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The Historically Black Collegeas Social Contract, SocialCapital, and Social EqualizerM. Christopher Brown & James Earl DavisPublished online: 18 Nov 2009.

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The Historically Black College asSocial Contract, Social Capital, andSocial Equalizer

M. Christopher Brown IIEducational Organization and LeadershipUniversity of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign

James Earl DavisDepartment of Higher EducationTemple University

Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) have a unique ed-ucational history in comparison to other postsecondary institutions in theUnited States. HBCUs are institutions founded prior to 1964 for the pur-pose of providing collegiate education to African Americans. There are 103public, private, 4-year, and 2-year HBCUs. In addition to the 103 HBCUs,there are approximately 50 predominantly Black institutions. Predomi-nantly Black colleges and universities are institutions with greater than50% Black student enrollment, which were not founded primarily for the

PEABODY JOURNAL OF EDUCATION, 76(1), 31–49Copyright © 2001, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

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M. Christopher Brown II is now at The Center for the Study of Higher Education at ThePennsylvania State University.

Requests for reprints should be sent to M. Christopher Brown II, Center for the Study ofHigher Education, The Pennsylvania State University, 400 Rackley Building, University Park,PA 16802–3203.

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education of African American students, and may or may not have beenfounded prior to 1964.

Comparable to other American postsecondary institutions, HBCUs varywidely in size, curriculum specializations, and a host of other characteris-tics. The one commonality across HBCUs is their historic responsibility asthe primary providers of postsecondary education for African Americans ina social environment of racial discrimination. Given the historic focus ofHBCUsontheeducationofBlackstudents,WalterAllen(1992) identifiedsixspecific goals endemic to these institutions. The six goals of HBCUs include(a) the maintenance of the Black historical and cultural tradition (and cul-tural influences emanating from the Black community); (b) the provision ofkey leadership for the Black community given the important social role ofcollege administrators, scholars, and students in community affairs (i.e., theHBCU functions as a paragon of social organization); (c) the provision of aneconomic function in the Black community (e.g., HBCUs often have the larg-est institutional budget within the Black community); (d) the provision ofBlack role models to interpret the way in which social, political, and eco-nomic dynamics impact Black people; (e) the provision of college graduateswith a unique competence to address the issues between the minority andmajority population groups; and (f) the production of Black agents for spe-cialized research, institutional training, and information dissemination indealingwiththelifeenvironmentofBlackandotherminoritycommunities.

According to the U.S. Department of Education (1996), the 103 HBCUsenroll approximately 300,000 students and employ approximately 60,000persons. HBCUs award 28% of the Black bachelors degrees, 16% of theBlack first-professional degrees, 15% of the Black masters degrees, and 9%of the Black doctoral degrees. Notwithstanding, Vernon Jordan stated thatthe historically Black college remains the undergraduate home of “75 per-cent of all Black Ph.D.s, 75 percent of all Black army officers, 80 percent ofall Black federal judges, and 85 percent of all Black doctors” (cited in Roe-buck & Murty, 1993, p. 13). Predominantly Black colleges have experi-enced similar educational gains.

Understanding the fundamental characteristics that shape historicallyBlack colleges serves as a framework of analysis for meaningful equity andaccess. These fundamental characteristics shape how all colleges play outtheir role in society. There are simultaneous and competing roles of knowl-edge construction, information transmission, and status allocation. On onehand, historically Black colleges serve to develop, create, and teach ad-vanced knowledge to society. In this fashion, they serve to transmit andtransform a society’s culture while educating its citizens. On the other,these institutions make critical gains in ensuring that growing numbers ofAfrican Americans will be competent to serve as leaders or knowledge

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workers in society. These roles call on historically Black colleges to aid allwho enter their doors to gain knowledge.

Given the historical and present circumstances of HBCUs, the purposeof this article is threefold. First, we posit that Black colleges enjoy a uniquesocial contract in the national history. HBCUs act as “social agencies” forsociety by fulfilling the need to provide an equal educational opportunityand attainment, not only for African Americans, but for all students. Sec-ond, this social contract that Black colleges broker between the nation andAfrican Americans is realized through social capital or the distributionand reproduction of social networks and resources that HBCUs providefor their students and graduates. Finally, we argue that Black colleges actas a “social equalizer” for individuals historically denied access to highereducational opportunity and excluded from full participation in society.

Black Colleges as Participants in a Social Contract

HBCUs are participants in a social contract with postbellum Americansociety. Prior to the Civil War, the combination of slavery and segregationrestricted educational access and opportunity for African Americans. Al-though there were a few Northern exceptions (e.g., Amherst College,Oberlin College), African American students were summarily denied en-try to institutions of higher learning. Speaking broadly, Reginald Wilson(1988) wrote,

The historically Black colleges and universities have a history unique toAmerican higher education. That history is a consequence of the pres-ence of slavery in the American colonies, beginning with the importa-tion of the first Blacks in 1619. Slavery precluded Blacks from participat-ing in the general institutional life of the colonies even after theDeclaration of Independence in 1776 declared that slaves would becounted as “three-fifths of a man” in those states where slavery was per-mitted. Although the first college for Blacks (now called Cheyney [State]University) was established in Pennsylvania in 1837, the major history ofhistorically Black universities and colleges did not begin until after theCivil War. (p. 121)

The aftermath of the War Between the States led to a proliferation ofHBCUs. More than 200 HBCUs were founded prior to 1890. As previouslymentioned, philanthropic associations, churches, local communities, mis-sionaries, and private donors founded many. However, the end of theCivil War brought a new founder and funder of HBCUs—state govern-

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ments. Southern states were required by law to respond to the Thirteenth,Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments by providing public education forthe former slaves and other Black Americans. Supplementary public sup-port came with the passage of the Second Morrill Act of 1890. The firstMorrill Act of 1862 provided federal support for state education, particu-larly in agriculture, education, and military sciences. The Morrill Act of1890 mandated that those funds be extended to institutions that enrolledAfrican Americans. Because of the stronghold of segregation in the South,many states established separate public HBCUs for the sole purpose ofhaving a legal beneficiary for the federal support. These public HBCUs areoften referred to as the “1890 schools.”

The post-war era of reconstruction formed a unique social contractwith the American citizenry. In The Social Contract and Discourses, Rous-seau (1762/1947) argued that humanity must regain their freedomwithin society. The social contract, according to Rousseau, seeks to rec-oncile conflicts by fulfilling the good of society. Rousseau’s social con-tract theory sees general will as the will of all—a unanimous expressionof public sentiment (Gutek, 1997); such is the case in post-Civil WarAmerica. In response to the racial inequities and conflicts of antebellumsociety, three things emerge—constitutional amendments (i.e., XIII, XIV,XV), other federal legislation (i.e., Emancipation Proclamation, Freed-men’s Bureau, and Morrill Acts), and historically Black colleges (e.g.,Howard University). All of these primarily government initiated,post-war activities focus on reconciling the tattered relation betweenAmerica and the descendants of Africa.

Without question, the historically Black college is the tangible manifes-tation of America’s social contract with free African Americans immedi-ately following the Civil War. According to political philosophy, a socialcontract results from any combination of persons who agree to some aimfor mutual benefit. This thesis argues that, although no major federal legis-lation was enacted solely for the development of Black colleges (as withland-grant institutions), the combination of amendments, legislation, cre-ation of Howard University, and financial support from the Freedmen’sBureau establishes a commutative social contract by implication. RobertSolomon (1977) wrote that a social contract is

An agreement, tacit or explicit, that all members of society shall abide bythe laws of the state in order to maximize the public interest and insurecooperation among themselves. It is important that such a contract neednever have been signed in history; what is important is that every mem-ber of a society, by choosing to remain in that society, implicitly makessuch an agreement. (p. 579)

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The founding, development, and maintenance of 103 Black colleges forover 100 years evinces this implicit agreement (see Charles Mills’s [1997]The Racial Contract).

Although the official conclusion of the Civil War does not occur until1865, it is clear that the national conscious began to rethink the state andplace of the enslaved Africans1 (Nash & Jeffrey, 1986). In 1862, the firstMorrill Act was passed providing federal support for colleges offering ag-ricultural and mechanical studies. These provisions were to be made with-out respect to racial categorization. The assumption was that all studentswould benefit. This is important given that at least seven Black collegeswere already in operation—Cheyney State University (PA), Harris-StoweState College (MO), LeMoyne-Owen College (TN), Lincoln University(PA), University of the District of Columbia (DC), Wilberforce University(OH), and Winston-Salem State University (NC). In 1863, the Emancipa-tion Proclamation was enacted granting freedom to the slaves in confeder-ate states. In January 1865, Congress passed the Thirteenth Amendmentprohibiting slavery in the United States. In March of that same year, Con-gress approved the Freedmen’s Bureau to aid White refugees and formerslaves. The Freedmen’s Bureau provided financial support for the mainte-nance and establishment of a substantial number of Black “day schools,night schools, industrial schools, institutes and colleges” (Bennett, 1984, p.218).

Immediately following the Civil War, Congress passed the FourteenthAmendment declaring the equality of the entire national citizenry withoutrespect to race in 1866. The amendment stated that all persons born in theUnited States are entitled to equal protection under the law. In 1867, Con-gress passed legislation creating Howard Normal and Theological Insti-tute for the Education of Teachers and Preachers (now HowardUniversity2). The Congress named General Oliver Otis Howard, the com-missioner of the Freedmen’s Bureau, as the institution’s first president. Ac-cording to the President’s Board of Advisors on Historically Black Collegesand Universities (1996), General Howard was selected because of his “un-yielding desire to establish an institution of higher learning for the descen-dants of former slaves” (p. iv).

In 1869, Congress passed the Fifteenth Amendment prohibiting the de-nial of the right to vote based on race, color, or prior condition of servitude.As a result of the national ideological shift and the aforementioned legisla-

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1The shift in national conscious is partially the result of the military victory at Antietam,

Maryland in September 1862.2Howard University enjoys the same legal designation as other federal institutions of

higher education (e.g., West Point, U.S. Naval Academy). Howard University is a standingline item in the federal budget.

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tive changes, numerous Black colleges began to take shape across thecountry. This propagation was bolstered by the passage of the Morrill Actof 1890. The Second Morrill Act provided for regular annuities forland-grant colleges. Moreover, Brown (1999) stated,

The act specifically prohibited payments of federal funds to states thatdiscriminated against Blacks in the admission to tax-supported collegesor who refused to provide “separate but equal” facilities for the tworaces. It was this latter clause that led to the immediate establishment of[Black] public land-grant institutions in seventeen of the nineteen south-ern states. (p. 3)

Although unintentional, the Second Morrill Act of 1890 cemented theprevailing doctrine of segregation. It formalized the manifestation of sepa-rate but unequal in higher education. The vestiges of this disparate treat-ment remain evident in most Black colleges to this day. Despite over 100years of development, Black college conditions remain incongruent withtheir predominantly White counterparts. There are 103 HBCUs, all ofwhich remain clustered in 19 southern and border states (Alabama, Arkan-sas, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Missis-sippi, Missouri, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, SouthCarolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia), plus Michiganand the District of Columbia.3 Table 1 is a list of historically Black collegesby state, character, type, and date of founding.

The early history of descendants of Africa in American higher educa-tion, especially the period of slavery through Jim Crow, is chronicled as aperiod of almost categorical exclusion from postsecondary education. InAmerican society, formal education at any level for African Americansprior to 1862 was not considered necessary. In fact, the legal and social in-stitutions in the pre-Civil War period were designed to maintain the sepa-ration of the races and perpetuate White control. One particularmechanism of maintaining White control was enshrined in the so-called“Black Codes.” As Bond (1934) stated,

The “Black Codes” of 1865–1868 in South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi,and other states were reflected in similar enactments of county and mu-nicipal bodies. These acts, preliminary to a final adjustment, were invali-dated by the passage of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amend-ments, but their transient popularity at this time helps us to understand

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3The nation’s predominantly Black colleges have a wider geographic spread.

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Table 1

Historically Black Colleges and Universities by State

Alabama1. Alabama A & M University (public, 4 year, 1875)2. Alabama State University (public, 4 year, 1874)3. Bishop State Community College (public, 2 year, 1927)4. C. A. Fredd State Technical College (public, 2 year, 1965)5. Concordia College (private, 2 year, 1922)6. J. F. Drake Technical College (public, 2 year, 1961)7. Lawson State Community College (public, 2 year, 1965)8. Miles College (private, 4 year, 1905)9. Oakwood College (private, 4 year, 1896)10. Selma University (private, 4 year, 1878)11. Stillman College (private, 4 year, 1876)12. Talladega College (private, 4 year, 1867)13. Trenholm State Technical College (public, 2 year, 1963)14. Tuskegee University (private, 4 year, 1881)

Arkansas15. Arkansas Baptist College (private, 4 year, 1884)16. Philander Smith College (private, 4 year, 1877)17. Shorter College (private, 2 year, 1886)18. University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff (public, 4 year, 1873)

Delaware19. Delaware State University (public, 4 year, 1891)

District of Columbia20. Howard University (mixed, 4 year, 1867)21. University of the District of Columbia (private, 4 year, 1851)

Florida22. Bethune-Cookman College (private, 4 year, 1904)23. Edward Waters College (private, 4 year, 1866)24. Florida A & M University (public, 4 year, 1877)25. Florida Memorial College (private, 4 year, 1879)

Georgia26. Albany State College (public, 4 year, 1903)27. Clark Atlanta University (private, 4 year, 1989)28. Fort Valley State College (public, 4 year, 1895)29. Interdenominational Theological Center (private, 4 year, 1958)30. Morehouse College (private, 4 year, 1867)31. Morehouse School of Medicine (private, 4 year, 1975)32. Morris Brown College (private, 4 year, 1881)33. Paine College (private, 4 year, 1882)34. Savannah State College (public, 4 year, 1890)35. Spelman College (private, 4 year, 1881)

Kentucky36. Kentucky State University (public, 4 year, 1886)

(Continued)

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Table 1 (Continued)

Louisiana37. Dillard University (private, 4 year, 1869)38. Grambling State University (public, 4 year, 1901)39. Southern University A & M College–Baton Rouge (public, 4 year, 1880)40. Southern University at New Orleans (public, 4 year, 1959)41. Southern University at Shreveport–Bossier City (public, 2 year, 1964)42. Xavier University of Louisiana (private, 4 year, 1915)

Maryland43. Bowie State University (public, 4 year, 1865)44. Coppin State College (public, 4 year, 1900)45. Morgan State University (public, 4 year, 1867)46. University of Maryland–Eastern Shore (public, 4 year, 1886)

Michigan47. Lewis College of Business (private, 2 year, 1874)

Mississippi48. Alcorn State University (public, 4 year, 1871)49. Coahoma Community College (public, 2 year, 1949)50. Hinds Community College (public, 2 year, 1954)51. Jackson State University (public, 4 year, 1877)52. Mary Holmes College (private, 2 year, 1892)53. Mississippi Valley State University (public, 4 year, 1946)54. Rust College (private, 4 year, 1866)55. Tougaloo College (private, 4 year, 1869)

Missouri56. Harris-Stowe State College (public, 4 year, 1857)57. Lincoln University (public, 4 year, 1866)

North Carolina58. Barber-Scotia College (private, 4 year, 1867)59. Bennett College (private, 4 year, 1873)60. Elizabeth City State University (public, 4 year, 1891)61. Fayetteville State University (public, 4 year, 1877)62. Johnson C. Smith University (private, 4 year, 1867)63. Livingstone College (private, 4 year, 1879)64. North Carolina A & T State University (public, 4 year, 1891)65. North Carolina Central University (public, 4 year, 1910)66. St. Augustine’s College (private, 4 year, 1867)67. Shaw University (private, 4 year, 1865)68. Winston-Salem State University (public, 4 year, 1862)

Ohio69. Central State University (public, 4 year, 1887)70. Wilberforce University (private, 4 year, 1856)

Oklahoma71. Langston University (public, 4 year, 1897)

Pennsylvania72. Cheyney State University (public, 4 year, 1837)73. Lincoln University (public, 4 year, 1854)

(Continued)

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the prevailing opinion of the men who dictated the course of the newlyreconstituted political bodies. (p. 16)

It is interesting to note that much of the early legislation in the South af-fecting African American education was influenced by the Black Codes.For example, in every southern state prior to the conclusion of the CivilWar, Black Codes found themselves in statutes explicitly restricting theschooling of enslaved Africans (Anderson, 1988; Morgan, 1995).

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Table 1 (Continued)

South Carolina74. Allen University (private, 4 year, 1870)75. Benedict College (private, 4 year, 1870)76. Claflin College (private, 4 year, 1869)77. Clinton Junior College (private, 2 year, 1894)78. Denmark Technical College (public, 2 year, 1948)79. Morris College (private, 4 year, 1908)80. South Carolina State University (public, 4 year, 1896)81. Voorhees College (private, 4 year, 1897)

Tennessee82. Fisk University (private, 4 year, 1867)83. Knoxville College (private, 4 year, 1875)84. Lane College (private, 4 year, 1882)85. LeMoyne-Owen College (private, 4 year, 1862)86. Meharry Medical College (private, 4 year, 1876)87. Tennessee State University (public, 4 year, 1912)

Texas88. Huston-Tillotson College (private, 4 year, 1876)89. Jarvis Christian College (private, 4 year, 1912)90. Paul Quinn College (private, 4 year, 1872)91. Prairie View A & M University (public, 4 year, 1876)92. Saint Phillip’s College (public, 2 year, 1927)93. Southwestern Christian College (private, 4 year, 1949)94. Texas College (private, 4 year, 1894)95. Texas Southern University (public, 4 year, 1947)96. Wiley College (private, 4 year, 1873)

Virginia97. Hampton University (private, 4 year, 1868)98. Norfolk State University (public, 4 year, 1935)99. Saint Paul’s College (private, 4 year, 1888)100. Virginia State University (public, 4 year, 1882)101. Virginia Union University (private, 4 year, 1865)

West Virginia102. Bluefield State College (public, 4 year, 1895)103. West Virginia State University (public, 4 year, 1891)

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Historians have presented three primary reasons as to why African de-scendants were excluded from formal public education in the United States.First,mostWhiteAmericans,notsolely intheSouth,believedthat the“Blackrace” was inferior to the “White race” in terms of intelligence and conse-quently were not viewed as capable beneficiaries of formal education (Bull-ock, 1967; Morgan, 1995). Second, public formal education would greatlyminimize the usefulness of African Americans as workers in a caste-likeworkplace environment (Ogbu, 1978). Third, public formal education forAfrican Americans was seen as a viable threat to the American social orderbecausethebeliefamongWhiteAmericanswasthat itwouldencouragevio-lence and insurgence (Aptheker, 1969). Some African Americans receivedformal education; however, it was often a disparate and subordinate form ofeducation compared to White Americans of the period. Only 28 AfricanAmericans had received baccalaureate degrees from American colleges oruniversities prior to the Civil War (Roebuck & Murty, 1993).

At the conclusion of the Civil War, less than 5% of the approximately 4.5million African descendants in the United States were literate (Anderson,1988). The era of reconstruction created a social contract that began threeendeavors in African American education: (a) a substantial investment bythe nation in equalizing education, (b) financial support and academicguidance from the Freedmen’s Bureau for developing schooling opportu-nities for African Americans, and (c) state-level initiation of (primarily seg-regated) public school systems for the general citizenry (Brown, 1999;Ogbu, 1978; Roebuck & Murty, 1993). Consequently, the historically Blackcollege becomes the primary channel to social mobility and equality forAfrican Americans.

Black Colleges as Purveyors of Social Capital

Historically Black colleges are products of America’s social contract withAfrican Americans. Of the various social institutions in Black communities,historically Black colleges occupy a unique place as a source of social capitalfor African Americans. Black colleges founded prior to emancipation andduringthereconstructioneracameintoexistenceduringtheageof legalseg-regation (McPherson, 1970). Hence, the educational structure at all levelswas polarized—one system for White Americans and another for AfricanAmericans. The historical conditions in which HBCUs emerged reflect a dy-namic social order, as well as the ambivalent attitudes toward the educationof African Americans and their role in the national infrastructure (Ander-son, 1988; Brown, 1999; Bullock, 1967; Cohen, 1998; Rudolph, 1965). It wasthis initialdevelopmentalcontext thatprovidedthefertilegroundthatculti-

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vated HBCUs into institutions focused on rearranging the American hierar-chy with African Americans scattered within every echelon.

The imparting of specific sociocultural resources and networks are oftencitedas important justificationsfor theexistence,maintenance,andcontinu-ation of historically Black colleges. In short, a primary role of the Black col-lege is that of social capital purveyor. Due to the social contract thatunderpins the development and maintenance of HBCUs, social capitalframes a way to think about how these institutions have used their particu-larsocialandlegalpositioninthehighereducationlandscapetoadvancetheinterest of African Americans. In other words, the relations and networksthat Black colleges construct into tangible and meaningful resources areknownassocialcapital (Bourdieu,1973,1977;Bourdieu&Passeron,1977).

The concept is drawn in part from Bourdieu’s (1977) theory of social re-production, where he argued that social capital, like economic capital, canbe accumulated and has the capacity to reproduce itself over time. Theidea of social reproduction has currency in its explanation of how socialproperties are generated, given value, and reified among individuals in so-cial institutions. In general, social capital is a type of resource that is so-cially reproduced, such as the possession of knowledge, accomplishments,or formal and informal relations and networks. Through these means anindividual may gain entry and secure social rewards, such as status, privi-lege, and position in particular socials circles, professions, or organizations(Bourdieu, 1973). Social capital marks and reinforces differing kinds of rel-ative advantage and disadvantage within African American communitiesand in the general society. Therefore, social capital is particularly useful inunderstanding the historic and contemporary role of HBCUs. Because oftheir unique constellation of Black intellectuals and professionals amonginstitutional staff and alumni, HBCUs serve as conduits for the productionand transmission of social capital to African American students. Further-more, Black colleges offer institutional agents and agencies (e.g., commit-ted faculty, compensatory curricula, alumni leaders in the professions andsociety; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). These institutional agents constitute an ar-ray of channels that identify, negotiate, and transmit resources, particu-larly formal and informal relations, that purchase opportunities for theaccomplishment of HBCUs’ collective agenda—the educational develop-ment and attainment of African Americans.

The decoding and transmission of social capital is seen generally as theprovidence of families and their networks, rather than schools; higher edu-cation often implicitly demands these qualities of their students (Bourdieu& Passeron, 1977). Traditionally, this reality established the role of HBCUsas primary sources of social capital and as vehicles for the provision of tech-niques useful for receiving and decoding African American social and cul-

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tural knowledge. In addition, social class and family background oftendetermine the sources of networking and relation that particularly advan-tages individuals for better employment opportunities, connections to po-litically influentialpeople,andaccess toservicesandresourcesthat improvelife chances. Therefore, Black colleges have produced a “privileged class” ofAfrican Americans who use their college and community ties that lead todifferential advantages in the post-college marketplace (J. E. Davis, 1998).This class of students and graduates have at their disposal a much larger res-ervoir of social capital because of the relations formed within the context ofHBCUs that offer access to specific knowledge of the Black experience inAmerica. This cultural knowledge and dispensation positioned many Blackcolleges traditionally as finishing schools for students from disadvantagedeconomic class backgrounds (Thompson, 1986). In many ways, these insti-tutions originally were considered “cultural starting” schools or placeswhere students began the accumulation of social connections and supportthat would not only ease their transition and progression through college,but also increase their social market value and employment opportunitiesafter graduation. Various strategies, such as explicit, direct instruction of so-cially appropriate behaviors, career-related information, and opportunitiesfor internships and mentoring, have been typical experiences of students atHBCUs (Freeman, 1998). Such opportunities provided students with per-sonal views of how social ties, specifically among Black professionals, se-cure important social and economic resources.

Social relationships and networks refer to the extensiveness of connectedpersonal ties through which information about jobs and other opportunitiescan be diffused or allocated. These networks are based on the characteristicsof the contact person who has the potential to influence access to opportu-nity and outcomes of these and other privileges. Although the term socialcapital is used in the job search context to signify the personal or social net-works that can provide information or influence, Lee and Brinton (1996) ar-gued that it is important to delineate the social structural origin of this formof social capital. Although educational institutions can generate social capi-tal for their students, social resources or ties can only be acquired through anindividual’sattendanceataparticularcollegeoruniversity. Institutionalso-cial capital is used to distinguish it from the social ties represented bynonuniversity friends, family members, and other resources that provideprivate social capital. Clearly, Black colleges disseminate particular socialresources to their students and graduates. Consequently, HBCUs transposeBourdieu’s (1973) notion of social capital from one of precollege structures(e.g., families, communities, and previous schooling) to one of that gener-ates new cultural resources (e.g., networks, attitudes, behaviors, and expec-tations) within the environment and experience.

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Given the wide range of options for African Americans in higher educa-tion, the relevance of the social capital thesis is contested among research-ers, policy analysts, and activists. However, the continued preference ofmany African American students for HBCU environments provides im-portant evidence, specifically the increases in undergraduate enrollment atthe 103 HBCUs. About one fifth of all African Americans enrolled in insti-tutions of higher education make their collegiate home at one of these insti-tutions. Although 83% of all students attending these schools are AfricanAmericans, there is tremendous variation in the racial makeup of studentpopulations at these schools—the enrollment of non-Black students rangesfrom zero to over 20% (U.S. Department of Education, 1996). HistoricallyBlack colleges not only occupy significant space in diversifying the na-tion’s higher educational landscape but also play a critical role in the livesof their students and within African American communities that benefitculturally and economically from their presence.

Recent studies offer new evidence of the unique ability of historicallyBlack colleges to distribute social capital and effectively structure environ-ments that lead to greater achievement outcomes for their students. For in-stance, attending an HBCU equalizes future wages relative to non-HBCUgraduates (Constantine, 1994). This finding is very significant when com-pared to previous expectations that students attending HBCUs wouldhave lower future wages (Ehrenberg & Rothstein, 1993). Moreover, re-search using the National Post-Secondary Aid Study of 1990 found that Af-rican American students enrolled in Black colleges are more likely topursue postgraduate education and become professionals than AfricanAmerican students at predominantly White enrolled institutions(Wenglinsky, 1996). There are three primary facets of the historically Blackcolleges’ ecological psychology (Brown, 1998) that contribute to their abil-ity to generate and transmit social capital—compensation, climate, andcondition. James Earl Davis (1998) wrote,

The compensatory and remediation model focuses on the role ofHBCUs’ effectiveness with African American students who have rela-tively poor high school backgrounds and college preparation. Here,much evidence exists to show that early in students’ college careers,HBCUs are able to provide effective remedial instruction that enablesstudents to persist in college, obtain degrees, and eventually form at-tachment to the labor market … . Second, environmental support mod-els argue that these schools provide support so that students will be-come more confident, are more involved in campus activities, and aremore engaged with faculty … . Another framework for explaining therole of HBCUs lies not in what actually occurs in college per se. Instead,

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outcomes are determined by what students bring to the college experi-ence. These dispositions and demographics, such as whether studentsare inclined to concentrate in a particular field or certain study habits, ac-ademic behaviors, and characteristics related to gender and other demo-graphics of HBCU enrollments, are primarily responsible for studentoutcomes in these settings … . Although these conceptual frames areuseful in explaining some of the variation in the outcomes of studentsenrolled at Black colleges, they fail to explicitly focus on the cultural con-tent and context of HBCUs and how the cultural milieu of these institu-tions affects students. (pp. 147–148)

These three facets of the Black college character are central to their historicand continuing ability to proffer social capital to their students.

We have clearly detailed the role of HBCUs as a source and generationof social capital. One of the functions of HBCUs is to be repositories of Di-aspora history and the history of social hostility. Although it is possible forAfrican American students to attend any institution without prohibitionbased on race, this legal access to the institution does not guarantee au-thentic participation to the informal social networks within the institution.In fact, the college-going experiences of African American students on pre-dominantly White campuses remain fraught with social isolation and cul-tural estrangement. HBCUs, on the other hand, have historically assumeda greater responsibility for educating African American students (Gurin &Epps, 1975) for participation in a broader society that has been exclusive,indifferent, and hostile. Also, HBCUs continue to provide the experiencefor African American students to become beneficiaries of their unique so-cial capital. This ability is endemic to the functions of providing academicremediation, environmental support, and cultural relevance that appear tominimize the effects of differential precollege preparation. The transferalof the social information, achievement, and credentials needed for AfricanAmericans to enjoy full participation in the larger society remain a primaryrole of the Black college. This purveyance of social capital sustains theequalization of African Americans in the nation and world. Indeed, Blackcolleges are important mediators in the pursuit of African Americans forboth equality of opportunity and equity in outcomes.

Black Colleges as Agents of Social Equality

Historically Black universities are the premier agency of African Ameri-can educational attainment (Allen, Epps, & Haniff, 1991; Brown, 1999;Brown, in press; Fleming, 1984; Freeman, 1998; Garibaldi, 1984; Merisotis

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& O’Brien, 1998; Thomas, 1981; U.S. Department of Education, 1996;Willie, Reed, & Garibaldi, 1991). The historically Black college has amongits myriad missions an egalitarian component. According to Roebuck andMurty (1993), “HBCUs continue to function as institutions necessary forthe education of many students who otherwise would not obtain collegedegrees” (p. 202). Black colleges facilitate the preparation and participa-tion of African Americans in the corpus of national and global life.

African American students, more than any other group, face incalcula-ble barriers to higher education participation and attainment. These barri-ers include social backgrounds that are incongruous with Eurocentriccampus climates, limited financial resources, and trepidation of schoolfailure. Even at the dawn of a new millennium, many African Americanstudents are their families first-generation to attend a 4-year institution.The combined effect of these extant barriers with the consternation relatedto postsecondary matriculation produce an elongated and formidable col-lege adjustment. Fortunately, African American students at the histori-cally Black college are unshackled from the fetters of this deleteriousencounter. In 1965, Congress passed a law that included the following lan-guage: “Historically Black colleges and universities have contributed sig-nificantly to the effort to attain equal opportunity through postsecondaryeducation for Black, low income, and educationally disadvantaged Ameri-cans” (Strengthening Historically Black Colleges and Universities, 1965, p.1062).

The strength of the historically Black college does not release higher ed-ucation of its duty to create multiple institutional communities that sup-port the educational attainment of African American students.Researchers have documented the failure of the broader academic com-munity to respond to the particular educational needs of African Ameri-can students (Stikes, 1984; Taylor, 1970). Stikes, in particular, argued thatAfrican Americans “need something to relate to their experiences and cul-ture that gives them legitimacy” (p. 126). The historically Black collegeprovides such an experience.

The negative experiences that many African American students en-counter on campuses with predominantly White enrollments can poten-tially have injurious effects. J. A. Davis and Borders-Patterson (1973)posited that growing mistrust and alienation cause many students to takerefuge in institutions reflective of their experiences (e.g., for the AfricanAmerican student the HBCU). Chickering and Associates (1981) andWeathersby (1981) likewise suggested that the college experience has thepotential to facilitate and stimulate the development of the student. Anysudden changes in the environment may mean a change in the individual.Sanford (1967) stated,

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If the development of the individual as a whole is the primary aim, thencolleges should organize all their resources in efforts to achieve it. Suchplanning of a total educational environment must be guided by a theoryof personality—a theory in the terms of which it is possible to state spe-cific goals for the individual, describe the interrelations of his variouspsychological processes, and understand the ways in which he changesunder the impact of environmental influences. (p. xv)

This holistically focused education is a central theme in the educationalmission of the Black college.

In a discussion of the mission and goals of historically Black institutions,Roebuck and Murty (1993) said,

HBCUs, unlike other colleges, are united in a mission to meet the educa-tional and emotional needs of Black students. They remain the signifi-cant academic home for Black faculty members and many Black stu-dents. The goals described in Black college catalogs, unlike those ofWhite schools, stress preparation for student leadership and serviceroles in the community. (p. 10)

Lamont (1979) went on to say that for many African American students thehistorically Black institution is “culturally more congenial” (p. 32) than thetraditionally mainstream university. Finally, the literature concludes that“there is also a general level of satisfaction and camaraderie among Blackstudents at Black schools that is not found among Black students on Whitecampuses” (Roebuck & Murty, 1993, p. 15). The increasing numbers of Afri-can American students attending historically Black colleges indicate thatthese institutions provide an appropriate environment for theirpostsecondary studies.

Historically Black institutions have made their most prominent educa-tional contribution through their profound commitment to and encour-agement of their students (Halpern, 1992). It is important, however, to alsoregard the commentary by Antoine Garibaldi (1984), which declared

Black colleges are not monolithic. Although they are similar to predomi-nantly White institutions in many ways, their historical traditions andtheir levels and types of support make them distinct. Like many other in-stitutions of higher learning, Black colleges reflect the diversity that is socharacteristic of the United States’ postsecondary education system.This diversity should always be remembered when considering theirpast, their current conditions, and their future roles in higher education.(p. 6)

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Although HBCUs, both public and private, do not constitute one “aca-demic monolith” because they differ in many characteristics, HBCUs shareone uniform characteristic. Black colleges are distinctly unique from otherAmerican postsecondary institutions because they were founded and de-veloped in an environment marked by hostile legal segregation. Therefore,any dialogue pertaining to the contemporary situation and function ofHBCUs necessitates a historical understanding of the context in which theywere developed.

Conclusion

HBCUs participate in a social contract, purvey social capital, and pro-mote social equality. In addition, Black colleges enrich the academy, add tothe national scholarship, and create atmospheres that epitomize the best ofsociety. Kenneth Redd (1998) wrote,

Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) have made greatstrides in providing educational opportunities for African Americans.From their humble beginning in the early 1800s, these institutions havegrown to make significant contributions to American society and to pro-vide educational opportunities for low-income and academically disad-vantaged students who would have otherwise been denied a higher ed-ucation. HBCUs have achieved this success despite discrimination fromstate and federal governments, severely inadequate funding, economicand enrollment downturns, and lack of support from most political lead-ers and the general public. (p. 33)

Without question, historically Black colleges are firmly rooted in America’shigher education landscape. HBCUs provide a unique educational func-tion that cannot be replaced.

There exists sound educational justification for maintaining historicallyBlack colleges. (United States v. Fordice, 1992)

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