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http://www.softpanorama.org/Skeptics/cargo_cult_programming.shtml 2017/12/25


85

Expanding Opportunities - Case Studies of Ganokendra in Bangladesh -

Yuko Kitamura

Nagano University

Introduction

Education is significant in the development of all countries and Bangladesh is no exception. The government of

Bangladesh enacted compulsory education in 1990 and attaches a high priority to developing primary education.

However alongside this, NGOs have also tried to expand educational opportunities for all people, including

adults, and such challenges took me to the country to research Ganokendra (CLC: Community Learning

Centre) for more than a decade. This research focuses on the contributions of Ganokendra in terms of

improving people’s quality of life through encouraging them to take control over their own destinies.

Undertaking the research using the qualitative method allowed me to better understand both the subjects and

community-based educational development at the grass-roots level. Therefore, this research is crucial in order to

reveal the role of social and educational development from the community’s point of view. In this paper, firstly

the school system in Bangladesh will be briefly described and then an overview of a NGO’s non-formal

education program in Ganokendra will be presented. Following these, information about the field of research

will be explained. Finally, how the core concept of ‘taking control’ emerged will be clarified.

The Bangladeshi School System

Bangladesh has two types of basic education, formal and non-formal education. Formal education consists of

five years at primary level, three years at the secondary level, and two years at the higher secondary level.

Higher education comprising of different areas of specialisation over two-five year courses is also practised-

(Chandra, 2003; Rahman, 2002). Finally, Islamic education such as madrasah education, is also considered

formal education (Chandra, 2003).

Non-formal education1 is common and many NGOs work in the sector. Non-formal education covers people

of various ages; for instance, there are non-formal primary schools, adolescent programs, adult literacy

programs, skill training, social awareness programs and income-generating activities. Non-formal education

programs significantly contribute to increasing literacy rates and providing education for out-of-school children,

as well as adults. The government also acknowledges the importance of non-formal education and established

the Directorate of Non-Formal Education (DNFE) in 1996 to support non-formal education projects. It set a

goal to increase the literacy rate to 90 percent by 2020 (Ali & Jeria, 2000:37). According to the Human


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Development Report 2016 (UNDP, 2016), the Adult literacy rate (15 years old and older) is 61.5%, the primary

school dropout rate 33.8% and the number of those with at least some secondary education (ages 25 and older)

comprises of 42% of females and 44.3% of males. Non-formal education plays a crucial role to provide

educational opportunities, especially to those who miss out on formal education.

Overview of DAM’s Non-Formal Education Program

Dhaka Ahsania Mission (DAM) was a pioneer in establishing NGOs as non-formal education providers in

Bangladesh. Established in 1958, DAM also focuses on providing people better livelihoods, health, human

rights and social justice (DAM, 2009). Ganokendra (Community Learning Centers) have played crucial roles in

achieving DAM’s objectives.

DAM also began offering non-formal education programs in 1981 and Continuing Education for neo-literates

in the 1990s. Continuing education differs from project-based literacy programmes, with strict time limits, as

continuing education is about facilitating lifelong education (DAM, 2005). In this sense, it is different from the

common definition of continuing education, which refers to adult education offered in formal institutions.

However, in DAM’s terminology, continuing education refers to learning activities, including literacy practice

after non-formal education programmes and is seen as a bridge to life-long learning.

Ganokendra

DAM has supported Ganokendra2, learning facilities, or ‘People’s Centre’ in Bengali. Ganokendra are widely

acknowledged as Community Learning Centres (CLC) under UNESCO’s generic categories. DAM

emphasised introducing Ganokendra in communities that had large numbers of illiterates. According to DAM

staff, before its introduction, literacy projects existed; however, when after completing courses, users had little

opportunity to implement any skills obtained. Therefore, they and their communities demanded that DAM

should continue to provide literacy programmes and this is how the first Ganokendra was introduced to

communities in 1992. According to DAM(2006b), the purpose of Ganokendra is ‘to facilitate institutionalised

support for the people in the community towards improvement of quality of life, their social empowerment and

economic self-reliance.’ Even though DAM organises and manages Ganokendra with the communities’

involvement and support, the ownership of Ganokendra is eventually passed onto these communities (DAM,

2006a).

Ganokendra are composed of general members and a management committee. Everyone in the community can

use them. However, when literacy practice was one of the main activities at Ganokendra, general members

were categorised into primary targeted groups or secondary targeted groups. The first target groups were given


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priority to participate in activities and there were 100 general members (both groups). The primary targeted

members were considered illiterate or neo-literate and 75% of the general members were in this group. Further,

75% of the primary targeted group members were female. The other 25% of the general members were the

secondary targeted group. The gender distribution of the secondary members was the same as the primary

targeted group, 75% of the secondary targeted group was female. Most Ganokendra followed this pattern when

they were introduced. However, this division of members in terms of age, gender and ability described above

has been changing over the last 10 years. Now, younger people who are studying in college often come to

Ganokendra to read newspapers and look for jobs and are also considered Ganokendra members. Thus, the

image of a Ganokendra member has been changing from that of illiterate or neo-literate person to someone who

comes to Ganokendra not just to improving literacy skills or undertaking training programmes, but to better

themselves in a myriad of other ways.

Research Focus Area

I visited Ganokendra in Arabpur Union and Churamankati Union in Jessore Sadar, in the Jessore district (Zila),

located in the southwest of Bangladesh. The area of Jessore is 2566.68 sq km, and the population is 2,469,680

(male: 1,282,480, female: 1,187,200). The literacy rate in Jessore district is 51.20% (Information Ministry,

2006:20), and Jessore district has eight sub-districts (Upazila). The area of Jessore Sadar Upazila is 452.8 sq km.

The population is 642,808 (male: 338,454, female: 304,358) (Information Ministry, 2006:61) and the literacy

rate is 58.09% (Information Ministry, 2006:62). Commercially-raised crops are rice, jute, wheat, vegetables and

date tree (Information Ministry, 2006).

Both Ganokendra in Arabpur Union and Churamankati Union in Jessore were chosen for this research as their

selection allows for an in-depth investigation at individual level. They were selected according accessibility and

the fact they had both been established for at least ten years. I visited many Ganokendra in these unions for five

weeks in 2006 and was able to establish a good relationship with the community and most NGO staff members,

which were important factors, since it is not always easy for a female foreign researcher be accepted by local

communities and NGOs.

Method of Data Collection

My first field research was conducted in 2006 to explore the role of non-formal education in the empowerment

of women in Bangladesh focusing on what programs and activities were there and who were involved in them.

In addition to this, a two-month fieldwork project from February to April in 2010 and further research in April

2012 were undertaken in rural areas of Bangladesh. The focus in 2010 was individuals, and Ganokendra


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members’ lives and community became the focus in 2012. This study takes a qualitative approach, and

therefore interviews and observation were employed as principle data collection methods. I interviewed various

key players such as members of Ganokendra, community workers, various NGO field and headquarters office

staff members, a local primary school principal, a local secondary school principal and a chairman of a local

council. I also visited 13 Ganokendra in the Arabpur and Churamankati unions of the Jessore district in rural

areas. Formal interviews were recorded with participants’ consent and transcribed into Bengali and English.

The interview data was augmented by fieldnotes that I kept based on my firsthand experiences in the field each

day.

Selection of Paricipants

In 2010, I visited 13 Ganokendra and one Community Resource Centre (there is one CRC per union). I

interviewed 37 people, consisting of 17 female GK members, two GK members’ husbands, six community

workers, a president of a community resource centre, a primary school principal, a secondary school principal, a

Union parishad Chairman, five DAM field staff members (area coordinator, union coordinator, CRC

coordinator, other field staff, administrator) and six DAM staff members in the headquarter office, and some

other people who participated through informal daily conversations. The methods of interviewee sample

selection conducted were purposive (criteria such as personal information, family, and education were

considered), opportunistic (people who were willing to participate in the research were considered), and

convenience-based (ease of access to informants) (Goodson & Sikes, 2001:24-25).

In April 2012, I also visited several Ganokendra in Arabpur and Churamankati unions. There, I focused on the

community rather than individuals, which were the focus in 2010. However, it was still necessary to understand

how the community worked based on the data obtained in 2010. Therefore, group discussions

(convenience-based) were employed in order to get to know more about the community. I chose four

Ganokendra, selected according to location and local community support for the study.

This study is not aiming at testing existing theories, hypotheses or concepts. However, Merriam (1998:6) states

that ‘Qualitative researchers are interested in understanding the meaning people have constructed, that is, how

they make sense of their world and the experiences they have in the world.’ This is the viewpoint what I have

tried to explore in this study. A combination of observations and interviews enhances the comprehension of a

researcher with regard to the feeling that people have about their daily activities (Marshall & Rossman, 1995).


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Indeed, ‘qualitative research assumes that there are multiple realities’ (Merriam, 1988:17). That is, it takes on a

relativist and subjective epistemological position.

Interviews

The following areas were used to investigate the female members of Ganokendra in the early years of their

development in 2010: experience in formal education, family relationships, and childhood in general. In

addition to this life history, interview strategies were also examined. Investigating life history tries ‘to give

detailed insight into a specific individual’s perception and experience of their life’ (Goodson & Sikes, 2001:23).

Thus, individual life stories can be placed in their historical, local and social contexts (Goodson & Sikes, 2001).

Life history research methods are valuable when women are the research subjects because women’s voices and

experiences tend to be neglected, especially in a society where the gender inequality gap is large (Anderson &

Jack, 1991). Interviewing other key players at the centres, such as community workers, programme organisers

and staff members were also central to this field work. Interviews make it possible to obtain a large amount of

information in a short time (Marshall & Rossman, 1995).

The Interview Process

The interviews were carried out during the first visit and others over several subsequent visits. My experience in

2006 had given me some ideas on how to approach interviewing Ganokendra members, but this time I also

expanded the scope and enquired about their personal experiences from childhood until the present.

The interview was also the primary data collection method employed in the 2012 fieldwork. Even though the

data obtained in 2010 has been analysed, it was necessary to understand more about the community. Therefore,

conversational group interviews were conducted with members and community workers in the Ganokendra.

Apentiik (2006:145) mentions that unstructured interviews could be the most appropriate way when focusing

on issues in a community and trying to develop a research question. However, considering time limitations, a

semi-structured interview can be more effective in terms of covering the points that the researcher wants to

consider while giving more opportunities to express their opinions to the interviewees. Apentiik (2006:160)

adds that ‘Focus groups provide a good method for accessing group viewpoints and perceptions, [and]

highlighting differences between participants.’ Interview members were selected non-purposefully. For


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example, there were a group of people who had gathered in the Ganokendra and to do handicraft work. After

agreeing to be interviewed, I started with questions about the Ganokendra, such as about the situation of the

community was when Ganokendra was introduced, and the like. Members also told me how the community

situation had changed over time.

Observations

The combination of both observations and interviews (informal interviews and conversation) is interwoven in

fieldwork research (Merriam, 1998:94). Thus, observations cannot be considered as a stand-alone method in

qualitative research. Observations allow a researcher to record what has been seen, experienced and felt in the

field (Merriam, 1998). Also, the data obtained from interviews can run alongside observations (Merriam,

1998:98). Merriam (1998:96-98) suggests a basic checklist that should be observed: the physical setting, the

participants, activities and interactions, conversation, subtle factors (non-verbal communication, dress and

physical space), and the researcher’s own behaviour. I carefully paid attention to these points while I was in the

field. I could observe what they wore when coming to Ganokendra. When I met some members in my first visit

soon after they recognised me as a foreign visitor they went back to her house and changed into their best

clothes. As time passed, they felt more comfortable having me in their place and they let me observe their daily

lives. The structure of the Ganokendra and its flexibility were understood through observation (from members’

daily routines). It was possible to examine how Ganokendra fitted in with the members’ and communities’

actual needs. In addition, recording physical features (the area of Ganokendra and construction material), social

factors (age and social status) and how people communicated and dressed was crucial. Some interviews were

also carried out in the participants’ houses. Also, I walked around communities as members, community

workers or NGO staff guided me which also enhanced my understanding of how much time a woman needs to

spend on doing housework every day, for example

Analysis

The processes of data collection, coding and analysis occur simultaneously within research that takes an

approach that is informed by grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). All the data obtained are firstly coded

and categorised based on key phrases and terms. Open coding is the first stage in the process of analysis and

helps divide data into incidents (Glaser, 1978). Patterns and categories are developed through open coding. The

principal element of grounded theory is the process of “constant comparison” (Glaser, 1978:16). Constant


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comparison involves comparing incident to incident and incident to concept further on. A category is ‘a higher

level of abstraction’ and consists of a concept or concepts (Glaser, 1978:38).

I performed the coding, and compared the codes and memo-writing on data obtained in 2010 and 2012, with

the analysis remaining a work in progress to make it “thick”3. Firstly, open coding was conducted on each

interview transcript. Data from observations were also collated with codes from interviews. As the further

fieldwork was completed in April 2012, the process of re-analysing data as well as analysing data newly

collected while memo-writing and coding through comparison was continuously carried out. Ganokendra,

women’s lives including their difficulties, changes and relations to marriage and the influence of traditional,

social and religious norms became apparent. It can be understood that getting married, especially for a female, is

an extremely important event in her life and her family as well as the community. However, in this context, the

importance of her family’s and community’s feelings are usually placed ahead of her feelings. Furthermore,

marriage has both negative and positive aspects with age and appearance being important conditions in

selecting a bride. I refined the codes and divided this analysis into three segments: the domestic situation, the

position of Ganokendra within the community and how Ganokendra are developed. ‘Taking control’ emerged

as a core concept.

The Domestic Situation

-Expectations of women in villages-

Women in villages are expected to take responsibility for housework, including such jobs as cleaning the house,

preparing dishes, and looking after their children, husbands and families-in-law. The most common daily

routine is described as follows (unaltered by the author):

I wake up before fajr azan and then do fajr pray (the morning prayer between dawn and

sunrise). After this I clean my house and cook for breakfast and lunch. After I finish

breakfast, [I] help my son going to school while my husband goes for work. Then I look

after animals: cows, goats, chickens, and think of what else I should do. If there is nothing

in hurry I take shower and do zuhr pray (just after the height of midday Sun). And then I

have lunch and rest a bit and do sewing. Then I check free-range animals whether they

are back already. Then it’s time to cook dinner...I usually go to bed around 10pm...my

routine work wil be the same until I die.

((70 ) Interview 21/April/2012)

There are many works in my family. There are cows, goats, ducks and chickens to take

care of. In the morning we sweep the house, clean the kitchen, and then we have breakfast.


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I cook the suji, prepare milk, boil eggs and make chapattis. I clean the cow-shed, collect

milk and feed the cows. Then I help my daughter-in-law to prepare the food. I also do

some prayers. After having lunch, we do the dishes. Then, we again feed the cows, clean

the house and wash the clothes. ...and we have to cook for dinner.

((10&32) Interview 16/Feb 2010)

I had a chance to attend a wedding ceremony in a village. The bride and groom’s families were both landless

famers, which means they were considered as among the poorest level line in village. The groom said this

marriage was for his family, especially for his mother. He said that:

My parents told me that my mother is getting old and [she] need[s] someone to help her.

Parents decided to get the bride...if this makes my mother and family happy I am nothing

to say. I agreed to this marriage.

((68) 19/April/2012, Field notes p.25)

As can be understood from the above, wives are critical for supporting families through undertaking domestic

tasks. Importantly, married women in villages were expected to stay around their residence. After I visited

women’s houses and they saw me off, most of them walked with me just outside their houses, while children

and men followed me to the main road just outside their community. It was a little disconcerting that women

stopped suddenly at the point between their residence and the outside premises, but this was linked with their

customs, their ways of thinking, lifestyles, and community culture. In fact, a woman would be considered as a

trouble maker if she went out of her house without any reason. Even, when wanting to visit her parents, she

needed to ask for permission from her husband or in-laws. One of the research participants said:

I miss the time when I was a young student. If I had the ability to go back to my childhood

again I would have enjoyed playing around, running, catching fishes....That time was fun.

When I was a child I could go out freely. There was no boundary. But after [becoming]

married and being a wife there were limitations or conditions. I wasn’t free any more like

a young student. Now I have to get permission from my husband but when I was a student

I could move here to there, there to here.... (From Field Notes (12) 16/Feb/2010)

Not only the woman above but also most women I have interviewed in villages felt the same way. These

women were married when they were around 13 or 14 years old. Females are expected to behave based on the

social norms in their communities.


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-Cultural pressure -

Early marriage is encouraged by the community. People were unconscious to the negative effects of early

marriage and people have even thought that girls were mature enough for marriage as soon as they reach the

age of menarche (around 12-13 years old). Parents and people in communities worry if a girl stays unmarried

after a certain age, and parents also worry about a son’s marriage, but the expectations are different: an

unmarried woman is not accepted in the community.

The family reputation in the community is very important and female’s behaviour or marriage status strongly

affects family reputation. If their daughter is unmarried after the upper-most marriable age, which is 18 years

old (in the past it was younger), people in the community will start gossiping about her family and her parents

will get embarrassed. As parents are concerned about their family status in the community, they want their

daughter to stay only at home and keep her good reputation or at least not damage the reputation of the family

by going outdoors. Around the age of menarche, girls start wearing traditional dresses (sarwar kamiz and burka).

Wearing sarwar kamiz and burka covers the female figure in accordance with their religious beliefs and it also

protects girls from unwanted attention from boys. If marriable-aged females talk with males without a particular

reason this affects how they are perceived and leads to them being looked upon as promiscuous, which affects

their family reputation. The following interview is from a group discussion (with Ganokendra members and

community workers) in a Ganokendra in 2012.

...people said ‘she is desperate. Her character is not good.’ This was our culture, girls do

not talk to boys, women do not talk with men. ... parents want to arrange marriage for

their daughters. So they don’t like love-marriage. So they don’t like if their daughter

talked to boys....it has been changing. If someone who got love-marriage, people in the

society boycott the family....hahahaha...it’s been changing but...parents want to keep the

girl pure.

(from Group Discussion (56) April/2012)

When both parents (of the potential bride and groom) start to talk about marriage usually the parents of the

potential groom (sometimes with potential groom himself) visit the house of the potential bride to observe the

appearance of the bride. Appearance, age, the wealth of her parents, and her and their educational level

(including skills that contribute to income generation) are all important points when negotiating marriage for a

girl/woman. These factors affect the size of the dowry that is demanded by the groom’s side and can come in


94

the form of material items, although dowries are now prohibited in Bangladesh.

When I attended a wedding and interviewed the groom he had not seen the bride yet. He seemed excited and

nervous. The bride’s family told me that she was 20 years old and that the groom was 21 years old. After he

finished Year 6 (around 12 years old) of school he started working as a farmer and sometimes as a

daily-employed builder. The bride finished Year 9 and stayed at home and helped her family. However, it is

hard to believe the bride is 20 years old, not because of her young face but it is unusual for a girl who is not in

school to stay at home and wait until 20 years old before getting married. Official documents to prove their ages

were not presented when registering this marriage on the day. (The guardians claimed to show proof of age

documentation afterwards.) According to the bride’s relative, she did not do well in her studies and she did not

want to continue her education. Therefore, her parents thought when she becomes 18 years old it would be

better for her to get married. The issue of their age is not the most significant point here. Instead, the fact that the

bride had continued her education until Year 9 and had not been pushed to get married is most remarkable.

Because the opportunity to get a better education helped to boost her family’s reputation as well as the way she

was seen with respect in community, she would have more opportunity to help her family while at the same

time she could enhance her own knowledge and contribute better to the community. Getting married for her

now was another option to secure herself and her family in their cultural context. As she was considered a pure

girl, the groom’s family would also put value on her.

Position in Community

In this section, the importance of the position in the community associated with marriage will be examined.

Love-marriage is associated with a negative image of women and is considered indecent. Even now many

parents prefer arranging their children’s marriage rather than allowing love-marriages to occur. According to

Ganokendra members and community workers, more and more girls go to school and love-marriages are

increasing. Thus, I asked them whether they prefer arranged marriages or love-marriages. This is a typical

response:

‘OF COURSE, it’s better for parents to look for a groom. We are older than them so we

know more than what they (children) know from our experience. And Hindus are

concerned about caste. We have to be very careful about it. Actually people who did

love-married have faced problems [compare to arrange marriage]. We have seen these

people. If a groom and bride are from different cast people in the community do not come

to their houses any more. Also, parents of the groom are unhappy because of

love-marriage. They don’t take care of new wife and wife’s parents refuse their daughter


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[they don’t let daughter into house anymore]. And if a bride is Hindu and a groom is

Muslim it is a big problem. Both families reject them. People in the community are

strongly against this [type of] marriage. People are worried if others see this marriage is

accepted now and start following it [love-marriage and marriage with other religions].

And I know a terrible case, a husband was drug addicted. Love-marriage creates

problems....in Indian, Hindu and Muslim [people] can marry but they are movie stars.

For us it is unacceptable.

(Group Discussion (61) April/2012)

To be married is important not only for the couple, but also for their parents, especially the girl’s family. To be

accepted and maintain a family reputation in the community is vital. People often offer help with arranging

marriage for other people outside their own families since someone getting married is an important event for the

entire community.

Ganokendra

-educational services-

A member of one Ganokendra said, ‘Our [poor and uneducated persons’] dreams remain dreams forever.’

She feels powerless and cannot imagine her future, or, at least, she hesitated to talk about the future. Some

Ganokendra members said that they are ‘uneducated (��)’ so they cannot speak openly in their

community. A woman who sees herself as an ‘uneducated’ person said to me ‘I am not educated...We can’t talk

in the society. We are ignorant’. She told me that her life is sad because she is not educated. She dropped out

from school when she was in class 6 or 7 to get married. Ganokendra were, firstly, established with the aim of

providing a place for literacy practice, learning life-related skills and knowledge for disadvantaged people in

rural areas. The majority of women in the Ganokendra said that obtaining literacy skills has changed their lives

positively. They are now able to teach and check children’s homework. Mothers always think of their children;

they can read them books that expose them to new worlds and they are excited to know about human rights,

health issues and the like. New knowledge helped them to better understand their surroundings and they were

able to put skills they had learnt from books into practice within their lives. Many female members had

experienced still-births with child marriage thought as the main cause. However, these people did not know the

risk of being pregnant at an early age until they came to Ganokendra. One woman told me that soon after she

got married her belly became larger and larger but she did not know why this happened. Then, after she gave

birth she understood why she became pregnant. People in the community tended to avoid talking about such

sensitive issues with each other but now they can have access to information from new sources. Women now

enjoy reading, especially reading newspaper advice columns, and they feel sympathy for others in similar


96

situations to themselves. Becoming able to write and read and obtaining useful knowledge through reading

increases their self-esteem and enables them to take control of their lives.

I met a member in 2010 who came to a Ganokendra to learn about cooking, childcare, and nutrition. She

particularly enjoyed books about women’s rights. She said ‘I especially like reading about women’s rights. I am

a victim of my family so I like this book. I was dominated by my husband. My decision is not taken into account.

Women in Bangladesh like me should know what women’s rights are. That’s why I like this book. Actually we

never had such rights.’ In the book on women’s rights, it is explained that actions should be taken against early

marriage, domestic violence, and one-side divorce. As her husband easily got upset and did not agree with her

participating in activities at the Ganokendra, she could not participate. However, as her husband left home early

in the morning for work and came home late in the evening, she could manage to come to the Ganokendra for

reading, although she seemed to lack confidence.

However, when I later met her again in 2012, she looked more confident and was talking about herself and her

family. She proudly told me that ‘I won over my husband about my daughter’s marriage.’ Her husband and

mother in law were planning to arrange a marriage for her daughter who was 15 years old, but she wanted her

daughter to continue her education. However, she could not tell her husband that she disagreed with the

marriage and instead she slowly learned about early marriage and women’s rights through reading books in

Ganokendra. One day she directly told her husband what she wanted her daughter to do for the future. She

succeeded in convincing her husband not to marry her daughter off. She had changed much since 2010 when I

first met her with her interview data containing many of the changes she had experienced.

With the women becoming more confident, they were now more willing to talk about their and their children’s

futures. Many mothers hope for their daughters to be primary school teachers, and their sons to become medical

doctors or get jobs in the government sector or private banks. The reason why being a primary teacher is

popular among mothers is that their daughters can work at schools near their houses and will not have to leave

home before getting married. Also, they can continue teaching at school after marriage and teaching jobs are

respected by people in the community. The ideas of a teaching job fits into the social norms of the village.

-socio-economic impact-

Some interviewees were happy to get involved in economic activities through micro-credit programmes offered

at Ganokendra by various organisations, including DAM. Participants are expected to sign their names and in

the case of DAM’s programme, are divided into grades A(literate) and E(liberate). Members in A grade can

apply for skill training such as embroidery (nokshikata), dress-making and livestock raising (goats, cows,


97

chickens). After that, they can obtain other support for income-generating activities or other relevant activities.

When a member is interested in income-generating activities, she firstly learns how to make savings and learns

about accounting or other related subjects. Then, the micro-credit programme loans an appropriate amount of

money to the member to start a small business. Sewing and livestock raising are the most popular business

among women:

‘I couldn’t even sign my name. I learnt how to sign after coming here. Then, gradually I

learnt how to read. I wasn’t even familiar with the alphabets � (o) or � (a). I even learnt

those. After learning all these, I took a loan a couple of days later and bought a rickshaw

for my husband. Then, I bought chickens and ducks. I am also spending money on my

children’s education. My children are still studying at school. ... I didn’t own a rickshaw of

my own. I have a rickshaw of my own [now]. I have goats, chickens and ducks of my own.

Again, for instance, my children used to spend their life in one condition [not going school,

staying at home and help family] but now the situation has been changed. Before owning

a rickshaw I had to give 30tk everyday to people [rickshaw owners]. Now, this money is

not going outside my hands. I can use this money for buying things for my household

equivalent to a day’s market. So am I not prospering? I have taken the loan for my success

and I have succeeded too.’

(Interview (4) 15/Feb/2010)

The typical model of the livestock business is that a woman buys a goat with the loan. Then, when the goat

gives birth she sells the baby goats. Next, she might buy 60 ducks (1 duck 25tk). 6 months later these ducks lay

their eggs. She can sell eggs (2 eggs 12tk) or wait 28 days and sell the baby chicks (female chicks 180tk, male

chicks 150tk). Another model is that she buys a 12,000tk small cow (2kg cow) and looks after it for 2 years and

the cow can give milk. 1kg of milk is sold for around 30tk. If she can spend 25,000tk on a bigger cow (4kg

cow) the cow gives milk after a year later. Australian cows and Pakistan cows are more expensive as they are

10kg big and more productive. However, it is quite difficult for villagers to invest copious amounts of money on

such cows and more advanced livestock skills are required. The simple and easier model to start a livestock

business is that a woman buys a small goat or cow and raises it. When it becomes bigger she can sell it at a

higher price.

‘I have chickens, cows, goats for income generation. We didn’t have much money before

but now I can spend money. I can buy whatever I feel it is necessary. I can spend money

for my children.’


98

(Interview (12) 16/Feb/2010)

‘My life is changed. I make dresses, have a cow. 2000tk saving was made in this

Ganokendra through micro-credit. Per week I keep 10tk for saving and my total deposit

with it is 2000tk.’

(Interview (23) Feb/2010)

Women who earn money through their own businesses can manage their own finances which enables them to

make their own decisions. This provides them with more control over how to use their money rather than

relying on their husbands, whose work may be unstable. When they self-earn, of course they can then discuss

these matters with their family if they wish to do so, and this new experience encourages self-confidence.

-Socio-cultural impact-

There are many challenges in the community such as issues of early marriage, lack of education and gender

inequality. Many people think these are critical issues so there are various social awareness programmes and

reading materials on such topics in Ganokendra. People in each community know that education is important,

early marriage is not good, dowries are prohibited, and discrimination against women is an issue. Nevertheless,

simply talking about these issues is not enough. Understanding the existence of problems and undertaking

actions to eradicate them are two different things. For example, the constitution of Bangladesh states that

females are able to marry at or over 18 years old and males at 21 years. However, while people in villages are

aware of the law, early marriage has remained the norm. Unless the shared ideal among people about

girls/women’s social role is changed, this opposition between laws and social norms will continue to exist.

Indeed, people know early marriage is officially against the law and parents and the community will be blamed

if officials find out. Thus, parents and the community keep the secret together if someone marries under age.

While I was walking around a village a woman pointed out another woman who was cooking lunch and told

me, ‘she just got married two days ago and came to this house’. Then a community worker said to me ‘she is

under 18, early marriage’. The newly married lady and some people around her had become nervous, but some

people who know me well told them ‘Yuko is okay’, which implied that although I am not from this

community I would not be reporting this marriage to the police.

On the one hand, people in the community might encourage early marriage even though they say that it is not

good. There are cases where people in the community tried to prevent early marriage. A girl of 13-14 years old

was about to be married off. Her father had passed away and her mother and grandmother were looking after

her and two other children. Her mother let the community know one of her daughters was getting married to a


99

driver. A community worker told the mother, ‘she is still young and drivers have a bad reputation. They marry

in different places where they go.’ Other people also tried to convince the mother not to marry her daughter off

by telling her, ‘another girl in this community got married to a driver but he was addicted to drugs and alcohol.’

However, the mother told the community that in fact her mother-in-law wanted her daughter to marry and the

mother-in-law became angry after hearing what the community though about it. People took turns visiting her

mother and grandmother in order to convince her that this marriage would be of little benefit to her daughter

and eventually they became convinced so on day of the marriage when the groom came to take collect his bride,

the mother and grandmother declined the marriage by telling him the community was opposed because the

groom was Muslim and the bride was Hindu.

Most people in cities spend months to prepare a wedding ceremony and the celebration party usually lasts at

least a week. But it is common in villages to spend less than a week to arrange a bride and groom, and the party

is finished in a day. There are even cases where everything, including the initial meeting between potential bride

and groom’s family, inviting people, and the ceremony is all performed at the same time without advance

preparation.

Most women I interviewed had married before 18 and they regretted it. However, parents were marrying their

daughters off at any early age not because they didn’t love them, but instead for their daughter’s happiness.

However, things did not always go as parents wished and many women experienced difficulties. For instance,

discontinuing school made them upset at not only losing the chance to study at school but also at being

separated from friends. Being away from family was not an easy thing for these young teenage girls, as learning

housework was new, and they experienced such things as coping with violence from husbands or in-laws,

stillbirths, or early infant death or their husbands secretly re-marrying. They said that if they had known about

the negative aspects of early marriage and the importance of education they would have avoided getting

married. Women who could overcome such difficulties said that they hoped to educate their children about the

pitfalls. One reason for taking the opportunity to complete at least basic education away from women was

marriage. The financial condition of a woman’s family often influences their making on decision on marriage

and not having a good education makes women look down on themselves.

Common perceptions shared in the community often obstruct the practice of innovative ideas such as the

avoidance of early marriage and the acknowledgement that dowries are prohibited. It is critical to re-establish a

shared awareness in the community. Ganokendra contribute to this as each Ganokendra is located within the

community and participation is essential in keep it operational. Importantly, people can slowly accept changes

and can start comparing their lives in the past to the present. Thus, many people expressed that they did not


100

want their children to follow the difficult lives they experienced themselves, this idea becoming more prevalent,

especially among women.

Discussion and concluding remarks

There is very limited information regarding the researched area of Ganokendra and individual people who use

them. However, it can be seen through this research that Ganokendra can flexibly reflect community needs as

well as individual people’s needs. This is a unique characteristic of Ganokendra and it is made possible because

Ganokendra get into communities and approach people directly. Therefore, the services provided at

Ganokendra have been changing over time and now they also have other important roles as libraries or

providing opportunities to access information. This is very different to how they operated in 2006 when they

were mostly for literacy practice or provided social awareness programs such as early marriage protection,

sanitation improvement, HIV/AIDS precautions and children and women’s trafficking prevention.

Today, Ganokendra provide numerous opportunities for income-generating activities for disadvantaged people,

especially females. Newspapers are provided every day and many reading materials such as monthly magazines,

story books and skill development materials are housed. However, the facilities and buildings themselves are

still not well equipped and not well constructed compared to other formal institutions, and there are few

programmes offering formal educational certificates for adults, compared to those in community based learning

centres.

Many people I met and talked to had improved their life through the activities undertaken at Ganokendra, while

others were not interested, but had their own distinct views. This research found that Ganokendra have helped

to positively change social norms and has expanded women’s choices. Moreover, these social norms are

strongly related to marriage and this influences girls’ lives as well as their families and community. The social

norms have been changing and this shift allows them to take more control of their lives and Ganokendra in their

areas contributes to this gradual change.

The basic guidelines of the grounded theory approach inspired the analysis of data for this paper. From the

codes, the following become apparent: the domestic situation of women in villages, their position in the

community and Ganokendra, which has contributed to women’s empowerment and community development.

In exploring women’s participation in Ganokendra in rural Bangladesh based on this core concept, Pierre

Bourdieu’s work on the different forms of capital is considered helpful to understanding how a woman with

limited resources can become able to take more control over her own life as well as to gain control within her

family, the next step in developing a framework for further analysis.


101

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1 The most widely accepted definition of non-formal education is provided by Coombs and Ahmed (Coombs & Ahmed,

1974:8): ‘…any organized, systematic, educational activity carried on outside the framework of the formal system to

provide selected types of learning to particular subgroups in the population, adults as well as children’


102

2 One Ganokendra usually covers 0.5km across. The conception of ‘community’ is not same as an administrative boundary.

The administrative boundaries in Bangladesh, in descending order, are Division, District, Upazila, and Union. Unions are

further divided into Wards and Grams (villages). A gram consists of Para (settlements). Then, the next small unit after Para

is Paribar (family). The notion of ‘community’ used for Ganokendra is usually smaller than one Para and sometimes a

Ganokendra may overlap parts of several para. Therefore, communities for Ganokendra do not always follow administrative

boundaries, but instead people’s convenience is prioritised. 3 see The journal of Engaged Pedagogy Vol.16 No.1 pp.63-73

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