The imperative to o er refuge · to Indian and Pakistani accession, that SCO deliberations would get bogged down by IndiaPakistan squabbles. It also respected the etiquette ... It

EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

NOIDA/DELHI THE HINDU

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 20, 20188EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

CMYK

A ND-NDE

EDITORIAL

This month, it is fi��ve yearssince Nargis fi��rst arrived inDelhi. The Afghan journalist

in Herat, Afghanistan had to fl��eeher country after the Talibanthreatened to kill her. But as a refugee in India, she has had no opportunity to earn a living and hasbeen unable to rebuild her life.

Today, India is host to over200,000 refugees like her whohave been forced to fl��ee confl��ictand persecution in their homecountries. On World Refugee Day( June 20), there is a need to reassess India’s approach to refugeeprotection, particularly in light ofthe regional refugee crisis after themass exodus of the Rohingya fromMyanmar.

Traditionally, India has hostedseveral persecuted groups such asTibetans and Sri Lankans. While itis not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and has no domes

tic asylum law, it has reiterated itscommitment towards the protection of refugees at various international fora, including the UN General Assembly.

One of the most signifi��cant affi��rmations of this commitment wasdemonstrated by India becominga signatory to the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants,which was adopted by 193 countries in September 2016. In doingso, India has expressed its solidarity with those forced to fl��ee andagreed that protecting refugeesand supporting the countries thatshelter them are shared international responsibilities that must beborne more equitably.

The Declaration sets the stagefor a new framework for refugeeprotection — the Global Compacton Refugees (GCR). The Compactis a coordinated eff��ort to strengthen international response toprotracted refugee situations andcomprehensively addresses allstages of refugee protection, fromreception to longterm solutions.Two of its key objectives are toease pressures on host countriesand enhance refugee selfreliance.The GCR recognises that certainrefugee situations can last for decades and acknowledges that the

burden is borne largely by developing countries, that now host over 80% of the refugee populationin the world. In light of this, it callsfor support from the internationalcommunity in the form of resources. It also seeks to establish forumsto enable expertisesharing to promote economic opportunities, decent work and job creation not justfor refugees but also for the hostcommunity. Since the Declarationwas adopted, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)has been engaging with memberstates, UN bodies, and nongovernmental organisations to develop a plan for its practical implementation; this will be fi��nalised bythe end of 2018.

Indian contextAlthough India has hosted refugees of varying nationalities for decades, the country has done littlebeyond providing asylum. Therehave been some attempts to introduce a refugee law in the country,the latest being the Asylum Bill2015, introduced as a privatemember’s bill by Shashi Tharoor.However, none has gone the distance and the government continues to adopt an ad hoc approachtowards this group. Given that

most refugees have been unable toreturn to their countries, leadingto protracted refugee situations,there is an urgent need for the government to develop a uniformframework for their managementduring their stay in India.

For instance, due to their unclear legal status and lack of uniform documentation, refugeeshave limited access to essentialservices and almost no avenues forlivelihood. While some refugeeshave been able to generate incomeby working in the informal sector,many of them, especially vulnerable women like Nargis, are at themercy of touts and traffi��ckers evenwithin their own community. Atbest, they are forced to rely on income from odd jobs which is anunsustainable livelihood optionthat often leaves them exposed toexploitation.

The solution to this may lie

within the GCR, which calls forStates to identify gaps and opportunities for employment and income generation for refugees in abid to enhance their selfreliance.Moreover, it specifi��es the need toinclude the host community inenabling mapping skills, vocational training and capacitybuildingamong refugee populations, thereby fostering understanding andcooperation among the communities and paving the way for a socially cohesive approach.

India’s commitment to refugeeprotection under the GCR is evident in its active participation inongoing GCR consultations, whereit has emphasised the need for aclear mechanism for the refugeeresponse regime. Therefore this isan opportune time for India toreassess the need for a nationalasylum policy which is compliantwith the principles laid down inthe GCR. This will not only reestablish India’s place as a democraticregional power committed to corehumanitarian principles but willalso provide refugees such as Nargis a chance to give back to thecountry that has adopted her.

Pallavi Saxena and Nayantara Raja are

refugee lawyers based in New Delhi

The imperative to off��er refuge Why India urgently needs a national asylum policy

AFP

Pallavi Saxena &

Nayantara Raja

more letters online:

www.hindu.com/opinion/letters/

Sandwiched between U.S. President Donald Trump’s acrimonious public exchanges

with other leaders at the G7(group of seven industrialisedcountries) summit ( June 78) andthe headlinehogging U.S.NorthKorea summit ( June 12), theShanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Qingdao, China ( June 910) attracted little international attention. It was the fi��rstSCO summit attended by India as afullfl��edged member (It has beenan observer since 2005.)

The SCO grew out of the Shanghai Five grouping — of Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan andKyrgyzstan — which was set up in1996 to resolve boundary disputesbetween China and each of thefour other members. It admittedUzbekistan in 2001, rechristeneditself the Shanghai CooperationOrganisation and broadened itsagenda to include political, economic and security cooperation. Itadmitted India and Pakistan as fullmembers in 2017.

The SCO opportunityThe admission of India and Pakistan has expanded the geographical, demographic and economicprofi��le of the SCO, which now hasabout half the world’s populationand a quarter of its GDP. Its boundary extends southwards to the Indian Ocean.

The SCO’s relevance for Indialies in geography, economics andgeopolitics. Its members occupy a

huge landmass adjacent to India’sextended neighbourhood, whereIndia has important economic andsecurity interests. Its Central Asiancountries border Afghanistan, Pakistan and China. A narrow sliverof land separates southern Tajikistan from Pakistanoccupied Kashmir. When you have complicatedrelations with your neighbours, itmakes sense to strengthen relations with your neighbours’ neighbours. With Pakistan joining theOrganisation and Afghanistan andIran knocking on the doors formembership, the logic of India’smembership becomes stronger.

Since the breakup of the SovietUnion, the optimal developmentof India’s relations with CentralAsian countries has been constrained by lack of overland accessthrough Pakistan and Afghanistan/Iran, because of political and/or security reasons. With newmultimodal transport corridorsnow envisaged through Iran, thereare again prospects of invigoratingtrade and investment links withthis region (provided fresh U.S.sanctions on Iran do not stymiethis eff��ort).

In the formative years of theSCO, Russia pushed strongly forIndia to join it, to somewhat balance China’s economic dominance in Central Asia. The Chinesewere not responsive. China hassince consolidated its energy andeconomic foothold in the region,where ambitious infrastructureand connectivity projects are envisaged as part of its Belt and RoadInitiative (BRI). It has secured thesimultaneous admission of Pakistan into the SCO. India has to carveout a political and economic spacefor itself in Central Asia, alongsideRussia’s role as net security provider and China’s dominating economic presence. The Central

Asian countries would welcomeIndia breaking into this RussiaChina duopoly.

The IndiaPakistan interactionwas closely watched in Qingdao.The handshake and exchange ofpleasantries between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and PakistanPresident Mamnoon Hussain werenoted, as also the absence of bilateral altercations. It allayed apprehensions, expressed in the runupto Indian and Pakistani accession,that SCO deliberations would getbogged down by IndiaPakistansquabbles. It also respected theetiquette of international organisations: countries join them to promote shared objectives, not to settle bilateral scores.

The India-Pakistan track Russian President Vladimir Putinhas suggested that harmoniouscooperation in the SCO may pavethe way for an IndiaPakistan rapprochement, recalling that SCOmembership had facilitated resolution of China’s boundary disputes with Russia and CentralAsian countries. Chinese offi��cialshave also expressed this hope. Thecircumstances are not comparable. China made substantial concessions to settle its boundary disputes with Russia and CentralAsia, in pursuit of larger strategicand economic objectives in the region. IndiaPakistan diff��erences

extend well beyond a boundarydispute, fl��ow from diff��erent historical circumstances and are locatedin a diff��erent geopolitical environment.

The SCO will, however, nudgeboth countries to cooperate in sensitive areas. One example is theRegional AntiTerrorist Structure(RATS) of the SCO, which coordinates cooperation for security andstability, through intelligencesharing on criminal and terroristactivities. India and Pakistan,which exchange mutual recriminations in such matters, have tofi��nd ways of cooperating in theRATS. Defence cooperation isanother tricky area: enhanced linkages between armed forces is anSCO objective. India has agreed toparticipate in the SCO’s counterterrorism military exercises inRussia later this year, when Indianand Pakistani troops will operatetogether. Reconciling Indian andPakistani perspectives in the SCO’sinitiatives on Afghanistan wouldbe yet another challenge.

The expansion of SCO has diluted its unanimity on hithertoshared perspectives. Tacitly accepting the fact that India and Pakistan are not signatories to theNuclear NonProliferation Treaty(NPT), the Qingdao declarationconfi��rms the compliance of theSCO’s NPT signatories to its provisions. India’s reservations on China’s BRI are accommodated by excluding it from the list of SCOmembers that endorse it (all except India). The boilerplate formulations on terrorism accommodatethe concerns of various members,without off��ending any. The essence of a functioning multilateralframework is focusing on sharedobjectives and underplayingdivergences.

Besides expanding opportuni

ties for India in Central Asia, theSCO is a platform for articulating anonWestern — as distinct from antiWestern — perspective on globalissues. This includes opposition toselective advocacy of regimechange, selfserving homilies onhuman rights and intrusive adviceon domestic policies. It suits Indiathat the SCO is not stridently antiWest in its pronouncements. TheU.S. cultivates relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan to ensure logistical support forits Afghanistan operations and togradually wean them away fromRussian infl��uence. These countries welcome the room for manoeuvre that this gives them. Russia and China also carefully avoidstrong antiWest postures in theSCO, preferring to deal with diff��erences quietly and bilaterally.

Balance of forcesThe challenge for India — besidesthat of security and defence cooperation with Pakistan — may comefrom increasing Chinese dominance of the SCO. This could happen if RussiaU.S. relations worsenfurther, leading Russia to an evengreater dependence on Chinesepolitical and economic support.Another possible gamechangercould be the fallout of the muchheralded U.S.North Korea summit. If, as Mr. Trump has hinted,peace in the Korean peninsulaleads to reduced American military presence in the region, itwould dramatically change the balance of forces in the AsiaPacifi��cin favour of China. This wouldtransform Eurasian dynamics,with an inevitable impact on SCO.

P.S. Raghavan, a former diplomat, is

Convenor of the National Security

Advisory Board. The views expressed are

personal

India’s pivot to EurasiaWhen you have complicated ties with neighbours, it makes sense to strengthen ties with your neighbours’ neighbours

P.S. Raghavan

AFP

Organ donation The writer (Editorial page,“Heart of the matter”, June19) says that public trustshould become the mostimportant factor in organdonation andtransplantation. But intoday’s material world, it’shard to repose blind faith inanyone or anything unlessthere is enough data orevidence to allay one’s deepfears. Therefore, the systemshould be madetransparent to enable trust.The medical world needs toaddress questions about theavailability of organs, theconditions of patients andthe reasons why foreignpatients were preferredover Indian patients. Theperception is that there arehidden fl��aws in the healthcare system. We need to bereassured that there is acode of ethics.Vidya B. Ragunath,

Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu

■ The article refers to kidneytransplantation being inpractice in India for over 25years. In fact the fi��rstsuccessful kidney transplantwas carried out at ChristianMedical College and Hospital

Vellore, Tamil Nadu, in 1971;CMC has history of 48 yearsof kidney transplantation. Durai Jasper,

Vellore, Tamil Nadu

Code of conductSEBI, the regulatory watchdog, should act expeditiouslyon its own to fi��nd out thetruth in the ICICI Bank casesince it is presumed to be inpossession of all evidence atits disposal. Chanda Kochharhas had a chequered careerand the bank’s name is moreor less identifi��ed with hers;her contribution to thegrowth of the bank can neverbe underestimated. Thecontinued suspense overalleged quid pro quo willdamage not only herreputation but the bankingindustry’s as a whole.(“Chanda Kochhar to go onleave till probe gets over”,June 19). V. Subramanian

Chennai

■ Ms. Kochhar on her ownvolition should have chosento stay away immediatelyfrom offi��ce after thecontroversy came into thepublic domain. It wouldappear that the bank’s board

of directors continues to bebeholden to her and it hasnot covered itself with glory.One cannot forget how itearlier and hastily gave her a‘clean chit’ without carryingout an objective internalprobe. The board’s act hasonly shown up the absenceof an effi��cacious internalvigilance mechanism in theprivate banking sector. S.K. Choudhury,

Bengaluru

AAP and Delhi politicsThe Delhi Chief Minister hasa lot to learn from hispredecessors whomaintained a good workingrelationship with the Centralgovernment irrespective oftheir political affi��nities(Editorial, “Power crisis”,June 19). The AAP’s disdainfor constitutional proprietyis the best argument againstgranting full statehood toDelhi. The National CapitalTerritory is the seat of thenational government; therecannot be two power centresin the form of the PrimeMinister and the Delhi ChiefMinister. Given ArvindKejriwal’s record of actionsin the past, one would not besurprised if he chose to

challenge the authority ofthe Prime Minister and theCentre. It may seemcontrarian but the fact is thatDelhi does not need thestatus of either a quasiStateor a glorifi��ed UnionTerritory. Opposition leaders who aresupporting Mr. Kejriwalshould realise that nationalinterest demands thebuilding of a politicalconsensus to treat the NCT asa special administrativeterritory. V.N. Mukundarajan,

Thiruvananthapuram

■ The bizarre “sofa dharna”is politics at its worst. It istime the existingconstitutional framework forthe administration of Delhi isreviewed to make the electedgovernment less dependenton the Lt. Governor.S.K. Choudhury,

Bengaluru

Plastic in the rangesIn order to have a plasticfreeworld, we have to unlearnthe habit of ‘use and throw’.I am working in abiodiversity hotspot situatedin the Western Ghats inKerala. Unfortunately, it is

children free (‘World’ page,“Melania, lawmakers seek anend to child separations”,June 19). Dennis Fitzgerald,

Melbourne, Australia

‘Yo Yo’ roadblockIt is sad to note that some ofour cricketers beingconsidered for a place in thenational team are unable topass the “Yo Yo test” (‘Sport’page, “Rayudu fails Yo Yotest”, June 16). The selectorsshould note that cricket is askillbased game. Placing iton a par with athletics mightendanger the game byomission of quality players.In cricket, players get amplerest between bowling spellsand in between overs. Hencethey can manage fatigue.Even a fast bowler who haspassed the “Yo Yo test”cannot fi��eld neatly. There isnothing wrong in includingthis test as a part of trainingsessions but should it be theonly factor? Had this testbeen applied in the past wewould have not found manygreat players.N. Nagarajan,

Varagur, Tamil Nadu

not free of this menace —plastic waste can be seenlittered everywhere in thispristine evergreen stretchthat is host to numerousspecies. There have beennumerous reports on thedangers that plastic wasteposes to wildlife and marinelife. But are we listening?(Editorial page, “A plasticcharter”, June 13).Sukumaran C.V.,

Palakkad, Kerala

Zero humanityThere are reports ofhundreds of children beingdetained (apparently incages) and that this is doinglittle to deter people trying toget across the U.S. bordereven though the ‘other side’is no longer seen as thecountry of the free. But suchdark events cast a shadow ona country that promotesitself as ‘the best’ in everyfi��eld. Apparently there is a pushfor a gettough approachalthough surely anyone whogets tough with children isn’tdoing the right thing.Children should not bereduced to objects in apolitical debate; they shouldbe running free. Let the

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.

The board of ICICI Bank has fi��nally acted on the al

legations of misconduct against its CEO and ma

naging director, Chanda Kochhar. It had earlier

maintained that she was on annual personal leave; now,

she will stay away from the offi��ce till the completion of

an inquiry into the charges levelled against her by a

whistleblower. Rather than allow the controversy to

fester, the board of ICICI Bank, an institution that often

sought to hold a mirror up to the ineffi��ciencies of public

sector banks, should have acted earlier. Till the inquiry

is complete the bank will be steered by a new chief op

erating offi��cer, Sandeep Bakhshi. The offi��cial version is

that he will report to Ms. Kochhar, who herself took the

decision to go on leave till the end of the inquiry — but

this is at best a facesaving cover for a board that was re

luctant to act since the controversy broke. Meanwhile,

the tenure of M.K. Sharma, the chairman of the bank’s

board, is set to end this month and there is still no clar

ity on his successor. This extended uncertainty in a cri

sis situation is unwarranted. ICICI Bank’s troubles are

rooted in a 2016 complaint by an investor alleging a

quid pro quo deal between Ms. Kochhar’s immediate fa

mily members and the Videocon group, which got a

₹��3,250crore loan from it. When this ‘confl��ict of inter

est’ complaint resurfaced in the public domain this

year, Mr. Sharma said he had personally inquired into it

two years earlier and found nothing amiss.

With the Central Bureau of Investigation and later

the stock market regulator SEBI swooping in, the issue

of whether the bank had failed to make adequate dis

closures about its dealings with the borrower (who is

now a defaulter) and a fi��rm related to Ms. Kochhar’s

husband was spotlighted. The bank is yet to respond to

SEBI, but changed tack after the latter decided to

launch a probe into allegations of a quid pro quo and al

leged misconduct by Ms. Kochhar. Three weeks on, the

names of the members of and terms of reference for the

probe panel to be led by retired Supreme Court judge

B.N. Srikrishna are still awaited. It is debatable whether

such a highprofi��le panel is required to ascertain if Ms.

Kochhar, whose term ends next March, had made adeq

uate disclosures while deciding on the loans. The board

itself could have dealt with this through an internal in

vestigation rather than giving the impression that it

wanted to paper over the issue, sending a poor signal to

all stakeholders. No doubt Ms. Kochhar, a star on the

corporate fi��rmament, enjoys a formidable reputation as

a banker. While one should not prejudge the inquiry

fi��ndings, there is no doubt that the strength of corpo

rate governance practices in the bank has come under

question because of the way the issue has played out.

The last to knowThe conduct of the board of ICICI Bank

raises questions about corporate governance

Amarriage of convenience ends the moment a di

vorce becomes more convenient. In Jammu and

Kashmir, the postpoll coalition of the two polar

opposites, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Peoples

Democratic Party, was never meant to coalesce into a

credible prepoll alliance. But while the PDP would

have been willing to wait till the Assembly election in

2020 before breaking ties, the BJP had its compulsions

for pulling out of the alliance before the Lok Sabha elec

tion next year. Both parties feed off�� the denominational

divide, the BJP depending on the Hindu vote bank in

Jammu and the PDP on the Muslim vote bank in Kash

mir. Neither party’s campaign rhetoric would have ap

pealed to the other’s support base. The divorce was

thus foretold from the beginning: what was left to be de

cided was the most opportune moment for separation.

For the BJP, the controversy over the support extended

by two of its Ministers to the accused in the Kathua

rapeandmurder case would have signalled that the al

liance was no longer sustainable. A majority of its sup

porters in the Jammu region were opposed to the case

being pursued to its logical conclusion. But outside of

Jammu, the BJP knew it could not be seen as extending

support to the accused. The withdrawal of the two Mi

nisters from the J&K Cabinet did not go down well with

the BJP’s rank and fi��le, which was beginning to feel the

PDP was getting the better of the bargain. But breaking

ties on the Kathua issue would have sent all the wrong

signals to the rest of the country, which was horrifi��ed at

the brutal nature of the crime. So the BJP chose to wait.

The diff��erences over whether or not to extend the

cessation of operations against the militants announced

for the Ramzan month provided a fresh opportunity.

While the PDP wanted the cessation of operations to

continue so that it could serve as a launch pad to talk

with separatists about a political solution, the BJP saw it

as no more than a respite from stonepelting in the Val

ley. In any case, with the Hurriyat showing absolutely

no inclination to talk, and the militants targeting civi

lians and Army personnel in a continuing spiral of vio

lence, there were arguments to the eff��ect that it was fu

tile to extend the stay on Army operations. Given how

the numbers stack up in the J&K Assembly, an alterna

tive government without the BJP will need the PDP, the

National Conference and the Congress to come togeth

er — a possibility that is, to understate the point, some

what remote. The PDP and the NC are political rivals in

the Valley, fi��ghting for the same political constituency.

A coalition would be fraught with political risks for

both. The 2014 verdict was a fractured mandate, one

that refl��ected the fragmented polity of a State torn

asunder by violence. Another election may not guaran

tee political stability, but it remains the only way to test

the popular will of the people in this roiled State.

Talaq in J&KThe BJP and the PDP can fi��nally go back to

being the polar opposites of each other

https://t.me/pdf4exams https://www.estore33.com/ https://t.me/TheHindu_Zone_official

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NOIDA/DELHI THE HINDU

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 20, 20188EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

CMYK

A ND-NDE

EDITORIAL

This month, it is fi��ve yearssince Nargis fi��rst arrived inDelhi. The Afghan journalist

in Herat, Afghanistan had to fl��eeher country after the Talibanthreatened to kill her. But as a refugee in India, she has had no opportunity to earn a living and hasbeen unable to rebuild her life.

Today, India is host to over200,000 refugees like her whohave been forced to fl��ee confl��ictand persecution in their homecountries. On World Refugee Day( June 20), there is a need to reassess India’s approach to refugeeprotection, particularly in light ofthe regional refugee crisis after themass exodus of the Rohingya fromMyanmar.

Traditionally, India has hostedseveral persecuted groups such asTibetans and Sri Lankans. While itis not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and has no domes

tic asylum law, it has reiterated itscommitment towards the protection of refugees at various international fora, including the UN General Assembly.

One of the most signifi��cant affi��rmations of this commitment wasdemonstrated by India becominga signatory to the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants,which was adopted by 193 countries in September 2016. In doingso, India has expressed its solidarity with those forced to fl��ee andagreed that protecting refugeesand supporting the countries thatshelter them are shared international responsibilities that must beborne more equitably.

The Declaration sets the stagefor a new framework for refugeeprotection — the Global Compacton Refugees (GCR). The Compactis a coordinated eff��ort to strengthen international response toprotracted refugee situations andcomprehensively addresses allstages of refugee protection, fromreception to longterm solutions.Two of its key objectives are toease pressures on host countriesand enhance refugee selfreliance.The GCR recognises that certainrefugee situations can last for decades and acknowledges that the

burden is borne largely by developing countries, that now host over 80% of the refugee populationin the world. In light of this, it callsfor support from the internationalcommunity in the form of resources. It also seeks to establish forumsto enable expertisesharing to promote economic opportunities, decent work and job creation not justfor refugees but also for the hostcommunity. Since the Declarationwas adopted, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)has been engaging with memberstates, UN bodies, and nongovernmental organisations to develop a plan for its practical implementation; this will be fi��nalised bythe end of 2018.

Indian contextAlthough India has hosted refugees of varying nationalities for decades, the country has done littlebeyond providing asylum. Therehave been some attempts to introduce a refugee law in the country,the latest being the Asylum Bill2015, introduced as a privatemember’s bill by Shashi Tharoor.However, none has gone the distance and the government continues to adopt an ad hoc approachtowards this group. Given that

most refugees have been unable toreturn to their countries, leadingto protracted refugee situations,there is an urgent need for the government to develop a uniformframework for their managementduring their stay in India.

For instance, due to their unclear legal status and lack of uniform documentation, refugeeshave limited access to essentialservices and almost no avenues forlivelihood. While some refugeeshave been able to generate incomeby working in the informal sector,many of them, especially vulnerable women like Nargis, are at themercy of touts and traffi��ckers evenwithin their own community. Atbest, they are forced to rely on income from odd jobs which is anunsustainable livelihood optionthat often leaves them exposed toexploitation.

The solution to this may lie

within the GCR, which calls forStates to identify gaps and opportunities for employment and income generation for refugees in abid to enhance their selfreliance.Moreover, it specifi��es the need toinclude the host community inenabling mapping skills, vocational training and capacitybuildingamong refugee populations, thereby fostering understanding andcooperation among the communities and paving the way for a socially cohesive approach.

India’s commitment to refugeeprotection under the GCR is evident in its active participation inongoing GCR consultations, whereit has emphasised the need for aclear mechanism for the refugeeresponse regime. Therefore this isan opportune time for India toreassess the need for a nationalasylum policy which is compliantwith the principles laid down inthe GCR. This will not only reestablish India’s place as a democraticregional power committed to corehumanitarian principles but willalso provide refugees such as Nargis a chance to give back to thecountry that has adopted her.

Pallavi Saxena and Nayantara Raja are

refugee lawyers based in New Delhi

The imperative to off��er refuge Why India urgently needs a national asylum policy

AFP

Pallavi Saxena &

Nayantara Raja

more letters online:

www.hindu.com/opinion/letters/

Sandwiched between U.S. President Donald Trump’s acrimonious public exchanges

with other leaders at the G7(group of seven industrialisedcountries) summit ( June 78) andthe headlinehogging U.S.NorthKorea summit ( June 12), theShanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Qingdao, China ( June 910) attracted little international attention. It was the fi��rstSCO summit attended by India as afullfl��edged member (It has beenan observer since 2005.)

The SCO grew out of the Shanghai Five grouping — of Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan andKyrgyzstan — which was set up in1996 to resolve boundary disputesbetween China and each of thefour other members. It admittedUzbekistan in 2001, rechristeneditself the Shanghai CooperationOrganisation and broadened itsagenda to include political, economic and security cooperation. Itadmitted India and Pakistan as fullmembers in 2017.

The SCO opportunityThe admission of India and Pakistan has expanded the geographical, demographic and economicprofi��le of the SCO, which now hasabout half the world’s populationand a quarter of its GDP. Its boundary extends southwards to the Indian Ocean.

The SCO’s relevance for Indialies in geography, economics andgeopolitics. Its members occupy a

huge landmass adjacent to India’sextended neighbourhood, whereIndia has important economic andsecurity interests. Its Central Asiancountries border Afghanistan, Pakistan and China. A narrow sliverof land separates southern Tajikistan from Pakistanoccupied Kashmir. When you have complicatedrelations with your neighbours, itmakes sense to strengthen relations with your neighbours’ neighbours. With Pakistan joining theOrganisation and Afghanistan andIran knocking on the doors formembership, the logic of India’smembership becomes stronger.

Since the breakup of the SovietUnion, the optimal developmentof India’s relations with CentralAsian countries has been constrained by lack of overland accessthrough Pakistan and Afghanistan/Iran, because of political and/or security reasons. With newmultimodal transport corridorsnow envisaged through Iran, thereare again prospects of invigoratingtrade and investment links withthis region (provided fresh U.S.sanctions on Iran do not stymiethis eff��ort).

In the formative years of theSCO, Russia pushed strongly forIndia to join it, to somewhat balance China’s economic dominance in Central Asia. The Chinesewere not responsive. China hassince consolidated its energy andeconomic foothold in the region,where ambitious infrastructureand connectivity projects are envisaged as part of its Belt and RoadInitiative (BRI). It has secured thesimultaneous admission of Pakistan into the SCO. India has to carveout a political and economic spacefor itself in Central Asia, alongsideRussia’s role as net security provider and China’s dominating economic presence. The Central

Asian countries would welcomeIndia breaking into this RussiaChina duopoly.

The IndiaPakistan interactionwas closely watched in Qingdao.The handshake and exchange ofpleasantries between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and PakistanPresident Mamnoon Hussain werenoted, as also the absence of bilateral altercations. It allayed apprehensions, expressed in the runupto Indian and Pakistani accession,that SCO deliberations would getbogged down by IndiaPakistansquabbles. It also respected theetiquette of international organisations: countries join them to promote shared objectives, not to settle bilateral scores.

The India-Pakistan track Russian President Vladimir Putinhas suggested that harmoniouscooperation in the SCO may pavethe way for an IndiaPakistan rapprochement, recalling that SCOmembership had facilitated resolution of China’s boundary disputes with Russia and CentralAsian countries. Chinese offi��cialshave also expressed this hope. Thecircumstances are not comparable. China made substantial concessions to settle its boundary disputes with Russia and CentralAsia, in pursuit of larger strategicand economic objectives in the region. IndiaPakistan diff��erences

extend well beyond a boundarydispute, fl��ow from diff��erent historical circumstances and are locatedin a diff��erent geopolitical environment.

The SCO will, however, nudgeboth countries to cooperate in sensitive areas. One example is theRegional AntiTerrorist Structure(RATS) of the SCO, which coordinates cooperation for security andstability, through intelligencesharing on criminal and terroristactivities. India and Pakistan,which exchange mutual recriminations in such matters, have tofi��nd ways of cooperating in theRATS. Defence cooperation isanother tricky area: enhanced linkages between armed forces is anSCO objective. India has agreed toparticipate in the SCO’s counterterrorism military exercises inRussia later this year, when Indianand Pakistani troops will operatetogether. Reconciling Indian andPakistani perspectives in the SCO’sinitiatives on Afghanistan wouldbe yet another challenge.

The expansion of SCO has diluted its unanimity on hithertoshared perspectives. Tacitly accepting the fact that India and Pakistan are not signatories to theNuclear NonProliferation Treaty(NPT), the Qingdao declarationconfi��rms the compliance of theSCO’s NPT signatories to its provisions. India’s reservations on China’s BRI are accommodated by excluding it from the list of SCOmembers that endorse it (all except India). The boilerplate formulations on terrorism accommodatethe concerns of various members,without off��ending any. The essence of a functioning multilateralframework is focusing on sharedobjectives and underplayingdivergences.

Besides expanding opportuni

ties for India in Central Asia, theSCO is a platform for articulating anonWestern — as distinct from antiWestern — perspective on globalissues. This includes opposition toselective advocacy of regimechange, selfserving homilies onhuman rights and intrusive adviceon domestic policies. It suits Indiathat the SCO is not stridently antiWest in its pronouncements. TheU.S. cultivates relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan to ensure logistical support forits Afghanistan operations and togradually wean them away fromRussian infl��uence. These countries welcome the room for manoeuvre that this gives them. Russia and China also carefully avoidstrong antiWest postures in theSCO, preferring to deal with diff��erences quietly and bilaterally.

Balance of forcesThe challenge for India — besidesthat of security and defence cooperation with Pakistan — may comefrom increasing Chinese dominance of the SCO. This could happen if RussiaU.S. relations worsenfurther, leading Russia to an evengreater dependence on Chinesepolitical and economic support.Another possible gamechangercould be the fallout of the muchheralded U.S.North Korea summit. If, as Mr. Trump has hinted,peace in the Korean peninsulaleads to reduced American military presence in the region, itwould dramatically change the balance of forces in the AsiaPacifi��cin favour of China. This wouldtransform Eurasian dynamics,with an inevitable impact on SCO.

P.S. Raghavan, a former diplomat, is

Convenor of the National Security

Advisory Board. The views expressed are

personal

India’s pivot to EurasiaWhen you have complicated ties with neighbours, it makes sense to strengthen ties with your neighbours’ neighbours

P.S. Raghavan

AFP

Organ donation The writer (Editorial page,“Heart of the matter”, June19) says that public trustshould become the mostimportant factor in organdonation andtransplantation. But intoday’s material world, it’shard to repose blind faith inanyone or anything unlessthere is enough data orevidence to allay one’s deepfears. Therefore, the systemshould be madetransparent to enable trust.The medical world needs toaddress questions about theavailability of organs, theconditions of patients andthe reasons why foreignpatients were preferredover Indian patients. Theperception is that there arehidden fl��aws in the healthcare system. We need to bereassured that there is acode of ethics.Vidya B. Ragunath,

Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu

■ The article refers to kidneytransplantation being inpractice in India for over 25years. In fact the fi��rstsuccessful kidney transplantwas carried out at ChristianMedical College and Hospital

Vellore, Tamil Nadu, in 1971;CMC has history of 48 yearsof kidney transplantation. Durai Jasper,

Vellore, Tamil Nadu

Code of conductSEBI, the regulatory watchdog, should act expeditiouslyon its own to fi��nd out thetruth in the ICICI Bank casesince it is presumed to be inpossession of all evidence atits disposal. Chanda Kochharhas had a chequered careerand the bank’s name is moreor less identifi��ed with hers;her contribution to thegrowth of the bank can neverbe underestimated. Thecontinued suspense overalleged quid pro quo willdamage not only herreputation but the bankingindustry’s as a whole.(“Chanda Kochhar to go onleave till probe gets over”,June 19). V. Subramanian

Chennai

■ Ms. Kochhar on her ownvolition should have chosento stay away immediatelyfrom offi��ce after thecontroversy came into thepublic domain. It wouldappear that the bank’s board

of directors continues to bebeholden to her and it hasnot covered itself with glory.One cannot forget how itearlier and hastily gave her a‘clean chit’ without carryingout an objective internalprobe. The board’s act hasonly shown up the absenceof an effi��cacious internalvigilance mechanism in theprivate banking sector. S.K. Choudhury,

Bengaluru

AAP and Delhi politicsThe Delhi Chief Minister hasa lot to learn from hispredecessors whomaintained a good workingrelationship with the Centralgovernment irrespective oftheir political affi��nities(Editorial, “Power crisis”,June 19). The AAP’s disdainfor constitutional proprietyis the best argument againstgranting full statehood toDelhi. The National CapitalTerritory is the seat of thenational government; therecannot be two power centresin the form of the PrimeMinister and the Delhi ChiefMinister. Given ArvindKejriwal’s record of actionsin the past, one would not besurprised if he chose to

challenge the authority ofthe Prime Minister and theCentre. It may seemcontrarian but the fact is thatDelhi does not need thestatus of either a quasiStateor a glorifi��ed UnionTerritory. Opposition leaders who aresupporting Mr. Kejriwalshould realise that nationalinterest demands thebuilding of a politicalconsensus to treat the NCT asa special administrativeterritory. V.N. Mukundarajan,

Thiruvananthapuram

■ The bizarre “sofa dharna”is politics at its worst. It istime the existingconstitutional framework forthe administration of Delhi isreviewed to make the electedgovernment less dependenton the Lt. Governor.S.K. Choudhury,

Bengaluru

Plastic in the rangesIn order to have a plasticfreeworld, we have to unlearnthe habit of ‘use and throw’.I am working in abiodiversity hotspot situatedin the Western Ghats inKerala. Unfortunately, it is

children free (‘World’ page,“Melania, lawmakers seek anend to child separations”,June 19). Dennis Fitzgerald,

Melbourne, Australia

‘Yo Yo’ roadblockIt is sad to note that some ofour cricketers beingconsidered for a place in thenational team are unable topass the “Yo Yo test” (‘Sport’page, “Rayudu fails Yo Yotest”, June 16). The selectorsshould note that cricket is askillbased game. Placing iton a par with athletics mightendanger the game byomission of quality players.In cricket, players get amplerest between bowling spellsand in between overs. Hencethey can manage fatigue.Even a fast bowler who haspassed the “Yo Yo test”cannot fi��eld neatly. There isnothing wrong in includingthis test as a part of trainingsessions but should it be theonly factor? Had this testbeen applied in the past wewould have not found manygreat players.N. Nagarajan,

Varagur, Tamil Nadu

not free of this menace —plastic waste can be seenlittered everywhere in thispristine evergreen stretchthat is host to numerousspecies. There have beennumerous reports on thedangers that plastic wasteposes to wildlife and marinelife. But are we listening?(Editorial page, “A plasticcharter”, June 13).Sukumaran C.V.,

Palakkad, Kerala

Zero humanityThere are reports ofhundreds of children beingdetained (apparently incages) and that this is doinglittle to deter people trying toget across the U.S. bordereven though the ‘other side’is no longer seen as thecountry of the free. But suchdark events cast a shadow ona country that promotesitself as ‘the best’ in everyfi��eld. Apparently there is a pushfor a gettough approachalthough surely anyone whogets tough with children isn’tdoing the right thing.Children should not bereduced to objects in apolitical debate; they shouldbe running free. Let the

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.

The board of ICICI Bank has fi��nally acted on the al

legations of misconduct against its CEO and ma

naging director, Chanda Kochhar. It had earlier

maintained that she was on annual personal leave; now,

she will stay away from the offi��ce till the completion of

an inquiry into the charges levelled against her by a

whistleblower. Rather than allow the controversy to

fester, the board of ICICI Bank, an institution that often

sought to hold a mirror up to the ineffi��ciencies of public

sector banks, should have acted earlier. Till the inquiry

is complete the bank will be steered by a new chief op

erating offi��cer, Sandeep Bakhshi. The offi��cial version is

that he will report to Ms. Kochhar, who herself took the

decision to go on leave till the end of the inquiry — but

this is at best a facesaving cover for a board that was re

luctant to act since the controversy broke. Meanwhile,

the tenure of M.K. Sharma, the chairman of the bank’s

board, is set to end this month and there is still no clar

ity on his successor. This extended uncertainty in a cri

sis situation is unwarranted. ICICI Bank’s troubles are

rooted in a 2016 complaint by an investor alleging a

quid pro quo deal between Ms. Kochhar’s immediate fa

mily members and the Videocon group, which got a

₹��3,250crore loan from it. When this ‘confl��ict of inter

est’ complaint resurfaced in the public domain this

year, Mr. Sharma said he had personally inquired into it

two years earlier and found nothing amiss.

With the Central Bureau of Investigation and later

the stock market regulator SEBI swooping in, the issue

of whether the bank had failed to make adequate dis

closures about its dealings with the borrower (who is

now a defaulter) and a fi��rm related to Ms. Kochhar’s

husband was spotlighted. The bank is yet to respond to

SEBI, but changed tack after the latter decided to

launch a probe into allegations of a quid pro quo and al

leged misconduct by Ms. Kochhar. Three weeks on, the

names of the members of and terms of reference for the

probe panel to be led by retired Supreme Court judge

B.N. Srikrishna are still awaited. It is debatable whether

such a highprofi��le panel is required to ascertain if Ms.

Kochhar, whose term ends next March, had made adeq

uate disclosures while deciding on the loans. The board

itself could have dealt with this through an internal in

vestigation rather than giving the impression that it

wanted to paper over the issue, sending a poor signal to

all stakeholders. No doubt Ms. Kochhar, a star on the

corporate fi��rmament, enjoys a formidable reputation as

a banker. While one should not prejudge the inquiry

fi��ndings, there is no doubt that the strength of corpo

rate governance practices in the bank has come under

question because of the way the issue has played out.

The last to knowThe conduct of the board of ICICI Bank

raises questions about corporate governance

Amarriage of convenience ends the moment a di

vorce becomes more convenient. In Jammu and

Kashmir, the postpoll coalition of the two polar

opposites, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Peoples

Democratic Party, was never meant to coalesce into a

credible prepoll alliance. But while the PDP would

have been willing to wait till the Assembly election in

2020 before breaking ties, the BJP had its compulsions

for pulling out of the alliance before the Lok Sabha elec

tion next year. Both parties feed off�� the denominational

divide, the BJP depending on the Hindu vote bank in

Jammu and the PDP on the Muslim vote bank in Kash

mir. Neither party’s campaign rhetoric would have ap

pealed to the other’s support base. The divorce was

thus foretold from the beginning: what was left to be de

cided was the most opportune moment for separation.

For the BJP, the controversy over the support extended

by two of its Ministers to the accused in the Kathua

rapeandmurder case would have signalled that the al

liance was no longer sustainable. A majority of its sup

porters in the Jammu region were opposed to the case

being pursued to its logical conclusion. But outside of

Jammu, the BJP knew it could not be seen as extending

support to the accused. The withdrawal of the two Mi

nisters from the J&K Cabinet did not go down well with

the BJP’s rank and fi��le, which was beginning to feel the

PDP was getting the better of the bargain. But breaking

ties on the Kathua issue would have sent all the wrong

signals to the rest of the country, which was horrifi��ed at

the brutal nature of the crime. So the BJP chose to wait.

The diff��erences over whether or not to extend the

cessation of operations against the militants announced

for the Ramzan month provided a fresh opportunity.

While the PDP wanted the cessation of operations to

continue so that it could serve as a launch pad to talk

with separatists about a political solution, the BJP saw it

as no more than a respite from stonepelting in the Val

ley. In any case, with the Hurriyat showing absolutely

no inclination to talk, and the militants targeting civi

lians and Army personnel in a continuing spiral of vio

lence, there were arguments to the eff��ect that it was fu

tile to extend the stay on Army operations. Given how

the numbers stack up in the J&K Assembly, an alterna

tive government without the BJP will need the PDP, the

National Conference and the Congress to come togeth

er — a possibility that is, to understate the point, some

what remote. The PDP and the NC are political rivals in

the Valley, fi��ghting for the same political constituency.

A coalition would be fraught with political risks for

both. The 2014 verdict was a fractured mandate, one

that refl��ected the fragmented polity of a State torn

asunder by violence. Another election may not guaran

tee political stability, but it remains the only way to test

the popular will of the people in this roiled State.

Talaq in J&KThe BJP and the PDP can fi��nally go back to

being the polar opposites of each other


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16 hindustantimes HINDUSTAN TIMES, NEW DELHITUESDAY, JUNE 19, 2018

Despite the many concerns andpredictably strident objections,the government’s decision tocautiously experiment withbringing10 lateralhires into the

hallowed Indian Administrative Service(IAS) is importantandnecessarybut in myopinion, insufficient.Few institutions are asurgently inneed

of renewalasourcivil service.While thereareplentyofextraordinaryanduprightoffi-cers, theprevailingviewis that the IAShasfailed to keep upwith the needs ofmodernIndia and has become increasingly self-servingwith toomanyof itsofficersseenascorrupt and compromised.In this context, the lateral hiring of 10

joint secretaries is an important experi-ment.Past success stories of lateral induc-tion — such as Mantosh Sondhi, VijayKelkar, Manmohan Singh and RaghuramRajan—havebeenoccasional rather thansystematic. It is important that an institu-tion as vital and complex as the IAS has awaytobothcontinuously inductnewtalentand develop internal talent at all levels.Done right, this will ensure a continuousinjection of new perspectives and energy.Everysuccessfulorganisationandspeciesneeds the continuous and selective intro-

InthefilmBasmatiBlues,Oscar-winningactressBrieLarsonisascientistwhocre-ates a new fast-growing super-rice andtriesto woovillagerstoswitch.Basmati

Bluesisnowatthecentre-stagebutwithanewcontext.Inthisinstance,IamreferringtotheissueofgeographicaltaggingofBasmatirice.India is the world’s leading producer andexporterofBasmatiricewithanannualpro-ductionof60 lakhtonnes.ExpertssayBasmati isaproduceofIndia.

Countriessuchas theUShavetried toclaimBasmatiastheirproductionbutfailedsofar.RiceTec, a US company selling Basmati(grownintheUS)under thetrademarkTex-matiandKasmati,wasevengrantedaUSpat-ent.TheCentrehasreactedandahigh-levelinter-ministerialgroupfromtheministriesofcommerceandagriculturealongwiththeAllIndiaRiceExportersAssociationandAgricul-tural & Processed Food Products ExportDevelopmentAuthoritywereabletofurnishevidencetosupporttheircase.Thepatentwasdeclaredvoid.Basmati, the scented pearl, has been the

prideofoursubcontinent forcenturieswithearliestrecordsofcultivationin1766.Scentedrice from the royal kitchens of Emperor

EveryBasmati-growingstatedeservesaGI tagUnlike Darjeeling tea, this variety of fine rice does notsignify any indication of its geographical origin as such

AkbarincludedMushkin(redBasmati).Realtranscripts recorded in the Ain-i-Akbari,Akbar’s16th-centurybiography,refertoBas-matibeinggrownintheMalwaregionofMad-hyaPradesh(MP).AsanagriculturalscientistIamintrigued

by the response of apex bodies such as theAPEDA and the Indian Council of Agricul-turalResearch to theGI tagging of basmati,statingthatcertainstatessuchasMPcannotbegrantedtheGItagowingto“lackofpopularperception”.Scientificrecordsandhistoricaldocumentshavebeen ignoredinthis.FactorsfavouringthecultivationofBasmati—tem-perature,humidity, daylightandsoil condi-tions—areabundant inPunjab,UP,Uttara-khand, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu&Kash-mir,Delhi,HaryanaandMP.Thesearevalidreasons for all of thembeing granted theGItag. “Lack of popular perception” cannotserve as a ground for such non-inclusiveapproachtotheGItaggingofBasmatirice.“Basmati”derivesitsrootsintwoSanskrit

words “Vas”meaning “aroma” and “Mati”meaningingrainedfromtheorigin.Hencetheword“Basmati”means“theonecontainingaroma”.“Basmati”doesnotpersesignifyanyindication of its geographical origin unlikeDarjeelingteaorKancheepuramsilk.Itispre-ciselyforthisreasonthattheuseof“popularperception”orthelackthereofasaparametertodenystatessuchasMPanditsfarmerstheGItagforBasmatiisbeyondcomprehension.

UmaAhuja is former professor of genetic andplantbreedng, College of Agriculture, HisarThe views expressed are personal

n Lack of popular perception cannot serve as a ground for such a noninclusive approach tothe Geographical Indication tagging of Basmati rice. HT FILE

RAWDEAL Statehoodwould solvemanyofDelhi’s problemsThe clash between civil servants and the LG’s officerequires us to judge the situation and think of a way out

rentprotestbytheAAPisdesignedtocoverupanassaultonthetopcivilservantinthepresence of the chief minister himself.Althoughtheformalhearingisyettobegin,it is a classic case of the guilty playing thevictim.Fifth,andworse,thecurrentdeadlockis

being used to distract from a governancefailureatmultiplelevels.Thestategovern-mentthatcametopowerridinganunprece-dentedwaveofpopularhopehasturnedoutto be utterly inept at governance,with noknowledgeof thegrammarofgovernanceor even the constitutional provisions. Nowonder, with the sole exception of animprovementingovernmentschool infra-structure, this government has little toshowbywayofanytangibleoutcome,evenwheretherewasnointerferencebytheLG.The BJP is using this crisis to cover upshockinglypoormunicipal governance.Sixth, the AAP government has no

desiretoresolvethetangle; insteaditwantsthe deadlock to continue and use it as anelectionshield.Thepartythatcametochal-lenge the disease of bodypolitic is bynownotonlyafflictedbythesamedisease,andwantstousethiscrisistogainentryintoananti-BJPalliance.Here is what needs to be done immedi-

ately to resolve the crisis. One, the CMshouldofferanhonestapologytothechiefsecretaryandothercivilservantsforwhathis colleagues have done. With so manyapologies under his belt, that should nothavebeenaproblem.Sincehehasn’t, inviewof largerpublic

interest, theIASofficersshouldaccepthislatestappeal,whichisanimplicitapology,andawithdrawalofhisearlierdemandforpunishment toofficers.Two, like all other state governments,

the elected government should get tochoose theofficers itwishes toworkwith.Theexistingconstitutionalprovisionsforthe NCT government do not come in thewayofthisright.Three,thecentralandthestategovernmentshouldrequest thecon-stitutionalbenchof theSupremeCourt todeliver its verdict, now pending for sixmonths.Thatshouldclarifythedivisionofpowersforthestateandthecentralgovern-ment at least for the remaining tenure oftheAAPgovernment.Andfinally,Parlia-mentshouldbeginadiscussionongrantinganear-fullstatehoodfortheNationalCapi-tal Territory of Delhi by forming a jointcommitteetodisentanglethemessyadmin-istrativedivisions.Thesestepsmaynotguaranteegoodgov-

ernance, but thesewould leave the rulingpartiesofDelhiwithnoexcuseswhentheyfaceelections.

Yogendra Yadav is President, Swaraj IndiaThe views expressed are personal

new hires, monitor progress and providecrucial aircoverwhennecessary.Anotherrisk isdispersing thenewtalent

acrossmanyministries.To succeed, it is often helpful to have a

criticalmassofnewtalent concentrated inafewareassothat there isamutualsupportnetwork.Most of all, this attempt to infusetalentshouldbeseenaswhat it is:anexperi-ment.Theremustbeaconsciousattempt tolearnfromthisandmakecoursecorrectionswhennecessary.Merelyhiring10 individu-als and leaving them to swim or sink willaccomplish littlemore thanmaking futureattempts evenharder.Goodandnecessaryasthisexperimentis,

it is insufficient to change an entrenchedinstitution like the IAS.ThoughtfulretiredIASofficershavecor-

n Raghuram Rajan is one of the successstories of lateral induction MINT

PPWangchuk

The importance of discipline cannot beunderminedinanymanner.Beitonaplay-ground,asocialfunctionorevenonthebat-tle-field,onlythosecomeoutwinnerswhoplayadisciplinedrole.The most acceptable dictionary defini-

tionofdisciplineIcouldfindis:“Trainingorway of life aimed at self-control and con-formity.”Thisindicatestherequirementofastrongwillpower,asenseofgoodandbadand understanding the value of time. You

miss thebus just becauseyouare carelessenough to be alert and you don’t go by thebasic ways of life that are required to beplayed tocometoameaningful end.JimRohn,Americanauthorandmotiva-

tionalspeaker,saysdisciplineisthe“bridgebetween the goals and the accomplish-ment.”Thatmeansit isthatpivotalenablerto help you surmount the obstacles thatcomeyourway.Butfordiscipline,yourtal-ent, energy, and aspirations go haywire.Cultivating disciplinemakes you convertyourtalent intoyourabilitytotakeonany-

thing inamucheasierway.And then one has to keep in mind that

without discipline, one tends to shirk allthat isnobleandgoodandneedhardwork.Asaresult,overaperiodof time,one is leftbehind in the race of the noble journey oflife.Andthisbringsindevastatingfrustra-tionandself-loathing.

(Inner Voice comprisescontributions from our readers.)The views expressed are [email protected]

DISCIPLINE IS AT THECORE OF OUR RACE TOSUCCEED IN LIFE

innervoice

establ ished in 1924§ §

PrimeMinisterNarendraModionceagainfloatedtheidea of simultaneous elections at the Niti AayogGoverningCouncilmeetingonSunday, andcalledforavigorousdebateonthe issue.This is inkeepingwith thePM’spersonalcommitment to the ideaand

a concerted effort by the BharatiyaJanata Party (BJP) to create publicopinion and generate a consensusaroundthe issue.TheLawCommissionof Indiahasalsosoughtthe opinions of parties and stakeholders on the idea.ThePMhasastrongcasewhenhepushes for simultaneous

polls. There is no doubt that regular electionshave an impacton governance. Major decisions are often taken or not takenbecauseofpoll compulsions.Leaderswhoshouldbe immersedin the taskofgovernanceareactuallybusycampaigning.Boththe government, and each party, incur tremendous expendi-ture.Therecouldwellbearationalisationofexpenses,predict-ability and stability in policymaking, andmore focus on gov-ernance if thisoccurs.At thesametime, thereareconcerns.Forone, there is amajor issue of feasibility. It will require a set ofconstitutionalamendments.Besides, synchronisingandkick-ingoff thecyclewillbedifficult.Thereareconcernsaboutwhatitmeans for therightof electedChiefMinisters todissolve theassemblyorwhathappenswhenagovernment loses itsmajor-ityon the floor in themiddleof its term.Does that statewait forall otherstatesandnationalelections tohappentoelect itsownnew government? Two, there is an issue of desirability. Fre-quent elections may get disruptive for governance, but theyhelp introduce checks andbalanceswithin the system.This is thebackdropofdiscussionsonsimultaneouspolls. It

is, perhaps, too late to even introduce it for 2019 because boththe national and state election cycles are already in motion.Anydecisionmust follow threebroadprinciples.One, itmustbe based on the widest possible political consensus. Two, itmustkeep inmind that there isaneed fora lessexpensiveelec-tioncyclewhichdoesnot interruptgovernance.Andthree, thismust not comeat the cost of democratic accountability.

TakeallpartiesonboardonthisSimultaneouspollsmustnotcompromisegovernance

§

On the face of it, there are many reasons for India andChinatoputthetensionsassociatedwithlastyear’smili-tarystandoffatDoklambehindthemandtobuildacloser

relationshipthatcantranslate intoreality thedreamofthe21stcenturybeingan“Asiancentury”.BothcountrieshavemuchtoworryaboutintermsofthedrasticchangesthatareoccurringastheUS adopts protectionistmeasures that are affecting globaltrade.DespiteIndianotsigningonforChina’sBeltandRoadIni-tiative, Beijing has indicated it is willing toworkmore closelywithNewDelhionregionalandglobal issues. InNewDelhi, thegovernmentwouldprefertonormaliserelationswithBeijingintherun-uptothe2019polls. Insuchcircumstances, it isnotsur-prisingtohearChina’sambassadortoIndia,LuoZhaohui,pro-posing concepts suchas trilateral cooperationbetweenChina,India and Pakistan inNewDelhi. The envoy noted that ChinaandIndiacouldbenefitmorefromacloseralignmentoninterna-tionalissuessincePrimeMinisterNarendraModi’s“neighbour-hoodfirst”policycloselymirrorsPresidentXiJinping’spolicies.Scratchalittledeeper,however,anditbecomesevident that

muchmoreworkwill have to bedone to achieve suchavision.The traditionalChinese vision of an “Asian century” still putsthecountryat thetop. Insuchavision, India israrelyperceivedas an equal. Then there are other irritants, including China’sblocks on the designation of Pakistan-based terrorists such asMasoodAzharat theUNSecurityCouncilandBeijing’sopposi-tion toNewDelhi’sbid to join theNuclearSuppliersGroup.ChinahasshownitcanworkmorecloselywithIndiaonter-

rorism—suchastheissueofblacklistingPakistanattheFinan-cialActionTaskForce—butfortheforseeable future,Pakistanwillcontinuetobetheelephantintheroomasfarasbilateraltiesareconcerned.Clearly,Chinawillhavetowalkthetalk if this istobeapartnershipof equals.

OnSinoIndia ties,Chinamustnowwalk the talkInitsvisionofan ‘Asiancentury’,Indiais

rarelyperceivedasanequal

ourtake

rectly pointed to the need for more funda-mental administrative reforms.The IAScontinues toattractverybright

youngtalent throughafairandcompetitiveexamination. If thesehighpotentialyoung-sters systematically fail to live up to theirpotential and if theknown inadequacies oftheservicehavegreatpersistence, thenit isthe very fundamentals of the system thatmust be examinedand reformed.The hiring of a few joint secretaries, no

matterhowextraordinarytheseindividualsmaybe, isnotgoingto fixwhathas ledto thesystematic weakening of this institution.Numerousadministrativereformscommis-sionshavemadespecificrecommendationsto strengthen the administrative servicewhichsuccessivegovernmentshavelargelyignored.As with every other complex organisa-

tion, elementsof the solutionaswell as thepeoplewhocan reform the systemalreadyexist inside the IndianAdministrativeSer-vice. There are still many extraordinaryleaderswithin the systemwhoarewaitingforthecall tounleashatransformationfromwithin. However,unless there is thepoliti-calwill toaddressthewell-knownanddocu-mented systemic issues that cause the IAStounderperform, thehiringof ahandful oftalent from outside will be tantamount torearranging deckchairs on theTitanic.Myfinalpoint is this. Indiahasbecomea

low-trust society of vested and conflictinginterests. Wemust learntotemporarilysus-pendourentrenchedviewsandsuspicionsaboutevery intendedactionofanygovern-ment,andconduct intentionalexperimentswhichallowus, asDengXiaopingonceputit, to “cross theriverby feeling thestones.”

Ravi Venkatesan is chairman of Bank of Baroda andformer chairman of Microsoft India and Cummins India

The views expressed are personal

ductionofnewDNAtoremainvigorousandrelevant.However, lateral hiring at a senior level

isnotoriouslydifficult anduncertainevenin the private sector.Evenwhen thenewhiresare competent

and accomplished individuals, fitting intoanestablishedculture isnoteasy.A lotwillhavetobedonetomakethisattemptatgraft-ingnew talent into the IAS successful.Themost important iscarefulhiring.The

new hires will have to be real leaders whoaremotivated to help build the nation, notmerely those attracted by the prestige,power andperks of the job.Theywill need to possess ahealthydose

ofurgency, courageandtenacity toremainindependent and accomplish things in theface ofmanyobstacles.Humility and good people skills will be

crucial. The skill to leadby influencemat-ters far more than the expertise they areostensibly beinghired for.Such leaders are extremely rare any-

where;whythenshould theybemotivatedto jointhisriskyexperiment? Amereadver-tisement won’t likely suffice. Ideally, thisexperimentneedsaseniorsponsor,perhapseventhecabinet secretaryorprincipal sec-retary,whowillhelpselectandmentor the

But hiring just a handful of outside talent is akinto rearranging the deckchairs on the Titanic

Lateralentrywill galvanise theIAScomment

IDEALLY, THIS EXPERIMENTNEEDSASENIORSPONSOR, PERHAPSEVEN THECABINET SECRETARY,WHOWILLHELPSELECT ANDMENTORTHENEWHIRES

RAVIVENKATESAN

ThepoliticalcircusgoingoninDelhihasalltheelementsofademocraticnightmare: constitutional func-tionariesengineeringadeadlockin

themidstofanenvironmentalemergencyandwatershortage;morethanone centreofpower,eachmorekeentoplayoppositionthan to govern; and unbridled politicalshowmanshipwithcompletedisregardforpeople and their well being. Faced withthis, it is tempting to look away or to takesides. But a concern for Delhi’s futurerequiresustojudgethesituation andthinkofawayout.First things first. Delhi deserves full

statehood.TheCentralgovernmentshouldhave special powers over theNDMCareathat houses Lutyens’ Delhi and the diplo-maticareaaswellastheDelhiCantonmentarea.Butthereissimplynojustificationforthe rest of Delhi not being governed by apopularly-elected government, just likeanyotherstate.The hypocrisyof theCon-gressandtheBJPontheissueof fullstate-hood is responsible for creatingadiarchyinDelhithatiscurrentlybeingexploitedtothe full.Second, there cannot be two opinions

aboutthe roleof theLieutenantGovernor(LG) of Delhi in dealing with the AamAadmiParty(AAP)government.Farfromplaying the role of a quiet friend (and aguide and guardian, in the case of theNational Capital Territory) of the electedgovernment, theLG’sofficehas indulgedin delays, disruption and sabotage of thework of elected government and a witchhuntof its functionaries.Third, it is quite clear that the ongoing

protestby the IndianAdministrativeSer-viceofficerscouldnothavegoneonthewayit has without a nod and a wink from theCentral government.Yet these three facts do not give us the

fullpicture.Thefourthfact is that thecur-

THECMSHOULDOFFERANAPOLOGY TO THECHIEFSECRETARY FORWHATHISCOLLEAGUESHAVEDONE. THEELECTEDGOVERNMENTSHOULDGET TOCHOOSE THEOFFICERS ITWISHES TOWORKWITH.

YOGENDRAYADAV

UMAAHUJA

R. N. I. No. 503/1957 ● Postal Reg. No. DL(ND)-11/6058/2018-19-20 ‘Licensed to post without prepayment’ LICENCE No. U(C)-113/2006-08, AIR SURCHARGE: Raipur and beyond by Rail or Road - Re 5/-, Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Coimbatore, Chennai, Cochin, Goa, Hyderabad, Khajuraho, Mumbai, Trivandrum, Visakhapatnam, Vijayawada and beyond by Rail or Road - Rs. 10/-;

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