underlying these general trends, making reference to the results arrived at by a research project carried out on a sample of associations. Before passing on to examine the dynamics within our sample, in the following paragraph we shall briefly describe the research framework and the characteristics of the organisations in the sample group.

3.2 Research Framework and Main Characteristics of the Organisations The survey presented here was carried out on a sample of 161 Lombard organisations. These organisations were selected on the basis of a number of criteria designed to represent specific thematic areas and respect the balance between recently formed groups and those with a longer history. In total, the study involved 161 associations, from 14 different associative fields: social/health care (17), cultural (11), youth work (13), church work (9), environmentalism (10), pacifism (9), feminism (11), critical consumerism (15), cooperation (13), sports (11), neighbourhood groups (6), social centres (7), family associations (19), and immigrant associations (19). Each organisation was given two kinds of questionnaire: one for each activist involved, with questions relating to his/her own individual participation, and one for the

association as a whole. The data presented here refer to the outcomes of the analysis of the latter questionnaire.

Looking at the overall data, the associations included in the sample show a high degree of variation from a number of points of view. First of all, these are associations founded in different periods, half of which before 1990 and around a quarter in the last decade. The different groups chosen were also formed in very different contexts: from previous associations (20.5%), as informal groups of citizens (35.4%), with the support of trade unions or political parties (4.3%), as part of the parish (16.1%) or from consumer groups (12.4%).

The number of members also varies widely within the sample. As may be seen in Table 1, in general a greater number of organisations have a high number of members (those with more than 50 members). Among the 161 organisations, only 12.3% count fewer than 20 members, 23.2% have between 20 and 50 members, and the other 64.5% over 50 members. With regard to this, it is interesting to note how the organisations with a high number of members, those with more than 300 card carriers, focus on three specific areas: culture (36.4% = no. 4), the environment (60% = no. 6) and sport (54.5% = no. 6) Tab. 1: Associations areas and membership (% row) Membership 1-19 20-49 50-99 100-299 300 + Total N.

Immigrants 20,0 20,0 30,0 10,0 20,0 100 10 Cultural 27,3 27,3 ,0 9,1 36,4 100 11 Feminist ,0 40,0 20,0 20,0 20,0 100 11 Youth 10,0 20,0 ,0 60,0 10,0 100 13 Cooperation 16,7 25,0 8,3 33,3 16,7 100 13 Social/health care 11,8 23,5 11,8 29,4 23,5 100 17 Environmentalism ,0 10,0 10,0 20,0 60,0 100 10 Church ,0 22,2 11,1 44,4 22,2 100 9 Neighbourhood 33,3 33,3 16,7 16,7 ,0 100 8 Family 5,6 5,6 22,2 38,9 27,8 100 19 Pacifism 22,2 55,6 ,0 11,1 11,1 100 9 Sport 9,1 ,0 9,1 27,3 54,5 100 11 Critical Consumerism 13,3 40,0 13,3 20,0 13,3 100 15

Social Centres 14,3 14,3 14,3 28,6 28,6 100 7 N 19 36 19 42 39 161

Tot. 12,3 23,2 12,3 27,1 25,2 100

However on closer examination, the high level of membership seems largely due to a high

presence of “passive” members rather than to the presence of active members. In fact, if we consider only the number of active members, these percentages are turned around (Table 2). In this case, 35.5% of the organisations studied have fewer than 10 actually active members, 29.6% have between 11 and 20, 15.1% between 21 and 30 and in only 19.7% of the cases studied are there more than 40 active members.

Tab.2: Association areas and activists (% row)

Activists 1- 10 11- 20 21- 40 40 + Total N.

Immigrants 55,6 33,3 11,1 ,0 100 10 Cultural 45,5 27,3 9,1 18,2 100 11 Feminist 40,0 60,0 ,0 ,0 100 11 Youth 25,0 16,7 8,3 50,0 100 13 Cooperation 27,3 36,4 9,1 27,3 100 13 Social/health care 17,6 47,1 23,5 11,8 100 17 Environmentalism 50,0 20,0 20,0 10,0 100 10 Church ,0 11,1 22,2 66,7 100 9 Neighbourhood 50,0 16,7 16,7 16,7 100 8 Family 52,9 29,4 11,8 5,9 100 19 Pacifism 55,6 22,2 11,1 11,1 100 9 Sport 36,4 18,2 18,2 27,3 100 11 Critical Consumerism 30,8 23,1 30,8 15,4 100 15 Social Centres 14,3 42,9 14,3 28,6 100 7

N 54 45 23 30 161 Tot. 35,5 29,6 15,1 19,7 100

These figures are important insofar as they underline an oft-highlighted trend of contemporary associations, i.e. the rise of a kind of membership also known as “chequebook participation” (Verba et al., 1995; Pattie et al., 2004)7. Further evidence of this phenomenon is to be found on inspection of the areas of civic association culture in which there is the greatest number of organisations with high percentages of effectively active members (those with more than 40 members who actually take part in the association activities). Here, the associative areas are cut down drastically to just two and concern: youth associations (50% = no. 6) and church groups (66.7% = no. 6).

The shrinking level of real activity in the face of a rising number of members is considered by the literature as a consequence of a number of changes that have taken place in the world of associations both from inside and out. On one hand, many studies underline the radical transformation that has taken place in the demand for participation on behalf of citizens, with a strong rise in the field of individualised forms of participation and the spread of a “delegation” approach (partly linked to the rise in individual income: the faculty of “writing a cheque”, as mentioned above).

In fact, while on one hand many sources have underlined how much of “modern” participation is of a largely individualist nature, as shown in the rise of donations, the gathering of signatures, as well as by the boom recorded in the field of critical consumption (Volpi, 2004: Forno and Ceccarini, 2006; Tosi, 2007), on the other, this transformation may also be compared with the rise in the level of internal structuring of the organisations. By becoming more professional, the various organisations in fact appear to shift their attention from the active mobilisation of their members to forms of action more akin to lobbying in terms of their relationships with institutional powers (Suarez and Hwang 2008). This process also seems to be reflected on the action strategies by a range of non-profit outfits, fostering inter-organisational ties of a prevalently vertical nature:

7 The trend towards the rise of merely nominal (non-active) participation is also discussed by Theda Skocpol in the previously cited Diminished Democracy.

On the one hand, lobbying sometimes serves narrow interests that benefit small groups with the resources to affect change. In other worlds, some organizations pursue self-interest through lobbying and do not necessarily promote the betterment of society or the public interest (Suarez and Hwang 2007, 94)

In this sense, investigating the internal dynamics, the changes to the structure of non-profit

organisations and their relative action strategies in a given territory appears to be somewhat important also with a view to understanding what kind of civic attitudes take hold and are perpetuated over time. In the following parts of this paper we shall evaluate a number of aspects to do with the organisational structure of the 161 associations that make up our sample group, examining first their internal structuring and civic orientation (§ 4), and then their action strategies, i.e. their inter-organisational strategies and the relationship of associations with institutions (§ 5). 4. Internal structuring and civic orientation Organisational studies have long underlined how the cultural, political and economic changes that take place in society influence the resources available for organisations, affecting both their internal structure and their action strategies. In turn, the organisational forms that the associations take on influence the kind of entailing social participation (Eikenberry and Kluver 2004).

As Diani and Donati state (1996), civic associations may attempt to mobilise two great categories of resources: time and money. These two kinds of resources may not be converted to the other at will. In fact they give rise to different kinds of action and thus results.

The groups that mobilise the time resource tend to concentrate largely on the organisation of activities that may involve a large number of people and which are based on the active participation of their own members. These organisations are generally characterised by close territorial bonds which bring them closer to the everyday lives of citizens, offering their own time to support and manage the organisation. These groups thus have the advantage of creating ties with their own followers, which strengthens their ability to resist over time. The involvement of people who make a commitment takes place on a largely voluntary basis, thus driven by ideals or social motivations, not on an economic basis.

The groups that base their activities primarily on the mobilisation of financial resources do not need to rely on strong grassroots support or contact with the everyday lives of people. Instead, their activities depend on their capacity to gather funds from both public and private sources8. Hence in this case there is no need to create ties with supporters; it is more important to put together a professional team of staff. This does not imply that these organisations cannot have high levels of membership, but they don’t need them to survive. These organisations generally tend to specialise in the supply of specific services (social or healthcare services, or humanitarian aid) which may be activated or terminated with the rapidity typical of professional services. This is something that tends to make these organisations highly efficient, and it is for this reason that many scholars speak of the “marketisation” of the non-profit sector (Salamon 1997).

8 Fundraising may take place either through public administrations, through lobbying activities and by competing for public grants, or from private sources, largely through sponsorship deals.

As we shall see, a similar trend may be outlined also in the cases of a number of sectors of Lombard association culture, which have progressively shifted the focus of their action from the mobilisation of public attention with regard to certain social problems and needs towards the supply of made-to-measure services, aimed at specific categories of people.

4.1. Internal Structuring

The questionnaire administered to the 161 organisations of the sample group provided us with various data from which a number of indicators may be derived for use in judging the level of internal structuring of the associations in question. Following in the footsteps of Kreisi (1996), it was decided that two indicators should be used. The first, which we shall refer to here as the professionalisation index, is calculated on the basis of the number of people on the payroll present within the organisation. The second, which we shall call formalisation index, is put together on the basis of the number of membership statutes that each of the single organisations dispose of. A third indicator to be added to these two regards the type of financial resources with which the organisation is financed. In this case, a distinction is made between internal income (contributions made by members and self-financing projects, donations etc.) and external (the sale of services, contributions from the Region or Local Authorities, conventions and services rendered, income from projects proposed to Public Bodies).

Starting from a description of the general data, it may be noted that in a significant share of the organisations that make up our sample (29.8%), appear to have people on the payroll. 16.1% of the associations sampled state that they have between one and three members salaried on a regular basis, 5% say they have between four and nine, and 8.7% have more than 10. Most of the organisations sampled also seem to be characterised by a high level of formalisation. In this regard, it may be seen how only in 1.2% of the sample do we come across organisations with absolutely no written statutes (two cases); 14.9% of the organisations have at least two written statutes, 67.1% have between three and six, and the remaining 16.8% have more than seven. Lastly, as far as the kind of income is concerned, it may be seen how of all the organisations studied, 60.9% are financed with incomes from prevalently internal sources, 26.1% from a mix of external and internal sources, and 13% from prevalently external sources.

While the overall data provide us with a general outline particularly of the characteristics of our sample, if checked using other variables, the three structuring indicators show themselves to be very useful in terms of focusing on a number of key differences among the 161 organisations studied.

For example, an interesting element emerges when the formalisation and the professionalisation indexes are cross-checked on the basis of the year in which the organisations were founded. Once separated by the organisations’ period of foundation, it may in fact be noted how the level of professionalisation tends to be greater among those organisations established before the ‘90s. Of the 14 organisations that have ten or more fixed staff on the payroll, eight were founded before 1990 (of which five before 1980). The level of formalisation also tends to be greater among the more long-standing organisations. In this case some 16 organisations out of the 27 that have seven or more written statutes were founded before 1990. However, there seems to be no clear relationship between their year of foundation and their type of income.

A number of interesting tendencies also emerge when the three indicators are placed in relationship to the number of members of the organisation. While the degree of professionalisation appears to be independent of the number of members, the data show how the level of formalisation is clearly linked to the number of organisation members. In this case,

some 23 of the 27 organisations in the sample that have more than seven written statutes also have more than 100 members.

Table 3 shows the correlations between the different variables considered, allowing us to sum up what has emerged so far. From the table, it is in fact clear how (i) formalisation and professionalisation are closely linked, (ii) the level of formalisation tends to be higher among the less recently founded associations, (iii) a higher level of formalisation is positively linked also to the number of associates, (iv) the level of formalisation does not however reflect the number of members, (v) the more recently founded the organisations are, the lower the total number of members is, (vi) as the number of members grows, so does the number of active participants.

Tab. 3: Bivariate correlation between characteristics of organizational structures

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6. 1. Formalizations

-

2. Professionalition

,514(**) -

3. Income

,072 ,048 -

4. Foundation

-,191(*) -,037 -,030 -

5. Membership

,279(**) ,197 ,149 -,218(**) -

6. Active members

,100 ,226 ,031 -,144 ,417(**) -

** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). * Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).

Hence there are various trends that may be outlined from this analysis of the internal

structuring of the associations in the sample and which are backed up in part by a number of tendencies mentioned in the literature. In general terms, the trend for civic associations to take on a less spontaneous nature and a more structured one is confirmed. While this is true most of all in the case of organisations which already have a certain history behind them, it is worth bearing in mind that there are in fact very few organisations that adopt no kind of formalisation whatsoever. The fact that the level of formalisation is linked to a higher level of membership – but not to a higher level of active members – seems to signal furthermore how often the larger associations, which are also generally the more structured ones, are those that depend to a greater degree on the ranks of the chequebook activists. Lastly, it is interesting to underline the fact that the more recently founded associations are also those that have the lowest numbers of members. This seems to suggest that newly formed groups tend also to be quantitatively smaller. 4.2. Civic Orientation As mentioned in the introduction to this section, one of the underlying questions posed to those studying the associative phenomenon is to understand the relationship between associative participation and people’s civic orientation. Research into civic associations have often highlighted the relationship between associative participation and the accruement of social capital (Stolle Hooghe 2005, Mayer 2003, Warren 2001), yet as has already been demonstrated by other scholars in the field, that which appears to have been less studied in empirical terms is the matter relating to whether, how and how much associative activity fosters the civic orientation of those who take part (Maloney, Van Deth and Roßteutscher 2007, Hamidi 2006).

By this term we mean people’s propensity towards promoting democratic, universalistic values, and open access to public goods (Maloney and Roßteutscher, 2006; Roßteutscher 2005).

Through a general analysis of a high number of groups, it is not easy to understand whether it is the lack of the civic orientation of the people who form associations that leads to an impoverishment of the democratic institutions (what Theda Skocpol defines as a “diminished democracy”), or whether it is the specific type of orientation present in the group that determines an improvement or a deterioration of democracy. As stated in the first criticism made of Putnam’s work mentioned previously (§ 1), a group may have different civic orientations, and no simple criteria exist to discern whether mobilisations really are civic or not, if not through a qualitative type study capable of following the changes that take place among participants (Cefai 2003). For this reason, we are not trying to understand here how good the civic orientation of different associations really is, but rather whether and to what degree the associations are more concerned in activities aimed at their own members (or at any rate a specific group of end-users) or whether they are concerned with activities designed to produce not only club benefits for the members of the association but also for wider sections of the general public. In the first case, the activities of associations are designed first and foremost to acquire and increase the resources available for their own services, while in the second case, the activities are aimed above all at acquiring and increasing participation and consent on a public issue.

As may be seen in Table 4, the associations present in our sample seem to be more oriented towards service-provision activities, awareness-raising, information and the promotion of alternative lifestyles. The more strictly political activities, such as the organisation of protest campaigns or opposition to policies, are less developed. If the sample is split up by year of foundation, it may also be noted how the organisations founded in the ‘90s (albeit not those founded after 2000) tend decidedly towards the provision of services. Tab. 4: Activity and e foundation period (only positive answers) Foundation Period Activity before1979 1980-1989 1990-1999 + 2000 Total

N.

Service Provision 60,9 71,4 78,0 51,4 61,5 99 Awareness Raising and information 83,3 92,9 87,5 94,3 83,9 153 Promotion of alternative lifestyles 63,8 65,4 52,5 62,9 56,5 91 Support to policies and project 40,4 74,1 59,5 79,4 55,3 89 Opposition to policies 29,8 68,0 53,8 54,3 44,7 72 Protests Campaigns 30,4 61,5 50,0 55,9 43,5 70 50 30 42 37

If we examine the main activities carried out by associative area (Table 5), the provision of services is shown once more to characterise the activity of the associations whatever their field of interest. With the exception of youth and pacifist associations and committees, the provision of services in fact covers an important part of the activities in all the associative fields under consideration.

While this is true, the associative areas still show a number of differences when other kinds of activities are observed. While awareness-raising and information may be seen as a key activity in all the associative areas considered, the fields most oriented towards criticism and protest are those that deal with immigration, environmentalism, peace, social centres and citizens’ action groups. Lastly, the promotion of alternative lifestyles is notably greater in the fields of environmentalism, pacifism, critical consumption and social centres.

Tab. 5: Association areas and activity (only positive answers)

Service Provision

Awareness Raising and information

Promotion of alternative lifestyles

Support to policies and project

Opposition to policies

Protests Campaigns

N.

Immigrants 70,0 80,0 30,0 60,0 50,0 70,0 10 Cultural 70,0 80,0 11,1 50,0 20,0 ,0 11 Feminist 70,0 100,0 63,6 72,7 63,6 50,0 11 Youth 54,5 63,6 72,7 18,2 27,3 9,1 13 Cooperation 61,5 92,3 69,2 46,2 46,2 69,2 13 Social/health care 81,3 100,0 40,0 46,2 23,1 15,4 17 Environmentalism 88,9 90,0 88,9 100,0 100,0 100,0 10 Church 77,8 77,8 55,6 33,3 0 22,2 9 Neighbourhood 16,7 83,3 50,0 60,0 100,0 83,3 8 Family 82,4 100,0 43,8 76,5 43,8 31,3 19 Pacifism 11,1 100,0 77,8 100,0 88,9 100,0 9 Sport 60,0 55,6 66,7 44,4 22,2 11,1 11 Critical Consumerism

57,1 100,0 93,3 69,2 50,0 46,7 15

Social Centres 85,7 100,0 100,0 83,3 100,0 100,0 7 N 99 135 91 89 72 70 161

Tot. 65,6 88,8 61,1 61,0 49,0 47,6

Another indicator that may provide us with pointers as to the more or less civic attitude to be

found in organisations is the ability of groups to mobilise on issues that go beyond the local context. Our hypothesis is that where an association acts exclusively on a local level it is more likely to be an activity aimed not so much at issues of general or public interest, but rather the organisation of activities aimed to benefit their own supporters, while the associations that push their activities into the wider field are more likely to carry out activities aimed at modifying norms and rules that may be applied to everyone.

As may be seen from Table 6, the associations in our sample appear to have a territorial field of action which tends to remain more or less within the environment of the local council. As may be seen, the percentages relative to the field of activities in which the organisation usually works shrink progressively from the local council district (72.3%), to that between different local council districts (58.5%), the province (56.1%), the region (36.7%), the national level (36.9%) and the international level (27.2%).

Furthermore, a general trend towards restricting the field of action may be found in all the associative fields considered. In this case, it may be noted that while it is true that the “local” area is that opted for by most of the organisations, whatever field they operate in, within them, those that deal with themes such as immigration, gender issues, co-operation, the environment and social centres seem to operate also across larger catchment areas than just the local. Of these, environmentalism stands out as the most transversal field, with activities ranging from local to global, while cultural, youth, pacifist and church associations and, as may be expected, citizens’ committees have the highest percentage of organisations that operate largely on a local level.

Tab. 6: Association areas and dominant activity field

Neighbourhood

Administration

Local Council

Across Local

Councils

Province Region National International

N.

Immigrants 10,0 80,0 60,0 70,0 60,0 50,0 50,0 10 Cultural 40,0 80,0 50,0 40,0 30,0 30,0 10,0 11 Feminist 20,0 70,0 40,0 77,8 37,5 55,6 33,3 11 Youth 62,5 87,5 40,0 55,6 44,4 44,4 37,5 13 Cooperation 36,4 58,3 58,3 53,8 23,1 30,8 53,8 13 Social/health care 33,3 64,3 70,6 54,5 36,4 18,2 ,0 17 Environmentalism 62,5 75,0 87,5 90,0 55,6 55,6 33,3 10 Church 100,0 57,1 ,0 ,0 ,0 14,3 ,0 9 Neighbourhood 83,3 40,0 20,0 ,0 ,0 ,0 ,0 8 Family 44,4 70,0 90,0 54,5 50,0 53,8 11,1 19 Pacifism 55,6 77,8 55,6 66,7 33,3 44,4 22,2 9 Sport 22,2 75,0 55,6 44,4 50,0 25,0 25,0 11 Critical Consumerism

40,0 75,0 75,0 58,3 10,0 10,0 20,0 15

Social Centres 33,3 100,0 83,3 85,7 71,4 71,4 71,4 7 N 56 94 79 74 47 48 34 161

Tot. 44,1 72,3 58,5 56,1 36,7 36,9 27,2

Both the field of activity and the activity itself carried out by the various organisations also seem to depend at least in part on the level of formalisation of the various organisations. As may be seen in Table 7, a greater level of formalisation also corresponds to a higher percentage of organisations offering services, with the ensuing projects and policies. Conversely, a lower level of formalisation seems to be linked to activities oriented towards criticism and protest, such as the opposition to parliamentary bills and the organisation of protest campaigns, not to mention the promotion of alternative lifestyles – an approach adopted by a large and growing number of critical consumption groups which many now group together under the “new mutualism” heading (Guadagnucci 2007). Tab. 7: Activity and formalisation level (only positive answers) Formalisation Positive answers > 3 3-6 +7 Total

N.

Activities Service Provision 54,5 67,0 69,2 65,6 99 Awareness Raising and information 100,0 86,3 88,9 88,8 153 Promotion of alternative lifestyles 77,3 56,0 66,7 61,1 91 Support to policies and project 68,2 56,1 73,1 61,0 89 Opposition to policies 68,2 46,5 42,3 49,0 72 Protests Campaigns 65,2 44,9 42,3 47,6 70

N. 21 82 22

5. Action strategies: social networks and relationship with politics A remarkable number of studies carried out over the last few years have shown how the form of relationships between the groups and organisations present in a given territory is fundamental for the creation of the so-called “social capital”, meant as a structure of relationships between people with the aim of fostering cooperation and thus leading to the production of material and symbolic values capable of lasting a relatively long time (Putman 1993). Social networks, meant as intra- and inter-organisational links between the groups present in a given territorial area, thus have a direct influence on the creation of trust and cooperation between the various social components and the mobilisation potential for collective action (Jacobs 1961; Granovetter 1973). As Backman and Smith state (2000):

Intraorganizational networks can promote individual empowerment through democratic management in which members share information and power, utilize cooperative decision-making processes, and are involved in the design, implementation, and control of efforts toward mutually defined goals. Cross-cutting linkages among members are critical to encouraging individual empowerment. Community coalitions and partnerships to address problems such as drugs, crime, and health often function as interorganizational networks because they are composed of representatives of local organizations. They help link people from across the community, although many of these coalitions encounter difficulty in sustaining themselves long enough to build enduring trust and cooperation (Backman and Smith 2000, 358).

In this respect, the research results available show how organisations now tend to concentrate

their actions not so much on the development of horizontal ties between them, but rather on the development of vertical ties with public and private actors (foundations, governmental agencies and private companies) that may provide them with financial resources (Backman and Smith 2000; Skocpol 2003). This kind of approach has clear consequences on associations’ ability to develop relationships of trust and cooperation within a given territory.

As has often been underlined, the relationship between non-profit associations and other public/private subjects, while providing precious resources for the organisations’ activities – through financial assistance used to improve a number of services, forms of technical assistance and help of an administrative nature – it can in some cases undermine cooperation between different organisations, setting off processes of competition and discouraging the construction of cooperative alliances, necessary for the achievement of common goals. In general, a pre-eminence of vertical ties appear less favourable to working towards reciprocal advantages, because of the imbalances in power and access to information (Backman and Smith 2000) that they incur. As Theda Skocpol notes in the case of the USA, where groups of associations have focused their energies largely on relationships with the national administration, the horizontal relationships between associations in the same groups have weakened considerably (Skocpol 20039).

As we shall see, even the data available to us confirm a general lessening in the capacity (or desire) of the Lombard organisations to create horizontal networks instead of vertical ones.

9 According to Skocpol, after the wave of movements of the ‘60s in the USA, there was a change in the key organisational models of associations; from the model of federations based on a large associative membership that supported the organisation through membership fees, there was a shift to a more centralised model association (with headquarters in Washington), professionalised and with a smaller number of members, and the financial resources of which are provided mainly by the grants provided by foundations, governmental organisations and companies.

5.1 Inter-Organisational Ties An initial clue as to organisations’ ability to link up among themselves may be seen from the number of organisations that state that they form part of “umbrella organisations”. In our sample, almost half of the organisations say they are part of wider coalitions (44.8%). Yet once split up by period of foundation of the organisations, we may see how this percentage is higher among the organisations established before the ‘90s (61%), and is lower among those founded later (53.5% among those founded in the ‘90s and 33% among those founded since 2000). The tendency towards joining umbrella organisations thus appears to be a characteristic in strong decline in recent times.

The lack of affiliation characterises above all the smaller organisations (35% of the associations with fewer than 20 members against 55% of those with more than 300). Affiliation to larger organisations is also more pronounced in a certain number of areas such as those of social care (66.7%), environmentalism (62.5%), cooperation (58.7%) and critical consumerism (66.7%).

Other data that may shed light on associations’ cooperative capacity is that relating to the quantity of involvement opportunities that they have, with initiatives organised together with other groups. An initial consideration that may be made in this regard is the low percentage of associations that cooperate with initiatives on a more than local level (Table 8). Tab. 8: Membership and supra-local level activities with other groups Supra-local level activities with other groups Membership 0 1 2 3 tot 1-19 63,2 10,5 10,5 15,8 100 20-49 50 16,7 16,7 16,7 100 50-99 42,1 31,6 10,5 15,8 100 100-299 38,1 31 11,9 19 100 300 + 28,2 20,5 35,9 15,4 100 N 65 35 29 26 155 Tot 41,9 22,6 18,7 16,8 100

Furthermore, looking at the development in the level of cooperation of the various associations on the basis of their year of foundation, it may be noted how the percentage of organisations that declare to have collaborated with other groups over the last few years is higher among those founded before or during the ‘90s (38% and 21% respectively of the associations that have undertaken at least two activities in common with other associations) and notably lower among those associations founded post-2000 (16%). Hence also in this case a reduction in the number of joint actions with other groups may be noted among the more recently founded associations.

Further data supplying indications with regard to the cooperative capacity of the associations are those regarding their declared relationships with political areas or movements. Where this relationship is higher, we would expect greater willingness among associations to cooperate with other groups on the same political issue with which they are concerned. What emerges in this case is that the great majority of associations, 70%, declare not to feel any identification with any political movement or area.

As regards the difference between the size of the associations compared to their affiliation to various political movements, we may note how it is always the smaller organisations, those with

fewer than 20 members, that register a notably lower level of contact compared to that of the largest groups: 12.8% against a level more than double (28.9%) in the case of organisations of up to 50 members and of 25.6% for those between 100 and 300 members. Once more, the lower membership seems to increase the lack of links with other networks and other social/political activities. The differences between various associative areas, however, should also be borne in mind. In this case, it may in fact be noted that the sectors in which there is a greater number of organisations declaring some sort of affiliation to political movements are those relative to environmentalist organisations, those dealing with immigration, pacifist organisations and social centres. All the others, including those operating in the fields of social or care work or that of cooperation, declare in more than two out of three cases in the sample to be independent from any political areas or movements.

It is also interesting to note how the level of formalisation of organisations becomes an element that does not necessarily favour the capacity to collaborate with other groups and that, on the contrary, at times it appears to have quite the opposite effect. In this regard, Table 9 shows that associations which do not collaborate with other groups on a supra-local level have a higher degree of formalisation than those associations that have taken part in three or more joint initiatives with other groups. Tab. 9: Supra-local activities with other groups and formalisation level

Formalisation At least 2 3-6 +7 Total

N.

Supralocal level activities with other groups

0 10,1 68,1 18,8 100 69 1 20 65,7 14,3 100 35 2 9,7 64,5 25,8 100 31 3 26,9 69,2 3,8 100 26 5.2 Relationships with Political Institutions (Political Actors) While the statistics relative to horizontal ties indicate a strong segmentation on a territorial level, the data available to us underline a trend in the Lombard non-profit sector to employ resources in the construction of ties of a vertical kind. Also in the case of Lombardy, we may note a strengthening of the relationships between non-profit organisations and the institutional actors. With regard to this, the first statistic to be noted is that only 23% of the organisations in the sample declare not to have established any kind of collaboration with political institutions.

If we examine the differences between the various kinds of institutions with which associations may collaborate (Tab. 10), we may note that the institutions with which there is the highest level of collaboration is the Local Council (60.9%) and the Province (47.8%), followed by the Region (32.3%) and the Local Public Health Authorities (“ASL”, 30.4%). Lower yet important levels of collaboration may also be found with certain ministries (21.7%), the neighbourhood administration (“Consiglio di Zona”, 22.4%), the local social services (“Piano di Zona”, 21.7%), international organisations (17.4%) and the EU (10.6%).

Tab. 10: Collaboration with political institution

Collaboration with political institution %

N.

Neighbourhood Administration 22,4 36 Local Council 60,9 98 Province 47,8 77 Local Social Service 21,7 35 Local Public Health Authorities 30,4 49 Region 32,3 52 Ministries 21,7 35 EU 10,6 17 International organisation 17,4 28 Others 18,6 30

The dominance of ties with the Local Council further confirms that which emerged from the previous points and which is coherent with what has already been shown by other studies (CSV 2006) with regard to the growing localism of associations which may take on the connotation of a particularism of its own mobilisation.

If we split up the sample by the periods of foundation of the associations, we may also note how the older organisations are also those that seem to demonstrate higher levels of collaboration with the institutions. These data may be read in two different ways. On one hand, it may be seen in the light of the fact that the younger associations are armed with fewer resources for collaborating on an institutional/political level. On the other hand, it might also denote a trend among the more recent associations, which are often also of a smaller number of members as well as being more local, not to want to get involved on a political/institutional level. This second reading would also be more coherent with the literature on associations, which over the last few years has witnessed the establishment among more recently founded associations of a progressively diminishing trend with regard to collaborating with the institutional/political sphere, seen as a deliberate choice aimed at avoiding forms of political involvement (Eliasoph 1998, Lichterman 2006).

As far as the differences between the various associative areas are concerned (Table 11), two areas stand out as showing a decidedly lower percentage compared to the others in terms of collaboration with political institutions: pacifist groups (33.3%) and that of critical consumerism (27.3%),which show a less structured relationship with politics. The greatest level of collaboration (100%) may be found among the associations that deal with the fields of immigration and social/health care. Tab. 11: Association area and collaboration with political institution

Collaboration with political institutions% N Immigrants 100 7 Cultural 85,7 6 Feminist 71,4 5 Youth 55,6 5 Cooperation 66,7 6 Social/health care 100 19 Environmentalism 100 8 Church 75 6 Neighbourhood 100 4 Family 77,8 7

Pacifism 33,3 2 Sport 71,4 5 Critical Consumerism 27,3 3 Social Centres 50 3 Tot 71,3 77

Lastly, if we look more carefully at the differences in the results on institutional collaboration, on the basis of the level of involvement with initiatives with other groups, both at a local and supra-local level (Tab. 12), it is clear how while at a local level there is a link between little or no involvement in the initiatives of other groups and institutional collaboration, on a supra-local level this correspondence is less marked, to the point that the biggest group of associations that collaborate with the institutions is made up of those that do not carry out any form of initiative with other groups. In other words, from these data there seems to emerge a divide between the capacity to collaborate with supra-local institutions, for example through lobbying activities, and the capacity to collaborate with other institutions. Hence, institutional collaboration seems to complement a self-referential approach on behalf of associations. Tab. 12: Collaboration with political institution and local and supra-local activities with other groups Collaboration with political institutions

0 1 2 3 Tot

Local activities with other groups

20,8 28,6 26 24,7 100

N 16 22 20 19 77 Supra-local activities with other groups

45,5 26 18,2 10,4 100

N 35 20 14 8 77 6. Conclusion

The analysis carried out over the previous pages highlights how Lombard associations share a number of underlying dynamics. In particular, a trend towards formalisation and professionalisation has come to the fore, especially with regard to the organisations with a longer history behind them. Many associations founded as voluntary groups tend to turn into organisations designed to provide services and to develop a relationship with politics made up largely of lobbying activities, in competition more than in cooperation with other associations. At the same time, we have witnessed the growth of small-sized associations, less used to forming part of supra-local common networks and initiatives, and with more restricted and less institutionalised relationships with the political sphere.

Alongside these dominant trends, the analysis, however, highlights a number of other significant dynamics of a secondary nature. On one hand, albeit with growing tensions and weaknesses, the associations that offer both the provision of services for citizens – above all in the field of leisure activities – and the ability to act on wider-reaching public issues seems able to resist. In this case, we are talking in particular of those associations historically rooted in the trade union tradition (i.e. Auser) and that of the socialists (i.e. Arci). These organisations’ capacity to maintain a political profile and provide services for citizens classes them as the types of association that Debra Minkoff (2002) refers to as “hybrid”. It is thanks to this very hybrid nature that these associations manage to survive over time and to remain in a position to serve

the Toquevillian function of political socialisation. On the other hand, over the last few years there seems to have emerged a form of more loose civic activism, without political/ideological connotations or strong institutional ties. These are groups that develop forms of mutual help and support internally, especially on the issue of critical consumerism, yet with a capacity to act on general public issues, albeit on a prevalently local level and with ties among the various groups that are often somewhat transient. These experiences, which recent literature has identified as “new mutualism” (Guadagnucci 2007; Biolghini 2007), currently appear to be growing strongly, also as a consequence of the recent economic crisis.

Figure 1 tries to sum up in brief the differences to be found among Lombard associations, cross-referencing the two analytical dimensions concerning the level of professionalisation and the orientation towards action (serving larger societal issues vs. serving individual needs). These provide four different types of organisational models. Our hypothesis is that each of the four combinations corresponds to a different capacity to produce “social capital”, more limited in the cases of the “marketised non-profit organisations” and “bridge circles”, and more widespread and “public” in the other two kinds of organisational models.

Fig. 1: The Organisational Models of Associations in Lombardy

Professionalisation + -

-

Marketised Non-Profit

Organisations

Bridge Circles

Civ

ic

Orie

ntat

ion

+

Hybrid Organisations

New Mutualism

The marketisation of the non-profit sector in fact leads to a reduction in the need for

organisations to create relationships with traditional key stakeholders or constituencies, thus discouraging civic participation (Backman and Smith 2000). Both the “marketised non-profit organisations” and the “bridge circles” tend furthermore to be characterised by a limited capacity to become “encompassing”, i.e. to be inclusive of a wide range of issues and types of people. In Putnam’s words (2000), we might state that these two kinds of organisations are characterised in terms of their being very “bonding” and not very “bridging”.

The trend towards aligning the organisational form to market requirements is partly due to long-term cultural dynamics. As stated in § 2, however, it seems to have been favoured both by the particular public policies implemented, as well as the dynamics of political consensus that have characterised Lombardy over the last 15 years. The policies put in place seem to have contributed to pushing many associations towards frameworks more suited to the provision of services than the function of advocacy for citizens. On the other hand, the great electoral strength of a coalition seems to have diminished the possibility for associations to undertake an influential role in the political arena, reducing their propensity to commit on a public level and thus favouring the more general trend towards the fragmentation and individualisation of associative forms. Both these dynamics appear to have favoured an associative panorama in which the distinction between various groups is rewarded and, vice versa, in which the organisation of political activity and even joining forces with different associations to achieve a common goal is not encouraged.

The image that emerges from this analysis leads us to think that the function of associations as a training ground for citizenship cannot be taken for granted. It depends on associations’ capacity to maintain the involvement of citizens on broad-based public issues, despite also becoming providers of services or acquiring a number of more professional organisational approaches. This is not an easy challenge, yet one that institutions may help to promote, counteracting the trend towards marketisation and fragmentation, by “giving citizens the knowledge and techniques they need to deal with public policy issues, and providing an open and non-threatening forum for deliberation and decision making” (Box et al. 2001, 616).

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