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The nature of academics‟ informal conversation about teaching Kate Eileen Thomson A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2013 The University of Sydney

The nature of academics‟ informal conversation about teaching · conversation about teaching yielded a theory for the nature of conversation, based on „commonality‟. In a context

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Page 1: The nature of academics‟ informal conversation about teaching · conversation about teaching yielded a theory for the nature of conversation, based on „commonality‟. In a context

The nature of academics‟ informal

conversation about teaching

Kate Eileen Thomson

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements

for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

2013

The University of Sydney

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AUTHOR’S DECLARATION

This is to certify that:

I. this thesis comprises only my original work towards the Doctor of Philosophy

Degree

II. due acknowledgement has been made in the text to all other material used

III. the thesis does not exceed the word length for this degree.

IV. no part of this work has been used for the award of another degree.

V. this thesis meets the University of Sydney‟s Human Research Ethics

Committee (HREC) requirements for the conduct of research.

Signature:

………………………………………………………………………

Name: Kate Eileen Thomson.

Date:

kethomson
Stamp
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Acknowledgements

This research project would not have been possible without considerable support and I

will be forever thankful and indebted to an amazing group of people.

To both my supervisors, thank you for being available to guide me throughout each

stage of my candidature. To Keith – for your inspiration, attention to detail, and

insistence on excellence. To Simon, firstly for volunteering yourself and Keith as

supervisors before there was even a proposal, and significantly, for changing my

thinking. I have greatly appreciated the opportunity to learn from both of you and your

incredible patience with me as a student. Your support and my gratitude are

immeasurable.

Thank you to everyone at the Institute for Teaching and Learning for always making

me feel wonderfully looked after. This feeling came not just from the provision of

space and resources, but from the generosity with which you shared your technical and

academic expertise.

Thank you to the Faculty of Education and Social Work for working to establish a

community of students. The student conferences and workshops (thanks Lindy

Woodrow and Brian Paltridge) helped me to write about and present my work.

To all my family and friends, thank you for providing me with support and

entertainment, despite my occasional neglect of you. To my parents, for everything

from teaching me to read and ask questions to proofing thesis drafts. To my sister, for

her endless encouragement and for keeping me grounded. To Dave, for ensuring that I

ate and slept regularly, and for always challenging me.

I was very fortunate to be assisted financially during my candidature: an Australian

Postgraduate Award (APA), a NSW Institute for Educational Research Student Grant

and funds from the Faculty of Education and Social Work as part of the Postgraduate

Research Support Scheme (PRSS).

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Table of Contents

Chapter 1 Introduction 1

1.1 Rationale for this study 1

1.2 Context of this study 1

1.3 Approach of this study 3

1.4 The outline of the thesis 5

Chapter 2 Literature review 7

2.1 Learning through informal conversation about teaching 8

2.2 Contexts which support informal learning 10

2.3 Departmental contexts 14

2.3.1 Discipline 15

2.3.2 Climate 16

2.3.3 Leadership 17

2.3.4 Teaching in a research-intensive context 19

2.3.5 Academic development in departments 20

2.4 Academic development 21

2.4.1 Central and distributed formal academic development

programs 22

2.4.2 Collaborative academic development: Peer observation

and mentoring 23

2.5 This study: Informal conversation about teaching 25

Chapter 3 Methodology 27

3.1 Introduction to grounded theory 27

3.1.1 „Theory‟ in grounded theory 27

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3.1.2 A „grounded theory‟: An outcome of using the grounded

theory method of constant comparison 28

3.2 Grounded theory literature 29

3.2.1 Addressing some of the critique of grounded theory 30

3.2.2 Understanding the differences between versions of

grounded theory 32

3.2.3 Credible grounded theory 34

3.2.4 Summary 35

3.3 Introduction to the grounded theory process used in this

study 36

3.3.1 Advice and examples of grounded theory 36

3.4 Theoretical sampling 37

3.4.1 Sampling in this study: Departmental variation 38

3.4.2 Sampling in this study: Individual variation in planned

interviews 39

3.4.3 Supplementary interviews to build emergent concepts 40

3.5 Ethics approval 41

3.6 Data collection through interviews with academics 41

3.6.1 Interview guides 42

3.6.2 Interview process to collect data 43

3.7 The constant comparative method of data analysis 45

3.8 A summary of my process using the comparative method 46

3.9 From making sense of the data to Stage 1 ‘Comparison’ 47

3.10 From Stage 1 ‘Comparison’ to Stage 2 ‘Integration’ 49

3.10.1 Topics discussed during informal conversation (Chapter 4) 50

3.10.2 The usefulness of informal conversation about teaching

(Chapter 5) 53

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3.10.3 How context influences informal conversation about

teaching (Chapter 6) 56

3.10.4 Relations between a formal academic development

program and informal conversation about teaching (Chapter 7) 62

3.11 From Stage 2 ‘Integration’ to Stage 3 ‘Delimiting’ 62

3.12 From Stage 3 ‘Delimiting’ to Stage 4 ‘Writing’ 64

Chapter 4 Topics discussed during informal conversation

about teaching 66

4.1 Informal conversation about students 67

4.2 Informal conversation about their curriculum content and

implementation 71

4.3 Informal conversation about assessment 74

4.4 Informal conversation about evaluation methods and

evaluation results 77

4.5 Summary 81

Chapter 5 The usefulness of informal conversation about

teaching 83

5.1 Academics have informal conversations to vent about

issues related to teaching 85

5.2 Academics have informal conversations to reassure

themselves about their teaching 87

5.3 Academics have informal conversations to manage their

teaching context 88

5.4 Academics have informal conversations to improve

teaching and student learning 89

5.5 Academics have informal conversations to evolve teaching,

thinking and practice 90

5.6 Incidence of usefulness subcategories 91

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5.7 Summary 93

Chapter 6 How context influences informal conversation

about teaching 94

6.1 Developing a grounded theory about informal conversation 95

6.2 Colleagues with whom academics work 98

6.2.1 Helpfulness of colleagues 99

6.2.2 Expertise of colleagues 100

6.2.3 Shared teaching ideology 102

6.2.4 Collegial friendship 105

6.3 Processes for reward and recognition 107

6.3.1 Peer recognition and advice 108

6.3.2 Survival and promotion 110

6.3.3 Financial incentives 112

6.4 Time and place 116

6.4.1 Time and workload pressures 116

6.4.2 Timing 118

6.4.3 Office proximity 118

6.4.4 The „water-cooler‟ effect of corridors and coffee 120

6.5 Formal management of communication 121

6.5.1 Role of leaders in facilitating communication 121

6.5.2 Formal meetings 122

6.5.3 Semi-formal meetings 126

6.5.4 Semi-formal academic development strategies 129

6.5.4.1 Workshops 130

6.5.4.2 Peer observation 131

6.5.4.3 Mentoring 132

6.6 Summary 135

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Chapter 7 Relations between a formal academic

development program and informal conversation about

teaching 137

7.1 An example of a formal academic development program 138

7.2 Relations between the Principles and Practice of University

Teaching and Learning program and informal conversation about

teaching 139

7.2.1 Informal and formal learning as conflicting and

disconnected 139

7.2.2 Informal and formal learning as complementary and

mutually reinforcing 144

7.3 Mapping the Principles and Practice program topics to

informal conversation topics 146

7.4 Comparing the perceived usefulness of the Principles and

Practice development program and informal conversation 149

7.4.1 Informal conversation during a formal academic

development program 153

7.5 Summary 155

Chapter 8 Strategies for stimulating informal

conversation about teaching 156

8.1 Discussion 158

8.2 Methodology: Process, critique and outcome 169

8.2.1 Process of using grounded theory 170

8.2.2 Limitations of method 174

8.2.3 Grounded theory outcome: Conversation as a function of

Commonality 177

8.3 Implications 184

8.3.1 Rethinking approaches to academic development 184

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8.3.2 Introduction to this study‟s implications for three groups 191

8.3.3 Academic developers 191

8.3.4 Department leaders 194

8.3.5 Individual academics 197

Chapter 9 Conclusion 201

9.1 Summary 201

9.2 Further research 203

9.3 Contribution 205

Reference List 206

Appendices 227

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Appendices

Appendix 1: Interview guide 1 228

Appendix 2: Interview guide 2 230

Appendix 3: Variation in departments 231

Appendix 4: Variation in individuals 232

Appendix 5: Coding extract 233

Appendix 6: Poster presentation 234

Appendix 7: Poster presentation 235

Appendix 8: Ethics Approval 12521 236

Appendix 9: Ethics Approval 13549 238

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List of tables

Table 3.1 Preliminary ideas about informal conversation 48

Table 3.2 Preliminary categories suggesting how conversations are useful 54

Table 3.3 Extract from coding the usefulness of conversation 55

Table 3.4 Contextual influences associated with variation in conversation 58

Table 3.5 Contextual influences on conversation 59

Table 6.1 Categories and subcategories of contextual influences on informal

conversation 95

Table 7.1 Mapping informal conversation topics to formal program session topics 147

List of figures

Figure 3.1 Summary of terms most frequently used to describe the topics addressed in

informal conversation about assessment (before meaning was clarified) 52

Figure 4.1 Terms most frequently used to describe informal conversation about

students 71

Figure 4.2 Terms most frequently used to describe informal conversation about

curriculum 74

Figure 4.3 Terms most frequently used to describe informal conversation about

assessment 77

Figure 4.4 Terms most frequently used to describe informal conversation about

evaluation 81

Figure 4.5 Summary of terms most frequently used to describe the topics addressed in

informal conversation about teaching 82

Figure 8.1 The nature of academics‟ informal conversation about teaching 157

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Abstract

Conversations are a recognised form of informal learning in professional workplaces.

Informal conversation about teaching within university departmental contexts

represents one way academics learn about university teaching. Such conversations also

have the potential to more effectively link learning on formal professional development

programs with teaching. As professional development of teaching is usually focused on

formal courses, workshops and projects, informal conversation has not been

investigated as a professional development strategy.

The lack of substantial exploration of conversation as a professional development

strategy was the impetus for the current study. This study investigated academics‟

experience of informal conversation about teaching within their departments. Thirty

academic staff working in different departments at an Australian research-intensive

university were interviewed and the transcripts were analysed using grounded theory

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

The analysis revealed that academics were learning about many aspects of teaching

from informal conversation with their departmental colleagues. Four elements of

informal conversation were explored: the content of conversation, the purpose for

which academics used conversation, the context which influenced conversation and the

relationship between conversation and formal (course-based) professional

development.

In summary, academics‟ conversations were about topics that included students,

assessment, curriculum and evaluation, with their purposes ranging from venting their

frustrations, and reassuring themselves, to managing, improving and evolving their

teaching. The investigation of the role of contextual influences on informal

conversation about teaching yielded a theory for the nature of conversation, based on

„commonality‟. In a context which provides variable support for teaching, increases in

commonality between academic colleagues are associated with increases in frequency

and usefulness of their informal conversation. The theory of commonality and the

description of the nature of informal conversation derived from this study are used to

show how informal conversation can enhance professional development.

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Chapter 1. Introduction

1.1 Rationale for this study

Informal conversation about teaching within university departmental contexts

represents one way academics learn about university teaching. Such conversations also

have the potential to link learning on formal professional development programs with

teaching. As professional development of teaching is usually focused on formal

courses, workshops and projects, informal conversation has not been investigated as a

professional development strategy.

Even though conversations are not recognised as a means of professional development,

academics use conversations to learn about teaching. Despite the visible presence of

such conversations in university department corridors and staff rooms, there has been

little research reported on the effectiveness of these conversations in facilitating

academics‟ learning. Admittedly, the lack of formal recognition for conversations as a

professional development strategy, in combination with the informal nature of

conversation, make conversations a challenging area to research. Without substantial

exploration, we can not identify how academics use conversations to educate

themselves and their colleagues about university teaching. The lack of research into

conversation as a professional development strategy is the impetus for the current

study.

1.2 Context of this study

Teaching is one of the fundamental activities of a university. However, as universities

often value and prioritise research over teaching, staff may put less time and effort into

activities associated with teaching, including teaching-related dialogue.

Communicating about teaching is vital to improving practice, developing our

understanding of teaching, and enhancing student learning (Boud, 1999; Trowler,

2001). The literature on university teaching is now extensive, but one of the less well-

researched aspects of the scholarly discourse on teaching is the informal conversation

that occurs between departmental colleagues.

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An informal conversation about teaching might represent an academic's introduction to

the scholarship of teaching and learning, and their first step towards contributing to the

discourse; and as such, it plays a critical role in their academic identity and

development. Informal conversation may be effective for learning because its nature

could encourage academics to solve issues in a very practical way and contribute to

them engaging more effectively in thinking about teaching. Traditionally, changes to

university policies or new agendas may lead to the organisation of formal professional

development such as workshops or seminars, but these do not necessarily solve

problems or assist academics to understand and meet departmental expectations for

teaching. Conversation could present opportunities for academic developers and

department leaders to transform departmental and university contexts to support

academics to adapt to change and develop their teaching.

This study sought to explore informal, „water-cooler‟ conversation on the topic of

teaching, with the intention of contributing to our understanding of the variation in

conversation across a single research-intensive university and potentially, to the

recognition of conversation as a strategy for professional development. It adopted a

socio-cultural perspective with a focus on the nature of teaching conversation, and how

conversation was influenced by departmental contexts. Departments have not often

been at the centre of inquiry. Trowler, Fanghanel, and Wareham (2005) identified a

deficiency in research done at the meso level, or the level of the “local

disciplinary/pedagogic community in higher education” (Fanghanel, 2007, p. 204). The

„meso‟ or mid-level, is distinct from macro (institutional policy/management), and

micro (individual student/teacher experience) levels. This study is located at the mid or

departmental level, where disciplinary culture is enacted (Trowler & Cooper, 2002),

and where little previous research has focused. It adds to knowledge about

departments, and how the complex interplay of institutional, disciplinary and

departmental factors contribute to the ways academic staff experience their workplace

contexts.

Departments represent both the fundamental context in which academic staff work

(Knight & Trowler, 2000) and an intersection of university culture and disciplinary

identity (Argyris & Schön, 1974; Kreber, 2009; Trowler et al., 2005). As such,

departments play a key role in the development of academics. Unsurprisingly, there

have been arguments for a greater connection between initiatives based in faculties or

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departments and programs offered by central academic development units; for

example, Kreber and Castleden (2009) argue for an integrated approach to academic

development and Jenkins (1996) suggested that the development of academics should

be focused on their disciplinary concerns. Academic development that is tailored to and

located in departments is more likely to change practice (Blackwell & Blackmore,

2003; Trowler & Cooper, 2002). Boud (1999) suggests that the informal exchange of

ideas amongst colleagues within departments has a more significant effect than formal

generic activities specifically designed to develop academics. In addition to

representing a strategy for professional development in its own right, conversation with

departmental colleagues may present an informal opportunity for academics to connect

ideas from central programs with their teaching.

Although conversation about teaching within university contexts has not been

substantially explored, there are examples of research into conversation, such as the

work of Roxå and Mårtensson (2009). They found that academics spoke to more

people and described conversation as more significant in a supportive teaching context

(Roxå & Mårtensson, 2009). A supportive context is one in which there is visible

encouragement of quality teaching, such as through leadership and development of

teaching. Considering their work, and the related research on departmental teaching

contexts (Austin, 1996; Gibbs, Knapper & Piccinin, 2009), staff interviewed for this

study may be expected to attribute their opportunities for talking about teaching to the

University structure and climate, including the support offered for teaching.

This study investigates whether conversation represents a way for academics to learn

about teaching, and should be recognised as a strategy for professional development.

Insights from academics interviewed during the study may inform department-focused

academic development strategies designed to enhance teaching. The interviews may

also provide ideas for what academic developers can do to foster informal conversation

about teaching and strengthen the links between the learning from informal,

department-based conversation and that from formal academic development programs.

1.3 Approach of this study

The complexity of the challenge of investigating conversations has meant that little has

been reported on theory or framework relevant to academics‟ informal conversation

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about teaching. The absence of appropriate frameworks influenced the nature of the

current study, particularly its methodology. The current study is exploratory, in that it

did not seek to validate existing theories of communication or learning. For such a

study, grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) was considered an appropriate

methodology to use because of its emphasis on theory emerging from data. The

purpose of using the grounded theory methodology is to develop a theory that can

explain much of the relevant behaviour within a context, rather than reinforce existing

models or frameworks. This is unusual for higher education research, Ashwin (2011)

and Tight (2004) found that higher education research is not often used to develop

theory. This study aimed to contribute to higher education research by using data to

develop theory around informal conversation, specifically how it can encourage

academics to learn about teaching.

The literature on grounded theory is extensive and provides guidance on all stages of a

research project (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The approaches to design and analysis that

are encouraged in grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) reinforce its suitability for

exploratory research. The study was informed by the grounded theory methodology at

all stages of the project – research design, data collection and analysis. It was important

to investigate the nature of conversation from the perspective of those academics who

participated in conversations, which made semi-structured interviews an appropriate

method of collecting data, as interviews enable the exploration of a topic area of

interest while allowing individual perspectives to emerge. Glaser and Strauss (1967)

encourage broad sampling in grounded theory research as this will likely lead to a

variety of emergent categories and diversity in concepts and relationships between

categories. The sample of academics selected for interviews reflected this aim of

generating variety. Interviews were conducted with thirty academic staff working in ten

departments of different sizes, offering professional and non-professional degrees, and

at main and satellite campuses, at one Australian research-intensive university.

Twenty-four of the academics were experienced teachers who had worked for the

university for at least two years, and were appointed at mid-career level. Six academics

were recently appointed to teaching roles, and had participated in a formal professional

development program.

This study aimed to begin to explore the nature of the informal „corridor‟ conversation

about teaching that happens in university departments. This was partly to find out if

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academics were learning from conversations with colleagues. Understanding whether

and how academics were learning from their conversations could provide support for

the recognition of conversations as a professional development strategy.

Three main topic areas were examined within the interviews: the nature of informal

conversations, the role of departmental contexts in encouraging conversations and

whether conversations served a purpose for academics. The main topic areas were

designed to contribute to our understanding of conversations and had also been

suggested by an earlier review of the literature related to how academics learn to teach.

All interviews were conducted using a semi-structured approach with guiding questions

and prompts. Questions were broad, for example, „Can you tell me about the times you

talk about teaching?‟ and „Since completing the formal development program, have

you talked about your teaching? Can you tell me about those conversations?‟ The

interviews were transcribed and the transcripts were analysed using grounded theory as

outlined by Glaser and Strauss (1967).

This thesis presents the scholarship behind this methodology and these results.

1.4 The outline of the thesis

Following this introductory chapter are eight chapters that situate this study with the

relevant literature, demonstrate the methodology used, and reveal its results and

implications.

Chapter 2 examines the literature related to informal learning, departmental contexts

and professional development. This review identifies the gap in the existing research

surrounding conversation about teaching as an informal development strategy for

academics.

Chapter 3 provides a rationale for the use of grounded theory methodology and an

introduction to the research design, data collection and analysis associated with this

method. This leads into a description of this study‟s use of grounded theory, using the

constant comparative method recommended by Glaser and Strauss (1967).

The data that were collected about the nature of conversation are presented in four

chapters: 4, 5, 6 and 7. These document the nature of informal conversation, and

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connect it to the context within university departments, and to other opportunities for

learning about teaching. The foci of the results chapters are:

Chapter 4 Topics discussed during informal conversation about teaching

Chapter 5 The usefulness of informal conversation about teaching

Chapter 6 How context influences informal conversation about teaching

Chapter 7 Relations between a formal academic development program and

informal conversation about teaching

The results are summarised and discussed in Chapter 8 and this is used as the basis for

the recognition of conversation as a professional development strategy. This chapter

also presents some practical ways readers might take forward the ideas from this thesis,

with specific reference to three groups with an interest in academic development:

academic developers, department leaders and the individual academics themselves.

Chapter 9 summarises the contribution of this study to professional development and

provides suggestions for how further research could build on the results presented in

this thesis.

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Chapter 2. Literature review

Communication offers academics the opportunity to explore ideas, share practice,

develop strategies, and apply professional and disciplinary knowledge (Boud, 1999;

Mezirow, 2000). Communication about teaching is key to the scholarship of teaching

(Healey, 2003; Trigwell, Martin, Benjamin & Prosser, 2000) and vital to enhancing

practice (Boud, 1999). The „scholarly discourse‟ around teaching may range from

informal, „corridor‟ conversations through formal meetings to publications in

international scholarly journals. There has been much research investigating teaching

practice and developing the scholarship of teaching (for examples, see Healey, 2000;

Huber & Morreale, 2002; Hutchings & Shulman, 1999; Trigwell et al., 2000), but little

focus on informal conversation between department colleagues.

Informal conversation about teaching, as explored in this study, includes spontaneous

conversation between academics who are departmental and/or disciplinary colleagues.

Conversation may take place either face to face in a university corridor, office or coffee

shop, or through an email exchange. Conversations differ from formal communication,

such as regular department meetings and formal academic development workshops,

because they do not have pre-arranged agendas and schedules determined by

facilitators. The nature of an informal conversation is likely to be interactive and might

be focused on a current teaching issue for one or both conversation partners. An

effective informal conversation about teaching might be described as one where the

colleague who was approached offered an appropriate idea to the academic who

initiated the conversation. Although he was referring to conversation in the context of

academic leadership, Ramsden (1998a) provides a useful definition of a satisfactory

conversation.

In a satisfactory conversation, we listen as well as talk; we try to engage in

productive dialogue; we respect the other‟s right to contribute, we imagine

ourselves in the shoes of the people with whom we are conversing. (Ramsden,

1998a, p. 163)

Informal conversation about teaching may represent a personal, unstructured way for

academics to learn about teaching and therefore, appears to be a professional

development strategy and a complement to formal academic development. Prior to

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examining the established literature on academic development, and that on

departmental contexts, the literature which relates to informal learning, and to learning

from conversation specifically will be outlined, as these contributed to this study, and

can inform our understanding of professional development.

2.1 Learning through informal conversation about teaching

Despite receiving some support in the literature (e.g., Knight, 1998, p. 251), and its

potential for having a personal, experiential focus, the nature of informal conversation

and the emphasis of universities on formal, traditional modes of learning about

teaching have meant it has generally not been targeted as an avenue for academic

development. The limited relevant research is generally encouraging of conversation as

a way to learn, for example, Trowler and Knight (2000, p. 39) argue for “the creation

of as many opportunities as possible for informal discussions and shared work”, in

conjunction with other strategies, to help new academics learn. Haigh (2005) realised

the potential of informal conversation for professional learning, after reflecting on the

literature and his own experience. He notes the importance of features such as

“serendipity, improvisation, an open agenda, permissiveness and risk-taking” (Haigh,

2005, p. 14) for development, and the role of storytelling in conversation. McDrury and

Alterio (2003) provide practical strategies for the use of storytelling to facilitate

learning in higher education contexts. Gargiulo (2005) also describes the role of stories

in organisational communication and suggests that it is the personal channel of

communication, including that directed internally, where the least amount of resources

are usually expended. Although it is difficult to measure the success of personal

communication, he argues for increased organisational support designed to generate

stories, as stories connect people with an organisation and motivate them to improve

(Gargiulo, 2005). Senge (2006) provides strategies for creating a „learning

organisation‟, a place where staff learn collectively, and he illustrates the effectiveness

of these strategies using examples. One of these strategies is to establish dialogue.

Senge refers to Bohm (1965) to clarify the purpose of dialogue. Dialogue aims to move

thinking beyond individual understanding through suspending assumptions, acting as

colleagues and often with the help of a facilitator, asking questions (Senge 2006, p.

226-244). Although Senge emphasises the importance of team or organisational

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learning, such dialogue or conversation can be useful for individuals within

organisations, such as academics working for universities.

There is evidence that academics would like to have more opportunities to learn

through conversations with departmental colleagues, in addition to participating in

workshops and mentoring programs (Knight, Tait & Yorke, 2006, p. 323). Advice for

how to engage in critical conversation about teaching exists (e.g. Brookfield, 1987;

1995), but there have been few instances of informal conversation deliberately being

used to facilitate learning. One example is from Clark (2001), who established a series

of semi-formal schoolteacher conversation groups and described their significance for

professional learning. He summarises what participants reported as being stimulated by

learning conversation

Articulation of implicit theories and beliefs

Perspective taking: seeing the world through the eyes of others

Developing a sense of personal and professional authority

Reviving hope and relational connection: An antidote to isolation

Reaffirmation of ideals and commitments

Developing specific techniques and solutions to problems

Learning how to engage with students in learning conversation (p. 173).

These might be a preview of what the academics in this study are able to derive from

informal conversation about teaching with their departmental colleagues.

Just as contexts can affect the impact of formal academic development, departments,

disciplines and colleagues may hinder or encourage academics to engage in effective

conversation about teaching. Roxå and Mårtensson (2009) identified individuals, the

context and even existing discourses as responsible for barriers to critical conversation

about teaching between academics. Investigating three different workplace contexts,

Fayard and Weeks (2007) found that informal conversation was afforded by

appropriate levels of privacy, proximity and social designation, such as those provided

by a photocopier room. Conversation about teaching amongst academics has been

described as not culturally acceptable (Roxå & Mårtensson, 2009), partly because it is

seen as a private activity (Handal, 1999). In the case of university teachers,

conversation takes place at the “back-stage” (Goffman, 1959; Roxå & Mårtensson,

2009). Goffman (1959) distinguished the behaviours that appear at the front and back

stages (Goffman, 1959, p. 22) and suggested that there is a performance mode enacted

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at the stage front, while back stage behaviours include errors and less than ideal

practices (Goffman, 1959, p. 43). Roxå and Mårtensson (2009) found that conversation

about teaching took place with few selected colleagues, and within „significant

networks‟; a similar pattern may be found in this study. Especially relevant for this

study is the idea that with support from departmental leaders and academic developers,

individual academics may be more likely to engage in conversation, and conversation

which is useful for their learning.

2.2 Contexts which support informal learning

Informal conversation is merely one form of informal learning available to academics

within university departments. Informal learning has been recognised in workplaces

other than universities. Building on the research from other workplaces to promote

conversational and informal learning may be a way to enhance professional

development in university departments. Academic development may usefully be able

to draw on various examples of learning theories or frameworks, such as self-directed

learning (Garrison, 1997; Knowles, 1975), and learning from problem solving (e.g.

Laurillard, 1987; 1995). The compilations provided by Boud and Miller (1996) on

learning from experience, and Boud and Garrick (1999) on workplace learning,

represent connections between these theories and ideas for adult and higher education.

McLean and McManus (2009) argue for the restructuring of academic development

from a „workplace learning‟ perspective, to improve its contextual relevance for, and

impact on, academics. Clegg (2003a) suggests that „continuing professional

development‟ presents a perspective from which to consider the development of

academics, and notes particularly its implications for the breath of activities, emphasis

on learning and the role of non-formal and informal opportunities. Another particularly

relevant theory for this study is experiential learning (Kolb, 1984), which emphasises

learner autonomy through activities which have varying degrees of learner authenticity,

personal engagement and control (Boud, 1989, p. 39). Weil and McGill (1989, p. 249)

note that experiential learning is the result of dialogue. They suggest that traditional

ways of learning (didactic models, with clearly defined „right and wrong‟ responses

and modes of learning) could be replaced with dialogue, which would allow for

personal or individual differences in learning and argue that this could deepen

understanding (Weil & McGill, 1989). These theories can also be used to measure the

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impact of professional development. The effectiveness of one development program,

which drew on the perspectives of continuing professional development and

experiential learning, was attributed to academics determining their own learning

objectives, and it being a problem-based and research-based program (Stefani & Elton,

2002).

Non-formal or informal learning is often based on experience, for example, learning

from colleagues‟ practice and errors (Gola, 2009). A key to learning from informal

conversation about teaching may be the opportunity for an exchange of experiences

between academics – and that both academics must build on their colleagues‟

understanding and experience to share their own. Below, Dewey (1916) draws a

parallel between the social aspects of communication and learning.

Not only is social life identical with communication, but all communication

(and hence all genuine social life) is educative. To be a recipient of a

communication is to have an enlarged and changed experience. One shares in

what another has thought and felt and in so far, meagerly or amply, has his

own attitude modified. Nor is the one who communicates left unaffected. … any

social arrangement that remains vitally social, or vitally shared, is educative

to those who participate in it. (Dewey, 1916, p. 5)

Dewey (1916) suggests that a distinction or disconnection between formal (school-

based) learning and experiential or informal types of learning may hinder learning, and

that this is undesirable.

… As formal teaching and training grow in extent, there is the danger of

creating an undesirable split between the experience gained in more direct

associations and what is acquired in school. (Dewey, 1916, p. 9)

It is this disconnection between practice and formal learning for which professional

development has been criticised, and which Boud (1989) and Clegg (2003a), amongst

others, have attempted to address. Conversation, particularly with departmental

colleagues may provide this connection because of its informal and practical nature.

Although it has advantages, conversation and informal learning can be difficult to

support and measure. Despite the challenges, there have been attempts to define and

recognise informal learning in the literature and policy. Eraut (2004) provides a useful

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framework for examining what is meant by the term „informal learning‟, and how

informal learning appears in the workplace. He lists some challenges to research into

informal learning as it being invisible, tacit and not easily explained out of context

(Eraut, 2004). Hager (1998) provides a summary of some of the factors that make it

challenging to recognise informal learning. The four factors relate to linking informal

and formal qualifications, non-traditional knowledge types, learner awareness of their

own learning, and the effect of context on informal learning. A report of policy and

practice published by The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

(Werquin, 2010) outlined some of the strategies for, challenges of, and benefits from,

recognising informal and non-formal learning outcomes. Even with its associated

issues, informal learning exists, and there is emerging literature demonstrating the

significance of informal learning and knowledge sharing in workplaces other than

universities (for example, Boud & Middleton, 2003; Idema, Long & Carroll, 2010;

McNally, Blake & Reid, 2009; Waring & Bishop, 2010).

There has been recognition of the importance of the contributions of colleagues to

learning and specifically, to academic development. Lave and Wenger (1991)

recognised that learning was a social process that occurred within a context through

their theory of communities of practice. Their model identifies how members learn

from each other and contribute in appropriate ways to embed themselves in a

community (Lave & Wenger, 1991). Context has been shown to contribute to teachers‟

opportunities for informal learning through leadership, and professional relationships,

in combination with teachers‟ individual stances as learners (Jurasaite-Harbison, 2009).

The role of colleagues in learning was also reported by Loan-Clarke and Preston

(2002), who suggest that the potential benefits of collaboration include more effective

use of individual abilities, opportunities to share knowledge or skills, intellectual

companionship, and increased motivation, networking and dissemination. Extending

the idea of collaboration with colleagues, there have been arguments for personal

attributes to be considered when facilitating teachers‟ professional development, such

as those of Hoekstra and Korthagen (2011),

...our findings indicate that teachers‟ professional behaviour is strongly

related to their personal life histories, their missions, ideals and passions, and

that support in teacher learning should consider these personal aspects and

facilitate developing self-knowledge ... We hypothesize that it is pivotal to

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consider all aspects of teachers as whole human beings, in whom cognitive,

behavioural, emotional, and motivational aspects are interwoven in their

teaching and learning practices ... professional development initiatives should

not separate the personal from the professional. (Hoekstra & Korthagen,

2011, p. 89)

Traditionally, formal academic development programs attempt to minimise their

emphasis on personal characteristics, as these are often perceived to be unalterable, and

an inappropriate focus for such programs. Informal conversation may be able to tailor

to the individual needs of academics and feature aspects of support which encompass

the „whole human being‟, in a way similar to that suggested by Hoekstra and

Korthagen (2011, p. 89).

The contexts in which conversation and professional learning occur are significant.

Eraut‟s (1994) summary of what can affect professional learning provides a way for us

to consider what might be useful to encourage (or conversely, hinder) academics‟

learning within their departmental contexts.

1. Appropriate combination of learning settings

2. Time for study, consultation and reflection

3. The availability of suitable learning resources

4. People who are prepared (willing and able) to give appropriate support

5. The learners‟ own capacity to learn and to take advantage of the opportunities

available (Eraut, 1994, p. 13).

Several of these aspects may be especially relevant for attempting to encourage

academics to learn through informal conversation. For example, it may be important to

have expert colleagues available within departments, and departmental leaders may

need to provide support to individual academics so they have the capacity and time to

initiate and learn from a conversation.

Based on examples of education from around the world, some in very remote locations,

Vella (1994) provides some principles for effective adult learning through dialogue.

These include assessing learners‟ needs, a good relationship and respect between

learner and teacher, and praxis and immediacy of the learning. She builds on the ideas

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of Knowles (1980) that the life experience of adults means that dialogue is the best way

for them to learn in relation to their experience (Vella, 1994).

Thinking about the literature around informal learning and departmental contexts may

develop ideas for how to enhance academic development. For example, formal

academic development may not be able to fully incorporate individual learning needs

in the same way as an informal conversation about teaching. This may suggest that

formal and informal opportunities for learning should be connected or integrated, such

as through supporting informal conversation within formal academic development

programs. To consider the nature of informal conversation, understanding the contexts

in which it occurs, i.e. the department, is necessary. The university department is the

focus of the next section.

2.3 Departmental contexts

This study is focused on academics‟ conversation about teaching within the context of

university departments. In addition to rarely being a focus of research (Ashwin, 2011;

Tight, 2004), departments play a significant role in academics‟ communication and

development. The department or faculty is the fundamental context in which academics

work in universities (Knight, 1998; Knight & Trowler, 2000; Trowler & Knight, 2000).

Departments also represent the interaction of the values and norms of a discipline and a

particular institution (Austin, 1996; Clegg, 2009; Kreber, 2009). Department cultures

may be affected by various factors, including leadership style, staff and student

characteristics, the physical environment, a department‟s history within the institution

and its relationship to other departments (Austin, 1996). In departments, the espoused

beliefs of an individual or discipline must become practices that align with

departmental and/or institutional strategy and policy (Argyris & Schön, 1974; Trowler

et al., 2005).

Academics may be members of multiple communities of practice or activity systems in

higher education (Trowler & Knight, 2000), and these groups may have competing

agendas, for example, disciplinary, institutional, educational-political and pedagogical

(Zukas & Malcolm, 2007). Austin (1996) argues that certain departments may

experience a conflict between the expectations of their discipline and those of the

university. When seeking to transform higher education, departmental level

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communication is important because academics may attend to departmental

communication even when there is a different external agenda, for example, at the

institutional or national level (Clegg, 2003b). Knight and Trowler (1999) demonstrated

the significance of the departmental culture, as they found that messages received from

outside the department that did not align with departmental culture, were likely to be

disregarded by academics.

Academics‟ conversation about teaching may reflect the compromise between their

conceptions of teaching, (for example, what they value and prioritise) and contextual

influences, in a way similar to the link already established between these and their

approaches to teaching. Context (Norton et al., 2005) and conceptions of teaching

(Kember & Kwan, 2000; Prosser & Trigwell, 1999) influence academics‟ intentions for

or approaches to their teaching. Academics perceive that the following aspects

influence their approaches to teaching; whether they have some control over what and

how they teach, their class sizes are not too large to prevent interaction with their

students, students are able to cope with the subject matter, teaching is valued in their

departments, and their workload is appropriate (Prosser & Trigwell, 1999, p. 151). A

positive response to these aspects is associated with a conceptual change student-

focused approach to teaching and a negative response to these aspects is related to a

transmission teacher-focused approach (Prosser & Trigwell, 1999). These approaches

and contextual influences will likely contribute to the nature of academics‟ informal

conversation about teaching.

2.3.1 Discipline

Disciplines form an integral part of academic identity, and disciplines link staff across

institutions working in the same or similar fields (Palmer, 1993). Early on, post-

graduate students are socialised into their disciplines, and this connection is

strengthened by disciplinary communities as their careers progress (Austin, 1996).

Academics from disparate disciplines have different epistemologies, different

approaches to teaching, and spend different amounts of time on teaching activities

(Smeby, 1996).

One of the most frequently cited descriptions of academic disciplines is that of Becher

(1989), who grouped academics according to their epistemologies into „hard pure‟,

„soft pure‟, „hard applied‟ and „soft applied‟, based on earlier work by Biglan (1973).

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Approaches to teaching have been found to vary by discipline and context; those

teaching in „soft‟ disciplines have been shown to appreciate a conceptual change-

student-focused approach to teaching, in contrast to those from „hard‟ disciplines, who

identify with a transmission-teacher-focused approach (Lindblom-Ylänne, Trigwell,

Nevgi & Ashwin, 2006). In a summary of the literature, Neumann, Parry and Becher

(2002), found that those from both hard applied and soft applied disciplines are more

likely to focus on practical experience, and hard disciplines are often taught using large

lectures and laboratory sessions, while soft disciplines, through small seminars,

encourage students‟ ideas and face-to-face discussion.

The role of disciplines in shaping teaching and learning (including communication

about teaching) may not be as apparent as previously thought. The third and most

recent edition of Tribes and Territories (Trowler, Saunders & Bamber, 2012) suggests

that factors such as changes to higher education, and staff and student identifies, have

weakened the influence of disciplines, and that the idea of tightly held discipline

„territories‟ might be less relevant. Albeit weakened there is discipline influence, and

Kreber (2009) proposes we use Brookfield‟s (1987, p. 89) suggestions for encouraging

critical thinking by using disciplinary differences to help to identify and challenge

assumptions. Kreber advocates for communication across disciplines, because “when

discipline-focused dialogue is enriched through cross disciplinary exchanges, the

environment that is created has both supportive and challenging elements, rendering

critical reflection on practice more likely to thrive” (Kreber, 2009, p. 29). An academic

discourse is one that involves debate, where the experiences and ideas of all

community members and disciplinary communities contribute to the contexts in which

it is situated (McArthur, 2009). McLean (2006) notes the Habermasian view that an

institution is a place where academics and students have an open dialogue, and a

stimulating debate. Whether a university creates spaces for debate and discussion,

whether certain topics are promoted and others overlooked is largely due to its climate

and leadership.

2.3.2 Climate

Climate has long been established as a factor that influences how individual staff act

and interact. In 1961, Gibb showed that individuals working in a supportive climate

were more likely to exhibit trust, openness, empathy and confidence. Those in a less

supportive climate were characterised by criticism, judgement, and feeling they were

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constrained by superfluous rules and procedures (Gibb, 1961). McGregor (1960)

outlined how management‟s assumptions of employee capacity and trustworthiness

contribute to organisational climates. A Theory X, or authoritarian, style of

management assumes that workers have limited abilities and cannot be trusted; the

more participative Theory Y is associated with the belief that people can be trusted,

and that trust leads to better outcomes. Biggs and Tang (2007) adapted McGregor‟s

(1960) management climates to an educational context and this provides an informative

example of how climates influence learning. They explained how teachers can create a

climate for learners, for example a wholly Theory X climate would create negative

feelings for learners and prevent them from engaging with curriculum or assessment

meaningfully and restrict their development. A Theory Y climate would send an

explicit message to learners that an assessment task is worthwhile, and this, combined

with an organised teacher (for example, one who provides timely feedback), would

contribute to making teaching more effective and enhancing learning (Biggs & Tang,

2007). Successful development might occur where a Theory Y climate exists, in

conjunction with the message from senior leadership that teaching is valued, and the

emergence of organised, positive (not critical) academic development processes. As

suggested by Trowler and Cooper (2002), and Kreber (2009), an awareness of climate

is important for understanding the contexts in which academics work, and for

determining what academic development might effectively enhance teaching.

A more negative climate reduces academics‟ willingness to communicate, share ideas

and information, and take action (Ramsden, 1998a, p. 78; 1998b, p. 363). In a

university context, teaching is merely part of academics‟ responsibility and in addition

to teaching, there are a multitude of topics competing for discussion time. Roxå and

Mårtensson (2009) explored the effect of a supportive teaching context on academics

and found it led to an increase in the quantity and quality of informal communication;

academics spoke to more people and described conversations as more significant in a

supportive teaching context. A feature of a supportive context is the departmental

leadership of teaching.

2.3.3 Leadership

Research into the influences upon departmental teaching climates (Austin, 1996; Gibbs

et al., 2009), suggests that staff may credit their opportunities for conversation about

teaching to departmental leaders, and values. For example, they might indicate that

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those working in leadership or management roles (such as department heads, quality

advisors, mentors), or leading staff members (such as key teaching grant and award

recipients), provide a major contribution to determining what is recognised and

rewarded, and thus what staff within their faculty prioritise.

Gibbs et al. (2009) conducted case studies of departments that were identified as

excellent in teaching to explore how leadership contributed to departmental excellence.

Gibbs et al. (2009) use the term „leadership of teaching‟ to cover the work done by

department heads and other academic staff which enhances student learning through its

impact on the teaching culture. They identified a culture of collegiality and

entrepreneurism more often than bureaucratic or corporate cultures, suggesting these

are the cultures associated with excellent teaching (Gibbs et al., 2009). This has

implications for other department leaders and managers developing strategies to foster

excellent teaching.

Middlehurst and Elton (1992) reflected on management and leadership in institutions

of Higher Education in the United Kingdom using models of academic governance.

They suggest that universities have drifted away from the most appropriate system in a

normal context, a cybernetic model (a system that takes care of itself provided there is

a set agenda). They argue that this drift is a result of a perception of unacceptable

performance and external pressures, and these can lead to a focus on management not

leadership (Middlehurst & Elton, 1992). They support the assertion by Birnbaum

(1989) that without the cybernetic model and with an inappropriate balance between

leadership and management, the university‟s ability to adapt to ongoing change is

jeopardised. This is most likely linked to increased monitoring of rules and the

associated reduction in collegiality, trust and morale.

Ramsden (1998a) argues that departmental management or leadership affects the

quality of teaching and learning provided and he offers some guidance on how

effective leadership can be achieved in higher education. Bryman (2007) reviewed the

literature on leadership in higher education, and suggested that allowing academics the

opportunity to participate in key decisions, encouraging open communication and

creating a positive or collegial work atmosphere in the department are effective

strategies. Informal conversation will also likely be influenced by contextual influences

such as leadership strategies.

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2.3.4 Teaching in a research-intensive context

This study aimed to investigate the nature of informal conversation about teaching in a

research-intensive university, a particular context, which brings with it a set of

assumptions about the role of teaching and communication about teaching. Brookfield

(1995) outlined the institutional cultures of silence, secrecy and individualism as some

of the barriers to critical reflection about teaching, and these may have a similar

inhibitive effect on informal conversation about teaching. A long-standing challenge

for academics is balancing their teaching and research responsibilities, and the

relationship between teaching and research has been explored in a number of studies

(e.g. Brew, 2006; Gibbs, 1995; Hattie & Marsh, 1996; Healey, 2000; 2005; Marsh &

Hattie, 2002; Neumann, 1992). For many academic staff there is an intuitive

relationship between research and teaching in universities (see, for example, Neumann,

1992), demonstrated by their key responsibilities, such as supervision of post-graduate

student theses (Bruce & Stooley, 2011). Research and teaching both have a role in

learning (see Brew, 2006); and this is evidenced by institutional strategies supporting

research-informed teaching (Brew, 2003; Healey, 2005; Huber, 2006), and it has even

been suggested that academic development could strengthen the links between research

and teaching (Clegg, 2003b; Macfarlane & Hughes, 2009). Despite the connections, a

frequently cited issue is that research is recognised, rewarded and consequently

prioritised over teaching activity (e.g. Gibbs, 1995).

Informal conversation about teaching may not be explicitly supported because its

content (i.e. teaching, teaching development) may not be perceived as strategic in a

research-intensive context. Additionally, the culture of a research-intensive university

might lead people to communicate or network more with individuals outside their

department, who will earn them prestige nationally and/or internationally. A

conversation about teaching in a research-intensive university (especially in a research-

intensive department), that does not incorporate some aspects of research may be rare.

Informal conversation may reference teaching only as academics tap into colleagues‟

experience of balancing research and teaching. It is likely that in this study, academics

will explain the nature of informal conversation about teaching with reference to the

ways teaching and research are valued within their institutional and departmental

contexts.

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2.3.5 Academic development in departments

It is argued that academic development initiatives which are focused on and located in

departments are more likely to lead to changes in practice (Blackwell & Blackmore,

2003; Knight, 1998; Trowler & Cooper, 2002). Hicks (1999) suggests that the most

effective model for academic development might be an integrated model – a mix of

central and dispersed initiatives that are inter-related. Kreber and Castleden (2009, p.

528) propose an example of an integrated approach to academic development, where

small faculty/discipline based groups of staff attend „generic initiatives‟, to “extend

discipline-focused dialogue through cross-disciplinary exchanges” and to improve the

likelihood that their “discipline-enriched dialogue” will be promoted upon their return

to the faculty. This example strategy also highlights the significance of connecting

generic initiatives to disciplinary or faculty communication.

The degree of alignment between a situated academic development initiative and a

departmental context, or „regime‟ may be one reason for the effectiveness of the

initiative. Trowler and Cooper (2002) introduced the concept of Teaching and Learning

Regimes to explain why some academics respond positively to academic development

programs focused on teaching and learning enhancement, while others avoid or resist

such program. A Teaching and Learning Regime can be thought of as the climate or

culture in which issues of teaching and learning are made apparent. It encompasses

elements of identity, power, assumptions, rules of appropriateness, discourse, practice,

and teaching and learning theories. Trowler and Cooper (2002) state that a Teaching

and Learning Regime does not represent reality, but is a way to understand why a „one

size fits all‟ approach to academic development will not work, and they argue that this

awareness should inform the development of such programs. The influence of

Teaching and Learning Regimes on academic development initiatives may be extended

to informal conversation, for example, academics may seek conversation with those

who have similar teaching assumptions and practices and avoid those who do not.

There is a rationale for formal academic development to be connected to departments,

but there are many forms of academic development available that may be worth

considering. A deeper understanding of academic development more broadly may help

to frame this study.

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2.4 Academic development

For conversation to be proposed as a complement to formal professional development,

it is necessary to understand what is generally understood by the term „development‟ in

the context of universities. A summary of academic development practice has been

provided by Ling and CADAD (2009), who reviewed studies of academic development

from Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States and International contexts

(Blackmore et al., 2004; Dearn, Fraser & Ryan, 2002; Gosling, 2008; Prebble et al.,

2004; Sorcinelli, Austin, Eddy & Beach, 2006). Academic development usually

includes induction and orientation for academic staff, formal workshops and courses

(either in situ or centrally facilitated), individual consulting, and systems for measuring

the quality of teaching and learning. Part of the academic development role may

involve leadership through committee and project work, resource development, and

research and innovation into the scholarship of teaching and learning (Ling &

CADAD, 2009).

Academic development has made a significant contribution to our understanding of

teaching across higher education (Clegg, 2009). There has been support for academic

development to be considered an academic discipline, due to parallels between the

scholarly nature of the research, teaching and service activities performed by

academics and academic developers (e.g. Bath & Smith, 2004). Given recent

arguments about the reduced significance of disciplines in influencing teaching and

learning (Trowler et al., 2012), it may be less important to establish academic

development as a discipline, and instead emphasise its interdisciplinary nature. Much

has been written about the nature of academic development, for example, Blackmore

and Blackwell (2006) argue that the profession of academic development is integrated

and holistic, and recognise that the emphasis may be placed on different roles or

activities during a career. Macfarlane and Hughes (2009, p. 9), argued for academic

development to be scholarly, inclusive (or holistic) and decentralised. Macfarlane

(2011) describes those who limit themselves to one academic function, such as

academic development, as „para-academics‟, and suggests this fragmentation of

important roles in higher education may have adverse effects on the experience of

students and staff. Academic development faces the challenge of providing core

support to universities whilst maintaining academic credibility (see Lee, Manathunga

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& Kandlbinder, 2010, for reflections on the Australian context). Specific strategies for

academic development will be discussed in subsequent sections.

Formal and semi-formal academic development strategies and relevant committee

meetings represent settings for dialogue and learning about teaching. In this study,

academic development includes formal strategies organised centrally or within

faculties, such as formal workshops and courses run by facilitators, and initiatives

where academics work more directly with colleagues, such as mentoring and peer

observation.

2.4.1 Central and distributed formal academic development

programs

Although conversation is not recognised as a strategy for professional development,

many other strategies are available to support academics‟ teaching development.

Central programs for academic development can range from short focused workshops

to year-long courses designed to change the way academics conceptualise teaching;

they can be open invitation or academics may be required to attend as a condition of

their university appointment. Formal central programs have been shown to have an

impact on university teachers‟ conceptions of and approaches to teaching (e.g., Gibbs

& Coffey, 2004; Hanbury, Prosser & Rickinson, 2008; Ho, 2000; Ho, Watkins &

Kelly, 2001) and importantly, their students‟ learning experience (Gibbs & Coffey,

2004; Trigwell, Caballero-Rodriguez & Han, 2012). The content of programs differs

according to their purposes and institutional contexts, and has received some criticism

(e.g., Devlin, 2006), but in longer courses leading to a formal degree, there is

frequently an emphasis on the scholarship of teaching and learning, and approaches to

learning (Chalmers, 2011; Prosser & Trigwell, 1997; Roxå, Olsson & Mårtensson,

2008). Kandlbinder and Peseta (2009) surveyed academic developers in Australia, New

Zealand and the United Kingdom, and found that, in addition to the scholarship of

teaching and learning and approaches to learning, assessment as a driver of learning,

constructive alignment and reflective practice, were the key concepts taught during

these courses. These activities are often facilitated by members of a central or

disciplinary unit dedicated to the development of academic staff. In Australia,

academic development is usually limited to development of teaching (and perceived as

distinct from the development of research or service, further fostering the divide

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between research and teaching summarised in section 2.3.4). The academics who

participate in development programs and activities represent all disciplinary

backgrounds, levels of interest and experience in teaching, and academic appointment

levels.

Activities designed to develop university teachers that are tailored to departmental,

faculty or disciplinary knowledges serve the function of contextualising teaching and

learning ideas for academics. They can also employ disciplinary jargon and examples

in ways not possible for centralised programs, ensuring that practical advice and

relevant expertise are provided in ways easily understood by participants. This may be

especially useful for academics who consider their teaching-related issues to be linked

to disciplinary content and departmental approaches to teaching. Section 2.3.5

summarises the literature that proposes that if academic development were to include a

focus on the departmental level, it could become more effective.

Centrally facilitated or in situ academic development activities can include options for

academics to learn from and work with colleagues to improve their teaching.

Enculturation into the academic community requires that academics learn from peers

(Boud, 1999), and so academic development programs often encourage collaboration.

Two examples of academic development strategies that are inherently collaborative are

peer observation and mentoring.

2.4.2 Collaborative academic development: Peer observation and

mentoring

Conversations and formal central programs represent different ways for academics to

learn about teaching. If both ways were placed on a continuum of professional

development in their most simplified forms, they would likely be at opposing ends, one

informal and department-specific, the other formal and central. There are also

strategies that represent a possible midpoint on such a continuum; these are designed to

build on knowledge from disciplinary practices and the literature on scholarly teaching,

and offer semi-formal development strategies. Those that are particularly relevant to

this study are the collaborative strategies of peer observation and mentoring, as these

include collegial communication as part of the development process.

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Peer observation and peer review processes can help academics to demonstrate their

teaching abilities and these processes have been recognised as academic development

strategies (Crisp et al., 2009). Guidelines are available to help staff to manage the

process, which can be reciprocal and usually involves an academic observing a

colleague and providing constructive feedback (Harris, Farrell, Bell, Devlin & James,

2008). Peer observation has been criticised for increasing anxiety and „showmanship‟

amongst teachers, in addition to being subject to personal bias of observers, and

serving to ensure compliance rather than encourage learning (Byrne, Brown & Challen,

2010; Hammersley-Fletcher & Orsmond, 2004). Research has only recently started to

focus on the learning of the observer; Bell and Mladenovic (2008) reported finding

more positive responses from tutors about the benefits of peer observation from

observing colleagues rather than being observed and receiving feedback from

colleagues. Hendry and Oliver (2012) found that the benefits for lecturers included

both seeing how new strategies work and enhancing their self-efficacy (Bandura, 1997)

for teaching, implementing these strategies. The benefits of observing peers may be

linked to the autonomy of observers, for example, to choose to focus their learning on

the areas of their colleagues‟ teaching they find most relevant (Byrne et al., 2010).

Schuck, Aubusson and Buchanan (2008) found that it was not solely peer observation,

but the conversations that followed observation, that led to critical reflection,

suggesting that the conversations represent an important part of the learning process.

Mentoring has been shown to be an effective strategy in different workplace contexts

to increase productivity and employee satisfaction (Ehrich, Hansford & Tennent, 2004;

Ewing et al., 2008; Hall, Draper, Smith & Bullough, 2008; Moles, Roberts, Diamandis,

Bell & Nichols, 2007). It can offer mentees opportunities for networking, career

development, emotional and professional support, and personal growth. It can develop

mentors‟ confidence and critical reflection and its often altruistic nature can be

fulfilling. However, mentoring is profoundly reliant on a successful connection

between a mentor and their mentee. Ehrich et al. (2004) identified a discipline and

personality mismatch between mentor and mentee as one of the problems associated

with an ineffective mentoring relationship. Furthermore, without a clear statement of

the objectives and expectations of a mentoring program, feelings of vulnerability and

reduced confidence may develop in mentors (Ehrich et al., 2004; Hall et al., 2008).

Mentoring has been criticised for its reliance on hierarchies to determine mentors, time

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and role constraints that limit the potential for learning, and the inherent imbalance of

power between mentor and mentee (McGuire & Reger, 2003).

Ewing et al. (2008) implemented a program for academics designed to mitigate against

the challenges associated with mentoring. They encouraged mentees to select their

mentor based on a list of all potential mentors and incorporated flexibility into their

articulation of the program objectives by allowing each mentoring pair to develop their

own goals for the relationship. This was found to be effective for reviewing the

outcomes of the mentoring program by the organisers and participants (Ewing et al.,

2008). What may be relevant for the current study is that whilst the organisers provided

some support, the in-built flexibility of the program enabled academics to be

autonomous in the learning process and match themselves to an appropriate mentor. It

may be worth considering whether the effectiveness of informal conversation for

learning could be influenced by academics being able to determine the conversation

content and the colleagues to whom they speak.

2.5 This study: Informal conversation about teaching

This study seeks to understand the nature of informal „corridor‟, or „water-cooler‟

conversation about teaching between departmental and disciplinary colleagues. It also

seeks to understand the relationship between informal conversation and the ways

academics develop their teaching.

Throughout this thesis there are references to both the use and usefulness of informal

conversation. Although similar, there are different meanings associated with each word

and clarifying the distinction between the two may assist the reader. The data show that

conversations were able to serve different purposes for different academics. The ways

in which these conversations about teaching were used provide evidence that the

conversations were useful for academics‟ learning. The argument (and the

consequential appearance of both terms) is that conversations represent an effective

(i.e. useful) strategy (i.e. an approach that can be used) for academic development.

The results chapters document the nature of informal conversation, and connect it to

the context within university departments, and to other opportunities for learning about

teaching. Chapter 4 describes the content of informal conversation and outlines which

topics appear frequently in conversation. Chapter 5 focuses on the qualitatively

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different ways academics experience the usefulness of informal conversation. Chapter

6 explores what influences the occurrence of informal conversation about teaching, for

example, having access to individuals with whom to converse, and an interest in

improving the quality of teaching may encourage informal conversation. Chapter 7

examines the connection between informal conversation and one aspect of formal

academic development, a program that introduces academics new to teaching or new to

the university to relevant policies and practices. Chapter 8 discusses the results

presented in Chapters 4, 5, 6 and 7 and the implications of this study for academic

development. Prior to the presentation of the outcomes of this thesis, the process by

which they emerged should be described. This process is the focus of the next chapter,

Chapter 3.

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Chapter 3. Methodology

From a social-cultural perspective, the complexity of the challenge of investigating

informal conversation about teaching has meant that little has been reported on theory

or framework. Thus, grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) was considered an

appropriate methodology because of its emphasis on theory emerging from data. This

study used interviews to explore academics‟ informal conversation about teaching,

with a view to understanding how conversation was useful.

3.1 Introduction to grounded theory

Grounded theory is a methodology where the aim is for theory to emerge from data

generated during the research process. Glaser and Strauss (1967), the originators of

grounded theory, argue for its distinctiveness from other methodologies where data is

collected to support or verify pre-conceived theoretical frameworks.

… grounded theory is the systematic generation of theory from data acquired

by a rigorous research method. Grounded theory is not findings, but rather is

an integrated set of conceptual hypotheses. It is just probability statements

about the relationships between concepts. Again, it is not findings! (Glaser,

1998, p. 3).

Grounded theory aims to identify a basic social process, and the nature of this process

forms the basis of the theory (Parry, 1998). Insights offered through the use of the

grounded theory method can help in planning, as “grounded theory tells us what is

going on, tells us how to account for the participants‟ main concerns, and reveals

access variables that allow for incremental change” (Glaser, 1999, p. 840). The

grounded theory literature provides detailed guidelines for how researchers can use

empirical data to develop theory, primarily using a general method of comparative

analysis (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

3.1.1 ‘Theory’ in grounded theory

As „theory‟ is a term referred to frequently in this thesis, it may be helpful to clarify its

meaning. For Glaser and Strauss (1967), and in grounded theory research, theory is a

way to manage data, to describe, interpret, explain and make predictions. The

comparative analysis strategy used in grounded theory research emphasises that theory

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is an ever-developing process, which can be modified, but not destroyed (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967, p. 28-32) or invalidated (Martin & Turner, 1986).

Theory can be developed for areas, topics or fields of inquiry, and in grounded theory,

there is a distinction made between substantive and formal theories. Substantive theory

is that developed for an empirical area and formal theory is that developed for a

conceptual area (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 32). As different strategies are required for

each theory type to emerge, research must be focused on developing one of the two

types (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This study aimed to develop theory in the empirical

area of academic development, and so it is at the substantive level. The following

section, 3.1.2, describes the intended outcome of research using this method – a

grounded theory.

3.1.2 A ‘grounded theory’: An outcome of using the grounded

theory method of constant comparison

[Grounded theory] is concerned with producing theoretical accounts of small

fragments of the world in which we live, the world which affects our everyday

life and the world which we need to cope with in handling many mundane but

nonetheless pressing matters. (Turner, 1983, p. 347)

The purpose of grounded theory is “not to provide a perfect description of an area but

to develop a theory that accounts for much of the relevant behaviour” (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967, p. 30) (e.g., informal conversation about teaching) within the contexts

(e.g., university departments) from which the data was collected. A theoretical account,

or theory, is made up of two main elements, categories (and their corresponding

properties) and hypotheses.

Categories and properties are conceptual elements, or concepts, indicated by data. A

category is an independent element of the theory and properties are used to define each

category (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Properties can be, but are not limited to “causes, …

conditions, consequences, dimensions, types, [and] processes” (Glaser & Strauss, 1967,

p. 104). A distinction is made between lower and higher level categories. Lower level

categories should emerge rather quickly during the early phases of data collection and

higher level, overriding and integrating, concepts, should tend to come later during

concurrent data collection and analysis (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 36).

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Hypotheses or relationships amongst categories and their properties make up the

second element of theory. Initially, hypotheses are the suggested relations among

categories and their properties (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 39). As data analysis

progresses, Glaser and Strauss (1967), suggest that it is natural for the researcher to

begin to generate and verify hypotheses through comparison (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

Although hypotheses may initially seem unconnected, “as categories and properties

emerge, develop in abstraction, and become related, their accumulating interrelations

form an integrated central theoretical framework – the core of the emerging theory”

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 40, emphasis in original). Consistent with the aims of

grounded theory, the emphasis is on all aspects, including the theory integration

emerging (and not being forced).

3.2 Grounded theory literature

Glaser and Strauss published The Discovery of Grounded Theory to further “the

discovery of theory from data – systematically obtained and analysed in social

research” (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 1). The book was intended as a “beginning

venture in the development of improved methods for discovering grounded theory”

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 1), and was designed to stimulate others to codify and share

their methods for generating theory. Since then, there have been multiple publications

from its originators, Glaser and Strauss, and from their students (e.g. Morse, Stern,

Corbin, Bowers, Charmaz & Clarke, 2009), as well as from many other grounded

theory researchers and those who use aspects of grounded theory. Interpretations and

extensions of grounded theory exist, for example, situational analysis (Clarke, 2005),

and constructivist grounded theory (Charmaz, 2006). Grounded theory has been used

for research into various disciplinary areas, including nursing (e.g., McCann & Clark,

2003), education (e.g., Kirchhoff & Lawrenz, 2011), business (e.g., Prime, Obadia, &

Vida, 2009), and Information Technology (Bryant, 2002a). It can be used for social

units of any size (Glaser & Strauss 1967, p. 21), and allows cultural dimensions to

emerge, regardless of the level of focus or the processes used for data collection and

analysis (Calloway & Knapp, 1995). Grounded theory is useful for organisational

research because it is understandable, provides insight and helps to improve contexts

(Martin & Turner, 1986). It is appropriate for leadership research, and when interviews

are used to collect data, for researching social processes (Parry, 1998).

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Grounded theory advice, guides and examples co-exist with critique and debate of how

it can and should be used in research. The major factor contributing to a sense of

uncertainty and a perceived lack of rigour associated with grounded theory is the

disagreement between its originators, Glaser and Strauss. The divergence has led to

Glaser and Strauss each attempting to claim their place as the authority on grounded

theory, by publishing their own versions, and in some cases, condemning each other‟s

work. For example, Glaser wrote „Emergence vs. forcing - Basics of grounded theory

analysis‟ (1992), to correct what he perceived were mistakes published by Strauss and

Corbin in „Basics of Qualitative Research‟ (1990; 1998). Glaser (1992) argues that the

description and logic advocated in the method of Strauss and Corbin (1990) leads to

“preconceived, forced, conceptual description” and “not emergent grounded theory”

(Glaser, 1992, p. 4).

The following paragraphs (in sections 3.2.1 and 3.2.2) are my attempts to make sense

of the discourse and debate surrounding grounded theory and then, to summarise the

aspects of grounded theory methodology that appealed to me for use in this study.

3.2.1 Addressing some of the critique of grounded theory

Grounded theory and its status within qualitative research has been debated, with the

major criticisms referring to the aims and outcomes of grounded theory, and the lack of

clarification around process, for example, Bryant (2002b) described the process of

emergence as “ill-defined and unexamined” (p. 56). Despite other researchers

accepting what might be termed a „compromised‟ version of grounded theory, Thomas

and James (2006) assert that its inherent flaws mean it is not worth salvaging, even in

parts or modified. Thomas and James‟ (2006) argument is that by using the methods of

grounded theory, the researcher „invents‟, rather than „discovers‟ theory. For me, this

simply reflects the inherent creativity and autonomy of research; projects using

experimental designs and statistics are still conceived, conducted, and their results

reported by researchers. Part of the originators‟ intent was for grounded theory

researchers to have a role in „discovery‟; Glaser and Strauss allowed “for some of the

vagueness and flexibility that aid the creative generation of theory” (1967, p. 103).

Thomas and James (2006) also go on to claim that grounded theory rejects simple

understanding. I think that grounded theory builds on the idea that simple

understanding, when deepened or developed, can lead to insights not otherwise likely

to become apparent, similar to the process of critical reflection (Brookfield, 1995).

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Glaser and Strauss (1967) saw grounded theory as more than simple understanding or

„everyday observation‟ because of its processes of data collection and analysis.

Thomas and James (2006) argue that using grounded theory procedures, and even the

term grounded theory, “stunts and distorts the growth of qualitative inquiry” (p. 790)

and loses the voice of participants, and the narrative style, the most significant outcome

of qualitative inquiry. I think that advocating for collecting data through interviews

suggests an appreciation of listening to participant voice, and helping the data to speak

for itself. In this study, grouping data together did not „fracture‟ or lose the voice of

participants, but developed the ideas and experiences of all participants to create a

more substantial and coherent picture of the behaviour in context.

An issue with grounded theory is linked to whether it is possible for researchers to

examine data without supporting preconceived frameworks. Harry, Struges and

Klingner (2005) state that the dichotomy between researchers who are theory-driven

and those who aspire to be „tabula rasa‟ (i.e. a blank slate) should not be a problem in

qualitative research if the researcher is “truly reflective” (p. 11). Urquhart (2002)

clarifies that theoretical sensitivity is not the same as tabula rasa, and argues that

Glaser suggests an “injunction against a deductive mode of thinking rather than an

injunction against the literature” (p. 49). In fact, additional perspectives or sources of

data may come from the literature and be incorporated and extend the theory (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967). Kelle (2005, para. 5) acknowledges that all researchers bring their own

perspectives and frameworks, so analysis would take these into account, and without

these, qualitative research would be impossibly complex and lack meaning.

One major criticism is founded on the implication that a researcher who uses grounded

theory to allow categories to emerge will uncover truth (Kelle, 2005, para. 23). The

inference comes from the idea that a correctly conducted grounded theory project

cannot have incorrect outcomes. The assertion in grounded theory is not that the theory

is „correct‟ or „complete‟, but that the theory developed should be able to accommodate

new perspectives from the literature or what other researchers will see in the data.

Glaser (1998) does not suggest that theories cannot be modified, or are infallible, as

Kelle (2005, para. 23) would have us believe, instead he recommends that new data or

insights should be used pragmatically to enhance theory, not disprove it. The data

collection and analysis common in grounded theory would never allow for theories that

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could be claimed to be true; theoretical sampling and the coding process used for

theoretical saturation are not appropriate for testing theory. Grounded theory can only

suggest theory because all available data are not considered and “no attempt is made to

ascertain either the universality of the proof of suggested causes or other properties”

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 104). Furthermore, the data upon which concepts and

theories are based may be inaccurate (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 23). Glaser and

Strauss (1967) go on to suggest that substantive theory should appear in a form which

could be implemented in some way for testing in quantitative research, reinforcing

their ideas for the uses and limits of grounded theory.

3.2.2 Understanding the differences between versions of grounded

theory

Many researchers and authors fail to engage fully with the differences apparent in the

advice of Glaser and Strauss and this helps to foster confusion about what is meant by

„grounded theory‟. Wilson and Hutchinson (1996) argue that when referring to

grounded theory, it is important to clarify whether the approach used was Glaserian or

Straussian, and which of their later works have been used to inform the research.

Grounded theory “combines creativity and some rules to enhance that creativity”

(Urquhart, 2002, p. 50). The difference between Glaser and Strauss seems to be

whether the rules presented are principles or guidelines (Glaser) or whether they are

important procedures to follow (Strauss). Walker and Myrick (2006) suggest that

analysis is “simply more a science with Strauss and more an art with Glaser”, and that

it is “more about the researcher and less about the method” (2006, p. 558). This

simplistic description helped to reinforce my understanding of how and why there are

similarities and divergences between grounded theory versions and publications based

on grounded theory and why some researchers identify strongly with one version and

denounce others.

McCallin, Scott and Johnston (2009) prepared a guide to grounded theory and reading

this validated my decision to use classic or Glaserian grounded theory. Reading the

description of why grounded theory suited them, and to whom it would be suited was

an „ah-ha moment‟ for me, as I identified very strongly with the descriptions. They

describe Glaserian grounded theorists as “simultaneous inductive-deductive thinkers”

(McCallin et al., 2009, para. 8), those who are able to manage line by line open coding

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at the same time as seeing the whole dataset. McCallin et al. (2009) warn against

researchers conducting projects in areas that are ill-suited to their values and abilities,

as this will likely lead to problems. To be sure that the Glaserian grounded theory

methodology was appropriate for me, and for the questions I wished to pursue, I

explored the processes described by Strauss and Corbin (1990; 1998) and the critiques

and advice on versions of grounded theory.

Walker and Myrick (2006) attempt to detail the debate between Glaserian and

Straussian versions of grounded theory by comparing the work each has done in

elaborating and developing grounded theory. They summarise the divide and debate as

“centered on the researcher‟s role, activity, and level of intervention in relation to the

procedures used within the data analysis process” (Walker & Myrick, 2006, p. 547).

The versions of grounded theory published by Glaser and Strauss are similar in

language and general process, but there are differences in the way their processes are

enacted, and the ideologies that underpin these processes (Walker & Myrick, 2006).

Kelle (2005) provides an insightful critique of grounded theory, as disseminated from

each of the perspectives of Glaser and Strauss. Kelle (2005, para. 9) suggests that

Glaser‟s (1978) „coding families‟ and Strauss and Corbin‟s (1990; 1998) „coding

paradigm‟, are their respective ways of dealing with the inherent conflict in the 1967

version of grounded theory between theoretical sensitivity and emergence. Glaser‟s

(1978) strategy is “applicable for a greater variety of theoretical perspectives” (Kelle,

2005, para. 22) than that of Strauss and is less likely than the coding paradigm of

Strauss and Corbin (1990; 1998) to lead researchers to force the data (Kelle, 2005,

para. 19). However, Kelle (2005, para. 14) does not find the coding families of Glaser

useful, as formal and substantive codes are grouped together, and Glaser does not tell

novice researchers how to use the codes. The lack of organisation of the coding

families and the variety of theories from which they are drawn makes them even more

of a challenge for novices to manage (Kelle, 2005, para. 20). Kelle (2005, para. 21)

suggests that the „axial coding‟ approach provided by Strauss (1987) and later

developed with Corbin (1990; 1998) would potentially be more appropriate for a

novice, as it is less likely to lead to the data overwhelming the researcher. The main

issue I had with Strauss and Corbin was that it was prescriptive and did not allow for

the vagueness and flexibility (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 103) that is inherent in

conducting this type of research. For me, Strauss and Corbin‟s process felt as though

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they were looking for something in particular, and had a clear strategy about how they

will find it, but Glaser‟s process involved exploring while not knowing what you are

looking for, or where you will necessarily look for the longest time, or in what order

the data will be examined. Essentially, while Strauss and Corbin‟s process may be

easier to achieve, especially for novices, it did not suit my way of thinking. Thus, for

the remainder of this thesis, the term „grounded theory‟ will refer to traditional or

Glaserian grounded theory, as described in Glaser and Strauss (1967) and developed by

Glaser (1978; 1992; 1998).

3.2.3 Credible grounded theory

Perhaps even more so than for projects attempting to use less contentious

methodologies, grounded theory research should be able to demonstrate its integrity.

Glaser (1998) presented four criteria for completing and evaluating a credible grounded

theory research project; fit (validity), workability, relevance and modifiability. These

were later elaborated by other grounded theory researchers and they could be used to

inform readers‟ consideration of the methodology used and the theory developed

during this study (described in section 8.2).

The first and most fundamental (Giske & Artinian, 2007) criterion is fit, or validity

(Glaser, 1998). Turner (1983) describes a good theoretical account as one which “fits

closely and adequately the social scene with which it is concerned” (p. 347). To

address this criterion, Piantanida, Tananis and Grubs (2004) encourage researchers to

ask whether their substantive theories have “coherent conceptual integrity” and “ring

true” (p. 341).

The second criterion of work or workability refers to whether the concepts and the way

they are related into hypotheses sufficiently account for how participants in a

substantive area resolve their main concern (Glaser, 1998). This is the criterion which

makes a grounded theory a theory. It is important that a theory can explain, predict, and

interpret behaviour within the context under investigation (Giske & Artinian, 2007;

Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

Glaser (1998) argued that relevance, the third criterion, makes the research important,

because it deals with the main concerns of the participants involved. Another way to

measure this criterion is to determine whether the theory is able to “offer useful

insights” (Piantanida et al., 2004, p. 341). Turner (1983) suggested a good account is

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“understandable and enlightening to individuals who have some familiarity with the

social phenomena under investigation, either as participants or as „lay‟ observers” (p.

347). The three criteria of fit, work and relevance were those I tried to address during

this study, with the key question being whether this study offered useful insights to

those familiar with informal conversation about teaching, and more broadly, those

interested in how academics learn how to teach.

Glaser emphasised the significance of the fourth criterion, modifiability; “New data

never provides a disproof, just an analytic challenge” (Glaser, 1998, p. 18). Additional

ideas, data and literature can be used to modify, but never verify, theory.

Understanding this was important when I was clarifying the aims and outcomes of my

grounded theory research.

Piantanida et al. (2004) also provide other useful questions, including, “does the

portrayal of the inquiry provide evidence that the research was conducted in a rigorous

and ethical manner” and “does it have the vitality and aesthetic richness to be

persuasive?” (p. 341). These questions were able to contribute to the design of the

research and assist me in following grounded theory procedures to produce a good

theoretical account.

3.2.4 Summary

Grounded theory is the systematic generation of theory from data and offers

researchers guidance on processes for data collection, coding and analysis, while

applying the method of constant comparison. Using these processes of theoretical

sampling, „memoing‟, sorting and writing, should lead to a grounded theory that

“provides us with relevant predictions, explanations, interpretations and applications”

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 1). The properties of grounded theory are more likely to

result in “theoretical accounts which are understandable to those in the area studied and

which are useful in giving them a superior understanding of the nature of their own

situation” (Turner, 1983, p. 348).

The purpose of this study was to offer insight into academics‟ experience of informal

conversation about teaching, the topics discussed, its usefulness, and how it was

encouraged, triggered or hindered by the contexts of university departments. Grounded

theory was an appropriate methodology because the theory based on the data from this

study will help to suggest what could be done to facilitate effective informal

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conversation, and connect it to other forms of learning and communicating about

teaching.

3.3 Introduction to the grounded theory process used in this study

One challenge for novice researchers is to follow their chosen methodology

consistently and not just adopt and adapt a few of its aspects, or use it as a base. A

specific challenge for grounded theory novices is to delay attempting to develop theory

until they have properly analysed their data. I endeavoured to avoid poor grounded

theory and common mistakes made by novices by familiarising myself with grounded

theory literature and examples and implementing others‟ advice.

Glaser (1998) adopted Stern‟s (1994, p. 213) term of „minus-mentoring‟ to refer to the

process of novices learning about and using grounded theory in the absence of having

supervisors or mentors who are grounded theorists. Rather than being trained by an

expert, these novice researchers learn how to do grounded theory from reading books.

Glaser does not take the perspective that allowing researchers to do grounded theory

dissertations without training or experience contributes to the “erosion and distortion”

of the methodology, as he believes the disadvantages can be overcome (Glaser, 1998,

p. 5). To complement the earlier text (1967) he had co-authored with Strauss, Glaser

has written several books that describe how to use grounded theory methodology

(Glaser, 1978; 1992; 1998), and gathered volumes of examples of grounded theory

research (Glaser, 1995; Glaser & Holton, 2007). Glaser‟s (1998) text was written as a

colloquial second person narrative; its readers could feel as though Glaser is speaking

directly with them, as he addresses potential issues likely to be experienced by

grounded theory researchers. Following Glaser‟s (1998) suggestions and allowing

myself a substantial amount of time for reading and re-reading through the interview

transcripts was helpful for me in ensuring that I followed the methodology

appropriately.

3.3.1 Advice and examples of grounded theory

Similar to the aims and processes common in other research, grounded theory

researchers investigate an area from their particular sociological perspective, and with a

focus, general question, or a problem. What is different about grounded theory studies

is that in these, the researcher should not have preconceived a theory that determines

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the relevant concepts and hypotheses to be considered in the research (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967). Broadly, researchers are advised to “ignore the literature of theory and

fact on the area under study, in order to assure the emergence of categories will not be

contaminated by concepts more suited to different areas” (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p.

37). Once the “analytic core of categories has emerged”, a detailed review of the

relationships between the results and the literature can be established (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967, p. 37). To build on the advice of Glaser and enhance my understanding

of grounded theory, I read and reviewed relevant grounded theory research.

Providing insights into the research process in a way that a reader or fellow researcher

can follow, and potentially adapt, critique or use in some way, makes qualitative

research seem more transparent, in a way that is analogous to quantitative research.

The work of Harry, Struges and Klingner (2005) is one example where the authors

outline their research process. They quote Glaser and Strauss (1967), and then Strauss

and Corbin (1998), and highlight the relevant aspects of their data so that readers are

able to understand grounded theory, and grounded theory as used in the study by Harry

et al. (2005). Harry et al. (2005, p. 6) use a data analysis map to provide a clear

example of how their grounded theory process led to their theory. Other examples of

grounded theory research that were useful to me included an account of doing

grounded theory, which explained that for the authors, their thinking developed over

time, and that there was a stage of „muddiness‟ before things became clear for them

(Piantanida et al., 2004). These authors struggled with their „journey‟ of doing

grounded theory research, and offered insights and advice for others engaged in similar

experiences (Piantanida et al., 2004). I found that one particular PhD thesis (Senior,

1999) was a good model of what should be included in terms of incorporating literature

into the research process, and when it was appropriate to provide example codes and

analysis, such as those that didn‟t work but led to the thinking that did work. A

summary of how my grounded theory approach worked and where the advice of

experienced researchers has been used in this study appears in section 8.2.

3.4 Theoretical sampling

Fortunately for novice researchers such as myself, grounded theory processes and

advice are available for all stages of research projects. Theoretical sampling is the term

used for the process of data collection employed to generate theory. During this

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process, the researcher concurrently collects, codes, and analyses data and determines

subsequent data collection based on the emerging theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p.

45). Theoretical sampling differs in purpose and data collection process to statistical or

probability sampling. The purpose of theoretical sampling is to “discover categories

and properties and suggest their interrelationships into a theory” (Glaser & Strauss,

1967, p. 62). Theoretical sampling works to „saturate‟ (i.e. fully develop) the core

categories, those categories which are most relevant for prediction and explanation

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

Glaser and Strauss (1967, p. 64) state that random sampling is not essential to achieve

saturation, but Glaser (1998) acknowledges that it may be necessary for research

requiring approval by a committee whose members are unfamiliar with grounded

theory. Parry (1998) suggests that using a combination of theoretical and statistical

sampling can mitigate against potential issues associated with grounded theory

research. In this study, sampling was initially done using more of a stratified sampling

approach, with the aim of interviewing between four and five academics from between

four and five departments. Later, when completed interviews and emergent concepts

were able to inform data collection, the approach to sampling was able to become more

theoretical.

3.4.1 Sampling in this study: Departmental variation

A broad approach to the process of data collection is advisable for research aiming to

generate theory, as this will likely lead to a variety of emergent categories and diversity

in concepts and relationships between categories, important in grounded theory (Glaser

& Strauss, 1967). Thus, to facilitate variation in responses in this study, departments

representing different sizes, professional and non-professional degrees, and main and

satellite campuses were selected. It was also important to generate disciplinary variety,

and the disciplinary classifications used were those of Biglan (1973), adapted by

Becher (1989). Academics that were interviewed were from discipline backgrounds

that have been classified as pure soft (for example, History, Philosophy), applied soft

(for example, Marketing, Accounting), pure hard (for example, Physics, Mathematics)

and applied hard (for example, Nursing, Pharmacy) (Biglan, 1973; Becher, 1989). See

Appendix 3 for a summary of the departmental variation.

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3.4.2 Sampling in this study: Individual variation in planned

interviews

A list of mid-career academics (appointment level of Australian senior lecturer) who

were employed by each of the relevant departments (see previous section 3.4.1) was

created using details available on the University website. Senior lecturers were targeted

as it was thought that these academics would be able to provide and accept resources

and ideas through conversation about teaching (intended to contribute to achieving the

grounded theory aim of generating diversity in data). A criticism of this decision might

be that it limits the results and that they simply reflect the career stage of the academics

in the sample. However, the range of conversation described by academics during

interviews confirmed the sample had achieved its aim of facilitating variation. For

example, one interviewee said-

That‟s the thing about being a Senior Lecturer [mid-level academic

appointment]. You‟re in the middle but you probably take responsibility for a

lot more than people who are on a lower level, or on a higher level do. If

you‟re directing, you shouldn‟t really be doing, whereas the senior lecturers

are working with the lecturers to make sure it‟s happening. I think the

conversations where I‟m at go both ways. (Chris, a pseudonym, as with all

quotes included).

The list of senior lecturer academics was then decreased by deleting the names of

leading academics (those who were appointed to leadership roles in their departments),

exemplar academics (those who had completed formal degrees in education or tertiary

teaching), those who had not completed a PhD, and those who were not teaching-active

or whose teaching was limited to research supervision (e.g., research fellows). Part of

this study was focused on the potential influence of context, and so staff who had been

employed by the university for a minimum of two years were targeted, and academics

who were new to the university (i.e. those who had worked there less than two

semesters) were removed from the list of prospective interviewees. This should have

led to a sample of academics who had worked within, and could describe, institutional

culture, and departmental climate, and their potential influence on informal

conversation.

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The final list was used to email 20 academics to invite them to participate in the study.

One reminder email was sent between two and four weeks after the first email.

Emailing and interviewing alphabetically through the list, this process was repeated

until theoretical saturation had been achieved, which meant that interviews were

neither generating new concepts nor developing existing concepts (Glaser & Strauss,

1967). This occurred after completing approximately 30 interviews; 20 were with the

senior lecturers originally targeted, and an additional 10 were used to build on concepts

which had emerged during earlier interviews (see next section 3.4.3 for detail on the

supplementary interviews, and Appendix 4 for the complete sample of individual

academics).

3.4.3 Supplementary interviews to build emergent concepts

Glaser and Strauss (1967) emphasise that grounded theory enables concepts to be

explored as they emerge, and so, in addition to the 20 planned, ten interviews (making

30 in total) were conducted. These were intended to build on those interviews already

completed and to extend specific topics considered important by participants and of

interest to the researcher. Five concepts were extended, the first four were about

influences on informal conversation, the fifth arose from participant descriptions of the

differences between formal and informal communication about teaching. The five

concepts were

Leadership in teaching and in departments

Quality assurance of courses and teaching

Excellence and innovation in teaching

Recently appointed academics

Relations between a formal academic development program and informal

conversation about teaching

The first four concepts were developed in one interview each, with someone who was

relevant, and/or nominated by an interviewee; one with an appointed department

leader, one with a Quality Advisor, one with someone who was considered an excellent

teacher and one with a recently appointed academic. It should be noted here that these

were the academics who had been excluded from the original sample (section 8.2.1

provides a discussion of the sampling process). The fifth concept, the relations between

communication about teaching in formal academic development and informal

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conversation, was explored in six interviews with academics who had recently attended

a formal academic development program, „Principles and Practice of University

Teaching‟. The program registration list for „Principles and Practice‟ was accessed to

target the sample. The recruitment process was the same as that used for the earlier

interviewees, where to facilitate variation in responses; a list of academics representing

different disciplines (Becher, 1989; Biglan, 1973) was created. Academics on this list

were sent an email inviting them to participate in the study. Interviews were conducted

between two and twelve weeks after academics had attended the formal program. This

gave the total sample of 30 (20 planned, and 10 supplementary) academic interviewees.

The additional information gathered from the four supplementary interviews was

incorporated into the main dataset as appropriate, and the data from the six interviews

used to explore the connection between informal conversation and academic

development has been presented in a separate chapter (Chapter 7).

3.5 Ethics approval

An application to the University Human Research Ethics Committee was submitted for

the first set of interviews and approval was received in February 2010 (Reference

Number 12521, which covered the 20 planned and 4 additional interviews, see

Appendix 8). For the interviews exploring the connection between formal and informal

communication about teaching, the group of interviewees targeted and the interview

guide used were different to the original group and guide, so a separate application was

submitted to the University Human Research Ethics Committee. Approval for this was

received in March 2011 (Reference Number 13549, which covered the six additional

interviews, see Appendix 9).

3.6 Data collection through interviews with academics

The use of qualitative methods is encouraged in grounded theory research because

crucial elements of sociological theory are often found best with a qualitative

method, ... [it] is often the most „adequate‟ and „efficient‟ way to obtain the

type of information required to contend with the difficulties of an empirical

situation. (Glaser & Strauss 1967, p. 18)

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Qualitative research has many available methods, one of which is interviews.

Grounded theory is appropriate for, amongst other things, semi-structured interviews

(Martin & Turner, 1986). Interviewing is preferable to observations to overcome a

potential validity issue of “researcher reactivity” (Parry, 1998, p. 96) and can be

supplemented with observation and document analyses. The approach to collecting

qualitative data used in this study was semi-structured interviews, using a guide, with

some analysis of documents related to the formal academic development program. One

way to mitigate against the limitations of grounded theory interviews is to ask

questions about topics related to the concept of interest (Parry, 1998). For example, in

some interviews in this study, some questions were indirect and asked about how

academics developed aspects of their teaching, rather than whether they had

participated in conversation about teaching.

3.6.1 Interview guides

To assist the facilitation of the semi-structured interviews, a guide (see Appendix 1)

was used which had been developed and revised following pilot testing on four of my

academic colleagues (not included in the sample). The pilot testing was done with the

intention of ensuring misunderstandings between the interviewer and interviewees

would be minimal, and the questions asked could elicit sufficient relevant information

within an appropriate timeframe.

The aim of the interviews was to explore academics‟ experience of informal

conversation about teaching and the role of departmental climates in facilitating

conversation about teaching. I used the guide to conduct all interviews to generate

comparable responses across interviews. Each interview began with somewhat generic,

„warm-up‟ questions to establish a connection. As an entry point into asking questions

about informal teaching conversation, I asked some questions about academics‟ current

teaching experience.

The following are examples of the sorts of questions that were used in the first group of

interviews. Follow-up questions and prompts were used to invite participants to clarify

or expand earlier comments.

Can you tell me about the times you talk about teaching?

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Is there anything about your department that encourages you to

talk about teaching? Is there anything that discourages you from

talking about teaching?

What might prompt a conversation about teaching in your

department?

For the six interviews which explored the connection between informal conversation

and a formal academic development program, a second interview guide (see Appendix

2) was developed, informed by both the first interview guide (see Appendix 1) and the

experience of the completed interviews. This second guide focused on interviewees‟

learning and development during the formal academic development program (which

also served to extend the current program evaluation) and the nature of their informal

conversation about teaching since attending the program. The following are examples

of the sorts of questions that were used in the interviews.

What did you learn during the program? Do you plan to change

anything about your teaching?

Since completing the program, have you talked about your

teaching? Can you tell me about those conversations?

3.6.2 Interview process to collect data

Glaser (1998) divided data into four types and suggested that within these types, the

data ranges conceptually from “factual descriptions to airy ungrounded

conceptualizations” and is often a combination (Glaser, 1998, p. 8). There are

„Baseline‟ data, the “best description a participant can offer”; and other types of data

are „Properline‟ (what a participant thinks a researcher should be told), Interpreted data

(what a participant considers their expert opinion) and „Vagueries‟ (where the

participant has no stake in the research and so shares little or no information) (Glaser,

1998, p. 8). I aimed to gather baseline data and avoid the other types of data wherever

possible, and the strategies I used when designing interview questions and conducting

interviews reflect this aim.

All participants were interviewed individually, face-to-face, and during business hours,

and most interviews were held in the academics‟ offices on university campus. Four

participants chose to have their interviews at locations near (rather than in) their

offices; two were at cafés, one was held in a meeting room and one took place in a

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foyer. Part of the rationale for having the interviewees choose the interview location

(apart from the researcher‟s motivation to collect data) was to encourage the

interviewee to feel comfortable. This combined with my earnest, open approach to the

interviews may have helped to create rapport between the interviewees and myself.

During the interviews, I generally tried to respond with active listening techniques to

encourage further comment by the interviewees. Using a semi-structured interview

guide meant that I used many questions of clarification, paraphrasing, and a process of

repeating interviewees‟ responses then inviting the interviewee to expand on, or

explain their response. This was one way to avoid „vaguing out‟ (Glaser, 1998, p. 8),

where participants are vague and do not provide useful information. I used non-

committal responses, or non-words to help develop an accurate picture of the

interviewees‟ experience, rather than what they thought I wanted to or should hear

(described as „Properline‟ data by Glaser, 1998). Responding with a direct „yes‟ or „no‟

or displaying positive or negative facial expressions could have influenced the

interviewees and affected the data they provided.

Incidents from interviews indicate that the strategies were successful and the

interviewees felt comfortable and genuinely wanted to disclose information about their

experiences. That the „Baseline data‟ (Glaser, 1998, p. 8) planned for was achieved was

demonstrated by the levels of detail, humour and negativity provided by the

interviewees. For example, several of the interviewees laughed during their interview

as they recalled a humorous experience, or an especially difficult colleague. Other

academics recounted detailed stories and what could be classified as „gossip‟ and

several academics continued to speak after the interview was completed. The duration

of interviews ranged from about 20 to 60 minutes, with an average of 40 minutes.

Glaser (1998) argued that everything is data; “interviews, notes, biases, spurious

variables” (Glaser, 1998, p. 8). Consistent with this, the interviewer took notes

throughout each interview and all interviews were recorded using a digital dictaphone

and transcribed as soon as possible after they occurred, as part of the process of

collecting and analysing data involves reviewing the data previously generated. As

mentioned previously, this leads to interviews informing subsequent interviews, so that

interesting data and concepts can be built upon with other participants, and categories

and theory are developed (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

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3.7 The constant comparative method of data analysis

Grounded theory uses the constant comparative method to analyse data. The purpose of

the constant comparative method is to generate theory systematically by using explicit

coding and analytic procedures (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This process is described as

one where the researcher is “generating and plausibly suggesting … many categories,

properties, and hypotheses about general problems” (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 104).

Glaser and Strauss (1967) argue that this method assists the researcher to develop a

theory that is integrated, consistent, credible, and representative of the data. Broadly,

there are four stages suggested in the constant comparison process (Glaser & Strauss,

1967, p. 105) and these are briefly described below, and then each stage is outlined in

subsequent sections with respect to this study. Although they will be described

separately for simplicity, “each stage … is transformed into the next – earlier stages do

remain in operation simultaneously throughout the analysis and each provides

continuous development to its successive stage until the analysis is terminated” (Glaser

& Strauss, 1967, p. 105).

Stage 1. Comparing incidents applicable to each category

This stage involves the researcher comparing incidents and data that are applicable to

each category, with previous incidents in the same category, and with other data that

are in the same category. Initially, this means coding each incident in the data into as

many categories of analysis as possible, as categories emerge or as data emerge that fit

an existing category (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 105).

Stage 2. Integrating categories and their properties

In this stage, the constant comparative units change, from comparison of incident with

incident to comparison of incident with properties of the category that resulted from

initial comparisons of incidents. This leads the diverse properties to start to become

integrated and the category to become integrated with other categories (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967, p. 108).

Stage 3. Delimiting or bounding the theory

Glaser and Strauss (1967) argue that as the theory develops, various delimiting features

of the constant comparative method begin to curb what could otherwise become an

overwhelming task. This should occur at two levels, theory and categories. First, as the

theory solidifies, major modifications become fewer as the analyst compares the next

incidents of a category to the category properties (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Second, as

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the original list of categories for coding reduces, the consideration, coding, and

analysing of incidents can become more select and focused. This allows the researcher

more time to compare incidents applicable to this smaller set of categories and for the

categories to become theoretically saturated (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 109).

Stage 4. Writing about or setting out the theory

At this final stage, the researcher should possess “coded data, a series of memos, and a

theory” (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 113). The discussions in memos (or written ideas)

provide the content behind the categories, which become the major concepts of the

theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

The theory can be published when the researcher is convinced that the analytic

framework forms a systematic substantive theory, that it is a reasonably accurate

statement of the process or area studied, and that it is presented in a form that others

could use (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

The theory of this study is presented in section 8.2.3, and as this study has an academic

development focus, suggestions for how others could use the theory are provided in

section 8.3.

3.8 A summary of my process using the comparative method

The focus of analysis was on the nature of informal conversation about teaching. The

intention was not to attempt to find out how frequently these conversations take place

or identify a typical conversation, but rather, to explore whether conversation occurs,

and how it might have been brought about, and begin to understand academics‟

experience of informal conversation about teaching.

A summary of how each of the four recommended stages of the constant comparative

method (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) were implemented in this study is provided in the

following sections, with references to appendices to illustrate aspects of my process.

The thesis chapter framework has been used as a guide, rather than an account of my

experience in chronological order.

The results presented in each chapter emerged during the transition between Stage 1

and Stage 2 of the constant comparative method. The transition process (from section

3.10) will focus on the content developed for each of the chapters. In order, these are,

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„Topics discussed during informal conversation about teaching‟ (Chapter 4), then „The

usefulness of informal conversation about teaching‟ (Chapter 5), then „How context

influences informal conversation about teaching‟ (Chapter 6), followed by „Relations

between a formal academic development program and informal conversation about

teaching‟ (Chapter 7). There will then be sections on the transitions to Stages 3 and 4

of the method, on integrating the results of the chapters, and developing a grounded

theory (sections 3.11 and 3.12).

Prior to the foci on the development of the content for each chapter, an introduction to

the first part of my analysis process (i.e. prior to Stage 1) is provided in section 3.9.

3.9 From making sense of the data to Stage 1 ‘Comparison’

Conducting all the interviews led to ideas about possible codes, as did re-reading

through the transcripts. I made a few notes on each interview transcript to see if there

were ideas and possible categories that were important across several interviews.

Martin and Turner (1986) outline the difference between „good notes‟ and „poor notes‟;

good notes are thorough, and include details and explanations, and are “useful even

after a considerable period of time” (p. 147). With this advice in mind, I tried to be

thorough, dating all notes and including identifying details of relevant quotes.

Throughout my candidature, I kept a journal of notes and looking at the differences

between initial and recent entries shows how my ideas have evolved over time.

Glaser and Strauss (1967) “believe that the generation of theory should aim at

achieving [as] much diversity in emergent categories, synthesized at as many levels of

conceptual and hypothetical generalization as possible” (p. 37, emphasis in original). I

took the advice of Glaser and Strauss (1967) and my supervisor, and started analysis by

generating as many different classifications as I could. The list was originally bullet

points, and later, I organised these into a table, see Table 3.1 Preliminary ideas about

informal conversation. This table presents what is almost a map of the data. It shows

ideas about the nature of conversation in terms of who was participating in

conversation, its usefulness, what is discussed, and how this fits into the broader

context. The concepts presented in Column 1 of Table 3.1 were later to become the

categories that were used as a starting point for each part of the remainder of the

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analysis. The properties in Column 2 of Table 3.1 appear to be broad and are listed

arbitrarily.

Table 3.1 Preliminary ideas about informal conversation

‘Concept’ Properties

Conversation

partners

Friends/colleagues/select few/lone/most expert on (Talk to friends,

people with expertise)

Male/female

Individual/group

Teacher/non-academic/mentor PEOPLE

Superior (senior) colleague or less senior

University/discipline/department/community of practice (Lave &

Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 2000)

Nature of

conversation

Regular/frequent/spontaneous/candid

Formal/informal

Links to initiatives tried by Head of Department e.g. morning tea

Initiated or visited e.g. I wanted help or they came to me

Up to academics (they need to initiate conversation for themselves)

Forced (by senior staff) (undesirable student survey result)

Email

Usefulness

of

conversation

Useful/Exploratory/Interesting/Important

Desirable or a waste of time

Beneficial/influential/supportive IMPACT/CHANGE

Venting/whinging

Development of resources or sharing PEDAGOGY

Conversation happens as needed, to solve problems or vent

„How are you going?‟ – check-in function of conversation

Talk about what has worked

Topics

discussed

during

conversation

Regular business e.g. timetable, undergraduate

Celebratory e.g. congratulations on promotion/ award

Alignment of unit to program – teaching teams

Problem-based e.g. difficult studentstrategies

Evaluation – peer, own, student feedback

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Assessment/standards

Strategic plan/other e.g. funding/current ISSUE/student numbers and

quality

Curriculum development

Classroom focus e.g. dynamics/participation

How

conversation

fits into the

broader

university

context

University structure e.g. policy/how university policy is interpreted and

enacted at disciplinary/department levels

Conceptions of teaching (Prosser & Trigwell, 1999)

Perceptions of value of teaching – avoid versus improve

Comparison with research

Time – duration of conversation, proportion of teaching-related

activities to others, length of time working for the university

Academic identity/priorities

Negative aspects e.g. of department culture

Leadership e.g. Associate Dean or chair

Research versus Teaching

Too busy

Doing versus thinking/efficient versus effective teaching

Formal meetings are not good for teaching (most participants), but a

few said formal processes worked well and they had no need for

informal OR that formal encourages informal (memo: point of

difference and similarity)

Some describe processes e.g. mentoring, others describe individuals or

groups e.g. co-ordinators of units in one program, others describe

different types of interactions, e.g. tutor meetings (memo: maybe these

are part of the theory?)

3.10 From Stage 1 ‘Comparison’ to Stage 2 ‘Integration’

This section represents the transition between Stage 1 and Stage 2 of the constant

comparative method used in grounded theory. During Stage 1, the researcher compares

incidents and data that are applicable to each category, with previous incidents and

other data that are in the same category. During Stage 2, the researcher compares

incidents with properties of the category that resulted from the Stage 1 comparisons

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(Glaser & Strauss, 1967, pp. 105-108). This was the stage when the majority of time

and effort was spent on analysis. Although later stages required more critical thought,

the volume of as yet unsorted data made this a particularly challenging stage for me.

The process for developing each of the chapters is presented separately, in the order in

which they appear in this thesis.

3.10.1 Topics discussed during informal conversation (Chapter 4)

To explore the topics which appeared in informal conversation, I separately printed

each of the categories that had emerged during my earlier scan of the data, and took

notes on each. The idea with this was to help me to generate as many codes as possible,

and this worked and led to more than 160 coded incidents. There were broader, higher

level concepts suggested by the data, for example, “formal versus informal and

communication in general, a single idea or issue leads to conversation which leads to

„other suggestions‟, students are a major topic of conversation”. It makes sense to

illustrate the difference between one of these broader concepts, and the related

incidents using an example. Within the broad concept topic of „Students‟, some of the

specific incidents were:

Those students who find it difficult or do not have the skills we would expect

by this stage

Individual students – a terrifically good or bad essay

How to deal with difficult students and get ideas from colleagues‟ experience

How to manage student numbers

Dealing with students „at-risk‟

To manage the list of incidents, the topics of conversation were sorted according to

their aim. I thought that this might have reflected stages or phases of academics‟

development, at the time of their conversation. I found four topics: designing,

moderating, managing and reviewing were most prominent, but was later to realise that

these more accurately reflected the purpose (i.e. usefulness) of conversation, and not

the topics of conversation. A new strategy was then needed to explore the topics of

conversation.

As part of their vision for grounded theory, the originators of grounded theory

encouraged grounded theorists to develop their own tools for analysis which supported

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grounded theory methodology (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). I needed to explore and

summarise the range of topics and present them in a format that would be easily

interpreted by those unfamiliar with the whole dataset (an important aim for grounded

theory, see Glaser, 1998; Piantanida et al., 2004; Turner, 1983). To achieve this aim, I

used a freely available software program, Wordle™ (sourced from

http://www.wordle.net/) which turns passages of text into word cloud images. Text-

matching software can help to identify themes and sort large amounts of text (Morris &

Ecclesfield, 2011) and Wordle™ is one example of this type of software. McNaught

and Lam (2010) argue that Wordle™ can be used as a supplementary research tool,

particularly for exploratory or validation purposes, which meant it was suitable here.

Wordle™ and other tools that produce similar images cannot be considered self-

sufficient methods for text-based analysis. As with all software, the researcher is

responsible for how the data is managed and analysed (Crowley, Harre & Tagg, 2002;

Gweon, Rosé, Wittwer & Nueckles, 2005; Welsh, 2002), because a program cannot be

relied upon to perform rigorous analyses.

The „sorting‟ process of Wordle™ is very user-friendly, as any length of text can be

submitted to create a word cloud. The product of Wordle™, the image or „word cloud‟

is a visual representation of the text submitted, with the size of the font of each word

reflecting the frequency with which the word appeared. The largest words represent the

most frequently discussed topics, and the smallest words those topics which appeared

less frequently in the text submitted. The Wordle™ image displays the most commonly

used words, and a limit can be set on the number of the most commonly used words

displayed, for example, up to 100 words. A quick glance at the word cloud, even by a

„lay observer‟ can reveal key themes and provide a guide to the ideas which were

presented in the text submitted.

An example of a word cloud is presented as Figure 3.1. This figure represents a

summary of the terms most frequently used to describe the topics addressed in informal

conversation about assessment, before meaning was clarified using the process outlined

in the subsequent paragraphs.

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Figure 3.1 Terms most frequently used to describe the topics addressed in informal

conversation about assessment (before meaning was clarified)

One reason that this software was useful for a novice grounded theorist is that the

nature of the Wordle™ program ensures that the analyst has to decipher the meaning of

words and code them appropriately, before the text submitted will accurately represent

the data. The software program recognises words (and counts them) as the same word

only if they are exactly the same; for example, the term, „student‟ is considered to be a

different word to „students‟, „Students‟, „learners‟ and so on, despite these being used

interchangeably in interviews. In Figure 3.1 above, visible examples of this are exam

and exams, and type and types. The Wordle™ program is able to recognise phrases if

words within the phrase are connected by the symbol, „~‟ and there are no spaces. This

feature was employed prior to the creation of Figure 3.1, for example, the phrases,

„how to‟ and „constructive alignment‟, were changed to „how~to‟ and

„constructive~alignment‟, to clarify their meaning.

This process of coding , sorting and meaning clarification, involved several steps:

1. Turning pairs of word into phrases as appropriate, e.g. how~to, deal~with,

what~works, making~sure, constructive~alignment

2. Collapsing words into categories of meaning, e.g. better and improve=improve;

gripe and whinge=whinge; change and changing=change; numbers,

big/small/large classes=class~size; approaches, ways, styles and

strategies=approaches; deliver, delivery and implement=delivery; develop,

developing and developments=developing

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3. Deleting words that were used frequently but did not add to the meaning of

topics. This was because that way, they did not appear in the word cloud

representation. Examples of these words were „about‟ and „especially‟.

An advantage of Wordle™ is that it forces the analyst to ask, „what is going on here?

What does this mean?‟ (a key to grounded theory research, Glaser & Strauss, 1967).

When the words were coded into appropriate categories, the representation displayed

the words and phrases that were most commonly used, and the differing text sizes

made it easy to see what was of most significance in the text submitted, in this case, to

begin to answer the question, „what are teaching conversations about?‟ (see Chapter 4

for the results related to the topics of informal conversation).

The word cloud, which was the result of completing these steps, appears as Figure 4.3

Terms most frequently used to describe informal conversation about assessment.

3.10.2 The usefulness of informal conversation about teaching

(Chapter 5)

As staff reported how important conversation with colleagues was for developing their

teaching, a key focus of analysis was on the patterns of usefulness of conversation

about teaching. Each interview transcript was read and re-read to identify and code the

data that related to conversation having an impact or being useful to academics.

Where appropriate, software programs provided by Microsoft Office and QSR

International were used to facilitate the data analysis process. Initially, line by line (or

incident by incident) coding was done using QSR NVivo software (NVivo8

http://www.qsrinternational.com), and as I became better able to manage and code the

data, I was able to migrate the data to Microsoft Word and Microsoft Excel (2007; then

2010 versions http://www.office.microsoft.com/en-au). One reason for this was that I

was more comfortable and competent using the programs with which I was familiar.

Although there is a perception that software programs that are designed to facilitate

qualitative research can increase the efficiency and validity of analysis, they are only as

rigorous and reliable as the analyst who is using the software (Crowley et al., 2002;

Gweon et al., 2005; Welsh, 2002).

Students (and novice researchers) using grounded theory are criticised for not being

able to use it properly, for failing to develop theory, and for coding inconsistently (Tan,

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2010; Wilson & Hutchinson, 1996). I was very conscious of the importance of making

sense of the data, so I could manage it, familiarise myself with it, and not pursue

connections between categories unless they emerged, that is, to follow grounded

theory. During the early stages of analysis, there seemed to be some core codes related

to the usefulness of conversation, see Table 3.2

Column 1 of Table 3.2 represents the preliminary stages of coding, where there were

multiple codes, and lower level categories, and in Column 2 of Table 3.2, these have

developed into higher-level categories. While the focus of this part of the analysis was

on the usefulness of conversation, looking back now, I can see that Column 1 of Table

3.2 incorporates more codes and more categories of codes than I had intended. That I

was unable to limit myself to coding only within the „usefulness‟ category was to be

predicted, given that the categories were not yet fully developed or integrated at this

stage of analysis. Column 1 includes references to data about the usefulness but also

the topics of conversation and whom conversations were with, and facilitators and

barriers to informal conversation. Column 2 was the result of an early attempt to sort

the codes of Column 1, and to focus on the codes relevant to the usefulness of

conversation.

Table 3.2 Preliminary categories suggesting how conversations are useful

Lower level categories and properties Higher level categories

and illustrative quotes

Support – vent rant war/horror stories

Permission/Encouragement – maintain motivation

SUPPORT

“reassure yourself

you‟re not doing a

terrible job” (Patrick)

Exchange of resources – internet, books, readings, also,

especially for new staff or staff new to teaching,

Coordination and organisation

Exchange of ideas – linked to assessment, approaches to

teaching, how to get students engaged in large, compulsory

classes

PRACTICAL

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Quality assurance and enhancement – teaching,

assessment/feedback, student learning, marking, standards,

expectations, also external requirements such as

professional courses

Review, develop and align curricula

PRACTICAL

“guided by my

colleagues who had

extensive experience in

developing new

curricula” (Ellen)

Tacit knowledge – having similar levels of interest in

teaching and a philosophy of teaching tended to generate

conversation, being aware of what the department

emphasises, what was important for courses, e.g. first year

Foster strategy – how to „get this through‟ – not just about

teaching practice, but also a bit of political strategy – what

you can “get away with” (Meghan)

STRATEGIC

“this repertoire of ideas

and tricks and

techniques and things to

say ... that you‟ve built

up over the years”

(Allan)

Barriers – learning spaces for example – some blamed the

corridor layout, mostly the pressures to publish research,

student unwillingness to engage.

As would be expected for this stage of analysis, the categories which appear in Column

2 of Table 3.2, the categories of Support, Practical, and Strategic, could be classified as

descriptive and not interpretive. They were later to become Compliance,

Encouragement, Development and Enculturation, see Column 3 in Table 3.3. The

changing labels of codes reflects how they were developing into categories, i.e.,

becoming defined and saturated.

Table 3.3 Extract from coding the usefulness of informal conversation

Illustrative quotes Codes Properties/

Categories

“Problem cases are really important because you

don't want to make decisions on your own, and

you want to know what the precedents are, and

you want to know what you're supposed to do.

Obviously you can go to the chair and all that sort

problems lead

to conversation,

this is how we

do things

Compliance

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of stuff, but I think you also like to know what

your colleagues would do in the situation” (Grace)

“All I had to do was just tell him what he was

doing was fine – he really needed someone to

come and talk to him that said, look it's not your

fault, you're not being nasty, you just have to do

this” (Grace )

validation,

permission,

reassurance

Encouragement

“… talking about teaching is so important because

it's when you're trying to explain to someone now

this is why it works that you really have to think

about well why does it work? Those reflections

and those conversations lead to a better

understanding of your own teaching as well.”

(Meghan )

talking about

teaching is

important,

reflection and

self-

development

Development

“How do we combine our philosophy about

teaching with their philosophy about teaching in a

way that no-one explodes?” (Lilly )

existing within

the dominant

culture

Enculturation

As the categories and my understanding of „what was going on for the participants‟

developed with ongoing analysis and presentation of data to colleagues (see Appendix

6 for the poster presentation), the labels for the categories changed. The qualitatively

different ways conversation was useful, which appear in Chapter 5, have elements of

the first set of codes (support, practical, strategic, as in Table 3.2, Column 2), but they

are more interpretive and more accurately represent the data. It should be noted that

although other relevant words could be used to code and categorise and label the data

(and a different researcher may have selected different codes), the data provides

evidence for the ideas that are represented by the labels (i.e. category codes) that were

used.

3.10.3 How context influences informal conversation about teaching

(Chapter 6)

For some stages of the analysis, I coded the hard copy of the data (see Appendix 5 for

an extract) for emergent concepts and categories (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This

included techniques such as highlighting incidents, writing notes next to the extract

incidents, grouping incidents from similar concepts, and summarising my ideas in

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memos. Memos helped me to keep a record of what I was doing, to be consistent, and

to be able to continue the analysis even after time had elapsed. Although they were

notes to myself (and not designed to make sense to others), I have chosen to present

several here as illustrative of the analysis process. The following extracts from a

summary memo indicate how my ideas around the contextual influences of informal

conversation were developed.

Looking at the Contextual influences associated with variation in conversation,

I asked, “What prompts a conversation about teaching? Any conversation?

What influences or changes the topics of conversation? What supports

conversation about teaching? What does the variation mean?”

Recording my ideas and thinking in memos was important to document step by

step how I coded the data, so that I could retrace or justify my steps whenever

necessary. The extract below is one of those memos that recorded the steps in my

process. The underlined text in the extract below shows my provisional categories

or columns – although these were broad, descriptive and not abstract, they were

what I had used initially to group incidents within the data while developing the

categories.

Initially, I started with whole data set. Then focused on relevant data in

categories; Experience of conversations, Conversations are about,

Conversations are with, (these three as a group) Experience of support,

Spaces: time/physical/connection to formal, What is the culture (these three as

a group) and Support: why/why not. Using a printed version of each column,

or category, I cut out any irrelevant data, for example, participants‟

descriptions of their „ideal‟ context. I also wrote notations next to any relevant

data, and placed a question mark next to potentially relevant data. Taking the

relevant data, I tried to shorten quotes to manageable incidents and removed

quotes that repeated or reinforced (but did not extend the content of other

quotes). Irrelevant data was culled, four times in excel, so that I would be able

to create a manageable set of data about the context, the influences. Then the

coding and culling process was repeated using a word document, and data

was culled three more times (seven versions).

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This „contextual influences‟ part of the analysis was to be presented at a research

forum where I would receive feedback, so the aim was to prepare an interesting

presentation upon which colleagues could comment. The extract below continues

this illustrative memo of my analysis process. I used a basic numbering system to

keep track of my process, so that Version 7 refers to my seventh attempt at culling

and making sense of the data.

Word version 1 [version 5 of the culling process] was more about analysis, by

word version 3 [version 7], I was trying to remove repetitive quotes and

irrelevant concepts so that I could present something within the timeframe

[that I had been allocated at the forum]. I chose these concepts [see Tables 3.4

and 3.5] because they seemed the most significant to participants. [For the

presentation,] I also chose quotes that I thought illustrated each concept well,

rather than those that made it seem complex.

Table 3.4 shows how the coding and concepts evolved to become more developed, and

integrated between coding version 5 (column 1) and coding version 7 (column 2), the

set of contextual influences used for the presentation. The contextual influences in

Column 1 of Table 3.4 that appear in bold are those that also appear in Column 2.

Table 3.4 Contextual influences associated with variation in conversation

Contextual influences

(Coding version 5)

Contextual influences

(Coding version 7)

Have to seek it out

Friends as well as colleagues

Personality

Working together

Experts

Discipline Professionals

Shared values about teaching

Shared interest, not teaching, but something else

Particular topics

Mentoring

Peer Observation

New people (recent appointments)

Psychological Support

Spaces

“Friends as well as colleagues”

“Colleagues who work with me”

“The structure doesn‟t help”/ If she

wasn‟t at the door

“10.30 would be morning tea”

Formal meetings allow informal

time

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Co-located

Corridors

Grants

Time

No time/too busy

Formal meeting relationship to informal

Formal meeting

Organised morning teas

Promotion policy versus practice

Salary loading

Workshops

Leaders

Leader creating a structure

Perception of what teaching matters

Discipline changes the way you discuss teaching

Teaching not valued

If evaluations are low, it gets noticed

The codes from column 2, Table 3.4, complete with illustrative quotes, were presented

to colleagues, in a layout similar to that of Table 3.5 Contextual influences on

conversation. Table 3.5 represents the seventh version of the coding process. Having

completed the analyses, reviewing the codes in column 1 of Table 3.4 makes it

apparent that some of these were „in vivo‟ and descriptive, not interpretive. Although I

thought the meaning was clear, responses from colleagues who had attended my

presentation indicated that these codes did not make sense to others at the time.

Table 3.5 Contextual influences on conversation

Codes

(version 7)

Illustrative quotes

“Friends as

well as

colleagues”

“... [she] is a friend as well as a colleague and ...and we have talked

regularly ... informally about the ways that we teach ... in part because ...

we have similar ideas about what we are here for ... students and

approaches and ... we share a lot of our ideas and in fact have had

mutually an impact on each other's teaching.” Patrick

“I guess talking about teaching would mostly be between colleagues

either within the department ... at meetings and that kind of thing, but I

think the majority of talking about teaching happens informally,

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among colleagues who are also friends.” Grace

“Talking to friends like a regular place every day in the coffee break, but

of course a person teaching [the same] year, we have the meeting and we

have discussion about teaching. So I'm not talking about teaching only

with my friends, but with friends [it] happens more on a regular basis

and we just share our problems and experience in teaching.” Suren

“Colleagues

who work

with me”

“I think a lot of the actual informed discussions are sort of need driven

where more than one person ... has to co-operate with somebody else or

solve an issue”. Michael

“Usually I will talk to other colleagues who work with me in the same

unit of study. So we will sit down and have a big talk, and yeah just give

each other a big hug and see what we can do.” Maxine

“You're either talking about operationalising it, you're talking about

evaluating it, or planning, and then to some degree delivering. That's

usually done on a sort of one on one basis. The majority of those

conversations happen with colleagues you're working closely with.”

Chris

“The

structure

doesn‟t

help”/ If

she wasn‟t

at the door

“...obviously the structure doesn't help. The fact that we don’t have a

tea room, the fact that its long corridors doesn't help but we still had

plenty of conversations previously – you just have to maybe work a little

bit harder for them.” Liam

“I think it also has a lot to do with your geographical co-location, so for

example, one of my PhD students has a desk just outside. ... we've had a

number of informal discussions ... Whereas if [she] wasn't literally at the

door I would have to organise something a little more formal or I would

ring her up.” Margaret

“... I've noticed much more contact of staff around the place. ...

Everything, at this point anyway has a fairly logical position. ... So that

lends itself to likeminded people and people who are teaching on

similar courses being co-located and that helps a lot.” Marie

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“10.30

would be

morning

tea”

“... a lot of ex-union people ... making sure they had a tea break at the

same time every day. 10.30 would be tea and you get an email and you'd

get the door knocked if you weren't down there. ... It worked in giving us

an opportunity to talk about research, to talk about admin, maybe just

sound off about teaching.” Liam

“... the [department] values as a means of interaction between people.

...This [department] sort of persisted. ... I would go perhaps more

mornings than not personally and have tea there. ... If you've got some

business or something that you need to discuss about teaching, sometimes

it's a way of getting someone's attention for 10 minutes, which might

otherwise be difficult to do.” Michael

“There used to be much more opportunity I think for general morning

teas and stuff like that. ... if they happen, they don't happen on the basis

that they used to whereby everyday you'd be bringing things up and

thrashing them out. ... it is an impediment to, this cross-fertilisation of

ideas and stuff like that.” Grace

Formal

meetings

allow

informal

time

“... we have not had one formal meeting around teaching, which ... is

often the catalyst for informal discussions around teaching. ... at the

moment people are even more in their silos when it comes to teaching

because that opportunity to gather formally has not been there.

Therefore we have to actually seek each other out and that's not really

happening at the moment.” Margaret

“... once those regular discipline meetings stopped, there was not

much formal or informal discussion of teaching.” Raj

“... the benefit of having these formalised meetings, these regular

meetings was it did allow us the informal time before and after.” Liam

Moving from descriptive and in vivo codes to interpretive, abstract codes is part of the

process of grounded theory analysis. Glaser and Strauss (1967) suggest that “as

categories and their properties emerge ... the concepts abstracted from the substantive

situation will tend to be current labels in use for the actual processes and behaviours

that are to be explained, while the concepts constructed by the analyst will tend to be

the explanations” (p. 107).

Appendix 7 shows the poster that was used to display the data in a subsequent

presentation to that shown in Table 3.5, as the codes became even more integrated and

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started to suggest relationships and hypotheses. I used feedback from colleagues who

had attended my presentations to refine the codes and categories so they were more

explanatory (and less descriptive) and their meaning was explicit to others. Eventually,

after revision, these codes became those presented in Table 6.1 in Chapter 6.

3.10.4 Relations between a formal academic development program

and informal conversation about teaching (Chapter 7)

The ways that academics described informal conversation as useful, and the distinction

made between informal conversation and other opportunities for communication about

teaching led to me conducting a supplementary set of interviews. These interviews

explored the links between one form of academic development, an introductory

program designed for novice university teachers, and informal conversation about

teaching within departments after attending the formal program. The analysis started

with interviewees‟ descriptions of their experience of and learning from both the

formal program and informal conversation. The intention was to determine if and how

these discrete forms of learning about teaching were connected. The relevant data is

presented in Chapter 7.

The connection between learning from conversation and from the formal program was

at the integration and theory development stages, i.e. more Stages 2-3 than Stages 1-2

and so it is outlined in the next section, 3.11.

3.11 From Stage 2 ‘Integration’ to Stage 3 ‘Delimiting’

The transition between Stage 2 and Stage 3 reflects a change in process to attain the

aim of theoretical saturation. Stage 3 involves the comparison of incidents that are

relevant for the reduced, integrated set of categories and their properties, which were

achieved during Stage 2 (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, pp. 108-109).

There were several efforts made to find relationships, and integrate and link the various

categories. This was initially quite difficult, but the links started to appear as the

categories emerged and became more well-defined, and their properties became more

clear and cohesive.

One integration I attempted was to try to connect the topics of conversation (Chapter 4)

to the usefulness of conversation (Chapter 5), to see if there was a relationship, and

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whether certain topics were associated with certain aspects of usefulness. For example,

a relationship between topics and usefulness might be revealed if academics find

conversation useful to vent about the topic of students, but when they are talking about

the topic of assessment, their conversation is focused on improvement. This integration

was unsuccessful, as the usefulness categories and topics categories both varied

depending on the issues being faced by academics. After this failure, I realised that this

was the result of my trying to force the data into a pattern, so I started with the topics

again, and the grounded theory principle of using the data to explore the participants‟

main concern (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This is an extract from a memo that includes

the sorts of questions I began to ask as I was trying to understand the nature of informal

conversation.

Do academics talk about what matters to them? In the informal teaching

conversation, what dominates the content? Students and Curriculum? … Are

these the aspects of teaching most of interest to academics? The areas of

teaching which cause the most issues for academics? Is this why these are the

focus of informal „teaching‟ conversations?

This failed integration attempt was able to not only remind me to let connections

emerge, but was also an important stage in differentiating categories from properties

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967). I discovered for example, that the category of „usefulness‟ is

an independent concept, but „venting‟ is not, and is simply a subcategory of the

usefulness category.

At this point, I had an understanding of the topics and usefulness of conversation, and

data relating to departmental contexts. The next link that seemed relevant to pursue was

that between the nature of conversation and the contexts in which it occurs. Having an

understanding of the topics and usefulness of conversation was able to inform my

thinking about the context surrounding informal conversation (Chapter 6), for example,

why colleagues who were also friends would be sought after for informal conversation.

The contextual influences contributed to how teaching was supported and recognised,

and these affected the nature of academics‟ informal conversation about teaching. If

conversation occurred, the advice that colleagues can provide that is not available

elsewhere (usefulness), and the content that is appropriate for informal conversation

(topics) were linked to the contexts in which academics teach.

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It was partly the relationship between conversation and its context, and the data

indicating that conversation was a useful way to learn about teaching, that led into the

next focus of analysis, and the collection of supplementary data. The supplementary

data were interviews with academics who had participated in a central formal academic

development program and then returned to their departments, and potentially, engaged

in informal conversation with their departmental colleagues. The aim of collecting the

supplementary data was to determine whether there were any links between the ideas

of the formal program and what academics had learnt during informal conversation.

After the supplementary interviews had been conducted and the analysis revealed that

there were aspects of the formal program that were complementary to conversation and

others that were disconnected, I decided to explore why this might be so. I mapped the

informal conversation topics to the formal program session topics. I also mapped the

responses of participants on the standard formal program evaluation to the usefulness

of informal conversation. This was different to me deciding to do this (as had been the

case when I was looking and „forcing‟ a relationship between the categories of topics

and usefulness), as this link had appeared in interviews. Chapter 7 provides the

outcomes of the mapping process and shows how the informal conversation categories

discovered earlier (and presented in Chapters 4 and 5 as topics and usefulness) were

linked to the content of the formal program.

3.12 From Stage 3 ‘Delimiting’ to Stage 4 ‘Writing’

By the end of Stage 3, the categories should be integrated (and have decreased in

number) – and this should have achieved theoretical saturation and allowed the theory

to emerge. The final stage of the constant comparative method, Stage 4, is the process

of writing about and disseminating the theory so that it can be used by others (Glaser &

Strauss, 1967, pp. 109-113).

Stage 4 is an important final stage, and for me, it also embodied the idea that the stages

would not necessarily be well-defined, but may merge into each other. Writing about

the results and thinking about the theory, occurred during all my constant comparative

method stages.

Throughout the analysis process, I found it helpful to think about how the categories

fitted together and to have an idea of the whole dataset. My notes and diagrams

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developed over time in line with the analysis, so that earlier versions appear basic and

not integrated, but later versions include connections between categories and

explanations for those connections. Actually having to present data to colleagues, and

prepare results in a written format that was understandable for others, meant that I

needed to sort, integrate and clarify my ideas. These documents provide an account of

the analysis process in a way that helps to make it transparent to others. The iterative

nature of grounded theory analysis, which allowed the theory to emerge, becomes more

apparent when I look back at past presentations, my thesis journal, and the draft

versions of the results chapters.

An important part of theory development is a focus on the key area. This study

addressed the questions of how informal conversation about teaching is triggered and

what contributes to certain academics being desirable conversation partners. It was not

until the categories related to the topics, usefulness and contexts of conversation had

been developed, that this key question and its answer emerged. The answer which

emerged, the theory of how professional, personal and physical commonality

contributed to the occurrence and usefulness of informal teaching conversation is

presented in section 8.2.3.

The results of this study will be presented in four chapters, followed by one discussion

chapter (Chapter 8). The first two results chapters are focused on the nature of informal

conversation, its topics and usefulness. The next two results chapters present the

contexts in which conversation occurred and links between the ideas of a formal

program and those from conversation.

Chapter 4 Topics discussed during informal conversation about teaching

Chapter 5 The usefulness of informal conversation about teaching

Chapter 6 How context influences informal conversation about teaching

Chapter 7 Relations between a formal academic development program and

informal conversation about teaching

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Chapter 4. Topics discussed during

informal conversation about teaching

Informal conversation with colleagues is an effective form of professional and

workplace learning. Yet, informal teaching conversation between academics who work

in the same department is not well understood as a strategy for academic development.

The first step in considering whether and how informal conversation helps academics

to learn about teaching is to examine the nature of such conversation.

Conversation could be examined from various perspective and levels, and it was

important to select those most appropriate for the intentions of this study. This study

aimed to situate itself within the context of higher education research and academic

development, i.e. not conversational or discourse analysis. Thus, conversation was not

explored at the level of words or dialogue exchanged between academics within each

conversation, but at the broad level of ideas and topics, and the purposes for which

academics used conversation generally. To achieve this, rather than observe actual

conversations, academics were interviewed about their teaching conversations.

Analysing the interview transcripts at the broad level of topics enabled the results to be

related to existing understandings of university teaching practice and development.

This chapter is focused on the first part of the analysis of the interview transcripts; the

topics mentioned by academics in their informal conversation about teaching. Four

topic areas were found to be dominant in academics‟ informal conversation about

teaching. They are: Informal conversation about students; about their curriculum

content and implementation; about assessment and about evaluation.

Through conversation on these topic areas, academics aimed to draw on the experience

of colleagues to inform their practice, specifically how to deal with a teaching-related

issue they were currently facing. The extent to which this agenda was achieved is

discussed in Chapter 5, with reference to the usefulness of informal conversation about

teaching. The contextual factors influencing conversation are discussed in Chapter 6.

The four topic areas mentioned by academics in their informal conversation about

teaching are discussed in the following sections, with reference to illustrative quotes

from the interviews with academic staff. Incidents from each interview revealed that in

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a conversation, there was usually one topic which was foremost, but it was often

related to one or more other topics, and where appropriate, these incidents were coded

as involving both or all topics. For example, curriculum and assessment are connected

aspects of teaching and would often be discussed together. Similarly, a conversation

about assessment that included discussion about the students who submitted the given

task was coded as both topics, and where the focus was on the task, the coding was

assessment only.

The overlapping nature of the topics became more apparent when a technique – in this

case, „word clouds‟ was used in the analysis. A software program, Wordle™, was used

to turn text into „word clouds‟. The product of Wordle™, the image or „word cloud‟ is

a visual representation of the text submitted, with the size of each word reflecting the

frequency with which the word appeared in the text. For this study, the texts submitted

to Wordle™ were the lists of informal conversation topic incidents within each of the

four dominant topics and the complete list of incidents, recoded into appropriate

categories of meaning. (For further detail, see section 3.10.1). The results were five

images of incidents, one for each of the four topic areas of students, curriculum,

assessment and evaluation, and one summary image of all conversation topics. The

purpose of the „word clouds‟ was to provide insight into how the range of topics was

discussed in informal conversation amongst departmental colleagues.

The range of topics and „word clouds‟ within each of the four dominant topic areas are

presented in this chapter, starting with informal conversation about students in section

4.1, and finishing with the summary „word cloud‟.

4.1 Informal conversation about students

The data showed that informal conversation was most often used to draw on the

knowledge and experience of colleagues to seek advice on how to deal with students

and the challenges associated with students. The issues which academics described as

being raised related to students who were considered to be difficult or problematic and

situations that were new to the academic or outside their area of expertise. For

example, Liam explained how a colleague was able to provide him with advice in their

area of expertise.

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I would take advice [from a particular colleague] on ... actually dealing with

students at risk, so-called „problem‟ students outside the mainstream

[be]cause he's got a very broad cultural knowledge which I tap into. ... [For

example,] my initial reaction [towards an individual student] was that she

wasn't working hard enough, she wasn't engaging with her studies but [then]

there was more of a conversation. ... This colleague [was] giving insight into

[the problem] saying, „that fits a pattern of a student who tends to be

struggling and the reason they're struggling is X‟. When I dug a little bit

further, [I discovered that] she actually fell into that area [that he‟d

suggested] and I was able to provide her [with] a lot more support than I

would have been [able to] if I just sort of passively accepted what she was

telling me. (Liam)

Grace referred to being sought out for conversation because of her previous experience

teaching on a course for which a colleague was currently responsible.

He was also new in the place of course, so that was another problem for him.

… When you've got a problem student case you really do need someone to talk

to and I was the person in that case – because I'd been involved in that same

course beforehand and therefore had experience of people dropping out of it,

and what you did and how much leeway you could give them, or when you had

to call a halt. ... Problem cases are, I think, really important because you don't

want to make decisions on your own, and you want to know what the

precedents are … what you're supposed to do … what your colleagues would

do in the situation. (Grace)

Academics described their students‟ academic honesty or plagiarism as an issue likely

to generate conversation because it was unpleasant to address and could potentially

have required confrontation with a student. The interviews revealed that the purpose of

informal conversation with other academics was to confirm the appropriate response to

suspected cases of academic dishonesty.

Plagiarism is an issue that initially comes up because we catch everyone out ...

and it's always very unpleasant. I feel more strongly even than when I arrived

that you've got to set the boundaries somewhere. So you often have difficult

conversations, students will try and wriggle their way out but if it's [their work

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is] plagiarised, it's plagiarised. Yes [we talk to students], but we also talk

among colleagues about it when they [instances of plagiarism] occur. Gosh,

how to go about these things, there's always a bit of confrontation. (Jon)

Where you're dealing with difficult students, sometimes, when you are dealing

with work that you're inclined to fail but aren't sure about, then you'll usually

go and consult your colleague about it ... you get the occasional difficult

student. I think people are usually careful to check with one or two colleagues

before they take a particular course of action that might involve say

confronting the student or accusing them of plagiarism or something like that.

(Patrick)

Analysing the range of conversations enabled differences to emerge; one of these was

the distinction between „dealing with‟ an issue and enacting a strategy to reduce the

likelihood of the issue resurfacing in the future. Some issues were particularly likely to

lead to ongoing conversation that contributed to changes in teaching practice and

assessment, rather than a reaction to an isolated case. These issues were those that were

considered broad or important, for example not those restricted to a few „difficult‟

students. These issues were sometimes context-specific, for Meghan, her teaching

experience occurred in contexts where there were high proportions of International

students and students from non-English speaking backgrounds in her classes. To

improve her teaching practice and student learning, she sought the advice of a

colleague. The result of discussing her issues with a colleague was that she changed her

assessment from PowerPoint presentations to posters. She explained her rationale for

this change to practice as follows:

... that really has to inform your teaching and has to inform your assessment. If

you try and do the stuff [that] you were doing with students traditionally, it

may not work, in fact that's why it led me to start doing poster sessions. A lot of

these students, while their English is not 100 per cent they can get by, they can

understand what's going on ... but a lot of them can be very shy about speaking

in English ... [. Traditionally,] we tend to do a lot of PowerPoint presentations.

... What I was finding was with these students [was that] it was just

excruciating, it was just not working. I talked with a colleague ... [and] we

thought, „well there must be something else we could do that would make it

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easier at the end of the semester for these students to be able to present their

work‟. We came up with poster sessions, ... [now,] instead of having the

PowerPoint presentation, they present their research on this poster. (Meghan)

Although there are opportunities to raise teaching issues in formal settings, it can be

difficult for academics to raise publicly specific student issues, such as suspected cases

of academic dishonesty or those related to student cohort characteristics, as they may

be perceived as potentially breaching confidentiality guidelines or considered more of a

discipline-specific issue. However, an informal conversation in a corridor with a

colleague who understands the context and may teach or has taught the individual

student or student cohort is a much safer situation. This safety enables the academic

who is seeking advice to provide sufficient information to illustrate the issue in a way

that allows a useful response. The privacy that is part of the nature of informal

conversation was one of the advantages revealed by academics during interviews.

The quotes above illustrate part of the range of ways in which student issues are

discussed, and while they could be grouped into themes (such as the quality of

students, student experience and how to increase student engagement) and listed, an

alternate presentation, using the Wordle™ „word clouds‟ (see section 3.10.1) is shown

in Figure 4.1. The largest phrase (“how to”) represents the most frequently mentioned

words, and the smallest words and phrases represent those words which appeared less

frequently in the text submitted. Thus, a quick glance at the word cloud reveals key

themes and provides a guide to the ideas present in the text submitted. The figure

provides a sense of the nature of informal conversation about students.

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Figure 4.1 Terms most frequently used to describe informal conversation about

students

4.2 Informal conversation about their curriculum content and

implementation

The interviews showed that academics had informal conversation with other academics

when they were designing their curriculum content, and when determining how to

implement that content. As with other issues related to students, experienced academics

were asked during conversations to share their knowledge to ensure tasks were done

correctly or appropriately. The process of consulting colleagues appeared to be

ongoing, where the intention was to build on the previous stage of curriculum

development. Benjamin represents an academic who participated in this ongoing

process. He described communication as firstly about the course framework, followed

by the content and then how to implement the content.

So we had a framework for the course that we agreed on well before we

actually started. Then it was just a matter of, „what the content essentially

would be for the course‟ ... . Then really most of the discussion was down to

the, „implementing every bit of that course‟. (Benjamin)

The department in which Chris worked had a similar process to Benjamin‟s for

developing curriculum through conversation with colleagues (see Benjamin‟s quote

above). In Chris‟s department, it was only after a course had been planned by

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academics and accredited by their professional body, that the teaching activities and

assessment tasks were topics worthy of discussion.

… [We had] a lot of conversation around planning, accrediting of courses, and

that conversation is now moving more towards the implementation of those

courses, and the planning of the teaching, planning of the assessments, unit

outlines, and the administration of those courses. (Chris)

Marie thought it was important to help a colleague who had taken over her teaching

responsibilities and so she initiated conversation about curriculum implementation. The

emphasis of these conversations was on supporting the colleague to use the “right

stuff”, and on how to teach, given the context in which the teaching occurred.

... we're talking about the curriculum ... somebody took the job that I was

doing ... so I'm helping her a bit ... [I] gave her all my stuff and then tried to

point her in the right direction. So [they were] probably not very theoretical

discussions, more about „how can you achieve this practically, given the small

numbers of students or large numbers of students or the short time or the long

time?‟, ... and also the content, making sure that she's using the right stuff that

I left behind. (Marie)

For some university subjects with large student enrolments beyond the capacity of

lecture theatre seating, there are multiple „streams‟ of classes running in a

semester. „Streaming‟ means that lectures are delivered and repeated multiple

times each week for different classes, similar to the approach commonly used for

tutorials in many subjects. The academics responsible for teaching these classes

stated that it was especially important to communicate with their co-teachers to

achieve consistency in lecture delivery and ensure the same content and examples

were being provided to different classes or „streams‟.

... we often have streaming of lecture courses – certainly in first year at least;

where more than one lecturer will be presenting the same material in different

streams. So obviously, there's co-ordination issues, sort of team-teaching in

that sense. So there are often discussions with the other lecturers that are

doing the same, delivering the same content. ... there are issues about, „are we

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keeping pace with each other?‟ because people can switch between streams ...

[and], „are we more or less giving the same demonstrations?‟ (Michael)

Within the quotes related to conversations about curriculum, there were individual

differences in what topics were discussed. This difference appeared to be associated

with whether there had already been an agreement of what was to be done and an

organisation of how it would be done, or whether the topic could generate constructive

discussion leading to potential action and change. The following extracts illustrate that

for those academics who had set content and delivery mode, conversations were about

activities, assessment tasks and readings, but not content or lecturing.

... with the content, it tends to be a fairly straightforward one ... The more

interesting discussion tends to be probably around, not so much course

delivery, because we fairly much have set out that we're going to have lectures

and we're going to have tutorials ... So the nature of the actual teaching, the

format of it is pretty much set. But then what activities are done within that can

often generate a lot of discussion. (Kasia)

... assignments we talk about, not so much lecturing. I think lecturing is the

easy part. Group discussions or group activities, specifically among the

younger [first year] students ... So tasks, group work, assignments, those are

central things we discuss. (Jon)

I don't ask them for teaching materials or concept[s] for my teaching but more,

„what can I do to improve my teaching? Like [reduce] the number of hours, or

how they [students] can do the practical classes?‟, this kind of stuff. (Suren)

I've never had a question from anybody about my teaching techniques ... I've

had people approach me for ideas on readings. ... I've had people ask me

about … audio visual materials, images. (Joshua)

It would be expected that some discussion about curriculum would take place in formal

meetings about teaching and learning, but these meetings can be broad, and not

necessarily the appropriate place to address individual or specific problems. An

academic teaching on a unit of study that has a curriculum issue within a narrow

discipline focus may initiate local informal conversation within their department

because it is considered a more effective and appropriate place to seek advice on that

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issue. The word cloud in Figure 4.2 provides a sense of the nature of informal

conversation about curriculum.

Figure 4.2 Terms most frequently used to describe informal conversation about

curriculum

4.3 Informal conversation about assessment

The data illustrated that “assessment” was almost as frequent and evocative a topic as

“students” in terms of the amount of conversation described, and with an emphasis on

the importance of determining the standard or accepted practice through conversation

with colleagues. Academics sought to find out through conversation what their

colleagues would do in a particular situation and used this to moderate their teaching

practice accordingly, so that it would align with the actions of those colleagues. The

aim with conversation was to ensure that assessments were consistent across individual

students, student cohorts, and units of study, and that tasks selected were appropriate

for that context. Assessment design and weighting were important topics of discussion

for academics seeking to ensure such consistency:

Obviously we have to interact when we're setting exams or [when we‟re]

making sure that the assignments that are set are appropriate and things like

that. (Michael)

I do talk to other colleagues about how they split up their assessment, how

much weighting they put on things ... early in the course. What the length of

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[an] essay is. So I do look at other course guides and see what other people do

and that's always very useful. Content – obviously that's a very individual

thing. (Joshua)

So often [the] discussion would be, „well you're doing more assessment for the

four unit course than what we are [doing] in a 10 unit course‟. (Kasia)

In a new role as a unit co-ordinator, Ellen found that she relied on the experience of

colleagues when generating the exam paper. She had the knowledge to produce the

content but informal conversation with colleagues provided her with assurance that she

was designing the exam appropriately.

... we're finalising the content of the exam … [to ensure] that it meets the

learning outcomes we've set for the unit of study. As this is the first time that

I‟m doing this I‟m really relying on colleagues that have lots of experience.

While I still develop the actual content itself, I still need that sort of support

and advice to make sure I‟m doing it appropriately. (Ellen)

Once again, the data showed that the role of conversation with colleagues was

significant in addressing issues related to consistency, in this case, it related to

marking. Ensuring grading and discretionary marking were done in a consistent manner

across a course is important, and was reported as particularly challenging for some

academics. For Michael and Allan, because tutors were responsible for part of the

assessment, conversation was important for attempting to make sure that marks were

awarded consistently in their courses (i.e. they achieved an appropriate level of inter-

rater reliability).

Conversations about grading – trying to make sure they're roughly the same ...

[and that] the same [quality of task submitted by] people get the same sort of

grade from all the tutors. (Allan)

... making sure that all of the tutors are approaching things in a consistent

way, because they are actually involved in assessment of the experimental

work. So [making sure that] they're all applying roughly the same sort of

standards in the way that they're assessing and hopefully in the way that

they're actually interacting with students ... because we give discretionary

marks – part of the assessment is the tutor trying to evaluate how

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independent[ly] the students worked. ... [A tutor might say], „I wasn't sure how

to give – what to do in that situation because of – or this student [was] „cluey‟,

this one wasn't – what do I do?‟ So [I like to give tutors] just a general idea of

how to actually assess – I‟m trying to make sure that they're in step with what

everybody else is doing. (Michael)

In the following examples, academics reported that the topic of assessment feedback

was a cause for ongoing debate, and years of discussion between colleagues about

expectations had led them to compromise in some cases and in other cases, to continue

arguing.

There are various things that we disagree on and continue to argue about.

[She‟s] very much a believer of „getting feedback to the students early‟. She

would turn around most assignment marking within one or two days after it

[the assignment] was due. I‟m much more, „no I want to give them lots of

detailed feedback‟, and I‟m not so concerned if it takes 100 years for it to get

back [to the students], as long as they actually get some information that says

really why they went wrong, rather than three out of whatever as the feedback.

(Benjamin)

... tasks, group work, assignments, those are [the] central things we discuss ...

One colleague of mine says, „you're aiming too low [with your expectations],

you just want to keep the students happy‟. I say, „you're aiming too high, you

intimidate the students‟ ... We started a conversation at the beginning and we

were pretty far apart then. But by just keeping [on] having an ongoing

conversation, yes, we have narrowed the differences. After all, in the

beginning, I was very eager to have the students like me and making [sic] a

good impression ... My colleague has become more flexible ... [he is] realising

[that] he can't convey everything he wants to convey in one unit of study. (Jon)

The quotes above signal how, over time, academics‟ thinking about moderation of

assessment practice broadened (possibly unintentionally), so that informal conversation

that was originally focused on one aspect of teaching practice about implementing

assessment contributed to modifying academics‟ principles for assessment. This is

similar to the distinction made with conversation about students – a reaction to one

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student is qualitatively different to modifying teaching practice and strategies based on

changed expectations of students generally.

In summary, the purpose of informal conversation about assessment was to maintain

consistency with commonly accepted standards within a department. Informal

conversation represents a way for academics to acquire insights into colleagues‟

assessment practices, which may be implicit and not available elsewhere. Figure 4.3

provides a sense of the nature of informal conversation about assessment.

Figure 4.3 Terms most frequently used to describe informal conversation about

assessment

4.4 Informal conversation about evaluation methods and

evaluation results

During interviews, academics described informal conversation as one way for

colleagues to discuss and to agree on how to address issues identified by formal

evaluation systems. The following data show how at the most basic level, evaluation

conversation was about a response to student feedback about teaching. Academics

suggested that the nature of the feedback determined their conversation and likely

response. If the feedback was positive then a plan was made to maintain existing

practice and repeat the teaching strategies used previously. If the feedback was

negative, then the discussion was focused on determining whether to change anything

about their teaching, and if so, how to implement those changes.

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... at the faculty level, communication might occur after unit of study

evaluations have been done and if there's any problems that have occurred,

[then they‟ll be discussed]. (Kasia)

Sometimes it's [conversation is] about USE [Unit of Study Evaluation]

feedback, ... especially when it comes to first year. Although, we tend to email

about that so there's an email discussion about the responses to the first year.

Since it's such a big course and since it's taught by three different people each

semester there tends to be a certain amount of email discussion about that,

sometimes it's discussed in the corridors too. (Anthony)

... [It‟s] based on the students' evaluations, so we will talk about, „how to

improve our teaching, [and] what should be covered next year‟. We will talk

about manpower, so, „how can we sort out staffing issues?‟ ... Of course we

focus on positive and negative feedback. For positive feedback, we make sure

„okay, next year we will stay with this strategy, so we will have it next year‟.

But for those negative feedback we will think, „what we can do. Is it

reasonable? Can we really address these issues? Do we have enough staff?‟ ...

But we try when we sit together and then try to sort it out. So we try to address

all the issues. (Maxine)

Analysis of the conversation topics in depth led to the recognition of a different type of

informal conversation related to critiquing the processes used for evaluation. For Sarah,

that type of conversation involved discussing the appropriateness of the design of the

tools used, such as the questions on a survey, and debating whether properly evaluating

teaching necessitated systems of evaluation in addition to student surveys.

We talk about teaching evaluations a lot and we talk about the fact that we

really need peer assessment as well as [student survey] teaching evaluations ...

Or [we talk about] the evaluation sheets themselves – they have questions on

them that don‟t pertain to particular subjects. (Sarah)

Similar to the nature of the data relevant to conversation about curriculum, „evaluation‟

conversation reflected the stage academics were at regarding their evaluation of their

teaching. This stage included their previous and intended future practice. The following

two examples illustrate the nature of the academics‟ focus on the topic of thinking

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about and implementing their own evaluation. These examples are in contrast to the

previous examples of quotes from academics who were critiquing the University‟s

system of evaluation or responding to issues identified through the process of

collecting student feedback.

... the unit of study evaluations [completed by students as part of the

University‟s evaluation system] ... they're very generic. So they don't actually

give you clues as to what to do, or what really is the essence of the issue. ... A

follow up evaluation which I would like to do with students ... who have

finished my [second year] course ... Once they've had one semester of third

year, ... I want to know what transfer of knowledge there is, what building of

knowledge there's been … – the practicalities and logistics in how we would

evaluate them. ... What I'm interested to do is that extra bit because we've

already evaluated it [the second year course] – implemented and evaluated it.

Now, let‟s see now really what we need to do with it. (Kasia)

...[I] talked to her recently about evaluation, doing that informally, but also

formally. And she advised that ... I should get some informal feedback from

them [the students] about how things are going because there‟s quite strong

evidence about this, [that] if students are not given the opportunity to

[provide] feedback early, and you leave it all to the end, then they get

disenchanted or issues go on unresolved. So I did that, but I‟m now planning to

do a more formal evaluation ... [With her, I‟ll] develop something for my

course as opposed to just, „going off the shelf, take the university generic

evaluation‟, [be]cause I don‟t think that's going to be useful for me. I want to

get more information and nuance out the details a bit more ... And I'd rather

find out sooner, rather than later. (Ellen)

Academics reported that their informal conversation about the evaluation of teaching

was not limited to discussing existing student surveys and planning future surveys,

some interviewees described receiving informal feedback from colleagues as part of a

program of peer observation. This peer feedback focused on classroom management

and student responses to the teacher, and this focus appears in the following example

extracts.

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We also do have [a] peer observation of teaching system so it depends a bit

where people are. If they are in the first two years, [then] they're sort of

teaching all classes. [The conversation after observation is] not so much to

give it [their teaching] an A, B, or to give it a grade, but [to] say, „okay, this is

interesting how they reacted to this‟, ... [The point is] to give feedback,

specifically for the newer staff members, so they can make use of it. (Jon)

... because [the] teaching [that you observe] is not 100 per cent your area, you

can't really have an opinion of the content of what's being said, and you tend

to assume that your colleagues aren‟t totally incompetent. ... [The feedback]

focuses more on the way the classroom is managed and the extent to which

stuff is prepared. I guess the idea [of peer observation] is ... the extent to

which you feel like you know what is going on – and you [can] assume that the

students will know what's going on, if they're not confused about where they

are in the lecture. (Allan)

The possibility of negative feedback means that for academics, evaluation of their

teaching can be very personal; also, the results of evaluation processes can have an

impact on promotion and peer recognition. This is likely to be one of the reasons why

informal conversation is useful for academics to discuss evaluation of teaching – the

nature of conversation allows the content of what was described to remain more private

than the content of dialogue in formal meetings and formal academic development

sessions. Figure 4.4 provides a sense of the nature of informal conversation about

evaluation.

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Figure 4.4 Terms most frequently used to describe informal conversation about

evaluation

4.5 Summary

The analysis of academics‟ informal conversation about teaching exposed the dominant

topic areas. Academics described talking about students, their issues, their quality;

assessment design and marking; curriculum content and delivery; and responses to

evaluation practice, during conversation with colleagues. Figure 4.5 shows a word

cloud of the range of different topics that were raised in conversation. Informal

conversation with departmental colleagues appeared to be particularly useful for topics

that raised confidential or discipline-specific issues. There was evidence of a clear

difference within the topics between an informal conversation that was focused on

fixing a problem, and conversation that aimed to improve teaching practice through

redesign. This difference is explored in the following chapter, on the usefulness of

informal conversation about teaching. Chapter 5 outlines the qualitatively different

ways that conversations are useful, irrespective of the topic discussed. The relationship

between the topics presented here and the usefulness of conversation is discussed in

section 8.3 from the perspective of those with an interest in using informal teaching

conversation for academic development.

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Figure 4.5 Summary of terms most frequently used to describe the topics addressed in

informal conversation about teaching

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Chapter 5. The usefulness of

informal conversation about teaching

In university contexts, communicating formally about teaching is considered a lower

priority than communicating about research. This means that any opportunity for

communication about teaching is valuable and has potential for professional

development. Thus, informal conversation about teaching may represent a significant

way for academics to learn about teaching from colleagues.

To determine whether academics were having conversations about teaching, and for

what purpose they used these conversations, interviews were conducted with

academics employed across departments at one research-intensive university. The

interviews were transcribed and the transcripts were analysed using grounded theory

(Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The analysis starts to help us understand the nature of

academics‟ informal teaching conversation with their departmental colleagues.

The previous chapter presented results about the first part of the analysis of those

interview transcripts, on the dominant topic areas of informal conversation. This

chapter presents data showing how academics use and learn from informal

conversation, irrespective of the topics raised. The data in this chapter show that not

only does informal conversation provide reassurance for many teachers; it can also

serve a development role. This development potential was broad; academics described

the usefulness of informal conversations in terms of venting about their teaching issues,

managing and improving their teaching.

The different ways that conversations were used by the academics interviewed for this

study appear in this chapter from section 5.1. Below are several examples of quotes

from academics describing the general nature and usefulness of conversation.

During her interview, one academic described the role of informal conversation as

fascinating, and suggested that the informal conversation in corridors in which she had

participated was, “at least useful” (Margaret). She reported finding that the

conversation was often focused on important and essential aspects of teaching, and

indicated that these aspects might not have otherwise been improved without her

conversation with colleagues.

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I find it, intellectually, I find it interesting that these things come up sort of

serendipitously in the corridor. … I think it's also interesting that quite often

what comes up might be quite crucial, might be a really important thing. It

might be small but really important and it might even just be around some sort

of procedural aspect related to your unit of study. It might be around

something like marking rather than around changing a part of a syllabus or

something, but they're quite often very important and if they hadn't come up

then something essential may not have been achieved. They're usually at least

useful. I just find that fascinating, that they're at least useful. … you'll have

that sort of, „oh while I've got you I need to talk about X‟. It's not often that you

go away and think, „well, actually I didn't need to talk about that‟. You do go

away thinking, „phew, I'm glad we talked about that‟. So they're at least useful,

and they're usually very useful or interesting. (Margaret)

One of the interviewees provided an overview of the usefulness of informal

conversations about teaching by describing the different ways in which they served

useful functions.

There will be some conversations where you are indirectly or directly seeking

information. There are other conversations where people are seeking ideas or

permissions from you. Then there are other conversations where you formally

or informally mentor, and there are conversations to ensure your sanity.

(Chris)

Another academic suggested that the informal conversations where her own expertise

was sought, prompted her to reflect about her own teaching practice. This supports the

idea that conversation can be useful to the academic who is providing advice about

teaching as well as the one who is receiving it.

… talking about teaching is so important because it's when you're trying to

explain to someone, „now this is why it works‟, that you really have to think

about, „well why does it work?‟ Those reflections and those conversations lead

to a better understanding of your own teaching as well. (Meghan)

The interviews showed that informal conversation was being experienced by academics

as an effective way for them to learn about teaching. This general result is consistent

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with literature which argues for the improvement of teaching and learning through

communication, and links communication about teaching with thinking about teaching

(for example, Byrne et al., 2010; Healey, 2003; Putnam & Borko, 2000; Schuck et al.,

2008; Trigwell et al., 2000). A detailed analysis of the interview data suggests that

there are five qualitatively different ways that mid-level academics described their

experience of the usefulness of informal conversation about teaching. These are

presented in this chapter as subcategories of the overall category of usefulness.

Informal conversations are useful for academics to:

1. Vent about teaching-related issues

2. Reassure themselves about their teaching practice

3. Manage their teaching context

4. Improve their teaching and student learning

5. Evolve their teaching, thinking and practice.

A more detailed description of each sub-category is provided below.

5.1 Academics have informal conversations to vent about issues

related to teaching

The interviews revealed how academics used informal conversation to release

frustration, rant, swap gossip and “have a bit of a whinge about things” (Margaret).

The word „whinge‟ was often used by academics to describe these conversations; it

means to whine or complain, and after they had „whinged‟ to a colleague, an academic

would feel less negative because someone had listened to them. The quotes below

represent academics‟ descriptions of such conversations.

… corridor conversations. They're very ad hoc. They're often driven by – they

might be driven by somebody wanting to have a whinge about their teaching.

(Michael)

… it‟s almost always in the context of one of the courses that we‟re currently

teaching. So it‟s usually about setting an assignment or whatever. Though a

fair bit of it can be angry ranting. (Benjamin)

It's emotional release because you're frustrated. (Sarah)

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I would say that the vast majority of informal conversations are whinges,

grumbles and moans. Now I'm not saying that I don't whinge, grumble and

moan, because I do. (Joshua)

Some of the data relevant for „venting‟ conversation related to specific departmental

issues, such as other academics not contributing to teaching in the ways colleagues

thought that they should have been.

We‟re academics so, by nature, gossips. But gossip behind people‟s backs too,

like who doesn‟t pull his or her weight and that kind of thing. (Patrick)

Sometimes it's things like its gripes, it's things like, „we don't have enough

people teaching this‟. Or, „we only have, we don't have‟ – like what I said

before – „we don‟t have our senior people teaching in these areas‟, things like

that, where people will be saying something negative. (Anthony)

In this chapter, the five usefulness subcategories are presented separately, each with its

own supporting data. It should be noted however, that this is done for simplicity, and

does not represent an account of the nature of conversation. During interviews, the

subcategories were not usually described as occurring in isolation. Some of the

academics‟ found that their „venting‟ conversation was also useful for providing

support or solving a problem. The quotes below illustrate this overlap between venting

and conversation about Reassurance, and Management, which appear in subsequent

sections 5.2 and 5.3.

Usually it's whinging … [about] student issues or faculty policy or some

gossiping ... Whinging, but also got [sic] some psychological support from

each other. Because when we get some positive feedback, [then] we're happy,

but when we get negative feedback we try to support each other. … we will sit

down and have a big talk, and yeah, just give each other a big hug and see

what we can do. (Maxine)

… [Conversation is] an opportunity to vent, get a bit of group therapy, think

about what the issues are, and get a bit of gossip around who's pushing what

agenda and then tell each other what we do to avoid that. (Liam)

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I think when you say talk, I mean, we whinge. That whinging is just a whinge

in, which we sort of groan and whinge or we whinge with the hope of finding a

solution from the other person if they have a suggestion for something they do

in class. (Sarah)

5.2 Academics have informal conversations to reassure themselves

about their teaching

During interviews, academics reported seeking support from colleagues when they

were challenged, for example, after they had experienced a difficult student, negative

feedback or a lecture or tutorial that had not worked as they had planned. Academics

described these conversations as mainly concentrated on support and reassurance.

However, conversations that were associated with this subcategory also included some

discussion of aspects of teaching management or practice, demonstrating the links and

overlaps across subcategories of usefulness.

… we find it [conversation] mutually very beneficial as well as supportive ...

you [are able to] reassure yourself that you're not doing a terrible job by

talking to a colleague. (Patrick)

… [They] like to have advice on how to deal with, or be reassured they‟re

dealing with things in the right way, the appropriate way. (Michael)

This collegial support or reassurance represented a subcategory of informal

conversation‟s usefulness that may be a particular benefit not offered during other

forms of communicating about teaching.

The data analysis process helped to identify instances of conversations that were

intended to reassure academics about their teaching whilst showing links to the other

subcategories. The example quotes below portray collegial conversations that provided

academics with emotional support and suggestions or advice on how to make

improvements to their teaching (see section 5.4).

When I started teaching undergraduate students, obviously I was not very

confident because of the [large class] numbers. That‟s when I talked to one of

the colleagues. She was very experienced in this kind of teaching. So I got

some advice or insights into teaching larger classes. (Raj)

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I would say that we have changed some things and tried some things. Even just

more, not so much necessarily changed, but more asked for their opinion

before we did stuff and then they‟ve gone, „yes, that sounds like a good idea,

you should do it‟. (Lilly)

5.3 Academics have informal conversations to manage their

teaching context

The data which were associated with conversations within the „Manage‟ subcategory,

highlighted the practicalities of day-to-day teaching – “it tends to be driven by need

rather than having time to actually have yarns about it” (Michael). The topics that were

mentioned within this „Manage‟ subcategory include teaching practice,

assessment/feedback, student learning, marking, quality assurance and enhancement

processes, standards, expectations, and external requirements for professional courses.

These topics will not be explored further within this section; Chapter 4 provided a

summary of the dominant topic areas of informal conversation.

One academic emphasised the practical nature of his managing conversations.

… [We are] either talking about operationalising it, evaluating it, or planning,

and then to some degree delivering ... survival conversations ... „get the job

done‟ conversations, rather than „how creative can we be in the doing of it?‟

(Chris)

Another academic described having many „managing‟ conversations to assist a

colleague because what they needed to know and do to manage as a university teacher

was considerable, and the required information was not available elsewhere.

… you need to know when to lodge reading lists for your new units, who to talk

to about getting special reserve [of resources within the library]. There are

100 other things – purchasing books with the co-op bookshop if you want to,

all sorts of things, and there's no document that's going to be put in your hand

with a checklist of things that you need to do. … So there are many, many,

many conversations about what you need to know, what you need to do, when

you need to do it by and so on. (Patrick)

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5.4 Academics have informal conversations to improve teaching

and student learning

Some academics described having conversations where they intended to draw on the

knowledge or experience of others to improve a specific course component. This

improvement might have happened through a conversation where they exchanged

resources they had found useful for their teaching; for example, particular readings or

models,

… [We] ask each other which articles are great to bring particular things

across. (Jon)

… if they see a cute idea for a way of explaining something then they‟ll come

by and say, „hey did you see that? You could do that in your course‟, and vice

versa ... we talk about little snippets of things that might be relevant to each

other‟s courses. (Lilly)

Academics also described receiving and offering advice on a particular aspect of their

approach to teaching through conversation with colleagues. These aspects could be

suggestions for how to build on the strategies that worked or how to interest and

engage students, as identified in the example quotes below.

Sometimes it was discussions about things, like what worked. People saying,

„that really worked, that was really good, it'd be good if there was more of

that‟. There's always a question of what you put in and what you don‟t put in ...

people do give you suggestions about that. They'll say, „What about this whole

area? This subject? Maybe that could find its way in there somewhere‟.

Sometimes it's things that aren‟t in the course that could be in the course or

sometimes it's a matter of emphasis. They'll say – „maybe you could emphasise

that more, that would be good‟. (Anthony)

… a colleague and I were talking this week about class participation and how

we can get students involved. She's teaching a compulsory unit and she's got

students who really don't want to be there and so it was a question of „how do

we get students like that engaged in the class?‟ (Meghan)

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5.5 Academics have informal conversations to evolve teaching,

thinking and practice

The analysis of the range of ways academics used conversation led to the emergence of

the „evolving‟ subcategory. Academics who had conversations that related to this

subcategory, described less of a focus on an isolated instance (as in section 5.4 to

Improve teaching and student learning), and more of a focus on a coordinated and/or

developmental approach. Such an approach involved academics using conversation

with colleagues to work towards establishing a philosophy of teaching or determining

how to be strategic about improvement.

Raj is one of the academics who had adopted this „evolving‟ approach to his teaching

and conversation about teaching. During his interview he described, how, over time,

informal conversation with colleagues had been part of his process of curriculum

redesign. In this case, he had redesigned his assessments within a unit of study to

achieve the aim of developing critical thinking in the students he was teaching.

So therefore eventually, or changing for the last couple of years, based on that

foundation of looking at a subject outline, I believe all my assessments tend to

fulfil my objective ... So it gives them a platform to think about things as

opposed to giving them an answer. We‟re making them aware and making

them critically think about what, at least I believe, is important for them in the

future when they go to [the] workplace. (Raj)

As would be expected for a unit coordinator, Raj was focused on strategic

improvement within his course. The roles to which academics are appointed can affect

the level at which they can implement such a strategic improvement or an „evolving‟

approach. At the time of his interview, Suren was the manager of a group of unit

coordinators. Suren decided that as part of this role he would initiate conversation and

discussion about teaching issues that were happening across all the courses for which

he was responsible. This conversation was intended to identify issues and share

solutions across courses, as well as to ensure that any changes implemented were

justified.

I'm asking all coordinators that coordinate any course in the first semester, to

tell me if they have any particular issues and what they have done and what we

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can do to solve this problem for the next year. The people who are doing their

second semester, [I‟m asking them] „what are the changes [that they‟ve made]

this semester and why [have] they implemented these changes?‟ (Suren)

Although the usefulness subcategories that emerged were not designed to show a

change over time, this was the experience of some academics. For example, some of

the academics noted that their conversation would not necessarily initially be focused

on evolving teaching, unless that was appropriate. Deciding whether evolving teaching

was an appropriate focus for conversation would likely depend on the academic and the

course on which they were teaching. One academic, Kasia, explained how over time,

the purpose of her teaching conversation had changed. For her there had initially been a

focus on having conversation to deal with issues, but once these issues were resolved,

the emphasis within her conversations changed to become course development.

It [conversation] happens at different levels at different times. How much you

discuss the course depends on how much experience you‟ve had and how many

times you‟ve refined it ... As we refine things further, there‟s probably less

issues that you have, but then you go more into the developing [of] new things.

(Kasia)

5.6 Incidence of usefulness subcategories

Five subcategories were presented here as different ways in which academics were

using informal conversation. In addition to being qualitatively different, the

subcategories did not appear to be uniformly distributed across the interviews.

Conversations that were intended to Reassure academics about their teaching and to

assist academics to Manage their teaching context were reported as occurring regularly,

and often as a challenge arose. Not all academics described conversations within the

subcategories of Improving teaching and student learning or Evolving teaching,

thinking and practice, some in the sample did not even appear to be aware that such

conversation could occur. Although the numbers of academics describing certain types

of conversation do not indicate a proportion of all academic conversation, they do

suggest a pattern across the categories. This pattern and difference between individual

academics is worth investigating because if conversation is recognised as a strategy for

professional development, the ways in which academics use conversation effectively

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are important. Some (five) interviewees described having conversation within the

Evolving subcategory, whereas almost all (22) described having conversations about

Managing their teaching context. Several (three) academics reported that not having the

time or inclination to develop their teaching hindered them from having conversation

about Improving teaching and student learning and Evolving teaching, thinking and

practice (see section 6.4 for more detail on the influence of time). Strategies for

facilitating greater (quantity and quality) conversation may be worth exploring (see

section 8.3 for suggestions). Academics who described having conversation across

more than one subcategory, reported having more conversations about Managing their

teaching context rather than Improving teaching and student learning or Evolving

teaching, thinking and practice. The following excerpts reflect the sorts of comments

academics made about the practical or „managing‟ emphasis apparent in their

communication about teaching.

… there‟s not much discussion of improving one‟s teaching unless you really

asked for it. I guess you could ask ... but I don‟t know that many people would.

(Anthony)

It‟s around a lot of the practical aspects rather than an intellectual or

academic discussion about the value of this particular element of the unit of

study. We don‟t get a lot of time for that unfortunately. (Margaret)

I don't think I've ever been to a teaching meeting, other than my original

training, where we actually discussed the philosophy of teaching. (Adam)

The above quotes from academics almost suggest that meetings, time and other

colleagues influenced the nature of conversation about teaching rather than the

academics taking responsibility for their own conversation. Another academic had a

different view, and suggested it was up to the individual to determine the focus of their

teaching, and communicating about teaching, and consequently, to seek appropriate

development opportunities.

There are those people that are always going to think broadly and laterally

and look for new creative things to do [To Evolve teaching, thinking and

practice] and how to do it and how to improve it [To Improve teaching and

student learning]. There are those people that will very much focus on the

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practical and functional processes [To Manage their teaching context] and

things like that. It would come down to individuals and how they‟re managing

their course. (Kasia)

5.7 Summary

Data from the interviews suggest that academics use informal conversation for a

variety of purposes that are likely to enhance both teaching and learning at university.

Within the broad category of usefulness for learning about teaching, five subcategories

were identified; academics have informal conversations to Vent about teaching-related

issues, to Reassure themselves about their teaching, to Manage their teaching context,

to Improve their teaching and student learning, and to Evolve their teaching, thinking

and practice. Combined, these subcategories provide evidence that informal

conversation is a strategy for professional development. Due to this recognition that

conversation was useful, the next step was to investigate the aspects of context which

influence conversation and potentially uncover those aspects that contribute to

academics having useful conversation. The next chapter provides a summary of how

context influences informal conversation about teaching.

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Chapter 6. How context influences

informal conversation about teaching

Drawing on interviews with academics working in a research-intensive university,

Chapter 5 presented results that demonstrated that informal teaching conversations

were used by academics in at least five ways. This contributes to our understanding of

the nature of conversation between academics and builds on Chapter 4‟s summary of

the dominant topic areas of conversation. The extracts from interviews showed that

informal conversation was an effective way for academics to learn about teaching-

related issues from colleagues. This reinforces existing literature on the significance of

informal learning in workplace settings.

Communication affects and is affected by context, and this includes informal

conversation within departmental contexts. Having obtained evidence that conversation

was useful in university contexts, it was of interest to understand what influences

conversation, so that future conversation might be supported. This chapter focuses on

understanding the contexts in which academics teach and identifying those factors that

trigger, encourage or hinder informal conversation about teaching.

According to the academics interviewed, four categories of influence contributed to a

context which provides variable support for teaching. These categories were:

Colleagues with whom academics work; Processes for reward and recognition; Time

and place; and Formal management of communication. These categories will be

discussed from section 6.2 onwards.

In grounded theory, it is expected that as the categories and properties develop, a core

category (an overarching or underpinning category) will emerge (Glaser & Strauss,

1967). Prior to the sections on each the four categories of contextual influences, the

results relevant to the core category, and to the four categories collectively will be

presented.

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6.1 Developing a grounded theory about informal conversation

A grounded theory analysis of the data regarding factors influencing informal

conversation about teaching yielded 15 categories (see Table 6.1, column 2), which

were subsequently grouped into four major categories (see Table 6.1, column 1).

Table 6.1 Categories and subcategories of contextual influences on informal

conversation

Contextual Categories Subcategories of contextual influences Section

1. Colleagues with

whom academics

work

1. Helpfulness of colleagues 6.2.1

2. Expertise of colleagues 6.2.2

3. Shared teaching ideology 6.2.3

4. Collegial friendship 6.2.4

2. Processes for reward

and recognition 5. Peer recognition and advice 6.3.1

6. Survival and promotion 6.3.2

7. Financial incentives 6.3.3

3. Time and place 8. Time and workload pressures 6.4.1

9. Timing 6.4.2

10. Office proximity 6.4.3

11. The „water-cooler‟ effect of corridors and coffee 6.4.4

4. Formal

management of

communication

12. Role of leaders in facilitating communication 6.5.1

13. Formal meetings 6.5.2

14. Semi-formal meetings 6.5.3

15. Semi-formal academic development strategies 6.5.4

Although they will be presented as separate categories in this chapter, the contextual

influence categories should be considered as a collective, because it is the combination

of these which worked to trigger, encourage or hinder informal conversation.

Regarding the context in which informal conversation occurs, the main question was,

„how do these categories influence informal conversation in university departments?‟

Asking this question was an important aspect of using grounded theory to integrate the

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categories and their properties, and enable hypotheses and a theory to emerge (Glaser

& Strauss, 1967). The theory which emerges as part of grounded theory research helps

to explain the behaviour within the context in which it occurred. Thus, the categories of

influence helped to explain what generated informal conversation about teaching, and

on what basis colleagues were selected as conversation partners, within departmental

contexts. Considering the major categories collectively produced the idea that at the

core of informal conversation about teaching is the importance of commonality.

Once a core category or idea has emerged in a grounded theory study, it starts to

suggest hypotheses and theory about the behaviour of interest within context. In this

study, the idea of commonality influencing informal conversation about teaching is

linked to two hypotheses about the quantity and quality of informal conversation. In a

context which provides variable support for teaching, as commonality increases

between academic colleagues, it is predicted that they will have greater informal

conversation; i.e. their informal conversation will increase in both frequency and

usefulness. The idea of commonality is explored with reference to similar ideas in the

literature in section 8.2.3.

The idea of commonality with colleagues influencing informal conversation is

particularly interesting because for academics, it extended beyond what might be the

expected area of professional expertise to include personal attributes and physical

proximity. This is interesting because it suggests that one approach to supporting future

teaching conversation may include increasing personal commonality between

academics. As described in Chapter 5, informal conversations are an effective way to

learn about teaching; they may also represent a complementary strategy to existing

formal modes of learning about teaching, such as formal academic development

programs. What the idea of commonality could mean for academic development is

described from section 8.3.1 onwards.

Brief examples illustrating the interplay between each of the four categories of

influence are given in the next few paragraphs, before detailed descriptions of each

category are provided, beginning with section 6.2.

The academics who were interviewed saw research as being the main part of their work

that was rewarded, and they contrasted the support provided for research with that

provided for teaching. They suggested that their research-intensive context led to some

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of their colleagues being less interested in teaching than research. Academics‟

experience of this context was revealed through their descriptions of institutional

processes for recognising, rewarding and supporting their involvement in teaching.

The competition between research and teaching was demonstrated through academics‟

descriptions of research activities being prioritised over teaching activities, such as in

Adam‟s quote, below.

... there's continually this, „research versus teaching‟ ... it's very easy for

research considerations to really take priority and the teaching doesn't get

done or [it] gets given to somebody else, or [it] is moved to be convenient

around conferences and research presentations. (Adam)

Academics suggested that their opportunities for conversation about teaching had

lessened because research work was dominant in their research-intensive context.

... if you can't talk about your teaching, it's obviously, it's a real problem.

There have to be conversations; it's such a big part of our lives. I think that

they've been limited as the research culture has taken over, particularly in

[this department], there's [sic] fewer and fewer opportunities for

conversations, and there's no denying [that] the research must get done, but I

think it is at an expense of a leisurely conversation about teaching. (Grace)

One academic who reflected on the impact of being time-poor and busy during his

interview, described this as contributing to a decline in the quality of conversation

about teaching.

... this is a busy teaching climate. I don't know if that's the university or the

faculty, but the faculty is just running at 200 per cent these days. I think in

many ways that diminishes the quality of those conversations. (Chris)

During interviews, academics reported experiencing the support for teaching in their

departments as variable, and suggested that they were not taught to teach by their

leaders or colleagues. Instead, they found that it was largely their responsibility to

initiate access to resources or identify opportunities for teaching development.

This moment of how to teach us, how to even do it speedily and efficiently and

effectively – I remember when I first started teaching that nobody ever told me

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how to mark anything. You just went in and chatted for 15 minutes with

someone who says, „this is the main points [sic] we're looking for‟. (Sarah)

I know there are resources available to everybody on campus about teaching,

but in the main it is up to the teachers to go off and get those resources. So if

people want to ignore those resources, they can. (Adam)

I'm amazed in some ways that it is left up to the academic to identify

opportunities for development in teaching. I landed here ... I don't have a

DipEd [abbreviation of Diploma of Education, Teaching qualification] and I

was thrust straight into a first year course. … No one said a word to me here

about teaching, or any assistance that I might be able to access. … I've been

frankly flabbergasted by the non-existence of anyone saying, you know, „you're

a young academic, how's the teaching going? Do you need to talk about it?‟ or

you know, „do you feel as if you're getting your points across?‟ It's not

something that upsets me but the non-existence of it I find puzzling ... it's just

assumed that you come and you're a natural teacher. (Joshua)

In the context of university departments, academics perceived that teaching may not

always be a priority for their colleagues, and experienced their teaching development

as largely self-initiated and directed. The previous chapters showed that academics

learn about teaching from informal conversation in a way that focuses on the individual

conversation partners, potentially in relation to issues of a challenging and discipline-

based nature. Such conversations represent one way for academics to learn about

teaching in a context identified by academics as offering variable university and

collegial support for teaching.

The data produced by the analysis of academics‟ descriptions of the context which

influences informal conversation, are presented in the following four category sections:

colleagues with whom academics work, processes for reward and recognition, time and

space, and formal management of communication.

6.2 Colleagues with whom academics work

Informal conversation requires the presence and contributions of another academic, and

the role of the conversation partner is linked to the purpose and usefulness of informal

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conversation, and so, the profile of this academic was of interest to this study. This

section focuses on academics‟ descriptions of the attributes which made certain

colleagues preferable conversation partners. Associated with this idea of which

colleagues would be sought after for conversation are the rationales for why

conversation did not happen between some colleagues. Critical reflection is achieved

only when others are involved (Brookfield, 1995) and so self-reflection or self-talk,

about teaching is not considered in this study. The following subcategories describe the

individual characteristics which contributed to colleagues being sought after for

informal conversation about teaching. Together with their professional expertise,

colleagues‟ personal attributes were described by academics as important for

conversation about teaching.

6.2.1 Helpfulness of colleagues

Academics reported that having helpful colleagues was important in determining

whether and with whom to have a conversation. This perceived helpfulness included

having a sense that their colleagues were approachable should they have a question,

and were willing to offer assistance and provide advice. The following extracts refer to

how colleagues‟ helpfulness encouraged informal conversation.

Informally I could approach any of them at any time, or send them an email

and set up a meeting. (Liz)

... the people that I work with are fairly approachable. ... so there‟s never been

any issue about asking a question or being left to my own devices. There have

been offers of help to try and develop things more quickly. (Ellen)

People are helpful, it's a good department that way, everyone is trying, it's

very collegial. If anything works or is helpful, they always pass it on „quick

tick‟. So it's not like anyone doesn‟t know anything that others know, we all

know. Especially with technology – we're all trying to use it. (Anthony)

The idea of helpfulness was different in different departments, for some it meant

colleagues offering advice; for others it was simply an awareness that someone was

available if a conversation was desired. Kasia explained that her Head of Discipline

would not initiate conversation, but was interested and available for discussion about

teaching. She appreciated having this support available, and thought it was more

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appropriate for experienced academics than having a senior academic monitor their

courses. She suggested individual academics should be responsible for the timing and

content of their own teaching practice and course development.

Now we have always had available to us a Head of Discipline to discuss things

like this [course development]. So I guess it's really up to us whether we

choose to go and discuss or what we discuss … She's not the type that will

necessarily come and find out what's going on necessarily. I mean she's

interested and she tutors in some of the different courses, but you know, I guess

she's less hands-on with the more experienced staff as well, which makes

sense. (Kasia)

Some academics self-identified as the teachers who trialled strategies uncommon for

teaching in their discipline or those who put excessive effort into their teaching. These

academics found that their colleagues perceived them as different and were

consequently resentful of them and sceptical of their ideas. The experience of these

academics contrasts with the previous illustrative quotes, where colleagues were

described as helpful and supportive.

... we are the only people doing this [particular approach to teaching]. So we

are perceived as kind of abnormal. Indeed, some of our colleagues say, „why

aren‟t you guys just doing the regular lecturing game with homework and back

to research-type stuff?‟ Some of their comments are extended into, „we hear

students in our class saying that we are not like you‟. (Luke)

... maybe teaching scores by some people are felt to be a little bit like

popularity measures as much as they are about good teaching and maybe some

people feel a bit resentful ... sometimes we‟ve ended up being the „teacher‟s

pets‟ ... I think sometimes our ideas are seen as – „well they always put in too

much work so we have to kind of take whatever they‟re going to say ... with

that in mind‟ ... We do pretty much always put in too much effort. (Benjamin)

6.2.2 Expertise of colleagues

During interviews, it was revealed that academics considered some of their colleagues

to be particularly knowledgeable or skilled in certain aspects of teaching. Colleagues

with particular skills were the colleagues who were sought out for informal

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conversation because of the advice they could potentially contribute based on their

experience or expertise. These colleagues included those academics who had been

teaching for a long time, in a variety of contexts, or on multiple courses, and because of

this, they were considered to be experienced and possess significant knowledge related

to teaching. Other academics, although potentially less experienced, were recognised as

being effective or excellent teachers. Their recognition may have come from an

external source, such as from a teaching award or grant, or they may have possessed a

relevant skill or held a reputation as the academic in the department who “always put in

too much effort” (Benjamin, see previous section 6.2.1 for the full quote).

I will go into the office of someone a lot more experienced and just say, „look

you know, I'm having a real problem with 'x' in my tutorials (an issue, not a

person, an issue), how would you deal with this?‟ That's very useful because

there's [sic] very experienced and quite brilliant teachers here. (Joshua)

Although this chapter presents the 15 subcategories separately, it is important to note

that they represent influential factors within a context and so are linked. The interviews

revealed that there were multiple and possibly inter-related reasons to converse with

individual academics. The next quote is one of many which illustrated this relationship.

For Meghan, the colleagues she talked to were those who worked in the same faculty,

were good teachers and were interested in teaching (also see section 6.2.3), in addition

to other colleagues whose offices were located in the same corridor as her office.

... most of the people I talk to within the faculty are the people who are known

to be good teachers, ... [or] people in other disciplines who I know have a lot

of interest in teaching. ... [and] there are other people on the corridor who we

do talk to about teaching. (Meghan)

For Lilly, the attributes which made one colleague a desirable conversation partner

were experience and skill, in combination with a previously established mentoring

relationship.

... one of the people I talk to a lot, [name] he is somebody that mentored me for

a few years. So I just drop in and ask him [anything], because he runs lots of

big courses and he's got quite a lot of experience and he's very good at running

large courses. So sometimes, I like to go and talk to him about things to get an

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unbiased view of what might be [a] good or bad teaching style or philosophy.

(Lilly)

Marie appreciated the advice of a colleague whose teaching approach was unlike hers,

and explained that it was because of this area of expertise that she looked for this

colleague to initiate informal conversation about teaching.

She's got her own ideas ... [she would] look at it more from a lecturing point of

view. More kind of standing back and she's more into – „you've got to bring the

audience in with you‟. So yeah it's that different approach really, I think it's

less of a „telling them‟ and more of a „taking them along with you‟. (Marie)

Although many of the conversations described during interviews referred to academics

seeking advice, they sometimes also provided advice. In addition to seeking the

knowledge of colleagues, experienced academics were prompted to altruistically

initiate conversation with their less experienced colleagues. These academics indicated

that part of the rationale for supporting colleagues through conversation was because

they remembered how difficult it was for them when they were new to the university

This confirmed that the academics in the sample were not only seeking but also

providing resources through informal conversation. The content of these informal

conversations included recently appointed academics being told what the more

experienced academics thought they “needed to know”, and being advised on certain

aspects of teaching delivery.

We are spectacularly bad at telling new appointments what they need to know.

And having been through this myself and it hasn't changed ... There is a [new]

colleague in my area so I feel a sense of responsibility to show him the ropes.

(Patrick)

I've got a lot of newer colleagues that have just joined us in the last few years,

and now that I'm one of the more senior teachers ... I feel that it's really

important for myself and for other more experienced teachers [to] be trying

things out but also spreading things around. (Grace)

6.2.3 Shared teaching ideology

Academics suggested that certain colleagues would be most able to offer an appropriate

judgment and make a useful contribution to an informal conversation. In seeking a

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conversation partner, academics described the importance of choosing colleagues who

had an interest in teaching and shared common values about what mattered in

university teaching.

I think having a common interest in learning and teaching is important. For a

lot of academics, understandably, learning and teaching is at the bottom of the

pile of priorities. (Margaret)

... that collegial feeling about, „how can we improve our teaching?‟ – I just

don't see that within this discipline at all. There are two or three people who

genuinely are interested in doing a good job in their teaching and they're the

only people [who] you really talk to. (Meghan)

Not all academics had a visible interest in teaching or saw teaching as important.

Academics reported how when an interest in teaching was not present or apparent, then

they would not initiate a conversation with that colleague. In Raj‟s case, the person for

whom he thought teaching wasn‟t important was his head of discipline.

... you don‟t want to approach the head [of the discipline] regarding teaching

issues when they feel that it‟s not very important. (Raj)

The next quote is another example that illustrates the role of multiple factors in

determining with whom academics had an informal conversation about teaching. In this

case, a combination of factors led to two colleagues having a useful, positive dialogue.

These two academics had a similar level of interest in teaching, shared a cohort of

students, had previously taught together, and studied similar PhD topics.

[I speak to] people who have similar ways of working to me, similar ways of

teaching or a similar level of interest. So I have a particular colleague who

also has a PhD in [my topic] and we both happen to teach the same cohort of

students, [and] we've often co-taught together. So because we have similar

interests, a similar level of interest I guess in teaching, it's always good to talk.

(Margaret)

Many of the academics interviewed suggested that it was the combination or cluster of

attributes that determined whether colleagues would have effective conversation. For

some academics, certain attributes or factors were more important than others in

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facilitating conversation about teaching. In the next quote, a shared disposition towards

teaching mattered more to the academic than either who they were teaching with or

their disciplinary background.

That's not to say that I don't actually have coffee regularly with a few

academics but there's no central location ... They're actually in a different

discipline ... I don't tend to have coffee regularly with the people who I teach

most closely with. ...Having talked about the coffee people – I guess I do mix

with people who are fairly cynical about their teaching, if cynical is the right

word, offhand maybe. (Adam)

The previous quotes described a shared stance towards teaching. The importance of

this shared stance towards teaching was strengthened by the responses of academics to

advice from colleagues who did not share their values about teaching. The response

was to subsequently dismiss this advice as irrelevant for their teaching. The next

academic quoted did not consider an approach (used by his colleague) to be appropriate

for the units of study for which he was responsible.

... there's [sic] certain areas of things I've listened to and then decided that's

not for me. ... for example, „negotiated curriculum‟, as a concept, I don‟t see

the benefit of that ... there are a number of people who are doing it and who

are very committed to it ... I‟m not convinced, ... I think I'll stick with setting

the agenda. (Liam)

The role of sharing (or not sharing) interests or approaches to teaching in facilitating

(or hindering) conversation has been a feature of the previous quotes. An extreme

example of the impact of not sharing interests on communication about teaching was

identified by one academic. When asking questions about unit of study evaluations, one

academic found that her colleagues did not share her interest in measuring and

improving the quality of teaching, similar to the previous quoted experiences.

Additionally, she found that her colleagues considered communicating about how to

improve teaching to be a waste of time, and referred to her efforts as an inappropriate

“witch hunt”. She could not communicate with them about improving teaching because

their response was one which she was unable to tolerate.

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I actually had to get up and walk out because I was basically being shouted at

and shouted down and being told that, „this was just a complete waste of time‟

and that „I shouldn't be going on a witch hunt to see who the bad teachers

were‟. (Meghan)

6.2.4 Collegial friendship

During interviews, academics described determining with whom to discuss teaching

based on their compatibility and helpfulness (see section 6.2.1). The role of personality

and compatibility was associated with similar teaching approaches (section 6.2.3), as

well as shared interests and perspectives and a collegial relationship, even a friendship.

Some people are just more sociable than others and like to have a chat. Other

people prefer to do things on their own. I think that really varies from

discipline area to discipline area, as well as from individual to individual ... [I

have found that] as a [discipline] group, they're [the academics I work with

are] an extremely friendly, personable bunch of people. (Margaret)

… I think there‟s [sic] probably personality issues within there as well. I think

there‟s a collective approach to what they're teaching ... [and] their

background, some are left wing perspective, union perspective, ... there‟s a

large enough group of them who are really quite friendly as well as

colleagues. (Liam)

The next quote suggests the influence of multiple factors and starts to explain why

being friendly matters in facilitating conversation. Although he acknowledged the

expertise of people who had taught and supervised him, Joshua said he spoke to

academics with whom he had a rapport.

I mean the person I spoke to, [was] someone who taught me, and the other

person was my old PhD supervisor, it's obvious why I talk to him. Otherwise,

it‟s people [that] I get on well with, that you're on good terms with, that you

feel comfortable in talking about these issues with, that you have respect for –

that would be the main sort of reasons. (Joshua)

During interviews, academics described having informal conversations with those

colleagues with whom they shared interests or passions other than teaching. This

connection based on interests unrelated to their university work may be linked to

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teaching being seen as a personal interest; “There‟s something that‟s just personal

about teaching that doesn‟t apply to research” (Benjamin). Starting a conversation

about interests may lead into conversation about teaching. An example of a non-

teaching interest might be literature (outside an academic‟s discipline area), such as

that associated with a particular genre or author. The example of a non-teaching

interest presented in the next quote is politics.

... there‟s another thing to be said I think about all academics, … that we have

a wide range of interests and we have I suppose obsessional preoccupations

with our own areas of study but we are all interested in all sorts of other

intellectual and cultural questions. I‟m a Australian politics junkie … so there

are particular conversations I have with [a colleague] … I talk current affairs

with him constantly and this also leads into discussions about the political

awareness of students, how these things relate to teaching. So, I have had

many conversations with [him] that are about current political issues that will

end up having some sort of bearing on university life. So it might not be

[conversation about] pedagogy specifically but there will be things that one

feels are important. (Patrick)

One of the most frequent and most significant responses to questions about who

academics spoke to was that their informal conversation about teaching happened

amongst friends. It should be noted that these friendships had arisen subsequent to their

being departmental colleagues, and were not pre-existing personal relationships

developed externally to the university. Although they were colleagues, the term

„friend‟ was used in interviews, and it was clear that the academics understood it to

mean something different to the term „colleague‟, as many of them mentioned the

importance of being „friends and colleagues‟. The quotes below are typical of the

references academics made to such conversations with friends.

I guess talking about teaching would mostly be between colleagues ... at

meetings and that kind of thing, but I think the majority of talking about

teaching happens informally, among colleagues who are also friends. ... even if

you go to workshops and things like that, they're infrequent. So as I said, I

think most of the teaching chat is done between colleagues who also happen to

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be friends, that [who] might share what you might call leisure time, lunchtime,

coffee time [or] that kind of thing. (Grace)

The combination of factors that increased the likelihood of conversation. In addition to

being a friend, sharing a cohort of students and having similar ideas about teaching (see

section 6.2.3) were seen as important for having an informal conversation,

demonstrating that multiple attributes mattered. In the quote below, one academic lists

his connections with a particular colleague.

Well [she] is a friend as well as a colleague ... and we have talked regularly ...

exclusively informally about the ways that we teach. ... in part because ... we

have similar ideas about what we are here for and similar ideas about students

and approaches and so on, and so for that reason we share a lot of our ideas

and in fact have had mutually an impact on each other's teaching. (Patrick)

The next quote is from Suren, who mentioned that he spoke about teaching with those

academics who shared his cohort of students, but explained that feeling comfortable

(like Joshua, who was quoted previously in this section) mattered more, and he was

more comfortable sharing his teaching problems with friends.

Talking to [my] friends [happens at] a regular place every day in the coffee

break, but of course a person teaching [the same] year, we have the meeting[s]

and we have discussion[s] about teaching. So I'm not talking about teaching

only with my friends, but with friends [it] happen[s] more on a regular basis

and we just share our problems and experience in teaching ... obviously you‟re

more comfortable with your friends to talk about it. (Suren)

6.3 Processes for reward and recognition

During interviews, academics said that they and their colleagues responded to reward

and recognition processes, and adjusted their behaviour accordingly. Peers and

promotion provided recognition, while rewards were seen as employment, promotion

and financial incentives. Academics argued that when teaching was not a core part of

these elements, conversations about teaching were less likely.

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6.3.1 Peer recognition and advice

Raj based his preference for research over teaching partly on the understanding that

teaching responsibilities were seen as less important than research achievements for

peer recognition and interest and prospective future employment.

I would prefer to concentrate on research, only because I have direct benefits.

Not only in terms of monetary but from my peer recognition. … For example, if

somebody here gets into a top journal, normally an email is sent saying,

„congratulations‟. But it‟s not so forthcoming for teaching achievements. (Raj)

Raj explained that the perception of himself and his colleagues that research was more

important was linked to their motivation and interest in research, and that his

conversation reflected this interest in research.

... the reality really is everybody is more interested in research. We‟d rather

talk about research because it has [a] direct impact on how peers see us in this

context. If you‟re a good teacher then that‟s about it ... you are bracketed as

„the teaching person‟, a „poor cousin‟ to the researcher. (Raj)

For Raj, this was more than peer recognition and interest, he also considered the role

that research would have in determining future employment.

Also [it matters] in an external context, if I want to leave this university, if I

want to go to any reputable university either in Australia or in other countries,

teaching is a factor, but it‟s not the main factor. [The main factor], it is

essentially research. (Raj)

All interviewees, unprompted, described the challenges that they faced balancing their

teaching workloads with their research workloads and many indicated they had been

advised to focus on their research and not waste their time on teaching or any other

non-research activities.

... those of us who do become quite passionate about our teaching are told not

to waste our time ... I was told that I haven't a hope of getting promoted

because I'm concentrating too much on my teaching and my research is

suffering. ... For most of my colleagues as far as they're concerned, „being an

academic is research, you know, you do as little service as possible – you do

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what you can get away with, you do the bare minimum on teaching, and

research is what it's all about, and [specifically] discipline-focused research,

none of this wasting your time on education-focused research‟. (Meghan)

In addition to teaching, other non-research activities included informal conversation, as

Grace suggested in the quote below.

... the idea that you'd sit around for half an hour everyday with your colleagues

having tea, I just don't think it enters people's heads anymore as something

you'd do. If you've got that much time, you should be doing some more

research. (Grace)

The ways that academics developed an awareness of whether teaching or research was

more important varied. One of the ways was through the advice provided by senior

academics.

The status of senior academic staff in departments meant that their involvement in what

could otherwise be inconsequential incidents or conversations had a significant and

enduring impact on less senior academics. Individual leaders were able to have an

influence on colleagues because their opinion on whether teaching was important or

best avoided, led to them effectively encouraging academics to put effort into their

teaching or their research.

I was lucky because we had a previous professor who felt [that] teaching was

important. He was really great at encouraging people in terms of teaching. I

worked very closely with him … That was really good, especially when it's a

senior colleague who is in a sense almost mentoring. (Meghan)

[A] comment from one of the most senior people in this department, and again

this person would be „Exhibit A‟ in terms of „just does not want to teach

anymore‟. [He had a] long period off teaching, [and he has] been very

successful [at] getting government grants for research and it‟s all wonderful.

But [this person] is apparently fearful of having to go back to teaching, [he]

doesn't want to do it. [He] said to someone [that], „if you're a good teacher,

that is the way to ruin your academic career‟. I will never forget that. (Joshua)

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Academics who had received government-funded research grants described often being

able to use their funding grants to obtain relief from teaching duties, and this is

explored in a subsequent section, see section 6.3.3.

Joshua and Megan‟s comments (above and below) referred to the influence of their

colleagues‟ as being associated with their seniority and mentoring roles.

... when that is someone very senior and that person acts as a mentor to a

number of other people in the department, that tends to trickle down, that sort

of negativity. (Joshua)

The next quote starts to explain why senior academics may have advised their

colleagues to focus on research. This explanation was due to the promotion criteria‟s

emphasis on having research publications, and time spent teaching being detrimental to

having research publications.

... Because [if you focus on teaching, then] you're going to become engulfed by

students and by the demands of teaching and you're obviously putting so much

into that, that you can't do your research and you can't publish and therefore

you're not going to get promoted. That's the sort of logic that he's following

through there. (Joshua)

The importance of promotion and appointment criteria in determining academics‟

workload and priorities, and their subsequent interest and communication is further

developed in the next section, 6.3.2.

6.3.2 Survival and promotion

During interviews, academics gave various reasons for prioritising research over

teaching. One of these reasons was „surviving‟ in academia, in other words, remaining

employed by a university. To remain employed as academics, they suggested that they

were required to produce evidence of their research.

One of the things [that] you don't want is your teaching to dominate your research

and service. ... For me, it's actually important that the teaching doesn't dominate

my job, that teaching is just a component of the job. I know for other academics,

teaching is their job. I guess I was like that at one time, too, but you can't survive

long-term in academia anymore if you're not research-productive. (Chris)

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In this research-intensive context, academics reported seeing research publications as

more important than teaching responsibilities, especially because other colleagues were

spending their time on research and not on teaching.

If everyone is doing research, I need to do research rather than teaching. I

[should] have a little bit of pressure on it, and lose a little bit of my passion on

teaching ... you need to have publications. If you spend a lot of time teaching,

[then] you don‟t have time for publications. I have heard from some other

academics; they told me, „don't do too much for teaching. Do more for research‟.

(Maxine)

Academics described how they rationalised that as there was little benefit from

undertaking teaching responsibilities and work, it made sense to focus on their

research.

... there‟s a perception that we don‟t gain too much personally, or maybe even

professionally from doing it [teaching] ... you can‟t change the culture so why

fight it. Just be research-intensive. (Raj)

Sarah and Kasia explained during their interviews, that the impact of any academic

having the desire to be a good teacher, or receiving advice that teaching was respected,

was diminished by the promotion criteria being unrelated to teaching and limiting

teaching-based promotion to a lower level.

I think most people want to do well in teaching but they know … that the

pathway for promotion (you'll hear this 100 times) – is not to do with

teaching. (Sarah)

... certainly in our faculty in the university, you don't get promoted unless you

do research … even though we get told [that] … teaching is valued, just as

much as research is,… at the end of the day, if you're not bringing in grants

and publishing, you will not get promoted. Or you might get promoted, but

only to a certain level. It doesn‟t matter what you've done in teaching. (Kasia)

Liam argued that the University promotion system which supported and encouraged

research but not teaching, reduced teaching to a personal interest, and therefore,

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teaching conversations were not fostered. He suggested that in a different context, it

might be different.

... when the culture has changed to allow you to be a great teacher and a

shocking researcher and get promoted to associate professor [a senior level

appointment in Australia], for example, then there might be more of an

impetus for formal and informal conversations about teaching. [Then] it'd be

more than our own personal interest to seek our colleagues' advice. (Liam)

He contrasted this with the importance of research for promotion, and hence, the

motivation to communicate about research.

Whereas, at the moment, it‟s very much in our interests to talk about research,

[to be] tapping into people‟s ideas about research. (Liam)

Liam developed this argument to include students as well the University‟s promotion

structure to explain why academics would choose to spend less time on their teaching,

including speaking about teaching with colleagues. He saw the difference between

teaching and research work as based on the contribution of research work to assisting

him in receiving a promotion.

I find it frustrating, when you've got too many students in a bad room, their

English level's not great and you feel as though they‟re here just to finish the

unit of study. If I did a really good, if I strive hard to do a good [job with my

teaching], there‟s only so many labour hours here, if I spend 10 of them

improving my teaching ... I [already] average about 4.2 to 4. 4 [out of a

possible 5 on a student evaluation of teaching survey], the amount of time to

get that up just isn't a good use of my labour hours, because of the promotion

structure and these other things, so therefore it‟s [teaching‟s] not [as]

important for me to talk about [with] my colleagues as the research element.

(Liam)

6.3.3 Financial incentives

Two examples of financial incentives available to academics in the university studied

are salary loading and teaching relief. One academic described how changing the way

academics were rewarded (such as by rewarding quality teaching) would have an

impact on how teaching and research are perceived.

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... a clearer reward system – I don‟t think there‟s any other motivator. I‟m sure

most of us are influenced by other things than monetary and peer recognition.

If you want to build a certain culture, you will reward them so that the culture

flourishes. At this stage, from my understanding, although theoretically you

can get promoted by teaching [it hasn‟t happened]. … You could get the

market loading [an increase in salary] because of teaching I suspect, [but] the

reality is it‟s more about research. So [we need] a clearer link about why we

should be better teachers than we are. (Raj)

He went on to describe the role of a financial incentive in validating the rhetoric on the

importance of teaching.

I‟m aware [that] the pro vice-chancellor and everybody talks about teaching

as really important. But the perception still lingers [that it isn‟t important] ...

[They need to] show us how exactly [it will impact us]. ... [If] we‟re going to

put more effort in[to] teaching, how is it going to impact us in terms of

promotion [and] in terms of peer recognition and those kinds of issues. (Raj)

Another academic described how implementing a reward system, in this case,

introducing a salary loading related to teaching would affect the perception of whether

teaching was important.

... within the faculty … we get salary loadings and discretionary loadings, …up

until now the focus has always been on research, but our faculty, in fairness to

them, this time around put a section in there on exceptional teaching and [the

faculty] said, „[loading is available] if you can show us that you were

exceptional in teaching‟. (Meghan)

... that will make people sit up and think, „well, there is more to this place than

research‟. I suppose at the end of the day most people are thinking about their

own bottom line and that is, „what's my salary‟ and „if it means my salary is

going to be more if I do a really good job in one of these areas, then that's

important‟. (Meghan)

To complement a salary loading, the availability of grants for teaching, and support for

teaching-related research, were seen to be ways to signal the value placed on teaching

by the university.

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The other thing is teaching grants, but I think the university is pretty good at

that as well, offering grants in teaching, so people rather than having to

constantly look at research grants can look at teaching research grants.

(Meghan)

These financial incentives which supported teaching were contrasted with financial

incentives which fostered academics‟ research and discouraged academics from

spending time on their teaching. One example which demonstrated how enthusiastic

some academics were about avoiding teaching was the common practice of supporting

successful researchers to replace their teaching duties with time for research. Teaching

was seen by colleagues as something to avoid or escape wherever possible – “there is a

pervasive sense of, if you can get teaching relief or get out of teaching, then that's a

good thing” (Joshua). Below, academics have described the options for teaching relief

or „buyout‟, where colleagues would have their teaching workload allocated to

someone else or use part of their grant funds to hire someone else to take on their

teaching responsibilities.

Most of my colleagues here would do anything to get out of teaching. They

work [out] ways of buying themselves out; they'll take on extra PhD students if

it means they get a buyout on some of their teaching. (Meghan)

It's because there is a desperation to „get out of‟ teaching more than anything

else. Teaching is almost seen as a second or even third class dimension for a

lot of people here ... one of the big things I've noticed is this joyous search for

teaching relief now. A lot of people here are very successful with ARC grants

[National Competitive Research Grants funded by the Australian Research

Council] that give them that teaching relief and that's great. (Joshua)

There was a sense for one academic that receiving an Australian Research Council

grant, without receiving the funds required to buy himself out of his teaching

responsibilities diminished the perceived success of his grant.

I got an ARC but I didn't get teaching relief. I applied for one semester of

teaching relief and I didn't get it. So the reaction to that was interesting too.

„Oh you're a bloody idiot [Australian colloquialism which has a similar

meaning to daft fool], you only asked for one, you've got to ask for two and

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then they would have given you one‟... It was almost like I'd failed. ... it was

like, „oh god what a strategic error you made‟. „What a disaster‟. (Joshua)

There were negative outcomes associated with this practice of successful researchers

buying themselves out, for both those to whom their teaching was allocated, and the

students who were being taught. For example, there was a perception that junior staff

resented the distribution of teaching workloads, and were less likely to put effort into

their teaching as a result.

… a lot of the newer staff feel like when they first arrived, they got lumped with

a whole lot of teaching and are fairly resentful, I think, of teaching and of

making a big effort for first year teaching. (Benjamin)

Academics described how this practice of replacing senior academics with less

experienced academic staff also led to reduced teaching quality and meant that students

responded negatively on teaching evaluations.

... the less senior the person teaching, the worse ... it's almost inevitable that

they'll get worse comments [on student surveys of teaching]. ... I think we've

really seen - we've got empirical evidence for the fact that buyouts replaced by

junior people affects the teaching experience negatively. There's no question

about that. (Anthony)

This academic made it clear that he understood that the teaching abilities and

experience of his colleagues were distinct from those characteristics important for

disciplinary research.

It's nothing to do with their abilities as a [disciplinary academic]; it's all to do

with the teaching experience and the capacity to enthuse people with the

material. The people who've got more experience just do that better every time,

it's always the way. (Anthony)

Interestingly, an academic in a different departmental context to Anthony suggested

that despite a desire to focus on their research, senior academics were unable to replace

their teaching activities with research. This was attributed to the inability of less

experienced colleagues to teach the necessary content at an appropriate level, and led to

the more experienced academics being “stuck” with their teaching workload.

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In a school like this, the more experienced and senior people here are the

people who probably should be doing most of the teaching because that's the

level that the students need – they need that [disciplinary] expertise to teach it.

You can't really have a bunch of 22-year-olds teaching the bulk of the content

under your direction. You can't do that like other faculties can do, because

they don't have the depth of knowledge, and the experience to teach the

content, even if they had the methodology. So we're stuck. We have to do the

teaching, and there's no backing out of it. (Chris)

6.4 Time and place

The following subcategories relate to when and where informal conversation was likely

to occur; availability and accessibility of colleagues were the keys to informal

conversation taking place. Physical proximity was an aspect of commonality that

triggered conversation. Semi-formal meetings such as morning teas were important in

encouraging informal conversation, though they are not included in this section (see

section 6.5.3 for a discussion of their role in informal conversation).

6.4.1 Time and workload pressures

Informal conversation about teaching happened when academics had time, and with

colleagues who were also perceived to have time to talk about teaching. During the

interviews, workload and research commitments (which may be linked to promotion,

see section 6.3.2) were suggested as reasons why academics might not have time for

conversation.

It's not a conscious decision, it's just not, but it does become obvious. I get on

with everybody in my department, I want to stress that, but there are people

that you socialise with and there are people that you don't. People more open

to socialising than others, [and] people that have more time than others. This

year I've been trying to finish a book so any time I can spend at home I do. So

that's cut down the conversations amazingly, really by a lot and I notice it, I

really notice it. (Grace)

In the above quote, Grace referred to socialising with colleagues. This idea was

explored in section 6.2.4, where academics described being friends with some of

their colleagues. She suggested that the combination of spending all her available

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time either researching at home or teaching students, contributed to a lack of

opportunity for conversation.

The days I'm in, Thursdays and Wednesdays, are so busy with my classes that

those coffees just don't happen. So you fall back on the odd departmental

meeting or that kind of thing, or very sporadic contact. (Grace)

Time spent engaged in face-to-face teaching prevented informal conversation because

academics or their colleagues were delivering lectures when they could otherwise have

engaged in an informal conversation.

... with the teaching timetables these days, teaching can start at 8 o'clock in the

morning and finish at 6 o'clock at night and people literally are not here.

They're not around to be talking because they're actually teaching. (Margaret)

One academic explained that the pressure to publish and perform administrative duties,

and again, actual teaching, left little time for academics to develop or consider

developing their teaching.

I'm in my first three years of an academic career and the pressure is just

unbelievable to go and get publications and getting out these new courses and

writing 24 new lectures, I mean it's just energy sapping. So then you've got

your administrative duties on top of that. So there's just very little sort of time

left in which you can think, „gosh I've got to make sure I remember, I've really

got to develop my skills you know. I've got to seek outside help from [the

central academic development unit], I've got to be aware of what's out there to

help me grow and develop as a teacher‟. (Joshua).

Other academics described similar pressures, to disseminate research and manage

administrative responsibilities from their workloads and workplace cultures.

... there is a great deal of pressure on colleagues, at [Australian academic]

level B & C [lecturer and senior lecturer appointments] to publish, to do their

service, to do administrative jobs so [that] they can be promoted, and that I

think has become to some extent, and I‟m not pointing, it‟s not an individual,

it‟s part of the corporate culture. (Patrick)

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I think it's the culture of the place as well. ... I think it's partly workload, it's

partly people – sometimes it's a self-imposed workload, it's sort of an ethos of

working extremely hard in [this discipline]. (Margaret)

6.4.2 Timing

There was a sense for some academics that informal conversation about teaching

happened more at key points during semester, when academics were focused on

thinking about their teaching, for example, before or after delivering their first lecture,

or as issues arose that required discussion.

… the best times that we all talk about teaching is when we prepare a course

syllabus for the semester. (Jon)

I do have a couple of colleagues and we do talk before class or after class,

especially at the start of semester when you're about to start again and you

kind of chat about teaching again. (Meghan)

For me, it also depends, on what time of the year we're at, because most of my

teaching falls in one particular semester, which happens to be in semester two,

so I try and use a lot of semester one as a time for doing other things like my

research. I deliberately delay working on, intensively, (I often think about it

but I delay working on) my teaching aspects until around June. That's when I

start moving from a research-focus to a teaching-focus and that's when I start

talking to people. (Margaret)

6.4.3 Office proximity

The layout of offices and common spaces was suggested as influencing conversation.

Academics who worked in close proximity to their colleagues, for example in

neighbouring or nearby offices, described this as encouraging informal conversation

about teaching.

I think it also has a lot to do with your geographical co-location, so for

example, one of my PhD students has a desk just outside. ... we've had a

number of informal discussions ... Whereas if [she] wasn't literally at the door

I would have to organise something a little more formal or I would ring her up.

(Margaret)

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We used to have the offices next door to each other I guess when I first started,

so that was always handy and now she's just up the corridor. So yeah, they

[conversations] tend to be just casual but interesting. (Marie)

… every few days one of my colleagues – like the person in the next office or

people in a couple of offices down that way – just drop by if they've seen

something interesting on the internet or to ask how stuff is going. That's like

five minutes, or two minutes even – chatting. (Lilly)

Not having immediate access to colleagues was described by academics as a

barrier to informal conversation, and improving their access to each other was

thought to encourage conversation.

I think access to one another [matters]; we're like a lot of faculties, we're sort

of spread over two or three buildings. (Margaret)

The position of desks and offices may work because it is designed to build on existing

commonalities, for example a shared teaching ideology (see section 6.2.3). The floor

plan of Marie‟s faculty had recently been redesigned in order to arrange the offices of

academics in clusters based on their sub-disciplines.

I've noticed much more contact of staff around the place [since it has been

redesigned]. ... Everything, at this point anyway has a fairly logical position ...

So that lends itself to like-minded people and people who are teaching on

similar courses being co-located and that helps a lot. (Marie)

Space was not limited to providing easy access to colleagues, it also contributed to a

change in how academics felt about working in their department, which motivated

them to work, including on their teaching.

... now we've got a very nice office. … one staff [member] told us actually she

[used to] feel ashamed to work in this building. … now it looks much better. I

think our Dean try [sic] to spend some money to also build up our morale and

self-esteem. So [that they could] give us a very comfortable, nice, working

environment. I think it helps. (Maxine)

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6.4.4 The ‘water-cooler’ effect of corridors and coffee

Academics described seeing a colleague as a trigger for having an informal

conversation. A chance meeting was described as making it possible to have a quick,

informal conversation about teaching „then and there‟ in a corridor or at a coffee

machine. This may be linked to the perception that teaching is a personal interest, and

the idea that it is appropriate to raise teaching-related topics during informal

conversation.

As far as informal chats go, it's really, if you do see someone in the corridor

and there's something that you've been wanting to talk to them about, you

might grab them at the time. ... You see a person, someone that you've been

meaning to talk to and that triggers the memory of, „oh, I need to talk to X, I

need to talk to that person‟. They're in the corridor, you grab them, you have

your quick five minute chat and that might be all that's needed, or it might

actually be, „okay so we need to talk about this more, let's have a meeting‟ or

„let's get together and we'll talk about it in more detail‟. ... these things come

up sort of serendipitously in the corridor. (Margaret)

Literally corridor conversations occur. Very ad hoc of course but that's often

the case … the business of how teaching runs in the school might just happen

when somebody bumps into somebody in the corridor and remembers, „oh yes

I meant to ask such and such about blah‟. So often those are brief

conversations but occasionally they will turn into a yarn [Australian

colloquialism for story or long conversation] if people have got something on

their mind about what they're teaching. (Michael)

A building design and layout that featured long narrow corridors, and the absence of a

departmental common room being made available for staff, meant that for Liam, the

time spent making coffee became important in facilitating his informal conversation

about teaching.

... the structure of this building is such that you've got very narrow corridors,

and no real space to sort of congregate ... the only time that we talk about

teaching informally is if we happen to bump into people when making a coffee

just at the little coffee station there. People, when you see them, the rest of the

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time, people are going somewhere, they're walking down these corridors,

[and] there's no common room for staff conversations. (Liam)

6.5 Formal management of communication

The preceding section outlined how the availability and accessibility of colleagues was

essential for an academic to have conversation. The following sub-categories of formal

management describe the communication and development strategies academics

experienced as influencing their informal conversation about teaching. Combined, they

provide a snapshot of why strategies were perceived to be effective, for example,

because they sent the message that teaching was important enough to communicate

about, and created an environment where colleagues were available, and in some cases,

facilitated connections between colleagues.

6.5.1 Role of leaders in facilitating communication

The effect of leaders establishing structures, such as formal meetings about teaching,

helped academics to determine whether teaching and research were perceived as

equally important. These meetings also provided a space and time for discussion about

teaching, which led to informal conversation. Current leadership was often contrasted

with previous leadership; for example, one academic had experienced leaders who had

not prioritised teaching, but was hopeful that a recently appointed leader would have

different priorities, including teaching.

I don't think I'm in a particular setting where the teaching leadership has come

from the top traditionally ... We have somebody who has recently arrived who

openly says that he likes teaching and I think probably more up to this point

the more obvious generalisation is that in my immediate leadership teaching is

not the priority. (Adam)

Another academic had found a former leader to be more supportive of teaching

than his current Head of Discipline.

... it‟s all about building a culture that encourages certain behaviour. The

previous leader, it was clear by the way he structured [meetings]. First of all,

we had formal meetings, which is a huge thing. Second of all, he divided the

meetings – we had one main one [with] the whole discipline. Then we had [a]

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Teaching and Learning Committee and [a] Research Committee. So from a

structur[al] perspective at least they seem[ed] to be equal. The perception is

as important as reality here ... The new leader came and that [meeting] was

taken off [the calendar], so there is no forum [for teaching]... There‟s a

distinct difference when the leaders change, of anything, countries or firms or

disciplines in this case. [The culture,] it really depends on the objective of the

discipline head. Basically, they have the power to hold teaching meetings.

(Raj)

6.5.2 Formal meetings

The relationship between formal committee meetings and informal conversation was

described in several different ways by the academics interviewed. A meeting about

teaching and learning potentially worked to encourage informal conversation by

allowing a space and time to talk about teaching in a broad sense, before, during and

after the meetings. Academics attributed their reduced opportunities for

communication, formal and informal, to the absence of these meetings.

[For six months] we have not had one formal meeting around teaching, …

[and having those meetings] is often the catalyst for informal discussions

around teaching. ... at the moment people are even more in their silos when it

comes to teaching because that opportunity to gather formally has not been

there. Therefore, we have to actually seek each other out and that's not really

happening at the moment. (Margaret)

... we seem to have given up on having department discipline meetings so

there's very little formal contact in the department that then allows the time for

informal conversation afterwards ... the benefit of having these formalised

meetings, these regular meetings was it did allow us the informal time before

and after. (Liam)

So when we had the regular discipline meetings, I had to formally talk about

some of the teaching and learning issues that were discussed in the committee

and what that meant in the [departmental] context. Informally, rarely, then

once those regular discipline meetings stopped, there was not much formal or

informal discussion of teaching. (Raj)

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Meetings with a set formal agenda were also described as triggering ideas about

teaching beyond the set agenda and identifying connections between colleagues.

During the course of some formal meetings, time was sometimes allocated to informal

or incidental conversation to provide the opportunity for academics to deal with current

teaching issues and receive constructive criticism from colleagues.

Certainly, I would argue that just about every meeting that I've been to is good

in that it can allow for that spontaneous discussion point when somebody is

agonising over particular teaching methods or a particular approach, that you

do all of a sudden have a range of people right with you, that can be a bit

difficult to arrange otherwise. So for my part, while I may be unhappy to do

administration, I see it as a necessary evil and if you can deal with those issues

in those formal meetings and deal with it quickly, it does give you a chance to

raise some of the things that are nagging at you. (Adam)

… we've got some set processes ... they are more formal processes, but it's

really just parking [reserving] a space, with criteria, and a process, so people

can come together and then the conversations in there tend to be very organic,

embryonic, anybody can put anything on the table in terms of constructive

criticism, being critical friends to each other. Decisions are made with the

[subject] coordinator, not for the coordinator, and that's a very important part

of the process, that it is collaborative and inclusive. (Liz)

The role of leadership in communication was one of the grounded theory concepts

developed (see section 3.4.3) through an interview with an academic in an appointed

leadership role. The academic who was interviewed, described their system of formal

structures as rendering informal conversation about teaching unnecessary. She said that

this was because teaching-related issues could be addressed during meetings.

... there have been lots of conversations and I have had them myself, just

passing colleagues in the corridor and saying, „hang on, did you think about

this? What do you think about – we need to do this, or X, Y, Z‟. So that

certainly does happen, but I guess the weight of that in terms of the changes

that we've made and what actually happens to our teaching, I think has been

less important than the actual formal processes that we've had. ... Because of

the way that we've operated here, it [informal conversation] has had a lesser

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role, because it hasn't been necessary, given the opportunities for more formal

interaction, or interaction within a formally organised structure. (Ingrid)

She acknowledged that informal conversation happened, but thought it was less

important for teaching practice and change than the formal structures. This introduces

the idea that the differing natures of informal and formal communication means they

could serve complementary roles in improving teaching. It may be that different

content may be appropriate for each type of communication, or different academics

may use formal and informal communication in different ways.

Quotes from other academics also confirmed the idea that formal and informal

communication about teaching were different, and that formal meetings may not

always support informal conversation. There may be multiple reasons why formal

meetings may not enable discussion of teaching in a way that would be useful to

individual academics dealing with specific issues.

… maybe what happens in formal meetings is that because they are very

structured, sometimes unexpected things that come up don't have an

opportunity to be aired. It's when you see someone incidentally that things

come up. It's a different environment, you're on a different mind track, I think

there all sorts of reasons for why these things come up in that way. (Margaret)

… the idea of those meetings is to be efficient … that meeting was rather, let's

say, efficiently run so it wasn't really a, „sit around and let's have a good old

yarn about teaching‟. It was more, „what issues do we need to cover that are

relevant to what's actually going on this semester? and let's all get on the same

page about how we're approaching our teaching‟. If there's any information to

be given out by the year level co-ordinator that's relevant to everybody, that

will be relayed. I think that's a fairly sort of formalised and efficient process,

but not something that really perhaps informs teaching on a more qualitative

level. (Michael)

Academics described the potential for a focus on discussing what they thought was

important for teaching as limited by the agendas of the academics who attended

meetings and the approaches to how meetings were conducted (e.g. in the references to

meetings as “efficient” and “structured” in the accounts above).

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I think department meetings are not really a useful dialogue for teaching.

Usually they're focused on administrative and political debates, … there's [sic]

a lot of people who are members of the department who … don‟t necessarily

share a passion for teaching. Let's just say they have other motivations for why

certain courses should be created or destroyed or changed, or whatever.

Department meetings tend to focus on those issues in my experience. (Lilly)

Different agendas, and different philosophies. … So people have their own

agendas, and philosophies, and beliefs around their niche, which is why

they're here. When you try to merge them together into a curriculum, it can be

very competitive. I'm sure it's no different to anywhere else. (Chris)

One academic, Benjamin, described the combination of all academics having an

opinion about teaching and the emotional responses of passionate and dedicated

teachers as leading to “things not going well” during committee meetings. Particularly

aggravating for him were the discussions of irrelevant aspects of teaching, and even an

inability to reach a consensus to make changes.

… the discussion tends to be not driven by empiricists. … I find [that] a little

bit frustrating. I think teaching is a fairly emotive topic and even the people

that are not necessarily the most enthusiastic teachers still seem to be very

enthusiastic when it comes to having an opinion about teaching. … the people

that are really enthusiastic about teaching and have a strong teaching record

and teaching awards and have done the grad dip [formal degree program in

university teaching] and various other things, often still their ideas still get

blocked by other people. [Those are the people] that you know are not overly

enthusiastic about teaching, or for example, haven‟t taught first year [in this

discipline] maybe ever, or in the last 10 years. That‟s kind of aggravating.

… many of the people that are very enthusiastic teachers, because they‟re so

emotional about it, often are quite ineffective in those meetings. So they‟ll

appeal to things that aren‟t particularly relevant … being emotional about it

doesn‟t make them as effective in persuading other people about it. They‟re not

that effective because they‟re not very good at working out which battles are

winnable and which battles aren‟t. By continuing to harp on about the battles

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which we can‟t win, we basically lose a lot of political capital for the things

that can be changed.

… there‟s a lot of stuff like that, I think we have pretty poor communication

about a lot of that stuff, which also I think contributes to things not going well

in the [Teaching and Learning Committee] meeting. (Benjamin)

6.5.3 Semi-formal meetings

Academics reported that informal conversation happened over coffee, lunch or at

another time when the conversation initiator knew the individual they sought would be

available. Daily morning tea for a department or similar unit or group within a faculty

is an example of a semi-formalised process which led to informal conversation in

general, including that about teaching-related topics. Morning teas were described as

effective for similar reasons to formal meetings, particularly in creating a place for

conversation and making colleagues available.

A lot of ex-union people [would] ... making [sic] sure they had a tea break at

the same time every day. 10.30 would be tea ... You [would] get an email and

you'd get the door knocked if you weren't down there ... It worked in giving us

an opportunity to talk about research, to talk about admin, maybe just „sound

off‟ about teaching. (Liam)

I think [it‟s] something that the school values as a means of interaction

between people. Because I think [that] the idea of people coming together in a

busy environment has gone out the window in lots of places. This school sort of

persisted with it ... I would go perhaps more mornings than not personally and

have tea there ... Teaching often comes up. If you've got some business or

something that you need to discuss about teaching, sometimes it's a way of

getting someone's attention for 10 minutes, which might otherwise be difficult

to do. (Luke)

Luke (above) acknowledged the importance of colleagues‟ availability and

accessibility in facilitating informal conversation. Margaret (below) had a similar

experience; as informal conversation about teaching was generated during the

prearranged lunches she had with colleagues.

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I have a couple of, two or three, colleagues here, where we do try – it probably

works out about every couple of months rather than every month – every

couple of months we'll go and have lunch together. But that's not to be able to

talk about learning and teaching, it's just to give ourselves „time out‟ and „to

shoot the breeze‟ and have a bit of a whinge about things. But it's also often

when important little bits of information come up, or useful bits of information,

and if you hadn't made the time to formally go out for lunch, then those

conversations wouldn't have been had. The incidental conversations in the

formal situation wouldn't have occurred. (Margaret)

Scheduled morning teas, a history of previously having morning teas and unsuccessful

efforts at establishing morning teas were mentioned by several academics interviewed.

Generally, the idea of a morning tea was popular and when it was successful, enjoyable

and useful, but the time required for academics to attend and participate could not

necessarily be justified. Time was given as a factor that could limit informal

conversation even when space was available (see section 6.3.3 for more detail on the

role of space).

... that is probably something that is missing … there is no culture of meeting

for coffee. I can't expect to find a group of academics having coffee somewhere

... There's no place where I can just sit down and join in. We have the

facilities; we just don't have the academics attending those facilities. (Adam)

... we used to use the common room frequently … people got too busy ... no one

uses it, except for booked meetings and lunches, but not on an everyday,

regular basis. It's just like too many people have a claim on it for a group of

10, 15 people regularly to use it. (Grace)

... you have to be outstanding in teaching and research and also contribute to

service and administration, and you can‟t do it all ... it's very collegial ...

everybody says it would be lovely to do morning teas and things like this, [but]

it's never successful because everybody's too busy. ... there are too many

demands put on academics. ... there used to be a space where staff gathered ...

the space still exists, we have a common room but ... there‟s just not time for

people to get together for morning tea and things like that. ... That is a shame

but people are too busy. (Patrick)

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Patrick‟s final comment, that there was not time for morning teas, was reflected in

interviews with other academics, who described previously having scheduled or

impromptu morning teas.

We have less and less time for, even [to] be able to sit down and have morning

tea together, or lunch together. ... we're eating lunch at our desks, [be]cause

we're working ... That sort of ad hoc, or even if it's a scheduled time out

together, [to] have morning tea or lunch, it often doesn't happen. I think it's a

shame. I think it was probably more common in the past but because we have

less and less time these days, because we're more time-poor, those things have

gone, slipped by the wayside. I think it might also be the culture of a faculty.

(Margaret)

I think that's the sadness of, just the pressures that are on academics now, to

get things done. There used to be much more opportunity, I think, for general

morning teas and stuff like that. Even then, if they happen, they don't happen

on the basis that they used to whereby everyday you'd be bringing things up

and thrashing them out. It just doesn't really happen anymore. As I say,

because there's not a staff morning tea, you might go and grab a coffee; [but]

you go with one person or two not the group. (Grace)

Despite the academics interviewed lamenting the absence of morning teas, and the

ways this deficiency then limited the transfer of ideas, there was not widespread

enthusiasm about reintroducing morning teas.

Not that I want to bring back, necessarily, staff morning teas, I just notice it as

a difference and it is an impediment to, as I say, this cross-fertilisation of ideas

and stuff like that. Even with people that you personally quite like. (Grace)

Another academic argued that the participation of staff determined the success of

initiatives such as morning teas, and without enforcing compulsory attendance; the

likely minimal participation of academics would lead to unsuccessful morning teas or

lunches.

The culture is the sum of its members and even if you have something [which]

could be imposed from above, [then] it's certainly worth trying, but whether or

not it succeeds will be determined by the level of uptake by people. What could

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be done? … you can't make people „down tools‟, that's what you'd have to do

here. You'd have to haul people out of their offices and say, „you are required

to come and have morning tea‟, or „sit here for 15, 20 minutes and eat your

lunch‟ or something. (Margaret)

Within the category of semi-formal meetings, informal conversation occurred between

academics who worked together, including co-teachers, quality advisors, and

curriculum designers.

That's usually done on a sort of one on one basis. The majority of those

conversations happen with colleagues you're working closely with. (Chris)

Usually I will talk to other colleagues who work with me in the same unit of

study. (Maxine)

These conversations were focused on planning and preparation, curriculum content and

the kind of information-sharing necessary to ensure a unit of study was managed and

taught effectively (see Chapters 4, on topics and 5, on usefulness for more detail).

Marie described meeting informally with those who were teaching on a unit of study

she was coordinating, and revealed that their connection was established when they had

worked together previously on a similar unit. This may reflect part of the process of

how relationships and friendships develop between colleagues (see section 6.2.4).

... there's a new unit of study that I'll be coordinating next semester. So today

we had a meeting of three of us who might be teaching on that unit. So it's

pretty informal in this office. I'd done a bit of thinking about it, so I gave them

my thoughts on paper. But they are two people who have taught [with me on] a

similar unit in the past and one of them was the coordinator previously. So

we've had an ongoing connection I guess, and the way we've operated in the

past has been fairly informal and we just meet in one office or another. Then

catch up in the corridors if there was anything in between. (Marie)

6.5.4 Semi-formal academic development strategies

This study aimed to investigate the nature of informal conversation and also how

academics learn about teaching through informal conversation. One of the more

traditional ways for academics to learn about teaching is by attending formal academic

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development programs, such as courses and workshops. The connection between

informal conversation and one example of formal academic development, an

introductory program on university teaching, is analysed in the next chapter, Chapter 7.

The connections between informal conversation and several semi-formal academic

development strategies: workshops, peer observation and mentoring, are summarised

below.

6.5.4.1 Workshops

Workshops are a type of academic development initiative where academics learn from

facilitators and fellow participants in a semi-structured setting, usually in person at a

set time and place. Academics were generous in describing the workshops about

teaching that they had attended and providing suggestions for future workshops; this

included what they thought worked well and did not work as well. One of the aspects

most frequently described as useful was having time dedicated to teaching and thinking

about teaching. Academics‟ perception of being time-pressured has been summarised

in section 6.4.1 and the role of formal communication about teaching in encouraging

informal conversation was described in section 6.5.2 (on formal meetings). Workshops,

like formal meetings, were described as leading to informal conversation before, during

and after they had occurred, a feature of formal academic development previously

identified by Knight et al. (2006).

So you might be walking over to – [for example,] I fell in with a colleague of

mine, walking over to hear a paper in a seminar, and he asks me to take him

over [the ideas he has for] this course and „how's it going?‟. I say, „well, it

looks to be going fine. What books do you use?‟ „I'm using this book.‟ „Oh

right. I like that one, but I like this one better.‟ „Yes, I don‟t like that one for

these reasons.‟ – these sorts of things (Allan)

The other thing that's really good within the faculty is they have teaching

forums, so they run little workshops ... it's the people who are interested in

teaching who go, but it allows what we're doing to be disseminated amongst

people. ... if I've given a workshop, people [who] have come to the workshop

and have gone away and a while later [they] will send me an email and say „I

started using what you were doing in class‟. So from that point of view, they're

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really good for disseminating different approaches to assessment and different

approaches to teaching. (Meghan)

6.5.4.2 Peer observation

Academics‟ participation in a program to observe colleagues‟ teaching and have

colleagues observe their teaching was described as leading to formal, structured

conversations as well as informal conversations about teaching.

Sometimes, and I think this is really interesting, we come to each other's

classes, to a guest lecture, and ideally the old original lecturer is still there. So

we can see what's going on in another class and it's also very good to see how

the others do it. Sometimes maybe after class you say, „yeah, [it] went well, it's

what we expected‟. So then there's not much to talk about. Sometimes you get a

new idea … but it's not formalised. (Jon).

The experience of team teaching and peer observation sometimes led academics to

question their colleagues‟ approaches to teaching, and this would lead to conversation

about why and how they would make changes to their teaching. In the example below,

because Maxine‟s plan hadn‟t worked in the way that she thought that it would for one

group of students, she changed her teaching to better meet the learning needs of

students in the next class.

I‟ve worked here for four years, [and] I'm using different styles every year.

People [will] ask me, „actually, it's not your first time to teach this unit, so how

come you're still busy?‟ ... Even [for] different classes [in the same subject] I

[would] use different ways to teach. We use team teaching, so another

[academic] staff [member] will listen to my part, then when I finish, it's her

turn. Sometimes she will say, „the way you teach is different from this

morning‟. I say, „yes, because this morning I taught this way and I realised

that something goes wrong, students don‟t understand‟ so I change my

PowerPoint, I change the style, immediately, ask staff to help me, give me

something, to make sure the second group knows what I'm doing. I told my

colleagues, „I never stick with the same strategy for each class, because each

class has different needs‟. (Maxine)

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The role of the academic in determining the aims for and volunteering to

participate in peer observation or informal conversation may help to ensure its

effectiveness. This contrasts with informal conversation and peer observation

initiated by someone other than the academic, for example, a manager who reacts

to negative responses on student evaluations. The excerpts from interviews that

appear below illustrate that when pressured or advised to improve, the academics

endeavoured merely to achieve competency or make minimal improvements, rather

than aspire to excellent teaching.

We're in a situation where we get evaluated and if our evaluations are low,

well you're called into the office. So you're always trying to „keep your nose

above water‟ and that's what academics who are under high pressure are

doing. (Sarah)

I've had some staff who have come and sat in my classes to see what I do, to

see if they can improve their teaching, which is positive, but they're only

looking at improving it to the bare minimum level ... they had bad evaluations

and they were told they [that] had to improve. They were told that one of the

ways they could improve them was to go and see what someone else was doing

in the classroom. ... I tell people, „if you really want the students to learn,

[then] you have to do formative feedback‟. ... Some of the people I was talking

to would say, „that takes too much time, it's too hard to keep doing that‟.

(Meghan)

6.5.4.3 Mentoring

One reason given for having an informal conversation with a particular colleague about

teaching was that a mentoring relationship had been established (see section 6.2.4)

where it was acceptable to discuss teaching and seek advice on issues related to

teaching, and having this relationship fostered useful communication. In the next

excerpt, the mentor‟s knowledge, experience, and their approach to teaching, were seen

as useful qualities in an informal conversation about teaching.

... in terms of our relationship, it‟s a bit more like a mentor[ing relationship,

where] she's my mentor, [and] I'm her mentee ... I really see her as someone

with extensive knowledge and experience in teaching, which I don‟t have and

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that I can take her advice, but she's very good at stepping back ... she's very

good at that, those kinds of discussions, and I find that very useful. (Ellen)

Academics suggested that mentoring occurred during „handover‟ of a course, when

the responsibility for teaching a course was reallocated from one staff member to

another. Academics described the conversation that happened during the handover

process as being focused on course delivery and issues.

... the mentoring side of things. That you get lecturers giving material for the

first time, … Usually it will be picked up by somebody else who's given the

course before. Depending on people's time, willingness or whatever, they'll

either just go with those notes or that material or they'll revamp it. But there's

always going to be discussion at that point about what the person who's giving

over that course, what issues they've found and these sorts of things. (Joshua)

I think we‟ve been pretty lucky on the mentoring front in a sense that there are

some great people in the department that aren‟t necessarily the best

implementers of good teaching practice but seem to like thinking about this

stuff a lot. So we often found ourselves in a situation where particular

academics say never return their assignments until after the end of semester.

But in terms of thinking about teaching ideas and whatever else, they‟re really

good at throwing up [ideas, for example,] „well if you try this, then this is what

might happen‟ and things like that. (Benjamin)

Certain individual academics were seen as mentors, but also as experts, for example,

I do talk to my former PhD supervisor, but that's more about content than

teaching methods. But I have had a lot of discussions with him about lecturing

... about lecturing techniques, what works and what doesn‟t work. In fact,

that's been quite a regular discussion since I've been here. (Joshua)

In one case, the conversation which resulted from a semi-formal mentoring system,

was referred to by Patrick as “friendly”, an important attribute in informal teaching

conversation – as described previously in section 6.2.4.

... there is a loose mentoring system. We all have somebody to whom we are

expected to talk, ... usually a senior colleague ... I don‟t know if he works this

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way for everybody, he and I get along famously, so that [talk] takes place in a

very sort of friendly atmosphere always. (Patrick)

There were cases where the established structures or systems of a department or the

university were portrayed as limiting academics‟ opportunities for conversation; one

example was a change in policy regarding the requirements for a mentor. The

implications of this policy change meant that a previously eligible and active mentor

was ineligible (for a mentor role), and the potential mentoring-related conversations

and relationship building ceased.

... strangely this time around they've changed the criteria. Up until now anyone

could be a mentor or a mentee, this time around they've done it by levels so

you have to be a professor or an associate professor [senior academic

appointments in Australian universities] to be a mentor and level C, B or A

[mid-level and junior academic appointments in Australian universities] to be

a mentee. I was a mentor in the program for the last three years and now I

can't be and it's something I really miss because that was fantastic in terms of

being able to talk about teaching. (Meghan)

This former mentor also noted that corridors and coffee-making facilities had the

„water-cooler effect‟ of triggering conversation (as outlined in section 6.4.4).

I know that's not informal in the sense that that's what you're looking for but in

one sense it became informal because the three mentors that I've had, when I

meet them in the corridor or in the coffee shop or on campus, [then] we'll stop

and chat. Most of the time I'll ask them how their teaching is going and what

they're doing in class now. Occasionally one of them will send me an email

about something that they're doing or something that they're trialling, so it

leads to informal conversations in a sense and that was really good. (Meghan)

Although the focus of this study was on department level communication, those

academics who were interested in developing their teaching would approach

someone outside their department if they were the person with the relevant

expertise. Luke found the role of his external mentor crucial to implementing a

new teaching initiative.

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... we don‟t have anybody [here] like that to be our mentor. I just said to him,

the year before last, when I was talking to him about it, „will you be the

mentor? If I have got any questions, can I just email you?‟ He said, „yes‟ … I

couldn‟t have done this ... without knowing that I could turn [to] him. (Luke)

6.6 Summary

The academics interviewed in this study described four areas of their context:

Colleagues with whom they work, Processes for reward and recognition, Time and

place, and Formal management of communication, as influencing their informal

conversations on teaching. Academics described seeking out colleagues whom they

perceived as helpful and who had expertise in a relevant area. They also sought out

those who shared their approach to teaching and those with whom they had a personal

connection, such as a friendship.

Academics explained that employment in academia was not related to teaching

achievements but instead, linked to demonstrating their abilities as researchers. They

indicated that they felt under pressure to achieve promotion and recognition through

research publications. Department leaders and colleagues offered variable support for

teaching. The advice of more senior, more experienced academics did not always

encourage academics to expend effort on teaching; sometimes they counselled

colleagues not to waste their time on teaching and embodied their own advice by

relieving themselves of teaching duties with research grants.

Being time-poor and having a significant amount of pressure to perform may mean that

academics think that there is limited time to dedicate to their teaching, and this may be

reinforced because it is not recognised or rewarded in the same ways as research. A

basic requirement for a conversation to occur is that an academic colleague is available

and accessible. Informal conversations were triggered by academics serendipitously

meeting in corridors or near coffee-making facilities and limited by academics not

being present, for example, if they were working from their homes.

In addition to participating in conversations themselves, leaders were also able to

encourage informal communication about teaching by organising formal meetings

about teaching and formal opportunities to learn about teaching. Strategies for

facilitating communication about teaching worked to trigger informal conversation,

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partly by establishing a time and place for conversation and partly by fostering the

perception that teaching-related activities were a worthwhile use of academics‟ time.

The ways formal management strategies, such as a semi-formal mentoring program,

can be used to encourage informal conversation, are discussed in section 8.3.

Within this context, there is a central focus on formal academic development as support

for teaching, and the connection between this focus, department-based strategies and

informal conversation has not been investigated. The relationship between informal

conversation and one form of academic development, an introductory program for

novice university teachers, is explored in the next chapter, Chapter 7.

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Chapter 7. Relations between a

formal academic development

program and informal conversation

about teaching

The initial set of interviews suggested that informal conversation was a valued means

of teaching development for mid-level academics (see Chapter 5). Academics also

described how informal conversation was influenced by formal communication about

teaching (for examples, see section 6.5). Within the context of this University, there

has traditionally been a focus on formal modes of communicating about teaching, such

as those typically found in formal academic development programs and committee

meetings. Consistent with the grounded theory principle of emergent ideas being used

to inform the collection of new data (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; see section 3.4.3), a

question arose about the connections between formal and informal conversational

forms of learning about teaching. Building on the academics‟ reported experience of

conversation as useful, and the existing focus on formal academic development at this

University, the question that emerged was, „how does informal conversation

complement formal teaching development activities?‟ An additional reason why this is

important is because if these are not connected, and instead are disconnected, “creating

an undesirable split” (Dewey, 1916, p. 9) between formal learning and informal

learning, it will impact academics‟ development.

Even within one University context, there are many formal teaching development

activities available and it would be difficult to explore the relationships between all of

these and informal conversation. Thus, one formal program was chosen as an example

that represents a common approach to formal academic development. The example

selected was an introductory program for novice university teachers.

To examine the relationship between the academics‟ learning from the identified

formal academic development program and their informal conversation about teaching,

the formal program needed to be investigated from the perspective of the academic

participants. Drawing on the nature of informal conversation described in earlier

interviews (and presented as conversation topics and usefulness in Chapters 4 and 5),

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six academics who had completed the formal program were interviewed, and the

formal program outline and participant evaluations were analysed. This chapter is

based on the analysis of those documents and interview transcripts.

7.1 An example of a formal academic development program

The example of a formal academic development program selected from those available

at the university where this study was set was a two-day introduction to university

teaching. The program is similar to programs facilitated by many other Australian

universities to prepare novice academics for university teaching. (For a review of the

teaching development available to university teachers, see section 2.1; Dearn et al.,

2002; Hicks, Smigiel, Wilson & Luzeckyj, 2010.) Academics who are new to teaching

and/or new to the university (who do not possess a degree in education or tertiary

teaching) are required to attend the central program as a condition of their appointment.

As this is the only teaching and learning development initiative which is compulsory

for incoming academics from all faculties, it is one of the few opportunities some

academics will have to learn about teaching and it has the potential to impact teaching

across the university. At the university studied, the formal program (Principles and

Practice of University Teaching and Learning) is offered three or four times each year,

and the current version reflects its development over approximately fifteen years.

The first step in investigating how the program complemented or conflicted with

informal conversation was to acquire an understanding of the content of the formal

program. The program aims and session topics are detailed further in section 7.3;

generally the program is designed to provide an introduction to the key aspects of

teaching and learning at university. This introduction should enable participants to

think about their own experiences of teaching and learning in relation to current

research into how students learn effectively, and to help them consider how approaches

to teaching may influence learning (Institute for Teaching and Learning, 2011).

Although its main purpose is to introduce new teachers to higher education teaching

and learning principles, the program is also intended to provide experienced teachers

with the opportunity to further develop their knowledge and skills.

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7.2 Relations between the Principles and Practice of University

Teaching and Learning program and informal conversation

about teaching

This chapter is focused on whether and how academics experienced relations between

two different forms of learning about teaching. These two forms were informal

conversation about teaching within university departments and a formal academic

development program, the Principles and Practice of University Teaching and Learning

(Principles and Practice) program. Academics‟ descriptions of the relationship between

the ideas from these discrete experiences fell into two main categories. The relationship

was described by participants as Conflicting and disconnected or Complementary and

mutually reinforcing. A more detailed description of the relationship between the ideas

from the Principles and Practice program and informal conversation is provided below.

7.2.1 Informal and formal learning as conflicting and disconnected

One of the reasons for investigating the relationship between the learning from

conversation and the „Principles and Practice‟ program, is because a formal central

academic development program is very different from informal conversation between

departmental colleagues. As the nature of informal conversation has already been

outlined in previous chapters, this chapter will focus on the nature of the formal

program, in relation to the informal conversation. The relationship is considered from

the perspective of six academics who were interviewed after they had completed the

formal program and then returned to teaching (and communication about teaching) in

their department contexts. One of the interviewees, George, described the formal

program as having topics that were not applicable to teaching in his discipline (unlike

how informal conversation was described by academics in Chapter 4). He identified his

main teaching issue as engaging students and he reported occasionally talking to

disciplinary colleagues about how they managed this issue.

I occasionally talk to my colleagues here in the department. The main issue is

mainly how to motivate students, how to keep them engaged, how to attract

their attention. This is maybe one of the areas that needs special attention

because it's quite difficult when you teach [my discipline] that [it] can be

sometimes quite boring. I occasionally discuss with my colleagues how they

cope with [that]. (George)

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Although the Principles and Practice program outline explicitly referred to student

engagement (see Table 7.1) and other participants have found it to be useful for

learning how to engage students (see section 7.4), for some academics, disciplinary

content expertise was more important in understanding the issues in their teaching.

George was one of those academics and explains why he saw the teaching done by

himself and his disciplinary colleagues as different to the teaching done by

“professionals” (i.e. academic developers) on the formal program.

Well the [Principles and Practice program] workshop was intended for all

disciplines. It was not specifically intended for [my discipline]. Some of the

topics were not really applicable to teaching [my discipline] students. This is

one difference, and the lecturers at the workshops were professionals ... we are

also teachers but not really with formal teaching education, this is also one of

the differences ... whereas the [disciplinary] colleagues have expertise [that is]

more related to the teaching areas. (George)

George perceived that the program facilitators were qualified teachers and therefore

unlike him. This difference, combined with the program being designed for academics

from all disciplines, was what George suggested made some aspects of the program

less relevant for his teaching context. This reinforces the idea that emerged previously;

that some teaching-related issues may be best understood and resolved by those who

have commonalities (see section 8.2.3). Like George, other academics considered

colleagues with disciplinary backgrounds and teaching ideologies similar to their own

(see section 6.2.3) to provide advice that was more relevant or appropriate for their

context.

The idea of commonality between colleagues encouraging communication about

teaching had a separate but related idea where a lack of commonality (or the absence of

the commonality that mattered) between colleagues made communication about

teaching difficult. One of these differences (or lack of commonality) was between

disciplinary colleagues who have and those who have not, attended the formal

program. The ideas that are part of the content of the formal program can lead

academics who have attended a formal program to change their conceptions of and

approaches to teaching (e.g., Gibbs & Coffey, 2004; Hanbury et al., 2008). This change

may mean that program participants have different approaches to teaching to those

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academics who have not attended such a program. This difference makes it difficult to

communicate and find common ground across these groups. In this university context,

not all academics who teach at the university have completed the formal program, and

not all those who participate have an interest in teaching or improving teaching. This

means that program participants will likely come into contact with colleagues in their

disciplines and department who do not share their ideas about teaching. Lisa was one

of these program participants who found communicating with her disciplinary

colleagues to be challenging. When speaking with departmental colleagues after

attending the Principles and Practice program, Lisa discovered that her enthusiasm was

unwelcome and that ideas and questions based on her learning during the program were

perceived to be irrelevant to how other academics taught. Even more unfortunately,

these differences may lead to disagreements between colleagues and make it

challenging to develop mutually supportive relationships. Lisa clarifies how the

response of her colleagues was such that she started to doubt the relevance of the

program ideas to her teaching.

… I tried to raise those questions around assessment, around marking ... The

response I've gotten is either no response or just a sense that I'm being really

overly earnestly earnest and eager and that it's really not necessary for the

purposes of the course [we are teaching]. ... I kind of felt that, in raising those

issues, I was looking a bit too earnest or [being] a bit of a troublemaker. Then

I began to question whether what I was asking was even relevant or whether it

was more just about being too earnest about wanting to apply the kind of

things that we learnt [on the Principles and Practice program].

... it's difficult to go on to talk about what we learnt ... you're unsettling the

way that things have been done for a while and that‟s creating extra work for

other people. (Lisa)

Lisa‟s uncertainty about the relevance of the ideas from the formal program to the

teaching approach of her departmental colleagues was not the only challenge to

improving teaching through conversation. Lisa also observed that the curriculum itself

might not be able to accommodate what she had learnt during the program and that this

made it difficult to speak to her colleagues.

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I think [that] there's a bit of a disconnect between what we learnt and not just

how individual teachers approach teaching or see and understand the kind of

abstract concepts we learnt about and the relevance of them. … [but] on a

faculty level as well, the way that the course might be approached might not

allow for application of the kind of stuff [that] we learnt.

… people outside who haven't done the course, at the same time, I find that I

can't relate to them or [I] feel self-conscious or pretentious just talking about it

[with them]. ... there's this divide between the people who have done it [the

formal program] and the people who haven't. There's not a sense that, once

you learn this, then you can relate it to all of your colleagues on this level or

talk to your colleagues. (Lisa)

The experience of having her ideas from the program being seen as inappropriate for or

incompatible with teaching in her faculty, could be linked to Lisa trying to think about

and evolve teaching practice when other academics were focused on managing their

teaching responsibilities (see Chapter 5). The experiences of Lisa and George reinforce

the importance of establishing common ground with colleagues to generate

conversation (an idea explored further in section 8.2.3). This is apparent in the

distinction made between conversations Lisa has had with a disciplinary colleague who

had completed a formal program at the same time she did (see quote below) and

conversations she has had with other colleagues in the discipline (as presented in above

quotes). In this case, a shared experience of attending the Principles and Practice

program and valuing student needs were important common ground, and have

contributed to Lisa and one colleague developing a collegial relationship.

... there's one [PhD] student from ...[the] program as well who‟s in [my

discipline]. I found that I have [an] ongoing kind of a relationship with her

now, where we can stay in touch and we do talk [because] we can talk about

teaching on this level, but kind of put in this kind of [disciplinary] context,

which is great.

... [It‟s] mainly about getting student feedback or issues around assessment

and how to respond to particular students who are struggling or how to make

the course (the subject) more relevant to the students. ... we're not actually

specifically identifying a particular concept [from the formal program] like

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constructive alignment ... but we are reflecting on it [my subject] in a way

that's more linked to the course [the formal program].

… [I think it‟s because] a teacher who has done the course, [is] probably more

respectful or interested in the needs of students. When you talk to other

teachers, it's more about the students as the problem. [With them,] it's more

about your needs as a teacher and a researcher. ... When I talk to this other

teacher [who has completed the program], it's about the students and their

needs. (Lisa)

Lisa and George referred to the differences between the ideas that appeared in their

conversation with colleagues and those of the formal program. They did not necessarily

find the experiences to be connected, but they had attended the program and conversed

with colleagues about teaching, albeit occasionally in George‟s case. A greater

challenge to academics attempting to connect with colleagues and apply the learning of

the formal program to departmental conversation occurs in departments where there is

marginal, negligible or non-existent communication about teaching. This lack of

communication was cited as a reason why some academics found it difficult to talk

about teaching with academics in their department after attending the formal academic

development program, despite a desire to discuss the Principles and Practice program.

… most of the people [who] I work with in the discipline ... they're either doing

a lot of research and they're not as involved when it comes to teaching.

Although I get to talk about my teaching at team meetings, ... that is ... the only

genuine venue where I can discuss teaching and learning issues or teaching

and learning concerns ... on a casual basis I don't really have that opportunity

as much … it would be good to have opportunities to talk about the P&P

[Principles and Practice program]. (Edward)

… there wasn't much happening after the course to sort of link back to the

course. So one of the lecturers [in my discipline] sent me some [material] I

can use ... I'm hoping to talk to him about it. I've sent a couple of emails but

nobody has replied. We haven't had that discussion yet. (Andrew)

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7.2.2 Informal and formal learning as complementary and mutually

reinforcing

The previous section 7.2.1 illustrated the impact of having academics attend a formal

development program that was disconnected from their departmental communication

about teaching. If conversation were recognised as a strategy for professional

development that could effectively complement formal programs, it would enhance

academics‟ learning about teaching. Thus, the question must be asked whether and how

conversation can support existing formal professional development. For example, what

can academics learn through informal conversation that is not traditionally offered in

existing formal programs?

The differences apparent between formal and informal forms of learning suggest that

formal programs can develop some aspects of academics‟ teaching and informal

conversation can develop others and each can complement or reinforce the learning of

the other. One of the interviewees, Natasha reported having this complementary

experience. Natasha found that the formal program provided useful strategies for

presenting curriculum content and that talking informally with colleagues was a useful

way to design curriculum content. Firstly, her account of the formal program:

… because P&P [the Principles and Practice program] is broad. It's

university wide. It's [designed for] people of so many different disciplines ... So

it was more about, „forget about what your actual content is. This is some

ideas for how to teach, how to present the content, in a way that's more likely

to get people where they're interacting, instead of just sitting there passively

and writing stuff down‟. (Natasha)

There was a difference experienced by Natasha between these forms of learning on

whether there was a focus on the „how‟ (i.e. delivery, see above quote) as in the formal

program, or the „what‟ (i.e. content) of curriculum as in conversation, described below.

[I talk with colleagues] ... in fairly general terms ... around trying to be

engaging and interactive ... [but] we tend to talk more about the content in

terms of the syllabus and what we want the students to take away from it ...

[more about] „what‟s in there‟ rather than the „how to deliver it‟. (Natasha)

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Natasha‟s experience demonstrates that the formal program and informal conversation

can be complementary and develop ideas about separate but related teaching practices.

An even more effective experience would be if the formal and informal strategies were

able to reinforce the learning within the other form of development.

Completing a formal academic development program is intended to be useful for

novice university teachers, so ideally, while they are attending the program, academics

should be able to see how the program content is relevant for their teaching. An

unintended outcome of academics engaging in informal conversation in departments

after attending is program participants using these conversations to introduce other

academics to the content of the formal program. This could help novice academics who

attended the program to build on the ideas from the program, and adapt and apply them

in their own teaching context, as well as provide a language for teaching excellence

within departments. There are two opportunities for reinforcement to occur. Firstly,

during the program, Melissa was prompted to reflect on aspects of her teaching and this

led to her seeking conversation with colleagues. Secondly, and importantly, following

completion of the program, Melissa‟s return to her department and to teaching and

communicating about teaching, were able to trigger memories about the program ideas.

[During the program,] I kept writing little notes about what I wanted to tell my

colleagues. For example, „oh gosh, we are doing this really well‟ or „let's have

another look at the way we do that‟. So all through my notes, I've got these

little reminders to [my]self to talk to colleagues about this and that. I honestly

did get some big „ah-ha‟ moments. I sent a text message to this colleague of

mine, saying, „wow, I really want to chat to you about blah-blah‟. ... as we've

both been marking this last assessment item, we've both been engaging in those

discussions. (Melissa)

The first part of the mutually reinforcing usefulness of the two different types of

communication may have been facilitated by Melissa being interested in teaching and

attending the formal program at a time when it was relevant for her. The second part of

the reinforcement was likely the results of her colleagues‟ positive reception to her, and

her ideas from the program, within the faculty upon her return. Conversation with

interested colleagues was able to enable Melissa to apply the learning she had gained

during the Principles and Practice program.

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[After the program,] I spoke to my colleagues about the way we – our

transparency around learning outcomes and objectives ... [and how to]

develop an assessment grid ... I'll come across something [in my teaching] and

it will trigger a memory from the [program]. I'll say, „oh look, by the way, I've

been thinking about this‟. (Melissa)

In her department, Melissa used the ideas of the program to start a discussion about

assessment which happened to generate further communication about teaching. She

described her colleagues initiating further conversation about the relevant aspects of

what she had learnt during the program, and the beginning of an ongoing informal

dialogue about teaching in their department.

… even though it's me [sic] that went to the [formal program] sessions, my

colleague was saying, „oh yeah, look this reminds me of something you said,

blah-blah-blah‟, and we talk about it. (Melissa)

The reinforcing, complementary experiences of these academics contrast with the

disconnected, conflicting experiences of the academics quoted previously in section

7.2.1. Furthermore, the experiences of these academics demonstrate how the

relationship between the two forms of development influences the potential for

learning within each. The reinforcing, complementary experiences of Natasha and

Melissa might represent an example of the effectiveness of the integrated academic

development approach suggested by Kreber and Castleden (2009).

The academics who found that informal conversation was disconnected from the

formal program and the academics who experienced it as a complement to formal

academic development described similar topics, assessment and engaging students, as

presenting issues in their teaching. Thus, the next step of exploring the relationship

between these two forms of learning was to map the topics raised in each, and to note

the extent of overlap.

7.3 Mapping the Principles and Practice program topics to

informal conversation topics

Based on the quotes in 7.2, it would be expected that for some academics, informal

conversation could serve the function of adding depth and discipline specificity to the

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content covered in formal development programs. This function may be achieved

through connections between the topics and usefulness of the two forms of

development. Previously, Chapters 4 and 5 provided the topics and usefulness of

conversation, so the focus here is on the content of the formal program, firstly topics

and then usefulness. Mapping the broad categories of conversation topics to the

Principles and Practice program outline shows where informal conversation may build

on the program and where there is no connection. The learning outcomes for the

program state that after completing the program, participants will be able to,

1. Apply their understanding of how students learn, to their teaching, unit of study

design and assessment;

2. Engage with current research on student learning and university teaching;

3. Evaluate teaching to further improve their students‟ learning; and

4. Identify key University policies that impact on teaching and learning practice

(Institute for Teaching and Learning, 2011).

These learning outcomes appear to relate closely to the topics discussed in informal

conversation about teaching, as shown in Table 7.1. This mapping was done by

comparing the content of the formal program sessions to the accounts of their

conversation provided by earlier interviewees. The eight session titles of the formal

program appear in the first column. Four key topic areas formed the core of what was

discussed during informal conversation about teaching; Students, Curriculum content

and implementation, Assessment and Evaluation (as presented in Chapter 4) and these

are shown in the second column, with any topics that are less explicitly relevant

appearing in brackets.

Table 7.1 Mapping informal conversation topics to formal program sessions

Principles and Practice program session titles Relevant informal

conversation topics

Student perceptions of and approaches to learning (Students)

Learning outcomes and constructive alignment Assessment

Teaching for student engagement Curriculum: implementation

Students

Student engagement in different settings: Breakout

groups on lectures, tutorials, eLearning, and research

supervision

Curriculum: implementation

(Students)

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Although there appears to be significant overlap (seen in Table 7.1) between the topics

of the Principles and Practice sessions and the topics of informal conversation, the

differences between these forms of learning make it likely that the ways that these

topics are presented or discussed in each differs. This difference is illustrated by

considering the emphasis within each on one topic area, students. In informal

conversation about teaching, when student issues were raised as a topic, the focus was

mainly on the management of those issues or on reassurance about dealing with them

(see Chapter 5). In the formal academic development program, the focus of student-

related content was on thinking about how to facilitate student learning, and would be

more in the realms of improving or evolving. For example, within informal

conversation, academics described talking about the issue of academic honesty to help

them „deal with‟ isolated cases of potential plagiarism by individual students. The

corresponding sessions in the formal program, Assessment for student learning and

Inclusive teaching were focused on principles for teaching effectively and how

assessment practice might support the learning of all students, for example by revising

assessment design to encourage academic honesty.

The mapping process also revealed a second significant observation. This observation

was in the area of curriculum content, which is absent in the formal program and is a

strong focus in informal conversation. Given the generic nature of the Principles and

Practice program and the discipline focus of informal conversation, this difference was

to be expected. As reported by Natasha, the difference also represents one of the

opportunities for the formal program and informal conversation to serve

complementary roles in academic development.

The focus of this chapter is the relationship between two forms of learning from the

perspective of the academics participating in both. Although the similarities of topics

Assessment for student learning Assessment

(Students)

Inclusive teaching (Students)

Curriculum: implementation

Evaluating the student experience; Recognising and

rewarding teaching

Evaluation

(Students)

Scholarly teaching Curriculum- implementation

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revealed by the mapping process are interesting, the formal program content does not

necessarily represent the learning experience of academics attending the program. The

next step in exploring the relationship was to expand on the intended learning

outcomes and session outlines to determine what program participants reported

learning from attending the formal program.

7.4 Comparing the perceived usefulness of the Principles and

Practice development program and informal conversation

The perceived usefulness of the formal program in relation to informal conversation

will be considered using two sources of data. The first source of data is the responses

(quantitative and qualitative) on the formal written evaluation completed by

participants at the conclusion of the formal program. The second source of data is the

interviews that were conducted with academics specifically to investigate the links

between informal and formal learning about teaching in this university context.

As outlined in section 7.3, the Principles and Practice program aims to prepare novice

university teachers for university teaching. To monitor the effectiveness of the formal

program in achieving this aim, participants complete formal written evaluations of their

learning and experience at the conclusion of their program. As would be expected for a

program that is designed to meet the professional learning needs of its participants, the

evaluation responses are generally positive about the relevance of the program content.

In these formal evaluations, consistently over the past five years, the majority of

Principles and Practice program participants describe the formal program as being

useful and directly relevant to their work for the university (demonstrated by 80% or

greater agreement, < 10% disagreement on a five point Likert scale) (G. Hendry,

personal communication, February 28, 2012). The open responses on program

evaluations reflect the diversity of academics‟ learning needs related to teaching (G.

Hendry, personal communication, February 28, 2012).

Building on the evidence in formal evaluations that the formal program was considered

useful by its academic participants, the six interviews conducted for this part of the

study asked academics how the program had been useful. The interviews confirmed the

results of the formal evaluations, that the formal program facilitates a variety of

learning outcomes amongst its participants. Although different participants reported

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different outcomes, there are some that are shared across participants, and the more

common of those outcomes are presented in illustrative quotes below. The usefulness

of the program was reported by academics as leading to an increase in confidence,

learning practical tips about teaching and hearing different approaches to a challenging

issue from colleagues teaching in various disciplines.

I learnt, I guess, lots of little practical tips for ways to actually implement

things in class and just engage with students ... it has changed some of the

ways that I do things in class. (Natasha)

... [It] formalised the whole process ... learning from what other people have to

say in different disciplines, I think, was what made it more rewarding and

more meaningful for me ...[It was] more or less like a self-validation as well

that it's either you're doing the right thing, or [you‟re] doing the wrong thing,

or maybe you need to improve. (Edward)

[I learnt about] social inclusion, which is something that I was particularly

interested in and also about different ways to run a class, so different ways to

try and engage students. ... as a teacher, I'm still confronted with the problem

of not knowing how to change the course material, [or] change the way it's

taught to accommodate individuals on that level. It was interesting. But then I

still don't know [how] I can really do that within the subjects themselves. So

it's kind of made it more complex for me. (Lisa)

One of the participants, Melissa (for whom conversation had reinforced her learning

from the formal program, see section 7.2.2) described two of her learning outcomes

from the formal program, and the implications of these for her teaching and

communication about teaching. For Melissa, attending the program helped her to begin

to think about and justify existing teaching approaches to herself, colleagues and

students. This justification process was partly the result of the formal program being

validating as well as the ideas of the program leading her to speak with colleagues and

question why they were using one assessment activity.

Sometimes I learnt that people are doing incredibly different things to meet

different needs. That‟s great. That's diversity. But there were also some

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common threads that were quite – not rewarding to hear, but reinforcing.

(Melissa)

They also led us to talk about why we're doing things this way already. ...

really pulling it apart and saying, „why are we using a group assessment

activity here? What do we hope to gain from it? What do we hope the students

will gain from it?‟ Really analysing it, instead of just saying, „okay, let's do a

bit of group assessment‟. (Melissa)

Melissa‟s reinforcing experiences of attending the formal program and engaging in

conversation with colleagues provided her with a rationale for existing practice, and for

proposing changes. In her discussions with students, Melissa was able to use this

rationale, see quote below, for explaining why she used group work and group

assessment.

... it gave me some further evidence to actually talk to the students, to use in

student dialogue about learning ... I mentioned that I'd been to [the program]

and that it was really exciting. [I told the students that], „we're going to be

making some changes. But we also are currently doing X, Y, Z for these

reasons‟. So [the program] gave me that sort of theoretical reassurance, if you

like, that what we're doing is actually okay ... So what I was able to do was to

explain [to students] why we've chosen to use group work and group

assessment. (Melissa)

The learning outcomes of participants described in interviews reflect not only the

diversity of learning needs, but also the range of ways that a central academic

development program for novice university teachers can be useful. The quotes suggest

that the program provides reassurance for academics, and advice on how to manage,

improve and think about teaching, which is similar to how the initial set of

interviewees described the usefulness of informal conversation (Chapter 5).

The interviews and the quantitative data from the formal evaluation indicated that the

formal program was useful for academics to learn about teaching. The purpose of this

part of the study is to investigate the connection between this program and informal

conversation, so further analysis was needed to link the usefulness of the formal

program and informal conversation. A more in-depth analysis of the written evaluation

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comments from one cohort of Principles and Practice participants (G. Hendry, personal

communication, February 28, 2012) was conducted to uncover that cohort‟s perception

of the usefulness of the program. The qualitative comments were coded using the

subcategories of usefulness arising out of the initial set of interviews on informal

conversation (see Chapter 5). Several quotes are provided below as examples of each

of four of the five sub-categories of usefulness. The sorts of comments which

illustrated „to Evolve their teaching, thinking and practice‟, were “to unpack how to

understand the students‟ perspective and support them”, “rethink my approach to

teaching” and “great framework of teaching/learning”. The sorts of comments which

illustrated „Improve their teaching and student learning‟, were “Useful ideas that I can

try to use” and “ideas regarding teaching strategies/engagement, assessment”. The sorts

of comments which illustrated „Manage their teaching context‟, were “Good tips with

dealing with students”, “what things are good to do and what to avoid” and “necessary

aspects of teaching and learning at university”. The sorts of comments which illustrated

„Reassure themselves about their teaching practice‟, were “Teach in a more confident

manner”, “reinforced what constitutes good teaching” and “supportive environment”.

In addition to the questions about the usefulness of the program, the formal written

evaluation of the program includes questions about how the program could be

improved. Participants‟ suggestions for how the program could be improved were

analysed to explore whether there was a particular category of usefulness (i.e. a need)

which was not being met sufficiently by the program. The majority of comments

reflected a desire for advice on how to manage teaching, such as suggestions for “More

practical examples of lecturing”, opportunities to “discuss the problems we meet” and a

focus on “dealing with, facilitating and communicating with students”. A few

comments from participants suggested that there could be additional program content.

This suggested content was in the area of the Chapter 5 sub-categories of reassurance

about, and improvement and evolution of teaching. Both informal conversation within

departments and centrally-facilitated formal development programs can and do

incorporate aspects of improving and evolving teaching for academics. A couple of

participants criticised program facilitators for allowing participants who were “too

outspoken” to “monopolise sessions”. This may mean that the program is not the

appropriate venue for individuals to „vent about teaching-related issues‟ (Chapter 5),

and confirms why this sub-category is the only one of the five which did not appear in

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participants‟ descriptions of the useful aspects of the formal program (summarised in

the previous paragraph).

This brief analysis suggests that one way in which informal conversation about

teaching may potentially complement formal academic development is to focus on the

area of greatest need for novice academics – managing their teaching. Another way

informal conversation can be useful is as a place for individuals to vent about their

teaching (preferable to having them do so in formal academic development programs).

7.4.1 Informal conversation during a formal academic development

program

In addition to demonstrating how different forms of learning can be complementary,

this part of the data analysis revealed areas of overlap. One area of overlap between

learning from informal conversation and from a formal development program is in the

opportunities for informal conversations about teaching during the formal program,

such as within sessions, or during lunch, morning or afternoon tea. Interviews with the

six Principles and Practice participants indicated that when taking these opportunities,

some preferred to find colleagues with similar disciplinary backgrounds to their own;

others enjoyed listening to academics with different perspectives.

I think hearing other people's experiences was interesting, although somewhat

irrelevant a lot of the time ... But then you ended up finding other [academics

from your own discipline] during the breaks and talking to them. So there was

[sic] enough people there that you can hear everyone's experiences and find it

interesting and then you can talk to someone that's got [sic] similar experience

to you. (Andrew)

Program facilitators did not explicitly support informal conversations during the breaks

between sessions of the program (although refreshments were provided) and it might

be expected that participants would not necessarily focus on the program content when

they could choose any topic. However, engaging in informal conversation during the

program was reportedly able to help participants to learn from peers to fortify their

understanding of the program content. In this way, informal conversation

complemented and extended participants‟ learning from the lectures and resources

provided by program facilitators, and:

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... you're also learning from your peers ... you're hearing comments, ...

feedback or just experiences from other academics in other disciplines ...

you're absorbing so much information for two days, it became more easy [sic]

to remember because of the practical input from other academics. I think that

really helped a lot. (Edward)

One of the interview questions asked academics what aspects of the program had been

useful for their learning. In addition to experiencing conversation as reinforcing the

formal content (see previous quote), one academic identified informal conversations

with fellow participants as a particularly useful approach to learning. It was during

these conversations that Edward found out about the practical experiences of

colleagues who were implementing strategies that were relevant to the content of the

formal program, and to the range of approaches to teaching in different disciplines.

... one approach that worked best for me, as I've said, was more the peer

learning experience where you hear from the experiences of other academics

about what they're already doing or [how they‟re] practicing those strategies

[that had been described during the program] so that work[ed] very well for

me. The casual talks I think outside of the lectures or outside of the talks was

[sic] also pretty much helpful, even having a chat. I'd met several of them from

[various disciplines], and then just asking [them], „what's happening in their

faculty‟, as far as approaches are concerned. (Edward)

Within the context of a formal program, time and space for informal conversation

facilitated academics‟ learning from colleagues, and this built on the content of the

formal sessions. The quotes presented in the section support the results described in

section 6.5, where it was suggested that formal academic development initiatives could

develop connections between colleagues and facilitate learning through informal

conversation. This would provide academics with opportunities to reinforce and build

on the formal program content and to develop networks across disciplines and

departments. Such an approach to maximise learning during a formal program may be

especially beneficial for academics who will return to work in departments where there

are limited opportunities to communicate about teaching, as noted in the conflicting

and disconnected section (7.2.1) and also in section 6.5.

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7.5 Summary

The results presented in this chapter support those presented in the previous chapters

(Chapter 4 on topics and 5 on usefulness) regarding how informal conversation can

help academics to learn about teaching. They also show that while the topics and

usefulness of informal conversation and the Principles and Practice formal academic

development program are similar, there are significant differences; such as the

emphasis within conversation on managing teaching issues, and during the formal

program, on thinking about teaching. These differences suggest that informal

conversation and formal programs represent complementary means through which

teaching is developed. For some academics, the program and conversation were

complementary, or mutually reinforcing forms of learning about teaching, others found

these to be disconnected and conflicting experiences. The academics who found these

different forms of learning to be conflicting described this as hindering their learning.

The experience of these academics contrasts with that of the academics who found

each form of learning to be complementary to and reinforce the ideas from the other.

Although the interview sample is small, the experiences of the academics interviewed

indicate that connecting the ideas of a formal program to informal conversation within

departments may be an effective strategy for academics to continue to learn and

develop their teaching after completing a formal program. For some academics and

departments, this link between formal and informal learning may not be self-evident, or

informal conversation about teaching may not be encouraged. Thus, generating

conversation and connections between the learning from different forms of

development may be a challenge for academic developers. Some ideas for how the

connections between discrete forms of learning and communicating about teaching

could be improved are provided in section 8.3.

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Chapter 8. Strategies for stimulating

informal conversation about teaching

This study investigated academics‟ experience of informal conversation about teaching

within their departments. Thirty academic staff working in different departments at an

Australian research-intensive university were interviewed and the transcripts were

analysed using grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This analysis contributes to

our understanding of the potential of informal conversation to support academics to

learn about teaching. The four areas of focus were:

Chapter 4 Topics discussed during informal conversation about teaching

Chapter 5 The usefulness of informal conversation about teaching

Chapter 6 How context influences informal conversation about teaching

Chapter 7 Relations between a formal academic development program and

informal conversation about teaching

The results of Chapters 4, 5 and 6 are represented in Figure 8.1. This figure provides a

summary of the nature of informal conversation in terms of its topics and usefulness,

and the context which influences its occurrence.

The topics of informal conversation related to the teaching areas of greatest

significance for academics – those areas which appear in the relevant literature and

policy at this university, for which individuals are responsible, and are the most likely

to create challenges. Broadly, these topic areas, shown in the centre of Figure 8.1 were

students, curriculum, assessment and evaluation.

Informal conversation was seen to be useful in at least five different ways, shown in

Figure 8.1 (in the second ring). This included helping academics to manage issues

related to teaching in their discipline, and encouraging them to think about improving

and even strategically evolving their teaching. Conversation allowed academics to vent

and served to reassure them, as they were able to draw on the empathy and support

offered by colleagues after they had faced a difficult experience.

Informal conversation was examined from a socio-cultural perspective within

departmental contexts, because discourse contributes to and is a product of its context.

Collectively, the four areas presented in the outer ring of Figure 8.1, colleagues,

processes for reward and recognition, time and place, and formal management of

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communication, triggered, encouraged or hindered informal conversation about

teaching. Informal conversation was affected by whether teaching was perceived by

academics to be a worthwhile use of their time, and the availability and accessibility of

colleagues. The research-intensive environment in which academics worked offered

variable support for teaching, and this was likely to be one of the reasons why

academics drew on commonality with colleagues to ensure their conversation was

useful (see section 8.2.3 for the development of this idea).

Figure 8.1 The nature of academics‟ informal conversation about teaching

Conversation about teaching contrasts with the existing forms of development

supported by the university in which this study was located – it is informal (not

formal), situated in departments (not centrally facilitated), and participation and content

are the responsibility of individual academics (and not mandated by institutional policy

or leadership). These differences provide an opportunity for informal conversation

within departments to serve a role that is complementary to formal academic

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development programs. Achieving such complementarity may require academic

developers to build explicit connections (and minimise incompatibility) between

different forms of learning about teaching wherever possible.

The results presented in Chapters 4, 5, 6 and 7 are summarised and discussed in this

chapter. This discussion is used as the basis for an exploration of what informal

conversation could mean for the field of academic development and for three groups of

university staff with an interest in academic development: academic developers,

department leaders and the individual academics themselves (see section 8.3).

8.1 Discussion

This section comprises a discussion of the results presented in each of the four chapters

(4, 5, 6 and 7) in their chronological order, beginning with the topics of conversation.

Each chapter is then summarised, which leads into what this thesis contributes to

existing literature, particularly in the area of academic development.

Informal conversation about teaching is one of the ways academics can learn how to

teach. Four key topic areas of conversation were identified in this study: academics

have informal conversations about students, their curriculum content and

implementation, assessment, and evaluation.

There were a variety of ways these four topic areas were discussed by academics

during informal conversation about teaching. When speaking about students,

academics discussed the student experience generally, and how students were finding

their units of study and set tasks, the level of student engagement in classes, the quality

of the students and what could be done about achieving greater student involvement

and improving students‟ skills. Curriculum is one of the more salient aspects of

teaching and the informal conversation described included content and implementation

of courses. Delivery aspects such as tasks and activities usually became a topic for

discussion after the design and planning of content was completed. Conversation about

assessment included topics such as appropriate weighting for tasks and marking advice.

Informal conversation was also used by academics to uncover expectations and

maintain standards so that practice was consistent amongst students, assessment tasks

and units of study within a department. Conversation about teaching evaluation focused

on considering which aspects of practice should be retained and revised for subsequent

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iterations of units of study. Although these „evaluation‟ conversations were described

as largely being prompted by the university system for responding to student feedback

from quantitative surveys, they included some critique of the relevance and

appropriateness of surveys, and for some academics, their more individualised, less

formal evaluation practices also generated discussion. Peer observation as a form of

evaluation was also seen as contributing to informal conversation about teaching, and

its usefulness for academic development is further elaborated in section 8.3.

The topics which appeared in informal conversation mirror those topics which are seen

to be important in teaching more generally, as reflected in classic textbooks on

university teaching. For example, Ramsden (1992; 2003), provides sections on learning

and adopting a student perspective, followed by chapters on course structure (8),

teaching strategies (9), assessment (10), and evaluation (11). The text by Light and Cox

(2001) has sections on curriculum (content and delivery), assessment and evaluation,

and McKeachie‟s Teaching Tips (McKeachie & Svinicki, 2006) provide strategies for

various teaching activities, including small group discussion, lecturing and assessment,

and much of the text is presented with the intention of facilitating student learning and

understanding students.

These topics also reflect the view of teaching presented in university policy (at this

university), specifically in The Management and Evaluation of Coursework Teaching

policy, where the aim of teaching is seen as facilitating student learning and it is

defined as -

Teaching includes the development and evaluation of courses and units of

study; selection, development and application of suitable teaching-learning

strategies; assessment and examination; supervision and mentoring;

evaluation; consultation with students and other stakeholders; and staff

development to support quality teaching. (University of Sydney, 2001, p. 3)

The nature of informal conversation enables academics to deal with topics linked to

challenging issues with some degree of confidentiality. An issue may be challenging

because it is important in the discipline context (such as delivering a concept of

curriculum that is key to student understanding) or contentious (such as those related to

individual students or which have the potential to affect the success of promotion

applications). These issues would be confronting to address, and even raise, in public

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or formal settings such as teaching and learning committees or formal academic

development courses, and such issues do not necessarily belong in these settings. The

subcategories of Students and Assessment were reported as the most common topics in

informal conversation, suggesting that these could be the most challenging areas for

academics. Having an informal „chat‟ over coffee may increase the personal nature of

the conversation; ensuring colleagues are discrete with any information received during

the conversation. This is consistent with other research, such as that of Waring and

Bishop (2010), who found that more sensitive, controversial or emotional issues are

discussed at the backstage – some topics are private. Complex and challenging issues

have also featured in clinicians‟ corridor conversation (Idema et al., 2010).

The broad topics and the variety of ways in which they were raised illustrated the

potential of informal conversation about teaching to address the teaching-related

concerns of academics. Informal conversation with colleagues could be used if

academics wished to gossip, rant, share information or resources, seek permission or

advice, and exchange or debate ideas about teaching.

Data from interviews indicated that all academics were having informal conversations

about teaching with disciplinary and departmental colleagues and collectively, these

conversations were perceived to be useful in at least five different ways. Academics

reported using informal conversation to Vent about teaching-related issues; to Reassure

themselves about their teaching practice; to Manage their teaching context; to Improve

their teaching and student learning; and to Evolve their teaching, thinking and practice.

The five subcategories, to Vent, Reassure, Manage, Improve and Evolve, represent the

ways academics were drawing on colleagues‟ expertise to address teaching-related

issues. Three of the concepts seemed to be connected to certain aspects of teaching

practice and development (Manage, Improve and Evolve) and the others, to Vent and

Reassure academics about their teaching, tended to be supportive rather than

developmentally focused.

Whether and how academics were learning from informal conversation about topics

that related to teaching was the key to determining the relations between informal

conversation about teaching and formal academic development. The ways that

academics find informal conversations useful, especially Manage, Improve and Evolve,

indicated that academics were learning about teaching from colleagues. The

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subcategories indicated that conversations may reflect different learning needs of

academics, and that for them, this was mostly about Management of their teaching

context and sometimes Improvement of teaching and student learning or Evolution of

teaching, thinking and practice.

The subcategories, to Vent about issues and to Reassure academics about their teaching

represented a different way that conversations are able to encourage learning to the

other three subcategories. Informal conversations enable academics to share

frustrations with their colleagues which may not be appropriate to share in more formal

or public settings. The significance with which academics described having

conversations intended to reassure signals the importance of colleagues‟ support in

teaching, including teaching development. This potentially reflects the value of social

learning in developing self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977), and may explain why Venting

and Reassurance appear to occur in conjunction with the other (practice-focused, less

support-based) subcategories.

This study shows that mid-level academics seek reassurance and support from

colleagues about their teaching. This extends previous work which had shown that

building confidence is essential for novice academics or those teaching in new contexts

(for example, Boice, 1992; Eraut, Steadman, Furner, Maillardet, Miller & Blackman,

2004). The current study also demonstrates that conversation can be useful in different

ways at the same time, and that this might depend on the individual academic. The

subcategories do not necessarily show change or development over time, but reflect the

current experience of academics. Conversation usefulness does not follow a

progression through managing the teaching context to evolution to a higher level of

teaching excellence. The academics who described having conversations about

improving were also having conversations where they sought reassurance. Again, the

results of the current study build on previous work which showed that emotional

support and relational learning with other teachers was central to the informal learning

of new schoolteachers (McNally et al., 2009). It is possible that the type of reassurance

may differ between novice teachers and experienced academics, but as experienced

academics make changes to their practice to improve their teaching and student

learning and evolve their teaching, thinking and practice, their self-efficacy may

temporarily decrease. This may be one factor that leads academics to instigate informal

conversations: to reassure themselves about their teaching.

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Informal conversation allows academics to learn how to manage and enhance their

teaching context through the exchange of resources and ideas. An informal

conversation can be used to solve a current and pressing problem, or determine how to

manage a „difficult‟ student. Informal conversation may be especially effective when

academics are faced with a challenge and seek a response that is appropriate,

achievable and likely to lead to a desired outcome within their context, and for which

there may be little time to prepare. Irrespective of the topic discussed, the purpose of

informal conversation was often described as finding out what a colleague would do in

a given situation, or what a colleague had done previously in a similar situation,

because there was no other obvious place to acquire that information. This builds on

Trowler and Knight‟s (2000) findings about recently appointed academics, who learnt

about challenging and complex embedded understandings and practices through

participation in departmental discourses. In this study, academics found that informal

conversation was important for addressing practical issues, and this is reflected in their

use of phrases such as „how to‟, „deal with‟ and „the right way‟ when describing the

nature of conversation. In some cases, informal conversation was used not simply to

determine how to „deal with‟ issues, but to consider how to improve aspects of

teaching. Over time, a series of informal conversations can contribute to academics

developing a strategy for resolving an issue; examples seen in this study were

redesigning assessment to include a task that required students to develop a poster for a

class symposium, and changing an approach to teaching based on revised aims for a

unit of study.

Conversation that related to the subcategories of Improve or Evolve was not described

by all academics, and those that did describe it said that it occurred less frequently than

conversation to Reassure or Manage. Three academics indicated that they could have

had conversations at this level about Improving teaching and student learning or

Evolving teaching, thinking and practice, but they did not have time. Sharing ideas can

help academics think about teaching, but for many academics, it is important that ideas

have practical and relevant implications for them. This may be why conversations

intended to help academics manage whatever issues they were currently facing in their

teaching context were described as occurring more frequently than those that involved

thinking about teaching. Further research might be done to explore why academics find

informal conversations especially useful for seeking reassurance or management

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advice, and if Management and Reassurance are more important to academics than

Improvement or Evolution. Such research may explore the connections between the

range of the usefulness of conversation for learning and individual academics‟

conceptions of development. For example, Åkerlind found that academics‟

understandings of teaching development included improving the teacher‟s comfort or

practice, or student learning (Åkerlind, 2003), and improving individual productivity,

personal learning, or making a contribution to the discipline (Åkerlind, 2005).

These five usefulness subcategories are similar to Clark‟s (2001) summary of the

outcomes of group conversation amongst schoolteachers, for example, his “Developing

specific techniques and solutions to problems” parallels these academics‟ conversations

about Managing their teaching context and Improving teaching and student learning.

To Reassure academics about their teaching is similar to Clark‟s “Reviving hope” and

“Reaffirmation of ideals and commitments”. The results of this study suggest that

academic development has similarities to school teacher development, as informal and

emotional support are seen to be important for those learning how to teach. The results

regarding the usefulness of conversation about teaching also demonstrate the

importance of informal communication in professional learning, and the role of

department or discipline initiatives in fostering development, supporting previous work

(for example, Blackwell & Blackmore, 2003; Boud, 1999; Hanno, 1999).

The results of the current study parallel the findings of Waring and Bishop (2010), who

examined informal learning – reassurance and management advice or „dealing with‟

problems can be sought through informal conversation with colleagues. Waring and

Bishop (2010) looked at the importance of informal learning in „common‟ spaces in

clinical settings (referred to as „water-cooler‟ learning, although the spaces were a staff

lounge, theatre corridor and storeroom). Informal learning was seen as useful for

dealing with a change in context, problem-solving, and reinforcing expectations, norms

and values, and emotional support (Waring & Bishop, 2010, p. 335), not unlike the

perceived usefulness of the informal conversation in this study. Their summary of how

this informal learning was useful also included critical reflection, collective sense-

making and follow-up. Perhaps the aspects found by Waring and Bishop (2010) not

found in this study would be encouraged in contexts which are more supportive of

teaching and informal conversation about teaching.

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It may be suggested that conversations focused on reassuring academics and helping

them to manage their teaching, will not lead to improving teaching or challenging

academics‟ thinking about teaching. Reflecting on and exchanging ideas about teaching

helps to enhance a community (Hanno, 1999). Management of teaching and ideas for

the development of teaching can and should be encouraged; and with support, this can

be achieved through conversation (Byrne, et al., 2010; Schuck et al., 2008). Academics

will likely need encouragement to have more conversation, and guidance to have more

conversation focused on improving and evolving teaching. Some ideas drawn from the

results of this study on how to facilitate informal conversation and how to enhance its

effectiveness are outlined in section 8.3.

Given that managing the teaching context was a significant way that conversation was

useful to academics, exploring the relationship between context and informal

conversation was of interest. The institutional and departmental contexts in which

academics teach influence their ways of working, including how they communicate

about teaching. To be able to determine how to facilitate conversation, it was important

to understand the contexts in which academics teach and identify those factors that

trigger, encourage or hinder informal conversation about teaching. Four categories of

contextual influence were identified: Colleagues with whom academics work;

Processes for reward and recognition; Time and place; and Formal management of

communication.

The four contextual influence categories will be discussed separately in subsequent

paragraphs, but it is their collective influence that is of most relevance to informal

conversation, and firstly, it should be noted how this reflects the existing literature

which has looked at the role of contexts and cultures in influencing communication.

In this study, formal management, reward, and recognition were important, but other

influences were time, space, and collegial relationships. This supports previous

research into management, which suggests it is important to encourage and not force or

mandate academics‟ behaviour. The influences of formal management and reward and

recognition, and the role of leadership and colleagues found in this study are similar to

another study examining the effect of school contexts on teachers‟ „everyday learning‟

in their workplaces (Jurasaite-Harbison, 2009). The importance attributed to leadership

and professional relationships in Jurasaite-Harbison‟s (2009) research led her to

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suggest that professional learning could be improved by establishing workplaces that

maintain and create opportunities for development. The importance of a workplace

context encouraging but not necessarily directing learning was supported in another

study of new schoolteachers. Those who worked in contexts which offered spontaneous

(rather than structured) collaboration found it to be enjoyable and supportive of their

development, and reactive learning occurred (Williams, 2003). Case studies of

departments that were recognised as excellent in teaching identified them as having

features of collegial and entrepreneurial cultures more often than bureaucratic or

corporate cultures. This suggests that these are the cultures associated with excellent

teaching (Gibbs et al., 2009).

The first category of influence on informal conversation is the colleagues with whom

academics work. The academics most likely to be sought for an informal conversation

were those considered to be friends as well as colleagues, who had demonstrated

expertise in a relevant area, a similar interest in or approach to teaching, and a history

of co-teaching on subjects or courses.

The importance of seeking out colleagues with expertise and with whom academics

shared a teaching philosophy and had previously co-taught may have been anticipated,

however what was less foreseeable, was that the academics in this study described how

important their „friends‟ were in informal learning through conversation. The results of

this study reinforce the literature on the importance of critical friends (e.g., Costa &

Kallick, 1993; Handal, 1999; MacBeath & Jardine, 1998; Schuck et al., 2008), and

highlight the role „friends‟ can play in supporting learning, particularly in contexts

which may be less supportive. Examining friendship in the literature, White (1990)

described the relationship as having the potential for mutual benefit, and being

characterised by an investment in others‟ well-being. The usefulness of a friend as a

resource is based on their ability to consider all factors because of their understanding

of the specific situation, and their advice being reliable and without hidden agenda

(White, 1990). Other literature has explored the roles of „friendship‟ (Farrell, 2001),

and collegiality amongst academics, particularly whether they are useful or desirable

qualities (Hellawell & Hancock, 2001; Hull, 2006; Macfarlane, 2005; Mathias, 2005).

This study reinforces this literature and builds on work demonstrating the importance

of collaborative relationships between colleagues for learning (Eraut et al., 2004;

Ferman, 2002; Rallis & Rossman, 2000).

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Reward and recognition processes can shape staff perceptions of the value of activities,

and these represent the second category of contextual influences. Whether academics

perceived informal conversation about teaching to be worthwhile was linked to

whether their context promoted teaching as worthwhile. In interviews, academics

described the institutional and departmental reward and recognition systems as more

supportive of research than teaching and argued that this contributed to how they

decided to allocate their work time. Variable support for teaching was also reflected in

the advice of leaders and colleagues. Some were supportive of teaching, and considered

it to be important, others advised against investing effort into teaching and actively

sought release from teaching themselves. In a context where teaching and research

compete for academics‟ time and disciplinary and departmental colleagues have

incompatible teaching philosophies, it may be challenging for individual academics to

determine whether and with whom to have an informal conversation about teaching.

This is consistent with the idea that a negatively perceived climate reduces people‟s

willingness to communicate, share ideas and information, and take action (Gibbs et al.,

2009; Ramsden, 1998a, p. 78; 1998b, p. 363).

The third category of contextual influences on informal conversation is that of

proximity – temporal and physical. The academics interviewed for this study described

the role of common spaces and corridors in encouraging conversation. Informal

conversations were triggered by academics having serendipitous meetings in corridors

and hindered by academics working at off-campus locations. To have an informal

conversation, an academic requires that their colleagues be available and accessible.

For example, when academics work from home, or even while they are lecturing

students, they do not have opportunities to participate in informal corridor

conversations with their colleagues. This supports existing literature on workplace

learning. Eraut (1994, p. 13) describes time and a combination of learning settings as

two of five factors which can affect professional learning. Spatial design and temporal

opportunity have been found to be significant in influencing informal interactions (e.g.,

Idema et al., 2010; Waring & Bishop, 2010), and as described in the previous

paragraph, these work to encourage conversation when combined with features of

collegial relationships, such as trust and understanding.

Although informal conversation occurs at the discretion of academics, it is affected by

formal management communication strategies, which is the fourth (and final) category

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of contextual influences that emerged in this study. Academics enthusiastically shared

their perceptions of formal management of communication, particularly their

departmental leaders‟ strategies for promoting collegiality. Departmental leaders were

able to encourage informal conversation about teaching by having formal meetings

about teaching and initiating development strategies, such as a formal mentoring

program. These partly worked to facilitate communication by establishing spaces for

discussing teaching and partly by creating connections between colleagues. Assuming

voluntary participation, those participating in such an initiative can be reasonably sure

their fellow participants have a similar level of interest in the topic set for that session.

The likelihood of conversing with an academic colleague based on common ground

may also contribute to the role of formal management strategies in facilitating informal

conversation. This extends the existing literature that describes the influence of

leadership structures and departmental cultures on communication, including

discourses about teaching (e.g., Bryman, 2007; Gibbs et al., 2009; Kahn, 2009; Quinn,

2012; Trowler & Cooper, 2002).

A pattern was found in this study between formal meetings and informal conversation

for the academics, where some academics were making links between different forms

of communication about teaching and others were not. Academics experienced formal

meetings in three quite different ways: as not being an appropriate site to discuss

teaching (in contrast to informal conversations), as rendering informal conversation

unnecessary, or as encouraging informal conversation (e.g. before or after a meeting).

This suggests that there are also departmental and individual differences in how formal

and informal communication may work together and that it might be worth further

investigating the existing links between these, and how these links might be

strengthened.

The grounded theory concept of encouraging researchers to build on interesting themes

that arise meant that this study could begin to explore the connections between the

various forms of communicating and learning about teaching available to academics.

To do this, additional data was required, and the first step was to choose how to focus

the data collection so that the connections could be examined.

Many forms of academic development are available to university staff; formal and

semi-formal academic development strategies and relevant committee meetings

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represent structured settings for dialogue and learning about teaching. The example of

formal academic development chosen for this part of the study was a two-day

introduction to university teaching. The supplementary data gathered to explore links

between formal and informal communication about teaching were the program outline,

interviews with program participants and participants‟ formal written evaluation of the

program.

The interviews showed that while some academics found the formal and informal

conversational forms of learning about teaching to be complementary, or mutually

reinforcing, other academics saw them as disconnected or conflicting. They described

this disconnection as impeding effective learning about teaching from the program and

from conversation. Formal evaluations completed by the academic development

program participants indicated that these academics, who were new to teaching or new

to the university, still needed support after attending this formal program. For example,

they would have liked more advice on how to manage their teaching context. Given the

ways that informal conversations about teaching are used by more experienced

teachers, fostering informal conversation may be a way to provide this support. In

addition to building on the content of a formal program, informal conversation can

support academics‟ learning about teaching as needed, for novice and non-novice

teachers.

There is a role for academic developers to create connections (and possibly minimise

conflict) between the different ways academics learn how to teach, and parts of section

8.3 address how department leaders and academic developers could attempt to connect

informal conversation to other forms of communicating about teaching.

The significance of developers and leaders may be greatest in contexts which provide

variable support for teaching (as described in Chapter 6 and discussed in the previous

paragraphs in this section). The experienced academics in the first set of interviews

emphasised that their colleagues played a key role in their learning through informal

conversation. Academics, especially those who are new to teaching or new to the

university may not have colleagues with whom they can talk or they may not know

who to approach, or even know how to initiate conversation about teaching.

Furthermore, despite the altruism described in section 6.2.2, colleagues will not

necessarily seek out less experienced academics to provide them with advice and

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support about teaching (Boice, 1992). Trowler and Knight (2000, p. 31) also suggest

that novice or experienced academics may struggle to realise the limitations of their

departmental knowledge, and that communication is essential to understand this and

subsequently, to develop their knowledge. The challenge for academic developers and

department leaders is to discover how they can facilitate informal conversation about

teaching and support individual academics to have effective informal conversation.

Some suggestions are presented in section 8.3, based on what triggered, encouraged or

hindered informal conversation amongst the initial group of mid-level academics

interviewed.

The aim of a grounded theory study is to develop a theory which can account for the

data, to explain (and predict) much of the relevant behaviour (e.g., informal

conversation about teaching) within a context. When considering the nature of informal

conversation in this study, having access to colleagues, the compatibility, and

approachability of colleagues were what contributed to academics initiating informal

conversation. Examining the data further revealed the idea that informal conversation is

a consequence of commonality. The prediction associated with this is that as

commonality between colleagues increases, so will the quality and quantity of their

informal conversation about teaching. That a theory emerged from this study

demonstrates that grounded theory was, overall, an effective methodology for this

research. The idea of commonality is discussed in section 8.2.3. Before this discussion,

sections 8.2.1 and 8.2.2 contain more detail on the process and limitations of using

grounded theory for this study.

8.2 Methodology: Process, critique and outcome

In his review of empirical research, Ashwin (2011) found that there was limited critical

discussion of the approaches and models used in higher education, and that the research

process was rarely used to develop theory. He suggested several ways to separate the

outcomes of data analysis from the ways „research objects‟ are perceived and make the

development of theory more common in higher education journal articles. Although not

explicitly suggested by Ashwin, another approach to developing theory in higher

education may be through utilising research processes (such as methodologies) which

are designed to lead to the development of theory. Grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss,

1967) is a methodology used in educational research that attempts to set itself apart

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from research which falls into the trap identified by Ashwin (2011) and suggested by

Tight (2004) of analysing data in such a way as to reinforce whichever theory, model

or framework the researcher has chosen to use. Rather, grounded theory claims to

develop theory based on the data, and through this, potentially challenge existing

models, frameworks or theories.

8.2.1 Process of using grounded theory

Advice on how to conduct grounded theory research ranged from a guiding principle,

for example, understanding that almost anything can be redone, revised or reversed

(Martin & Turner, 1986), to a reminder that theoretical saturation is not just about

sampling but also analysis (Piantanida et al., 2004). There were also forewarnings, such

as that which suggested that novices might find allowing categories to emerge using

line by line coding a tedious, time-consuming and awkward process (Kelle, 2005, para.

6). Advice was also based on mistakes which had been made by other researchers;

Wilson and Hutchinson (1996) summarised common issues in research claiming to be

grounded theory. A common (albeit not necessarily completely valid) critique of

qualitative research, including grounded theory, is that the data analysis process is

unclear, not systematic and unable to be replicated. In addition to helping me be

rigorous and true to grounded theory, examples of grounded theory aided my attempt to

be clear and concise when describing my process.

As mentioned in section 3.3, „listening‟ to the advice of Glaser (1998) and looking at

example grounded theory projects were helpful when completing this research. For

example, Glaser provides a timeline of 12-18 months to give novice researchers a

guide, and explains that “you should not expect to „get, grasp and assimilate‟ the

methodology quickly” (Glaser, 1998, p. 14). The thesis proposal and subsequently,

ethics applications, were completed and submitted as quickly as possible, to enable

maximum time (within candidature) to complete the data collection and analysis

processes. My experience generally reflected the recommendation of Glaser and

Strauss (1967) that the stages of analysis would overlap and that the hypotheses and

theory would emerge naturally. For example, the usefulness of informal conversation

was a focus early on during analysis, so while other categories were at the comparison

stage, the „usefulness‟ categories were becoming integrated.

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Wilson and Hutchinson (1996) identified “importing concepts” (p. 122) – reading other

research and using that as a lens to look at the data, rather than allowing the data to

speak for itself, as one of the most common mistakes in research purporting to be

grounded theory. Glaser and Strauss (1967) and Glaser (1998) encouraged researchers

to be „theoretically sensitive‟ so that they would not set out to support one model, but

potentially use ideas from different models to explore data; the intention was to have

researchers who were aware, not inflexible. I adopted a Glaserian approach to

reviewing the literature and found this to be an effective way to „protect‟ the data from

contamination by existing theories and frameworks. To identify a thesis topic, I read

literature in several broad areas of interest (for example, higher education, academic

development, and the scholarship of teaching and learning), then as concepts emerged

in the data, and I knew what was relevant, went back to the literature, including areas

not examined previously. I looked into common ground in conversation after having

observed commonality in my own data on academics‟ conversation partners (see 8.2.3

for a discussion of commonality). As appropriate for a PhD project, I also frequently

examined recent publications. This led to a thesis that was generally informed by

literature in the areas of academic development, workplace learning, informal learning

and conversation.

Kelle (2005, para. 44) suggested that researchers should use heuristic concepts and

perspectives, provided they are relevant and do not limit the data and encouraged

novices to use „grand theories‟ to describe phenomena under study. Kelle (2005, para.

30) also described the importance of the process of integrating literature and theories

with new discoveries, where explanations for surprising incidents revealed by the data

relate to the researcher‟s previous knowledge, which is a slightly different stance to

Glaser (1998). The idea of a surprising incident resonated strongly with me, and it

could be argued, those dutiful grounded theory researchers who are unfamiliar with

literature in an area may be more likely to be surprised by their data. An example of

something which was surprising in this study, was the frequent references to friends

being important for informal conversation about teaching. I then thought more about

the context, part of Glaser‟s “the six „C‟s” coding family (1978, p. 74), and informal

conversation and teaching and pored over the transcripts. Later it became apparent that

the characteristics of friends were significant in informal conversation about teaching,

because they can be useful for the emotional and practical advice appropriate in

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conversation. Even if I had taken Kelle‟s (2005, para. 44) advice, I would not have

thought to explore the notion of friends until it emerged in the data.

One common mistake made in grounded theory research is the presentation of

participants‟ quotes (in vivo codes) as the final grounded theory (Wilson & Hutchinson,

1996). This happens when concepts are not used to develop theory and leads to a final

outcome that is descriptive, and not grounded theory. Although in vivo codes evoke

„instant grab‟ (Glaser, 1998, p. 145; Glaser & Strauss, 1967), as noted by Harry et al.

(2005), they may be rarely repeated within the data and do not fully represent a

category or code which may later subsume them. For example, in this study, an

academic referred to colleagues‟ intentions for non-research work as, “you do what you

can get away with” (Meghan), the aim being to achieve the bare minimum required and

no more than that. This quote has instant „grab‟ but later became part of a broader

category that was about academics‟ experience of recognition, reward and support for

teaching and research. Other in vivo codes such as those referring to academics having

conversations with “colleagues who were also friends” (Grace) about “how to deal

with” teaching-related issues (Sarah) became part of lower level categories related to

whom conversations were with, and what topics appeared in informal conversation.

These were later to become further integrated into higher-level categories about the

nature of informal conversation.

Preliminary hypotheses that were suggested in the early stages of this study were that

academics have informal conversation with their friends, and generally, research is

more of a priority than teaching. The truly emergent integrating framework includes as

many categories and properties as possible, and can incorporate new categories or

properties (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 41). Continuing the example hypotheses from

this study, in a context which offers variable support for teaching (which is not

equivalent to the support provided for research), the purpose and usefulness of informal

conversation about teaching was linked to who conversations are with. Friends who are

colleagues are sought after for informal conversation because they are able to

understand teaching-related issues and offer appropriate emotional support and

practical resources. During the course of this research into informal conversation

amongst academics, their „main concern‟ (Glaser, 1998) was identified. Academics are

required to teach, often without necessarily knowing how, in a context which offers

variable support for teaching. Informal conversation with departmental colleagues is

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their way to manage that „main concern‟. The patterns of academics‟ experience of

informal conversation, such as the diversity in its usefulness, reflect the importance of

having informal conversation about teaching in such a context.

Glaser and Strauss (1967) suggest that grounded theory interviews differ to those

which use other methodologies. For example, they described the preliminary interviews

in grounded theory research as likely to be very open-ended, and loosely structured,

and the subsequent interviews as more likely to be structured, and focused on aspects

which have already emerged from earlier interviews (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 75).

The grounded theory principle of interviews informing subsequent interviews meant

that in this study, interviews were conducted with academics in addition to those

originally intended. The first sample list had removed new academic appointments,

those in appointed leadership roles and those who were likely to be exemplary or

innovative teachers. This may have been a limitation of the original design, and so the

supplementary interviews (see section 3.4.3) that were designed to build on emergent

concepts as part of the grounded theory methodology rectified this.

Some of the later interviewees that were part of the original sample provided answers

which reinforced the comments from previous interviews, but did not develop them,

despite prompts and follow-up questions. This is evidence that saturation was achieved

with the categories, signalling a successful grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p.

61; 111). A minor disadvantage is that owing to the iterative nature of data collection

and analysis there were a couple of interviews that were required when the

appointment was scheduled, but by the time the booking was imminent, they were

rendered redundant because of interviews completed in the interim. Although they may

have been considered a misuse of time (Glaser & Strauss, 1967, p. 73), it is difficult,

particularly as a novice researcher, to be sure, and in consultation with my supervisors,

I decided that I would conduct the interviews as intended. This was because I knew that

the worst outcome would be interviews which confirmed concepts revealed in previous

interviews, and this was preferable to the opposite outcome of insufficient data. It was

also important to maintain professional courtesy, and retracting an invitation to

participate in research may have offended the academics who had offered to

participate.

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8.2.2 Limitations of method

The design of this research necessitated the participation of academic staff from across

the university as part of grounded theory‟s process of theoretical sampling (see section

3.4; Glaser & Strauss, 1967, Ch. 3). It was anticipated that there might have been

difficulties recruiting interviewees from some faculties and departments or even within

departments, recruiting individual academics. It was thought that individual academics,

especially those who are less interested in teaching or perceive themselves to be less

capable teachers, might be unwilling to be interviewed. To ensure that sufficient data

was collected, flexibility was adopted in the selection of participating faculties and

academics. Although the sample size was sufficient (20+4+6) and the rate of positive

responses leading to an interview was approximately 30 per cent, it is possible that the

sample may include a subset of academics. For example, the academics who were

interviewed may have been mainly those teachers who were interested in teaching or

communicating about teaching, and those who thought that informal conversation was

a worthwhile area of research.

There was an additional concern that if some academics agreed to be interviewed, they

may not be forthcoming with information, may commandeer the interview or may find

the interview a negative experience. A couple of the academics interviewed appeared

to have an agenda of their own that differed from the aims of the interview, and this

was managed by guiding the interviewees back to the research questions, and allowing

each interviewee time to provide general comments.

Although the interview techniques employed were effective with most of the sample,

one of the academics appeared to be less enthusiastic than the other interviewees about

offering relevant information during her interview. She acknowledged that while her

colleagues did speak informally about teaching, there was no need for additional

informal communication within her department, because they had sufficient

opportunities for formal communication. This sounded like „Properline‟ data; data that

the interviewee thinks the researchers should hear (Glaser, 1998, p. 8). This may have

been linked to me being from the academic development unit or more generally, the

tendency for self-report measures to lead to participants under or over reporting the

occurrence or significance of events under investigation (Paulhus, 1991). This is often

based on participants‟ beliefs about the purpose of the research, the potential impact it

could have or what they think the researcher would like to hear. Although there is no

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guarantee of participants‟ honesty or completeness of response in any interviews, the

interview questions and prompts were designed in this study to focus on drawing out

real examples, and I attempted to ensure that participants understood there were no

correct or ideal responses. This did appear to be generally successful, as most

participants were very generous in sharing vivid experiences and offering insights

which reflected a range of experiences. The range of positive and not so positive

comments and descriptions suggests that participants were genuinely describing their

good and bad experiences – the best description they can give, or baseline data, rather

than an imagined ideal, desirable data or vague comments (Glaser, 1998, p. 8).

Despite all interviewees being academics who were familiar with and understood

standard confidentiality and anonymity practices, my position as a fellow staff

member, and one who works for the central academic development unit, presented

challenges. It may have raised concerns that the interviewee could be identified if the

content of interviews were reported back to their departmental colleagues, the

academic development unit or even senior university staff. Another concern might have

been that the data could be used to present an individual or department as an example

of, „what not to do‟. This potential issue was addressed by reminding the interviewees

that no identifying data would be included in the final report, that all collected

information would be carefully secured at all times, and that I was the only person who

would have access to the raw data. Several of the academics asked that their quotes not

be identified as from a particular discipline or department, because their small

department size combined with their non-standard perspective for their discipline

would enable colleagues to recognise them from their responses.

In studies relying on interviews and qualitative analysis, there is often the potential for

the researcher‟s own thinking, assumptions and perspectives to contribute to how data

is sourced and collated. Building on the pilot or practice interviews, the first few

sample interviews were used to explore the most effective approaches for questioning

academics about the ways they discuss teaching. I tried to be aware of my own

perspectives, and attempted to minimise the influence of personal bias, so it did not

impact upon the data. For example, I used neutral responses rather than those which

can send positive signals. I asked open questions, and when asking prompt or follow-

up questions, used the words of interviewees. Being aware of how the interviewer‟s

actions were perceived was important. For example, notes were made during the

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interviews, and after one participant mentioned something and did not think it had been

noted, he responded – “You've heard that before, you're not even writing it down”

(Adam). This demonstrated that even minor changes in my behaviour (from taking

notes to pausing in note taking) could send unintended signals to the interviewees. It is

possible that more subtle changes in my behaviour affected the content of the

interviews in ways not possible to identify.

The concept building that is part of grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) meant

that additional data that was not part of the original design of the study were collected.

The initial set of interviews was conducted with mid-level academics who had been

teaching for at least two semesters, and who had worked for the university for two or

more years (for details about the sample, see section 3.4.2). Other interviewees were

selected from a list of academics who had recently attended the formal two-day

academic development program on university teaching. The second group were likely

to be different to the academics initially interviewed because a condition of

appointment for academics who are new to teaching and/or new to the university is

attendance at the formal development program selected for investigation in this study.

There is no similar requirement placed on mid-level academics, and they may not be

participating in any formal academic development. As expected, the second group were

different; they were less experienced as university teachers, had spent less time as

university employees, were appointed at academic levels lower than Level C-Senior

Lecturer (mid-level academic appointment) and some were hired as casual or sessional

tutors (for details, see section 3.4.3).

Little is known about informal discourse on teaching, and it is possible that

appointment levels and teaching experience would have influenced the nature of

academics‟ conversation, leading to differences between the conversations had by the

two groups of interviewees. Thus, it was important to find out about the conversation

of the second group of academics. While the nature, usefulness and influences of

conversation could not be verified using six interviews, verification is not the purpose

of grounded theory (Glaser, 1992). The interviews provided an indication of whether

the conversation of novice academics was similar to or substantially different to that of

the academics interviewed previously. Comments made by these six academics

reflected what the prior interviewees had said regarding conversation usefulness and

topics. The focus of conversation was on current issues with their teaching, or

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„Managing their teaching context‟ (see section 5.3 for more detail). For the six

academics interviewed, the current challenges included those related to student issues,

incorporating practical examples, and assessment.

... if I did a particular lecture last year and someone else was doing it this

year, then we talked about how that went and which demos to use and what

problems the students had. (Andrew)

... before starting teaching here, I discussed with the colleagues how they

incorporate[d] laboratory practices into the whole unit of study and how to

develop new laboratory practices ... [and] how to cope with issues ... [and

how] to give the students more practical examples. (George)

I started to talk to my colleagues about the components of our own assessment

scheme that are great and working really well. But what else we'll need to do

to make sure we keep up-to-date and we meet the policy requirements.

(Melissa)

Although I faced minor challenges during the processes of data collection and analysis,

overall, the literature on grounded theory and conducting qualitative research provided

sufficient guidance. This meant that I was, for the most part, able to pre-empt and

prepare for likely issues, leading to a study that was designed and conducted using the

appropriate methodology, and importantly, able to answer the research questions.

8.2.3 Grounded theory outcome: Conversation as a function of

Commonality

One outcome of a grounded theory research project is a theory which accounts for

much of the relevant behaviour within the context from which the data was collected.

To explore the relevant behaviour in context it is important to select an appropriate

research question. This study addressed the question: what is it that stimulates informal

conversation about teaching and makes some academics desirable conversation

partners? A grounded theory-based analysis of the contextual influences yielded a total

of 15 factors, or subcategories, influencing informal conversation about teaching. To

organise the subcategories and understand the core of what was happening for

academics having informal conversations about teaching, the 15 subcategories were

grouped into four higher order categories of influence: Colleagues with whom

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academics work; Processes for reward and recognition; Time and place; and Formal

management of communication.

Exploring the relationship between these four areas of influence and between these and

informal conversation led to the emergence of the core grounded theory category:

commonality. In a context which provides variable structural and collegial reward,

recognition and support for teaching, the degree of commonality between academics

influences their potential for an informal conversation about teaching.

To have useful, supportive and efficient conversation about teaching, academics seek

out colleagues with whom they share a common basis. Colleagues‟ degree of

professional commonality (such as a teaching philosophy), personal commonality (a

relationship, e.g. a friendship) and physical commonality (shared space and time) can

affect their informal conversation. In this study, academics described the importance of

having a common basis from which to start a conversation without spending time

explaining unnecessary detail, and gave the example of those colleagues with whom

they were working, or had worked previously as embodying this. Academics who have

worked together and co-taught on a course may have a relationship which features

aspects of each of the three areas of commonality: professional, personal and physical.

One academic summarised her teaching conversation thus: “I would say that the truth

of talking generally is you only talk to people that you consider a friend or you have

something in common with or who you are working with.” (Sarah)

The first area of commonality which worked to facilitate conversation is that of

professional attributes, and this might include sharing a teaching philosophy or valuing

student learning. The academics interviewed suggested that informal conversations

happened less with colleagues with whom they had little in common, and when it did

happen, it was less useful, as was demonstrated when academics were asked to learn

from those who had incompatible teaching philosophies. For example, several

academics were instructed to observe a lecture from an award-winning teacher and

discuss it with her to learn how to improve their teaching based on her approach. When

she explained the amount of preparation involved, the academics decided that her

approach was too time-consuming for them to adopt. They had only wanted to improve

their teaching to a level where their practice would not be seen as incompetent. The

colleague who they had observed and had spoken to believed that teaching was an

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important part of being an academic and dedicating time to teaching was worthwhile;

the academics who had been sent to her did not. Despite sharing a disciplinary

background and working in the same academic department, the common ground that

mattered (a perception that teaching is worthwhile and a willingness to invest

substantial common time in improving teaching) was lacking.

The roles of connection and commonality between colleagues may be linked to the

intentions of informal conversation. To encourage academics to seek reassurance or

advice, the aim may be for their informal exchanges to be “mutually very beneficial as

well as supportive” (Patrick). Given that their context offers variable support for

teaching, academics may struggle to agree on a collective purpose with some

colleagues and choose their conversation partners based on their intended aim for a

particular aspect of their teaching. Academics described choosing to talk to certain

departmental colleagues and not others because it was pointless, as their purposes were

essentially incompatible. The colleague most capable of providing beneficial and

supportive assistance may be the person who has had experience with and best

understands the context, the individual academic and the sort of response that would be

appropriate. Thus, seeking out academics with whom they share a common context and

purpose is one of the ways that academics try to ensure their conversations are useful.

The informal conversation explored in this study occurred between departmental

colleagues, those who had an understanding of the contexts in which the teaching-

related issues arose. The advantages of the informal conversation about teaching

described by academics are that it can be succinct and focused (unlike some more

formal communication, such as committee meetings). Not every informal conversation

can involve a lengthy description of various teaching contexts, intended outcomes for

an activity, and unsuccessful past trials. A shared or at least understood context and

history may better equip certain colleagues to be able to not just give a useful, but also

a quick response after a brief explanation.

The second area that was relevant to conversation was personal commonality.

Although the topic of the conversation contributed to determining which colleagues

had relevant expertise, what is apparent from the results is that informal conversation

about teaching happens more with colleagues who shared not just professional but also

personal attributes, such as experiences, and interests. These academics were described

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as “colleagues who are also friends” (Grace). In a context which provides inconsistent

support for teaching, in the absence of expectations and guidelines for open and non-

judgmental communication, such as those suggested by Palmer (1993), academics have

devised a way to attempt to ensure their conversations about teaching are supportive –

by speaking with their friends. Friendship is characterised by “mutual well-wishing and

well-doing” (White, 1990, p. 86) and these are important features in informal

conversation, from which academics seek reassurance and advice on how to manage

their teaching context.

The third aspect of commonality that triggered conversation was temporal and physical

proximity. A desire for conversation was linked to professional and personal

commonality, but academics described serendipity as often being the catalyst for an

informal conversation to actually occur. The most frequently mentioned example was

the informal conversation that was initiated when academics were in a common space,

such as a corridor or meeting room at the same time. There were a variety of reasons

why academics were physically near their colleagues, and events such as a

departmental morning tea, were able to create this access to colleagues. The nature of

informal conversation, particularly the emphasis on „how to deal with issues‟, may

mean that it is desirable to have colleagues available. An informal conversation in a

corridor can enable academics to manage their teaching collaboratively, rather than

independently, and may mean that issues are resolved quickly and appropriately

without academics having to wait until formal opportunities to approach colleagues

present themselves.

The grounded theory methodology (Glaser, 1998; Glaser & Strauss, 1967) of this study

meant that after the unifying core category of „commonality‟ emerged from the data, it

was important to investigate the theoretical and empirical literature to find out how

ideas related to „commonality‟ had been considered previously. The concept of

„common ground‟ appears in studies of language such as semantics and pragmatics and

is understood to represent the total assumed shared knowledge between conversation

partners (Clark, 1996). It may include language, culture and the environment, and

reflects personal experiences (personal common ground) and community membership

(communal common ground) (Clark, 1996).

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The type of conversation explored in this study was that between disciplinary

colleagues working in the same university department, which means that potentially

they had high levels of communal and personal common ground (Clark, 1996). The

three areas of commonality which emerged as significant in informal conversation

about teaching, are similar to the pragmatics concept of common ground. Thus, further

investigation of pragmatics and conversation principles were warranted to see what

these could offer to help to explain the nature of informal conversation about teaching.

As examined in this study, conversation requires the contributions of at least two

individuals, and a relevant principle is that people generally attempt to establish

collective purposes in conversation (Grice, 1975). The aim is for those having a

conversation to be invested in agreeing with and understanding each other so that they

can communicate effectively. In conversation, participants try to minimise their

collaborative effort – the work that both do from the initiation of each contribution

(such as a statement) to its mutual acceptance (Clark & Brennan, 1991; Clark &

Wilkes-Gibbs, 1986). Thus, conversation partners provide sufficient information to

each other to facilitate joint understanding with minimal exertion. As a principle for

successful conversation, common ground refers to the process of designing

conversation around using and increasing existing assumed shared information (Clark,

1996; Stalnaker, 1978, p. 84). Thus, commonality between academics may not only

foster conversation that is beneficial and supportive, but also efficient, commonality

allows academics to focus on the relevant issues without wasting their own or their

colleagues‟ time and effort.

Academics use commonality, or common ground, to initiate efficient and effective

conversation. As academics engage in conversation, they will accrue shared

knowledge, and improve the efficiency of their communication. Ongoing interaction is

likely to build common ground, and as relationships develop (linking back to the

connection between collegial friendship and informal conversation), and „common

ground‟ accumulates, the effectiveness of communication is improved (Berger, 2003;

Clark & Schober, 1992). In a workplace environment, those who spoke more

frequently have been shown to have shorter conversations and fewer formalities within

conversations (Whittaker, Frohlich & Daly-Jones, 1994) and „common ground‟ has

been suggested as a principle for encouraging efficient and effective workplace

communication (Coiera, 2000). Given that academics consider themselves time-poor

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(Gillespie, Walsh, Winefield, Dua & Stough, 2001), and arguments and efforts have

been made to meet the needs of „time-poor‟ academics (Ferman, 2002; McDonald, et

al., 2002), it is likely that efficient informal conversation would be preferred and

sought after by academics. This may also help to explain why academics describe some

colleagues as friends – their conversation is less formal, shorter, and over time, they

have developed personal common ground.

In this study, those who had worked together for more than five years and had an

ongoing relationship with certain colleagues described their own and their colleagues‟

ideas around teaching as a „compromised‟ set of ideas which had been influenced by

their interaction. These might represent examples of how, when there was initially

sufficient common ground for an academic to connect with a colleague and initiate a

conversation, (and the conversation was useful, supportive and efficient), ongoing

interaction increased commonality over time, facilitating more conversation and a

relationship. This parallels findings in the work of Piller (2002), who has examined

conversations in bilingual couples. The private conversations of those couples revealed

conversational styles and content that emphasised similarities and minimised

differences (such as those that might be associated with diverse cultural and language

backgrounds), as part of constructing their relationship (Piller, 2002, p. 275).

Another principle which may be relevant when considering the implications of this

study is the homophily principle. The principle of homophily asserts that those who are

similar find it easier to communicate and so are more likely to interact, and to interact

more frequently (McPherson, Smith-Lovin & Cook, 2001). Lazarsfeld and Merton

(1954) suggested two types of homophily – status homophily (linked to demographic

characteristics), and value homophily (centred on attitudes and beliefs). The principle

of homophily has implications for the quality and quantity of interactions (McPherson

et al., 2001), and the relevance for this study might be that if academics are only having

conversation with those with whom they are most similar, that they may only develop

their teaching incrementally and within an accepted range of practices. This may be

one reason why academics described more conversations about managing teaching and

less about improving or evolving teaching. This reinforces the idea that academics may

need support to improve the quality and quantity of their informal conversation about

teaching, and also, that formal academic development can provide academics with

transformative ideas about teaching and opportunities for cross-disciplinary

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communication in ways that informal departmental conversation can not (see section

8.3).

The results of this study are reflected in some literature supporting conversation and

commonality as being important for learning and development. For example,

Brookfield notes the importance of university teachers being provided with a

contextually-appropriate suggestion, “Talking to a colleagues about problems we have

in common and gaining their perspectives on these increases our chances of stumbling

across an interpretation that fits what is happening in a particular situation”

(Brookfield, 1995, p. 36). Examining informal learning, Waring and Bishop (2010)

refer to the role of shared experiences in resolving issues, “knowledge sharing is

framed by mutuality and inter-dependence ... to share collective experiences and find

common ways of addressing mutual problems” (Waring & Bishop, 2010, p. 338).

Grindstaff and Richmond (2008) suggest that sufficient similarity of problems and

processes can improve students‟ learning from discussion with peers. How this study

can contribute to academic development by building on existing ideas of how

academics learn to teach will be outlined in section 8.3.3.

The results of this study, supported by the pragmatics literature, show that

„commonality‟ may represent a strategy for academics to generate efficient and

effective informal conversation about teaching in a research-intensive context.

Academic developers and departmental leaders intending to use conversation to

support academics to learn about teaching could foster professional, personal and

physical commonality between academic colleagues, and some ways they could

achieve this are introduced in section 8.3.2.

This study adopted grounded theory methodology to investigate informal conversation

about teaching in university departments. In addition to considering the process,

limitations and outcomes of this grounded theory study, the credibility of the study

must be determined. Whether this grounded theory project was successful and credible

was determined by criteria, previously outlined by Glaser (1998) and summarised in

section 3.2.3. The four criteria were validity, workability, relevance and modifiability.

The criteria of validity and workability are met if the theory fits the context adequately

and can be used to interpret behaviour. The idea of commonality can be used to

interpret and even modify behaviour, indicating these criteria were met. This is also

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linked to the third criterion of relevance, met by the applicability of the outcomes of the

thesis to professional development in universities (explored in section 8.3). The fourth

criterion, that the theory is modifiable, is an ongoing process, and has already been

partially met by the appearance and contribution of relevant ideas in existing literature.

The relevant ideas were used to develop the idea of commonality and conversation

which emerged in this study and also to inform strategies for supporting professional

development and informal learning.

8.3 Implications

8.3.1 Rethinking approaches to academic development

Traditionally, the development of university teachers has focused on formal programs

of academic development. Formal academic development can be problematic as it is

often centrally supported and taught, offering structured, generic content and group-

based learning, and encouraging or requiring attendance at a set time and place, with

little continuing support (Knight, 1998, p. 250). This contrasts with the characteristics

of informal conversation about teaching amongst academics: ongoing opportunities for

discipline-based and self-directed learning as particular individual requirements arise.

Informal conversation enables academics to set the agenda, so they can learn about

content and topics in which they have a need or an interest. It has been argued that the

content of academic development programs should not be determined by developers,

but rather, by individual academics, based on what is relevant in their workplace

contexts (McLean & McManus, 2009). Traditionally, to varying degrees, this has not

been the case – department leaders and academic developers manage formal academic

development. Although academics can choose how they participate in or engage with

an academic development session, their attendance at programs may be mandatory and

the content of those programs determined by the session facilitator, whether that is a

leader or developer. Autonomy has been linked to motivation and student learning

(Deci, Vallerand, Pelletier & Ryan, 1991; Richardson, Abraham & Bond, 2012), and

academics have also expressed resistance to learning (Quinn, 2012) when their goals

are not self-determined (Ewing et al., 2008) or do not align with their own or their

departments‟ interests or values (Kahn, 2009; Knight & Trowler, 1999).

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The usefulness of informal conversation that was identified in this study suggests two

possible routes for academic development. Formal academic development programs

could be redesigned to be more like informal conversation. This presents myriad

challenges, such as the potential workload for developers that would result from

providing tailored sessions for individuals on an as-needed basis. A more pragmatic

approach would be to determine how to facilitate connections between formal and

informal forms of learning about teaching, and how to generate informal conversation.

A broad aim would be to think about academic development holistically to improve the

relationships between various forms of learning about teaching and potentially, even

combine formal and informal forms of development. The example of a formal program

used in this study and informal conversation were seen as complementary forms of

learning by some academics, suggesting that it may be possible to connect the learning

of different teaching development activities.

The first focus for this section will be the more challenging aspect of considering how

formal academic development can be informed by this study‟s results about informal

conversation. The next focus will be reflecting on the complementarity of informal and

formal opportunities for learning about teaching in university contexts.

Informal conversation is useful for individual academics seeking reassurance and

management advice about specific teaching issues. It occurs largely at the discretion of

the academics involved. The conversation initiator is able to choose whom to talk to,

determine the topics of conversation, and often, the location, timing and duration of an

informal conversation. It may be this level of autonomy (not always present in

academic development), which contributes to informal conversation being perceived as

an effective and efficient way for academics to learn about teaching. If academics are

allowed to be autonomous in choosing when, where and in what ways they learn about

and develop their teaching, it is likely that they will seek out opportunities they deem

relevant and necessary, and this will likely foster a perception that any opportunities

attended were useful. A similar outcome was found by Byrne et al. (2010) who found

that when participation in and goals for a peer development program were self-

determined, academics deemed it to be worthwhile. This is consistent with the

perception that a successful development initiative is one which is seen as being

embedded in the essentials of academic work (Boud, 1999; Knight, 1998), and also that

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enabling academics to negotiate their learning is an effective way for them to learn

during an academic development program (Stefani & Elton, 2002).

In addition to a personal connection, what emerged as a key ingredient in this study

was common ground between colleagues. Colleagues who are teaching in the same

department understand and have experience with each other‟s context, so the advice

they provide will be more likely to suit their departmental agenda, their expectations

and their needs than the advice of those who do not work in that context. These results

support Boud‟s (1999) position that an informal exchange of ideas within departments

was more significant for learning than formal development initiatives, and Blackwell

and Blackmore‟s (2003) suggestion that situated academic development was more

likely to affect practice. Kwakman (2003) argues that academic development is,

appropriately, increasingly being situated in the workplace, but that is only the first

step: it needs to be accompanied by the autonomy that is part of informal conversation.

Central academic development programs may work to build a language around

teaching and learning, creating a common vocabulary for participants to talk about

teaching without using discipline-specific terms. This may help academics to discuss

teaching strategies with those from disciplines other than their own and this in turn

assists with the cross-fertilisation of teaching development ideas – what is common in

Department A may be innovative in Department B. One of the ways that this was

demonstrated in this study, was by an interviewed participant from the formal program

using informal conversation with other program participants to make sense of the

formal program content. This reflects work done with new schoolteachers, where

communicating with other new teachers during a formal course was seen to be helpful

while the formal course was not (Williams, 2003). For new teachers, informal

conversation to share experiences of teaching can be the most useful aspect of

preparation for teaching programs (Williams, Prestage & Bedward, 2001). In their

review of the literature, Niewolny and Wilson (2009) advocate for adult education to

incorporate aspects of „social learning‟ and not just focus on the individual. Findings

from a survey demonstrated that tutors and academics would have liked more

opportunities for social learning (Knight et al., 2006). The nature of informal

conversation means that it is inherently social – and so it could represent one way of

accommodating Niewolny and Wilson‟s (2009) suggestion.

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The results of this study suggest that personal attributes of academics are related to

their professional aspects of teaching, for example, in terms of seeking reassurance

from colleagues about teaching and using personal connections to initiate conversation.

These results echo notions in the literature that personal and professional

characteristics are connected and that professional development programs should

accommodate individual needs and feature more of a personal approach (Schuck et al.,

2008). One of the challenges for those seeking to apply the outcomes of this study to

academic development, is that aspects significant to the academics interviewed; such as

friendships, connections and commonality, are difficult to generate and problematic to

measure. Clegg and Rowland (2010) described „kindness‟ in academia as presenting a

similar issue, as it „cannot be regulated and prescribed‟ (p. 733). They used quotes

from students to demonstrate that tutors‟ interaction, rapport, and respect and concern

for student well-being were important for supporting learning (Clegg & Rowland,

2010). These attributes are similar to those described in this study as important for a

collegial friend, and may link to Blackie, Case and Jawitz‟s (2010) suggestion to

improve the experience and impact of academic development by focusing on

supporting the learning of the whole person. Blackie et al. (2010) refer to Carl Rogers‟

(1961, p. 282) legacy of congruence, unconditional positive regard and empathy.

Hoekstra and Korthagen (2011) found that teachers‟ professional actions were linked to

their personal lives and argued for professional and personal to be integrated in the

professional development of teachers. In her review of the literature around teacher

educators, Grossman (1992), reminds us that we need to consider how we prepare and

support teachers to be ethical, critical and innovative, to create teachers who can

challenge (rather than reproduce) existing practices and models.

Building on the preceding ideas for how formal programs can be informed by informal

conversation, the subsequent paragraphs in the current section will outline how

informal conversation and formal academic development programs are complementary

forms of learning about teaching. Following this, from section 8.3.2 onwards, specific

strategies are provided for those working in universities who seek to create useful

informal conversation and enrich the connections between the academics‟ experience

of and ideas from informal conversation and formal academic development.

Interviewees in this study described knocking on a colleagues‟ door, or a serendipitous

meeting as being different to a structured academic development initiative, or central or

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departmental meeting. This difference could mean that informal conversations have the

potential to complement academic development workshops and formal communication

in several ways. For example, academics like Adam (an interviewee, see sections 5.6

and 6.5.2) may experience informal conversations as important for exploring

philosophies of teaching, and formal meetings as the place to develop strategic plans or

critique initiatives. Facilitating connections between these otherwise separate

interactions may extend the learning within each and lead to alignments between

departmental plans and individual philosophies, or individual philosophies informing

strategic initiatives. Several academics described seeking advice from their discipline

colleagues because their colleagues had experience or knew „what worked‟. This is not

something that is usually addressed at discipline level in formal academic development.

For those academics, and potentially, others, an empirical rationale suggested by a

disciplinary colleague may be preferable to a theory-based approach provided in a

formal course by an academic developer (who teaches in academic development, and

not the academic‟s discipline). The complementary nature of informal conversation and

formal academic development has not been previously explored sufficiently. One idea

that could connect informal conversation about teaching and formal academic

development might be the integrated approach proposed by Kreber and Castelden

(2009), where they advised academics to attend generic academic development

initiatives in disciplinary groups. In this case, the time needed for the informal

conversation would need to be built into the formal program, and supported within

departments after the program had been completed.

The topics addressed by academics during informal conversation and the formal

program about teaching were similar, and reflect the nature of university teaching,

where assessment and students create issues and these issues trigger communication.

However, the way they were described differs between these forms of teaching

development. A formal program might be perceived as about theory or principles, and

informal conversation as about practical strategies – each serves a different function

and they can be complementary. In this study, each form of learning was shown to be

useful in diverse ways, but they may be more effective in some areas than others. For

example, individual management and reassurance of teachers can be provided by

colleagues in context, such as in a discipline or department. In a generic, central

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program, improvement and evolution of teaching could be a more appropriate focus for

academic developers.

Formal academic development may not be able to fully incorporate individual learning

needs in the same way as an informal conversation. It may be easier to achieve a

personal development approach in an informal conversation between two individuals

than in a formal meeting or formal academic development course. Academics‟

descriptions of conversations as being useful for reassurance and venting highlight the

importance of the role of empathy and support of the person in academic development.

Academics‟ preference for conversation partners who are “friends as well as

colleagues” (Patrick) may also reflect their desire for learning which includes

unconditional positive regard. Clegg and Rowland (2010) note a desire to explore how

organisations increase the possibility of kindness occurring. A similar approach to this

was taken in this study, where the emphasis was not on determining how to force

friendships and informal conversation between academics, but investigating how

departmental and university contexts are able to encourage, trigger or hinder informal

conversation and connections between colleagues. Participating in mentoring or peer

observation initiatives may present opportunities to create personal experiences and

connections between colleagues, but an element of autonomy must be maintained.

One argument against the usefulness of informal learning is that it may not provide

sufficient awareness for teachers to change their approaches to teaching (Hoekstra &

Korthagen, 2011, p. 89). Minor changes to aspects of practice that are based on the

advice or experience of a colleague shared during informal conversation may be easy

to achieve and not require the level of awareness that has been suggested. Importantly,

however, informal conversation can be a step towards awareness. A minor change in

practice may lead to increased confidence in teaching, an interest in teaching, or a

critical reflection on approaches to teaching. Recognising this interest and having

formal or semi-formal academic strategies which co-exist with and connect to, informal

conversation, may help to encourage the level of awareness Hoekstra and Korthagen

(2011) suggested was desirable to change teachers‟ approaches to teaching.

If academic development is to support aspects of informal learning such as informal

conversation about teaching, it may be helpful to build on existing understandings of

learning in the literature on workplace and professional learning. Experiential learning

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is one model which could provide such insight. While observing the experiential

learning of students in three different university settings, Hickcox (2002) described

several benefits of the resulting „more personal‟ approach. These were allowing room

for student reactions, such as emotions and anxiety around learning, student-teacher

interaction, a change in role from teaching to teaching-for-learning, and an emphasis on

individual student needs (Hickcox, 2002). These benefits are similar to the usefulness

of informal conversation with colleagues described by academics in this study in terms

of it being relevant, individual and including practical advice with reassurance.

Experiential learning may be one idea from which to consider why informal

conversation between colleagues is an effective way for individual academics to learn

about and develop their teaching. The nature of informal conversation reflects the

processes of experiential learning (Kolb, 1984) – academics have a concrete teaching

experience and then, through conversation with colleagues, are able to reflect on and

understand the experience. The final stage occurs when having had an informal

conversation, the academic‟s learning can be applied in a subsequent teaching activity.

The emphasis on learning and non-formal opportunities inherent in experiential

learning also appears in continuing professional development, another perspective

which could inform academic development (Clegg, 2003a).

For the academics interviewed, informal conversation about teaching was useful

because it allows them to be autonomous in their learning; this means it has the

advantage of enabling them to focus on individual needs in terms of content and

timing. This leads to academics drawing on colleagues‟ expertise to seek support and

advice to resolve teaching-related issues in contextually-appropriate ways.

This section was designed to focus on a reconsideration of what is understood by the

term „academic development‟, with a view to including more opportunities for learning

that incorporate the advantages proffered by informal conversation. This leads into

ideas for strategies that can be used to support the development of academics, which

are outlined in the subsequent sections 8.3.3, 8.3.4 and 8.3.5. These sections will be

most useful for those working in universities with an interest in embedding aspects of

informal learning into formal programs for academic development.

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8.3.2 Introduction to this study’s implications for three groups

The results chapters (4, 5, 6 and 7) focused on the nature of informal conversation and

the ways context influences informal conversation. The four categories of influence:

Colleagues with whom academics work; Processes for reward and recognition; Time

and place; and Formal management of communication, and their 15 subcategories were

found to trigger, encourage or hinder informal conversation about teaching within this

context. The following sections explore how these 15 subcategories and the idea of

commonality could be used to stimulate informal conversation about teaching, as a

complement to formal academic development.

The academics interviewed described having lots of „reassuring‟ and „managing‟

conversations but some did not have time for deeper „evolve‟ level conversations.

Encouraging academics to focus on their teaching, and creating the perception that this

is a worthwhile thing to do, may encourage more conversation. It may also lead to

more conversation that focuses on improving and evolving teaching, not just

conversation intended to reassure academics about teaching and to help them manage

their teaching.

The following suggestions directly relate to facilitating informal conversation about

teaching or increasing the effectiveness of informal conversation for learning about

teaching. Some advice relates to recognising teaching or promoting quality teaching

and through this, encouraging conversation. Other literature has looked at enhancing

the quality of university teaching (e.g., Biggs & Tang, 2007; Chalmers, 2007; 2011;

Gibbs, 1995; Ramsden & Martin, 1996; Roxå et al., 2008) and so this will not be

covered in detail here. The focus in the following sections is on practical, achievable

strategies that build on existing systems and processes. The ideas will not be applicable

in all contexts and they will likely already be in place in some departments. The advice

is described from the perspectives of each of three groups in universities who have a

special interest in academic development: academic developers, department leaders and

individual academics.

8.3.3 Academic developers

Academic developers are university staff whose work is based on supporting the

professional development of academics. In Australia, this is focused on development in

teaching and learning, and more broadly, scholarly teaching, and research into

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teaching. Academic developers often conduct research into higher education and the

scholarship of teaching and learning. They may have previous employment experience

as faculty-based academics or be appointed jointly to a faculty and a central unit, or

discipline-specific teaching and learning unit. In addition to supporting the learning of

individuals and groups of academics, they work through committees and contribute to

developing university policy (see section 2.1; Ling & CADAD, 2009). Ideas that

demonstrate how academic developers can design and support academic development

strategies that enable commonality to be identified and useful conversation to occur are

provided below.

1) Promote and support informal conversation during and following formal academic

development programs to build on program content:

Introduce participants to the potential of informal conversation, for example, by

using this study‟s results to outline how mid-level academics have found it to be

useful in at least five ways to discuss a variety of teaching-related topics. Assist

academics to recognise the importance of informal, reactive and collaborative

learning as identified in the literature (e.g., Williams, 2003), because having

academics understand that “the quality of communication and relationships in

daily practice is more significant than centrally determined induction

arrangements” facilitates the exchange of departmental knowledge and practice

(Trowler & Knight, 2000, p. 37).

Create cross-disciplinary connections by establishing common ideas and

language around teaching. Outline some of the similarities in teaching across

disciplines; one of the advantages of informal conversation with departmental

colleagues is having a shared understanding based on commonality of teaching

ideology and departmental context. Develop a common vocabulary amongst

participants to bridge the barriers to communicating across disciplines (e.g.

from having different epistemologies, Neumann et al., 2002), and reduce

misunderstanding during cross-disciplinary group work.

Help participants to build relationships with other academics based on their

shared experiences as novice teachers or encourage them to find non-academic

shared interests with other participants. This may be more important for some

participants than others, and academic developers should prepare novice

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academics for the possibility that in some faculties, their colleagues and even

the curriculum framework may not support the language or ideas acquired

during the formal program and thus, they may find it difficult to communicate

with disciplinary colleagues about teaching.

Identify exemplars of departments and leaders that communicate well and invite

leaders or representatives from these departments to be part of formal courses.

Staff working for central academic development units may be aware of

academics who have received awards or grants for teaching, or academics who

have previously attended formal academic development programs in university

teaching. Participants can meet leaders, and if they find commonalities, talk

with them about teaching. This can connect staff new to the university, with

expert or experienced colleagues who may not necessarily self-nominate as

leaders or seek out novices to mentor. A less direct approach, using the idea of

commonality, may mean leading those academics seeking advice to colleagues

in the same or similar discipline or department or those who share their cohorts

of students.

2) Design and support creative, inclusive and flexible (i.e. semi-formal) academic

development programs that complement informal conversation and formal

academic development:

Provide support for semi-formal initiatives situated within departments,

including through contributions to the design and implementation of peer

observation and mentoring initiatives, and the development of tailored

workshops to meet departmental aims regarding teaching. Programs should

include resources and examples of what works, that academics can access „as-

needed‟, such as websites designed for unit coordinators (Roberts, Butcher &

Brooker, 2011), as this study showed that academics found informal

conversation to be useful for sharing what works. These resources should

include supportive aspects, such as insights from experienced colleagues with

acknowledgement that they still seek reassurance regarding their teaching.

Support mid-level academics to identify their own teaching-related issues and

seek advice from the appropriate discipline-based colleagues. Offer flexible

academic development programs where academics have the option to select and

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attend several sessions from a list based on those areas they identify as relevant

for their teaching development. This may be a way to achieve the autonomy

identified as a significant aspect of learning from informal conversation. This

may be facilitated by adapting features from academic development programs

that allow academics to determine their content, methods and assessment and

support experiential, problem-based, and research-based learning (for an

example program, see Stefani & Elton, 2002).

8.3.4 Department leaders

Department leaders are academics who have been appointed to managerial and

leadership roles. They might be referred to as a Dean or a Head of Department,

Discipline or School. They are usually responsible for managing academic staff and

overseeing the direction of their units. Leaders also include senior academics, who

have worked in the department for an extended period of time, have a reputation for

excellence, and whose advice is sought after in their areas of expertise. Their

credibility may have been established through significant career achievements. Rowley

(1997) provides the following achievements as examples: journal publications,

conference presentations and the development of others. Increasingly, leaders are also

seen to be coming from all sectors of the hierarchy – for example, junior academics

with teaching grants. Some of the ways for department leaders to foster useful informal

conversation are:

1) Allocate offices and design spaces to build on existing commonalities and create

new connections amongst academics:

Maximise the proximity of offices of those who are like-minded, who work

together and who are likely to share student cohorts.

Allocate new or inexperienced academics to offices near those of expert or

experienced colleagues to increase the likelihood they serendipitously meet and

converse.

Allow for a coffee-making space or similar common room to help to trigger

conversation about teaching – academics found it useful to chat over morning

tea or lunch.

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Inform the design of new spaces or refurbishment of existing spaces with

research and reviews of „learning spaces‟ (JISC, 2006; Thomas, 2010). Just as

learning hubs provide spaces for social and informal learning amongst

university students (Ellis, 2011), similar opportunities can be created for

academic staff. Learning spaces have been conceived of as a “change agent”

(Oblinger, 2006, p. 1.1). Kornberger and Clegg (2003) introduced Foucault‟s

(1986) concept of „heterotopias‟ to encourage organisations to provide spaces

which challenge existing and create new ideas and discourses and even

identities. Funded projects such as the Learning Spaces Project (Souter, Riddle,

Sellers & Keppell, 2011) offer advice for the design and implementation of

spaces that facilitate student learning; and it is likely that these models could be

usefully applied to spaces for staff, to facilitate opportunities for learning

through informal conversation. Furthermore, design spaces do not necessarily

need to allocate separate spaces for staff and student purposes because flexibly

designed, social and communal spaces can be used by staff and students (JISC,

2006).

2) Model and encourage behaviour that fosters a climate that is supportive of quality

teaching:

Volunteer to have your teaching observed by peers, share your frustrating and

inspiring moments as a teacher, and embody principles such as valuing good

teaching and enhancing teamwork (Ramsden, 1998a). Develop a teaching

philosophy and encourage others to develop and share theirs, but be careful of

creating a perception that there exists a „correct‟ philosophy and that „incorrect‟

philosophies will not be supported.

Be present and available, and adopt an open door policy, which may also

stimulate others to do so. Encourage all academics within your discipline or

department group to be present in their office on campus for at least one

common day each week, and reward academics who make the effort to be

available. When academics desire a conversation about teaching, they will then

have access to their colleagues.

Monitor informal exchanges and counter negative comments about teaching.

Understand that comments made by leaders carry additional significance and

ensure that you do not say or support negative statements such as, “if you‟re a

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good teacher, that is the way to ruin your academic career” (Joshua). Waring

and Bishop (2010) advocate for leaders to participate in „backstage talk‟, and

not regulate conversation or instruct people to communicate. In some

departments, it may be more appropriate for leaders to not even participate in

talk, but to encourage conversation in other ways and let academics‟ autonomy

take over in actual conversations. Forcing academics to engage in informal

conversation is unlikely to be as useful as conversation they seek themselves

and having leaders participate in informal conversation may reduce some

academics‟ willingness to raise their issues.

Promote excellent and effective teachers and examples of teaching through

emails or at formal or semi-formal meetings, for example, publicly congratulate

recipients of teaching awards. This will encourage academics to recognise and

value quality teaching, and could contribute to establishing a climate which

supports teaching, and is more conducive to informal conversation.

3) Focus on what can be done to create commonality and connections between

department colleagues so they will be more inclined to discuss teaching informally:

Invite and expect regular communication (which might include informal

conversation) around teaching, and supply guidelines to ensure the conversation

is open and non-judgemental (Palmer, 1993). Support a mentoring program, to

create the sorts of relationships or communities of practice (Lave & Wenger,

1991; Wenger, 2000) that would facilitate the informal conversations described

as useful by the academics in this study. Build on existing guidelines, such as

the good practice guide for building communities of practice (Rodger & Aplin,

2011) from a funded project (Rodger, 2011). Draw on examples of guidelines

and policies from other universities, such as Griffith University‟s Community

of Practice guidelines (Griffith University, 2006) and Promotion of Academic

Staff Policy (Griffith University, 2011), and Queensland University of

Technology‟s foci on key groups of project managers (Queensland University

of Technology, 2010) and lecturers teaching in first year units (Quinn, Smith,

Duncan, Clarke & Nelson, 2009).

Allow time and provide guidelines and support for, handover of courses and

teaching activities between those who are currently teaching on a unit of study

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and those who have previously taught on the same or similar units of study, as

these will likely trigger conversation and encourage the development of

collegial relationships. Support processes for work shadowing or mentoring, as

these can be effective “forms of induction and socialisation” for those who

work in different roles or academics who are new to the department (Trowler &

Knight, 2000, p. 39).

Establish and manage formal meetings about teaching and dedicate time within

meetings to informal conversation. Formal workshops or development

programs are likely to serve a purpose beyond their allotted time and agenda.

They can show academics that teaching is worthwhile, and that it can benefit

from ongoing development. If these workshops and meetings are initiated or

supported by department leaders, this serves to strengthen the idea that

dedicating time to communicating about teaching is useful. Having time within

formal meetings for informal conversation can encourage academics to raise

teaching-related concerns as needed.

Trial semi-formal meeting times or a common lunch, morning or afternoon tea

or even breakfast if that is the only common time available – these could be

used for conversation about teaching if desired. The frequency and style of such

events should reflect the culture of the discipline, department size, and available

space and budget. Recruit someone to encourage attendance via email, a

meeting request or door knocking and provide sufficient notice of the event and

choose times when most staff are available. Allocate budget to purchase coffee,

tea and biscuits, or nominate an individual to be responsible for establishing a

user funding system. Gathering colleagues together puts less responsibility on

individuals to seek out other academics and may mean that issues related to

teaching are addressed quickly in the semi-formal meeting, based on collective

experience, rather than not at all or in invisible, secret exchanges.

8.3.5 Individual academics

Academics work in university departments and faculties as researchers and teachers.

Although they are sometimes experienced and expert teachers, the advice below

regarding how to generate conversation may be especially useful for those who are

novice teachers, recently appointed to a new role or teaching in an unfamiliar context.

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Informal conversation is of use to individual academics because it can be self-directed,

context specific, tailored to individual needs, and occur just in time. The following

section is designed to offer advice to individuals to improve the quality and quantity of

their informal conversation.

1) Make your availability known, and then be available to participate in events and

activities:

Communicate your office hours so other academics know when you are likely

to be on campus, and in your office, and try to find out when colleagues will be

present and available, for example by sharing calendars electronically.

„Grab‟ a colleague when you see them in a corridor and ask then for advice

rather than wait for a formal designated time. Formal meetings may not occur,

or may not be appropriate places to raise some teaching-related issues. Making

the most of proximity and serendipity in informal conversations about teaching

is important because an interest in teaching may be perceived by colleagues as a

„personal‟ and not a professional interest (and consequently, worthy merely of

the time appropriate for any personal interest).

Attend departmental events, including those which may appear social rather

than informative, such as morning teas or staff birthday celebrations. This will

help to identify those colleagues who have relevant expertise or interests in

teaching and those who are approachable (useful for determining who would be

a desirable conversation partner).

Attend formal meetings, as these can trigger informal conversation before,

during and after their assigned time and on topics beyond the set agenda. Where

possible, allow enough time between meetings for opportunities to arrive early

or stay after the meeting, or on the return journey to the office, to participate in

or initiate informal conversation. Ask one or two colleagues to meet you 10

minutes before the meeting or to walk back afterwards together in order to

discuss a specific topic.

2) Make the most of formal academic development initiatives:

Determine your participation in formal initiatives involving other staff, such as

development programs, not solely in terms of the program content, but for their

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role in potentially creating connections between yourself and colleagues, and in

assisting you to dedicate time to developing and improving your teaching

(Byrne et al., 2010).

Build on guidelines available in peer observation programs or other

development initiatives to make the learning from the program more relevant

for your own practice (for example, Ewing et al., 2008). Although these

initiatives will likely be facilitated by your departmental leaders, you can take

responsibility for setting your own goals, organising times to meet mentors or

colleagues, or even attempting to select colleagues to work with based on those

with whom you have much in common.

3) Seek commonality with colleagues as soon as possible to make informal

conversation effective:

Tap into existing friendships, networks or communities of practice (Lave &

Wenger, 1991) and find colleagues with similar personalities and interests to

your own, to establish rapport. Develop mutually beneficial relationships by

helping others, so that when you desire advice, colleagues are indebted to you.

Be aware of your own strengths and weaknesses, for example, as a novice

academic, you could serve a reassuring role before contributing to

conversations about managing or improving teaching.

Seek conversations with those with whom you have the most in common. It is

important to select an appropriate colleague for subsequent informal

conversation about teaching to be useful, and this may not always be those

closest to you in terms of discipline content, but those with whom you share a

teaching philosophy. To identify those with similar teaching philosophies, it

may be necessary to consider your own, by reflecting on why you adopt certain

teaching practices and not others, or why you prefer some teaching activities to

others.

Frame a problem and summarise or prioritise issues before approaching a

colleague, to minimise misunderstanding and the need for clarification. A

succinct explanation will mean that more time is available for targeted advice

that will contribute to ensuring that the conversation is useful. Framing the

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problem will also help to identify which colleagues will have the relevant

expertise, or determine who will be able to direct you to that relevant colleague.

Identify yourself as new to teaching, or new to a subject, to inspire experienced

colleagues to share their expertise. Start an informal conversation with why you

have sought your colleague‟s advice, such as „because others recognised that

they were an excellent teacher‟, to trigger their altruism.

These three groups: academic developers, department leaders and individual

academics, are those who are most able to trigger, encourage or hinder informal

conversation. Implementing some or all of the suggested strategies is likely to enhance

the amount of informal learning through conversation and lead to more conversation

that focuses on enhancing teaching, not just managing teaching. Improving the quality

and quantity of informal conversation will serve to strengthen its role as a complement

to existing opportunities for academics to learn about teaching, such as formal

communication and formal academic development.

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Chapter 9. Conclusion

9.1 Summary

This study investigated academics‟ experience of informal conversation about teaching

with their departmental colleagues. Thirty academic staff working in different

departments at an Australian research-intensive university were interviewed and the

transcripts were analysed using grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). This

analysis contributes to our understanding of the potential of informal conversation to

support academics in learning about teaching.

The original area of focus was on the nature of informal conversation about teaching,

specifically the topics discussed (Chapter 4) and the usefulness (Chapter 5) of informal

conversation about teaching. Subsequent foci were the role of context in influencing

informal conversation (Chapter 6) and the relations between an example of a formal

academic development program and informal conversation about teaching (Chapter 7).

Data from the interviews suggested that there were various forms of learning

happening during informal conversation that are likely to enhance both teaching and

learning. Academics described conversing about student issues and quality; assessment

design and marking; curriculum delivery and content; and ways of evaluating teaching.

Informal conversation with departmental colleagues appeared to be particularly useful

for topics that raised potentially confidential or discipline specific issues. Within the

broad category of usefulness, five subcategories were identified; academics have

informal conversations to Vent about teaching-related issues, to Reassure themselves

about their teaching, to Manage their teaching context, to Improve their teaching and

student learning and to Evolve their teaching, thinking and practice.

The majority of informal conversation focused on issues resulting from learning how to

manage teaching. This was most commonly phrased as „how to‟, for example, how to

deliver content, and how to deal with difficult students. In addition to illustrating the

most pressing challenges faced by academics at the time, informal conversation also

likely reflects what academics can change about their teaching practice, and the areas

in which the input of colleagues could be utilised. There were two distinct approaches,

which might be described as either solving or preventing teaching-related issues.

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The academics that were interviewed described four areas of their context: Colleagues

with whom they work; Processes for reward and recognition; Time and place; and

Formal management of communication, as influencing their informal conversation

about teaching. In a context where teaching and research compete for academics‟ time

and colleagues have incompatible teaching philosophies, it may be challenging to

determine whether, and with whom, to have an informal conversation about teaching.

As it is likely that academics intend to use informal conversation to achieve their

purpose efficiently and effectively, and not waste their own or their colleagues‟ time,

how they chose conversation partners was of interest. The degree of commonality

between academics was discovered to affect the potential for an informal conversation

about teaching, where the greater the commonality, the greater the quantity and quality

of informal conversation about teaching.

One reason for academics to seek informal conversation with like colleagues is because

conversation is more useful if conversation partners are able to provide appropriate

responses to issues raised during the conversation. An appropriate response is likely to

be reassurance about an issue and/or an idea or strategy that an academic can and

would implement, and preferably, has been implemented previously. Essentially, an

informal conversation is a useful way to learn about teaching because academics can

discover what works and what their colleagues would do, within their research-

intensive context, which may not offer consistent support for teaching.

The relationship between informal conversation and one form of academic

development (an introductory program for novice university teachers), was explored,

and described in Chapter 7. The disconnect between these that was experienced by

some academics presents academic developers with the challenge of creating links

between different forms of development. Some suggestions for how to connect discrete

forms of learning were provided in section 8.3. Informal conversation could be used to

build on the academic development curriculum content provided by universities or

departments (which might include unit of study outlines and learning outcomes) and by

helping academics to find out how to deal with issues, evaluate their teaching, and

uncover the standard practices of colleagues.

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9.2 Further research

One of the key features of grounded theory is that explanatory variables must emerge

from the data and cannot become part of a theory simply because a researcher believes

that they should be included (Glaser, 1978; 1992). Variables which may have been

included if a different methodology had been used in this study are academics‟

discipline, department, age, career stage and gender. There has been substantial

research investigating the impact of gender and age on communication broadly, and on

the differences and similarities across academic disciplines. Although the design of this

study did not allow for cross-department or disciplinary comparisons, the sample of

academics represented a variety of disciplines and it was thought they may have

referred to their discipline background in reference to teaching and conversation about

teaching. Further research could explore whether in disciplines where there is an

emphasis on discussion in their curriculum content or delivery, academics are more

likely to find informal conversation a useful way of learning, and whether strategies to

foster informal conversation can work in disciplines where discussion is less of a

feature in their teaching.

For example, the next quote that for this academic, his discipline and approach to

teaching encourage conversation inside the classroom (with students) and in corridors

(with colleagues).

We teach humanities kinds of things, ethics … So we have, in our classes but

also with the colleagues in [our discipline] outside, pretty much a constant

conversation about what‟s going on – that's maybe the easy part of teaching.

We are about conversations, we are about discussion. I would find it very hard

to teach in [a pure hard discipline], for example, since after all what your

opinions are about [that discipline] don't really matter, it is the way it is. I

wouldn't know how to teach it. So our position definitely brings with it a very

specific approach which encourages us to talk about teaching and experiences

within the process [of teaching]. (Jon)

It may also be interesting to explore whether gender and age influence patterns of

informal conversation within departments. Using a different methodology, like

ethnography, may mean the inclusion of another method, such as observations, which

could provide more detail on individual teachers and would rely less on the self-report

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measure of interviews used here. This could contribute to our understanding of the

nature of informal conversation and possible departmental variety or specificity.

Based on this study, institutions could enhance academic development by supporting

semi-formal, structured activities but also allowing academics some control over their

own learning within the activities. Further investigation into informal conversation and

its usefulness for learning, could examine whether there could be greater inclusion of

peer review or benchmarking type processes in informal settings, perhaps across

contexts identified as excellent (Gibbs et al., 2009) or supportive (Roxå & Mårtensson,

2009).

Much of the literature associated with academic development has focused broadly on

the learning of new teachers, and how the learning of novices differs to the learning of

experts. This study is unusual in that it focused on mid-level academics and was able to

demonstrate that those who are experienced teachers still require support to learn how

to teach, and not just in terms of managing and improving, but also reassurance about

their teaching. This may explain why some mid-level academics resist development

initiatives which aim to improve their teaching and evolve their thinking – they may

prefer opportunities for development which begin with or at least include aspects of

reassurance. There could be more of a focus in future research on those who are

considered mid-level and expert academics, specifically on how they learn how to

teach and the sorts of development opportunities they would find useful.

In this study, the interview questions did not directly address email or other computer

or technology-assisted communication, and so it appears only where participants

described it, unprompted. In addition to email, many other modes of communication

were not covered in this study, such as social network sites, which provide informal,

synchronous options for learning through a mode which shares some of the advantages

of informal conversation. Features of these sites that might be utilised for informal

learning are „instant notifications‟ that inform academics that their colleagues have

communicated with them or provided them with a useful resource, and „updates‟ that

indicate when their colleagues are online and available for communication (Bledsoe &

Pilgrim, 2011; Shiu, Fong & Lam, 2010). These represent potential learning

opportunities and further research could look into how these complement existing

formal and informal face-to-face communication about teaching.

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9.3 Contribution

In an institutional or departmental context, there are multiple opportunities for

communicating about teaching, and this study examined one type of communication –

informal conversation. The study begins to help us understand the nature of informal

conversation about teaching between academic colleagues. Academics who initiate

conversation are able to choose with whom to speak, determine the topics of

conversation, and often the location and time of a conversation. This leads to

academics learning how to manage teaching-related issues on as-needed basis, in a

personal, practical, disciplinary and department-specific way through informal

conversation.

Informal conversation is different to formal communication and formal academic

development, and therefore a useful complement to existing opportunities for

academics to learn about teaching. This thesis did not seek to critique existing formal

academic development, nor suggest informal conversation could replace formal

communication, such as committee meetings. However, academics are able to learn

about teaching through informal conversation, and for some issues, and even

individuals, it may be a more appropriate means for learning about teaching than

formal academic development. Thus, we might reconsider what is encompassed by the

term, „academic development‟, to include more informal learning opportunities, such

as corridor conversation between departmental colleagues.

The results of this study demonstrate that informal conversation is useful (and by its

nature, neither resource nor time intensive), so generating greater informal

conversation could become part of a strategy for efficiently maintaining and improving

the standard of teaching in a way that academics find useful. To facilitate informal

conversation about teaching, departmental leaders and academic developers should

work to provide a context where informal conversation is encouraged and contribute to

the development of mutually supportive and beneficial relationships between

academics that reinforce existing connections and create new commonalities.

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Appendices

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Appendix 1: Interview guide 1

Below are examples of the sorts of questions and prompts that were used in the

interviews.

RANGE OF CONTEXTS

1. Can you tell me about the times you talk about teaching, perhaps the range

of contexts?

General Triggers

2. When did you talk about teaching this week?

a. What was that like? Enjoyable? Frustrating?

3. What were the three most recent times you discussed teaching?

a. Who participated in these discussions?

b. Can you recall a recent conversation about teaching? Describe it.

4. So you were talking about a time when you discussed [X],

a. How long ago was the conversation? Can you think of the sorts of

things said?

Prompt: Can you tell me more about ....?

DEPARTMENT CLIMATE

5. Is there anything about your department that supports/limits you to talk

about teaching?

General Triggers

6. What might prompt a conversation about teaching in your department?

a. For example, a meeting, tea-room conversation, when developing a

promotion application, student issues, grades/extensions

7. Are there some teaching-related topics that are often discussed in your

department?

a. Which topics are most frequently talked about?

b. Why do you think these topics are talked about?

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USEFULNESS OF CONVERSATION

8. So we’ve talked about the conversations that you have about teaching-how

useful do you find these conversations?

a. What are the outcomes of these conversations?

i. Do you change your teaching practice as a result?

Triggers (If previous questions are not generating responses)

9. How do you develop your curriculum? Can you tell me about that process?

How do you decide how your unit fits in with the rest of the course

10. The university considers assessment as part of teaching. Can you tell me about

your assessment? Is that something you develop on your own? Are you a

member of an exam board?

11. Do you evaluate your unit? How do you do that-do you seek student feedback?

Have you discussed that with anyone?

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Appendix 2: Interview guide 2

Below are examples of the sorts of questions and prompts that were used in the

interviews.

1. What did you learn during „Principles and Practice of University Teaching‟

(P&P)?

a. Do you plan to change anything about your teaching?

2. In what ways has attending „P&P‟ contributed to your teaching development?

3. Since completing the program in February, have you talked about your

teaching?

a. Can you tell me about those conversations?

4. In what ways has talking to your discipline/faculty colleagues about teaching

contributed to your teaching development?

5. Since attending „P&P‟, have you changed the way you talk about teaching?

6. Since attending „P&P‟, have you changed your teaching practice?

7. Are your conversations about teaching are different to your experience of

„P&P‟?

a. How?

b. How are they similar?

8. What might encourage you to develop your teaching?

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Appendix 3: Variation in departments

Size Classification by

Becher (1989)

Accreditation Campus Sample

Large Applied soft Accredited Main 5

Large Pure soft Non-accredited Main 4

Large Applied hard Accredited Satellite 2

Small Applied soft Accredited Main 1

Small Applied hard Accredited Main 5.5*

Small Applied hard Accredited Satellite 4.5*

Small Applied hard Accredited and

non-accredited

Main 2.5*

Small Applied hard Non-accredited Main 1

Small Pure hard Non-accredited Main 4.5*

Total 30

*indicates joint appointments between two schools. Two academic staff members were

interviewed as a member of one school, but they also discussed experiences in the

other school

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Appendix 4: Variation in individuals

Pseudonym of Interviewee Date Duration

Planned interviews

1. Liam 15 March 2010 27.26

2. Patrick 29 March 2010 43.02

3. Marie 30 March 2010 47.21

4. Meghan 31 March 2010 46.24

5. Jon 8 April 2010 50.41

6. Lilly 12 April 2010 35.21

7. Allan 14 April 2010 34.14

8. Anthony 15 April 2010 38.23

9. Sarah 15 April 2010 33.34

10. Margaret 19 April 2010 45.44

11. Joshua 23 April 2010 35.14

12. Grace 28 April 2010 31.43

13. Michael 4 May 2010 39.48

14. Benjamin 10 May 2010 56.12

15. Raj 12 May 2010 42.00

16. Maxine 19 May 2010 53.02

17. Kasia 24 May 2010 51.09

18. Chris 2 June 2010 50.08

19. Adam 8 June 2010 43.22

20. Suren 14 July 10 31.48

Supplementary interviews

21. Ellen (new) 29 March 2010 31.36

22. Liz (Quality advisor) 13 April 2010 41.10

23. Ingrid (Leader) 13 April 2010 34.40

24. Luke (Exemplar) 6 May 2010 1.00.40

25. Andrew (April P&P) 13 April 2011 37.26

26. George (April P&P) 18 April 2011 25.21

27. Edward (April P&P) 19 April 2011 53.48

28. Melissa (June P&P) 13 July 2011 27.33

29. Natasha (June P&P) 27 July 2011 16.58

30. Lisa (June P&P) 15 August 2011 30.08

Total 19 h 32 m 14 s

Average Approx. 38 minutes

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Appendix 5: Coding extract

This is an extract of the coding process used to develop the results presented in Chapter

6. It demonstrates the basic techniques that were useful to me in the earlier stages of

the analysis process, for example highlighting sections of relevant text and writing

notations in the margin.

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Appendix 6: Poster presentation

The poster below was presented at a conference in October 2010. It represents the

usefulness of informal conversation at that stage in the analysis. It was not until later

that the fifth subcategory of usefulness, „Vent‟ (see Chapter 5), appeared as a

subcategory separate to „Reassure‟.

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Appendix 7: Poster presentation

The poster below was presented at a conference in July 2011. It represents the

contextual influences on informal conversation at that stage in the analysis, and Figure

1 represents an earlier version of Table 6.1.

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Human Research Ethics Committee

Web: http://www.usyd.edu.au/ethics/

ABN 15 211 513 464

Marietta Coutinho Deputy Manager Human Research Ethics Administration

Telephone: +61 2 8627 8176 Facsimile: +61 2 8627 8177

Email: [email protected]

Mailing Address: Level 6

Jane Foss Russell Building – G02 The University of Sydney NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA

Ref: IM/PR 15 February 2010 Prof Keith Trigwell Institute for Teaching and Learning Level 3, Carslaw Building – F07 The University of Sydney Email: [email protected]

Dear Professor Trigwell I am pleased to inform you that the Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) at its meeting held on 2 February 2010 approved your protocol entitled “The nature of informal academic discourse on university teaching”. Details of the approval are as follows: Ref No.: 02-2010/12521 Approval Period: February 2010 to February 2011 Authorised Personnel: Prof Keith Trigwell Ms Kate Thomson Assoc Prof Simon Barrie The HREC is a fully constituted Ethics Committee in accordance with the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Research Involving Humans-March 2007 under Section 5.1.29. The approval of this project is conditional upon your continuing compliance with the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Research Involving Humans. We draw to your attention the requirement that a report on this research must be submitted every 12 months from the date of the approval or on completion of the project, whichever occurs first. Failure to submit reports will result in withdrawal of consent for the project to proceed. Chief Investigator / Supervisor’s responsibilities to ensure that: (1) All serious and unexpected adverse events should be reported to the

HREC as soon as possible.

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(2) All unforeseen events that might affect continued ethical acceptability of

the project should be reported to the HREC as soon as possible. (3) The HREC must be notified as soon as possible of any changes to the

protocol. All changes must be approved by the HREC before continuation of the research project. These include:-

If any of the investigators change or leave the University.

Any changes to the Participant Information Statement and/or Consent Form.

(4) All research participants are to be provided with a Participant Information

Statement and Consent Form, unless otherwise agreed by the Committee. The Participant Information Statement and Consent Form are to be on University of Sydney letterhead and include the full title of the research project and telephone contacts for the researchers, unless otherwise agreed by the Committee and the following statement must appear on the bottom of the Participant Information Statement. Any person with concerns or complaints about the conduct of a research study can contact the Deputy Manager, University of Sydney, on +612 8627 8176 (Telephone); +612 8627 8177 (Facsimile) or [email protected] (Email).

(5) Copies of all signed Consent Forms must be retained and made available

to the HREC on request. (6) It is your responsibility to provide a copy of this letter to any

internal/external granting agencies if requested. (7) The HREC approval is valid for four (4) years from the Approval Period

stated in this letter. Investigators are requested to submit a progress report annually.

(8) A report and a copy of any published material should be provided at the

completion of the Project. Yours sincerely,

Associate Professor Ian Maxwell Chair Human Research Ethics Committee cc: Kate Thomson, email: [email protected] Encl. Approved Participant Information Statement Approved Participant Consent Form Approved Interview Schedule Approved Invitation Letter

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RESEARCH INTEGRITY Human Research Ethics Committee

Web: http://sydney.edu.au/ethics/ Email: [email protected]

Address for all correspondence:

Level 6, Jane Foss Russell Building - G02 The University of Sydney NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA

Manager Human Ethics Dr Margaret Faedo T: +61 2 8627 8176 E: margaret.faedo @sydney.edu.au

Human Ethics Secretariat: Ms Karen Greer T: +61 2 8627 8171 E: [email protected] Ms Patricia Engelmann T: +61 2 8627 8172 E: [email protected] Ms Kala Retnam T: +61 2 8627 8173 E: [email protected]

ABN 15 211 513 464 CRICOS 00026A

Ref: IM/PE 2 March 2011 Ms Kate Thomson Institute for Teaching and Learning Carslaw Building – F07 The University of Sydney Email:[email protected] Dear Ms Thomson I am pleased to inform you that the Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) approved your protocol entitled “What are the relations between informal conversations about teaching and formal teacher education of university staff?” at its meeting held on 1 March 2011. Details of the approval are as follows: Protocol No.: 13549 Approval Period: March 2011 to March 2012 Authorised Personnel: Ms Kate Thomson Professor Keith Trigwell Documents Approved: Participant Information Statement Version 1 Participant Consent Form Version 1 Interview Guide The HREC is a fully constituted Ethics Committee in accordance with the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Research Involving Humans-March 2007 under Section 5.1.29. The approval of this project is conditional upon your continuing compliance with the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Research Involving Humans. A report on this research must be submitted every 12 months from the date of the approval or on completion of the project, whichever occurs first. Failure to submit reports will result in withdrawal of consent for the project to proceed. Your report is due by 31 March 2012. Chief Investigator / Supervisor’s responsibilities to ensure that:

1. All serious and unexpected adverse events should be reported to the HREC within 72 hours for clinical trials/interventional research.

2. All unforeseen events that might affect continued ethical acceptability of the project should be

reported to the HREC as soon as possible.

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3. Any changes to the protocol must be approved by the HREC before the research project can proceed.

4. All research participants are to be provided with a Participant Information Statement and

Consent Form, unless otherwise agreed by the Committee. The following statement must appear on the bottom of the Participant Information Statement: Any person with concerns or complaints about the conduct of a research study can contact the Manager, Human Ethics, University of Sydney on +61 2 8627 8176 (Telephone); + 61 2 8627 8177 (Facsimile) or [email protected] (Email).

5. You must retain copies of all signed Consent Forms and provide these to the HREC on

request.

6. It is your responsibility to provide a copy of this letter to any internal/external granting agencies if requested.

7. The HREC approval is valid for four (4) years from the Approval Period stated in this letter.

Investigators are requested to submit a progress report annually.

8. A report and a copy of any published material should be provided at the completion of the Project.

Please do not hesitate to contact Research Integrity (Human Ethics) should you require further information or clarification. Yours sincerely

Associate Professor Ian Maxwell Chair Human Research Ethics Committee