The Geography of the Provincial Administration of the Byzantine Empire (ca. 600–1200) (Efi Ragia)

THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATIONOF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE (CA 60001200) I3 APOTHEKAIOF AFRICA AND SICILY FINAL NOTES AND CONCLUSIONS

Africa and Sicily

The changes undergone by the administration of Africa after its incorpoaration in the Byzantine Empire in the sixth century do not present serious proablems even though details are lacking and questions can be raised concerningspecific side issues of its administrative history Its administration was modiafied by a law duly incorporated in Justinianrsquos Codex that reflects the intentionof the legislator to reconstitute in Africa the ancient Diocletianic administraative system The reaconquered lands were placed under the civil authority of aprefect who resided in Carthage and were divided in seven provinces ZeugiCarthago (former Africa Proconsularis) Byzacium Tripolis Numidia Mauriatania I Mauritania II and Sardinia Five ducats were created for the militaryprotection of Africa those of Tripolis Byzacium Numidia Mauritania andSardinia1 The new administrative system failed to serve its purpose of securingthese countries and bringing stability To the contrary it proved insufficient forthe defense of the African provinces and by the end of the sixth century it wascomplemented by the creation of the exarchate The exarch had supreme miliatary command of the armed forces of his territory and his jurisdiction soon exapanded to include civil affairs and administration2 The geographic work of

113

EFI RAGIA ΕΩΑ ΚΑΙ ΕΣΠΕΡΙΑ 8 (2008a2012)

1 Corpus Iuris Civilis v II Codex Iustinianus ed P KRUEGER Berolini 1877 [reprinted 1967]no 271 2 (hereafter CIC II) See D PRINGLE The Defence of Byzantine Africa from Justinianto the Arab Conquest An Account of the Military History and Archaeology of the AfricanProvinces in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries [British Archaeological Reports InternationalSeries 991] Oxford 2001 p 23 (hereafter PRINGLE Defence) C ZUCKERMAN La haute hieacuterarachie militaire en Afrique byzantine Antiquiteacute Tardive 10 (2002) 169a175 here 169a170 (hereaafter ZUCKERMAN Hieacuterarchie militaire) CH DIEHL LrsquoAfrique byzantine Histoire de ladomination byzantine en Afrique (533a709) Paris 1896 p 98a101 119 f (hereafter DIEHLAfrique byzantine) If necessary the prefect of Africa assumed the military authority of a mag9ister militum

2 ZUCKERMAN Hieacuterarchie militaire 172a173 PRINGLE Defence p 41a42

6 RAGIALayout 1 61713 717 AM Page 113

George of Cyprus which dates from the seventh century reflects further changesin the civil administration of Africa The most important change was the diviasion of the lands of the former province of Carthago between Byzacia and Nuamidia which gave both provinces a long maritime front Byzaciarsquos opening tothe East and to the Libyan Sea and Numidiarsquos opening to the North and the Tyrarhenian Sea Thus it appears that the civil territories adjusted to the territoriesthat had been assigned to the duces Some of these changes may be attributed alaready to the reign of Justinian I and their evolution is detectable in the sources3

In the end of the seventh century Sicily and Africa were included in thewarehouse institution This is attested by one seal for each ἀποθήκη The sealof the warehouse of Africa is dated in 6734 and is one of the earliest seal exaamples with indictio dating4 In charge were Mikkinas and Gregorios who werealso γενικοί κοmicromicroερκιάριοι of the warehouse of Honorias in that same year5During that time the first Arab blockade of Constantinople was already underway and it is useful to recall at this point some of the main events In Africathe Byzantines were defeated by the Arabs in 665 A few years later the Arableader Uqba undertook a campaign to the ByzantineaBerber mainland provinaces As a consequence the Arabs were able to proceed a few years later to thefoundation of Qayrawan (675) which became their base of operations in

EFI RAGIA114

3 E HONIGMANN Le Synekdegravemos drsquoHieroklegraves et lrsquoopuscule geacuteographique de Georges de Chypre[Corpus Bruxellense Historiae Byzantinae Forma Imperii Byzantini fasc 1] Bruxelles 1939p 54638a57684 Cf CIC II no 272 See PRINGLE Defence p 42a43 ZUCKERMAN Hieacuterarchie milaitaire 171 DIEHL Afrique byzantine p 466a474 J F HALDON Byzantium in the Seventh Cenatury Cambridge 1990 p 211 (hereafter HALDON Byzantium) ST LAMPAKIS ndash MARIA LEONTSINI

ndash T LOUNGHIS ndash VASSILIKI VLYSSIDOU Βυζαντινά στρατεύmicroατα στη ∆ύση (5οςa11ος αι) Έρευaνες πάνω στις χερσαίες και ναυτικές επιχειρήσεις σύνθεση και αποστολή των βυζαντινώνστρατευmicroάτων στη ∆ύση [ΕΙΕΙΒΕ Ερευνητική Βιβλιοθήκη 5] Αθήνα 2008 p 68a69 (hereaafter LAMPAKIS ndash LEONTSINI ndash LOUNGHIS ndash VLYSSIDOU Στρατεύmicroατα) In 5456 the functions ofthe eparch and the magister militum of Africa were finally separated and thereafter these diganities are clearly distinguishable There is no reason to suppose as Diehl and Pringle that thecity catalogue of Africa Proconsularis has been lost from the lists of George of Cyprus To thecontrary George followed the normal exposition style listing the prefecture first (Ἀφρική ὑπὸτὸν ἐνδοξότατον ἔπαρχον Ἀφρικῆς) and then Byzacia (ἐπαρχία Βυζακίας) with its capitalCarthago Proconsularis (Καρταγέννα Προκονσουλαρίας) No other city of Byzacia is styledcapital of the province

4 MORRISSON ndash SEIBT Sceaux no 17 W BRANDES Finanzverwaltung in Krisenzeiten Untersuachungen zur byzantinischen Administration im 6a9 Jahrhundert [Forschungen zur byzantiniaschen Rechtsgeschichte 25] Frankfurt a M 2002 App I no 62 (hereafter BRANDESFinanzverwaltung)

5 DO Seals 4 no 62 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 331 and App I no 64


Africa6 After that point there is no word in the sources about Africa (until67980) undoubtedly because the Arabs concentrated their efforts on the siegeof Constantinople which was being prepared in the beginning of the 670sTheophanes records that the emir Fudhala attacked Cyzicus were he winteredin 669707 Arab fleets occupied ports of Cilicia and Lycia and the port ofSmyrna in 6712 thus creating naval bases and securing the narrow straightsof the Aegean Sea for the sail to the Propontis They finally took Rhodes andCyzicus in 67238 This advance of the Arabs on the waters of the capital greatlyalarmed Constantine IV who had already in 6712 ordered the constructionof war ships that anchored in Kaisariou port9 It is clear that it would havebeen very difficult for the Byzantines to deploy naval forces of the Aegean Seamdash if indeed there were any With the Arabs controlling the Aegean (and evenlanding on Crete in 67510) the byzantine war fleet could have come only fromthe West The seal of the apotheke of Africa dated to 6734 falls nicely intocontext It is also useful to recall that no warehouse of Constantinople operaated that year or in the following years This means simply that the capital wouldnot have supplied the navy with the necessary provisions11

THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE 115

6 THEOPHANES Χρονογραφία ed CH DE BOOR Theophanis Chronographia v I Lipsiae 1883p 35213a14 (for the year 6689) (hereafter THEOPHANES) According to Theophanes there were80000 prisoners See V CHRISTIDES Byzantine Libya and the March of the Arabs towards theWest of North Africa [British Archaeological Reports International Series 851] Oxford 2000p 43a44 (hereafter CHRISTIDES Byzantine Libya) W KAEGI Muslim Expansion and ByzantineCollapse in North Africa Cambridge 2010 p 226a228 (hereafter KAEGI Muslim Expansion)PRINGLE Defence p 48 A STRATOS Τograve Βυζάντιον στograveν Ζ΄ αἰῶνα v V Κωνσταντῖνος ∆΄(668a685) ἐν Ἀθήναις 1974 p 24a27 (hereafter STRATOS Βυζάντιον V) DIEHL Afrique byzanatine p 567a568 570a572

7 THEOPHANES p 3537 In 670 the Arabs once again attacked Carthage Modern bibliography atataches the attack on Cyzicus to the raid on Carthage and the eighty thousand prisoners thatTheophanis reports as taken by the Arabs in 6689 See RaJ LILIE Die byzantinische Reaktionauf die Ausbreitung der Araber [Miscellanea Byzantina Monacensia 22] Muumlnchen 1976 p 74a75 (hereafter LILIE Reaktion) CHRISTIDES Byzantine Libya p 43 PRINGLE Defence p 47a48STRATOS Βυζάντιον V p 31a33 DIEHL Afrique byzantine p 572a573 It appears that Fudhalaretreated from Cyzicus in the spring of 670

8 THEOPHANES p 35314a19 E W BROOKS The Arabs in Asia Minor (641a750) from ArabicSources Journal of Hellenic Studies 18 (1898) 182a208 here p 187 (hereafter BROOKS Arabs)LILIE Reaktion p 75a78 STRATOS Βυζάντιον V p 33a35

9 THEOPHANES p 35319a23 On the port of Kaisariou see R JANIN Constantinople byzantineDeacuteveloppement urbain et reacutepertoire topographique [Archives de lrsquoOrient Chreacutetien 4A] Paris21964 p 227a228 299 363 This port is probably to be identified with the port of Theodosiusin the Kaisariou district of Constantinople

10 THEOPHANES p 35420a21 LILIE Reaktion p 7911 It would have been impossible for Constantinople to become involved in procuring supplies for


Modern research has already pointed out that the byzantine fleet was activein the western parts of the Empire in the last years of the reign of emperorConstas II12 Zuckerman even asserted that the nauticatio tax imposed on thepopulation of the West (Calabria Sicily Sardinia and Africa) by Constas IIaimed at supporting the new naval command of Karavisianoi13 It appears thatit is no longer possible to maintain the by now quasiatraditional view of HeacutelegraveneAhrweiler that the naval unit of the Karavisianoi was founded immediatelyafter the Arab defeat in the waters of Constantinople in 67814 Indeed it seemsthat Constantine IV had the Karavisianoi brought from the West and carriedover to the Propontis from the ancient diolkos of Gallipolis15 In the account ofTheophanes it is also possible to detect data on the formation of what was orbecame later an imperial navy16 Thus it is understood that in the period 672a678 the greater part of the naval forces of the empire was involved during thesailing period each year in daily warfare against the Arab navy in the Proapontis17 Unexpected support of this interpretation of the events comes from anindependent source the Miracula of Saint Demetrious In the fourth Miracleof the second collection it is stated that the emperor could dispose of only 10warships to send to the besieged by the Slavs Thessalonicans because he was

EFI RAGIA116

the fleet at this time but it is certain that a state granary (horreum) was anyway established atKaisariou See J HALDON Comes Horreorum ndash Komēs tēs Lamias Byzantine and Modern GreekStudies 10 (1986) 203a210 here p 203a209 The author however locates the Kaisariou in theninth district of the capital Also see the useful analysis (without any reference to the Kaisariouport) of P MAGDALINO The Maritime Neighborhoods of Constantinople Commercial and Resiadential Functions Sixth to Twelfth Centuries Dumbarton Oaks Papers 54 (2001) 209a226 espp 216 The warehouse of Constantinople began operating in 6889 See below note 43

12 MARIA LEONTSINI Κωνσταντίνος ∆΄ (668a685) Ο τελευταίος πρωτοβυζαντινός αυτοκράτορας[ΕΙΕΙΒΕ Μονογραφίες 7] Αθήνα 2006 p 150a153 (hereafter LEONTSINI Κωνσταντίνος ∆΄)

13 C ZUCKERMAN Learning from the Enemy and More Studies in ldquoDark Centuriesrdquo ByzantiumMillenium 2 (2005) 79a135 here p 107 f esp p 117a125 (hereafter ZUCKERMAN Studies)Also see S Cosentino Constans II and the Byzantine Navy Byzantinische Zeitschrift 100 (2007)577a602 esp 597a601 for the nauticatio

14 HEacuteLEgraveNE AHRWEILER Byzance et la mer La marine de guerre la politique et les institutions mariatimes de Byzance aux VIIeaXVe siegravecles [Bibliothegraveque Byzantine Eacutetudes 5] Paris 1966 p 19a31

15 ZUCKERMAN Studies p 119a120 IDEM A Gothia in the Hellespont in the Early Eighth Cenatury Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 19 (1995) 234a242 LAMPAKIS ndash LEONTSINI ndashLOUNGHIS ndash VLYSSIDOU Στρατεύmicroατα p 226a229

16 LEONTSINI Κωνσταντίνος ∆΄ p 153a154 The bibliography on the Byzantine navy has recently exapanded However this is not the appropriate place for a detailed account of it because this issueis connected with the institution of the themes Therefore I will come back to it in another study

17 Cf THEOPHANES 35328a3545 According to the chronicler this situation lasted for seven yearsSee the comments of STRATOS Βυζάντιον V p 35a40 LAMPAKIS ndash LEONTSINI ndash LOUNGHIS ndashVLYSSIDOU Στρατεύmicroατα p 234a236


engaged in war with the Arabs In this extract it seems that the name of the Kaaravisianoi navy is concealed under the expression οἵτινες τῶν καράβων (thosefrom the karavoi)18

In the context of the blockade of Constantinople by the Arabs it appearsextremely significant that the warehouse of Africa is one of the two warehouases that functioned in 673 along with the apotheke of Honorias which was alsomanaged by Mikkinas and Gregorios The apotheke of Africa is also one of thefew that operated during the Arab blockade until 678 in a period when comamunication with the West was difficult The other apothekai operated at Sebaastopolis and in the provinces of Cilicia I Armenia Honorias and Isauria19Indeed it has to be observed that the warehouses of Cilicia I and of Sebastopoalis are dated up to 6723 thus limiting the number of warehouses operating duaring the blockade to four Africa included This conclusion underlines thesignificance of Africa for the Empire Not only was it a wealthy province butit also possessed significant harbors and maintained a long maritime tradiation20 Its wide spreading commercial activities are manifest in the seal seriesof κοmicromicroερκιάριοι These seals were found in Carthage and date from early inthe reign of Heraclius until 647 On them the name of a province appears forthe first time However these early kommerkiarioi seals do not present anyother characteristics of the seals of the later genikoi kommerkiarioi (such asindictio dating and specific reference to the apotheke)21 The geographic termldquoAfricardquo used in the seal inscription of 6734 refers to Carthage capital of theformer Africa Proconsularis rather than to the large province of Byzacia Thesame terminology is used in the narrative sources of Byzantium to refer to dea


18 P LEMERLE Les plus anciens recueils des miracles de Saint Deacutemeacutetrius et la peacuteneacutetration desSlaves dans les Balkans IaII Paris 1979a1981 I p 21322a25 II p 120a121 See LEONTSINI Κωνaσταντίνος ∆΄ p 154 On the Karavisianoi a unit recruited from coastal regions see JaCLCHEYNET La mise en place des thegravemes drsquoapregraves les sceaux les strategraveges Studies in Byzantine Sig9illography 10 (2010) 1a14 here p 5 (hereafter CHEYNET Mise en place)

19 DO Seals 4 no 62 743 ZV no 149 153 154 DO Seals 1 no 861 WASSILIOU ndash SEIBT Bleisiegelno 147 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 58 59 61 64 65 Cf LEONTSINI Κωνσταντίaνος ∆΄ p 107a109 with a similar approach The author however believes that the warehouseof Africa is connected with commercial activities BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 329 thinksthat the seals dated to this period reflect the changes undergone by the fiscal system which itaself was part of a larger plan to overcome the difficulties that the presence of the Arabs createdto the Empire

20 CHRISTIDES Byzantine Libya p 18 f21 MORRISSON ndash SEIBT Sceaux no 1a16 esp no 12 and 16 for the kommerkiarioi of Africa BRANa

DES Finanzverwaltung p 309a312 who brings to attention some more conclusions dependingon the interpretation of these seals


velopments in the former province of Africa Proconsularis22This African province forms the natural ldquoextensionrdquo of Italy to the south

Sicilyrsquos administrative history in particular is explicitly connected to its excelalent geographic position in the Mediterranean From that position the islandprovided good bases for any operation to Italy Africa and the west Mediteraranean In 537 following ancient custom Sicily was placed under the authorityof a praetor and formed a separate ducat23 The novel on appellate jurisdictionof Sicilyrsquos civil disputes further states that the island was subject to the econoamic management of the comes sacri patrimonii per Italiam and was thereforeconsidered as private property of the emperor24 This confirms and underlinesSicilyrsquos strategic position in the Mediterranean for the Empirersquos claims in theWest More than a century later the Byzantines put into operation Sicilyrsquos waarehouse The corresponding seal apparently belonged to Kyriakos who bore thetitle ἀπὸ ὑπάτων and served as γενικὸς λογοθέτης and γενικὸς κοmicromicroερκιάριοςof the ἀποθήκη of Sicily in 696725 It has been plausibly suggested that the mialitary unit of Sicily had already been elevated to thematic status and had beenplaced under the authority of a strategos This event has been confined to theperiod 687a695 A list of the early strategoi has even been made out26 It lookssuspiciously as if the creation of the military units of Hellas (695) and Sicilywere part of the same reform that was designed not only to facilitate maritime

EFI RAGIA118

22 PRINGLE Defence p 49 The Byzantines at this time held on to Carthago Numidia and coastaltowns up to Septem

23 Corpus Iuris Civilis v III Novellae ed R SCHOumlLL ndash G KROLL Berolini 1904 [reprinted 1972]no 755a8 (hereafter CIC III) LAMPAKIS ndash LEONTSINI ndash LOUNGHIS ndash VLYSSIDOU Στρατεύmicroατα p247 f A GUILLOU La Sicile byzantine eacutetat des recherches Byzantinische Forschungen 5 (1977)95a145 here p 97a98 (hereafter GUILLOU Sicile byzantine)

24 CIC III no 7523a24 Esse enim non indignum putavimus ut Siciliam nostrum quodammodo pe9culium constitutum nostrorum particeps consiliorum quaestor sub iurisdictione sua suscipiatSee M HENDY Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c 300a1450 Cambridge 1985 p404a405 (hereafter HENDY Studies)

25 DO Seals 1 no 54 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 343a344 The name of the bearer is notclearly visible

26 N OIKONOMIDEgraveS Une liste arabe des strategraveges byzantins du VIIe siegravecle et les origines du thegravemede Sicile Rivista di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici ns 1 (11) (1964) 121a130 IDEM Les listes depreacuteseacuteance byzantines des IXe et Xe siegravecles Paris 1972 p 351 M NICHANIAN ndash VIVIEN PRIGENTLes strategraveges de Sicile De la naissance du thegraveme au regravegne du Leon V Revue des Eacutetudes Βy9zantines 61 (2003) 97a141 LAMPAKIS ndash LEONTSINI ndash LOUNGHIS ndash VLYSSIDOU Στρατεύmicroατα p238a239 256f DO Seals 1 p 22 GUILLOU Sicile byzantine p 103a104 F WINKELMANN Byazantinische Ranga und Aumlmterstruktur im 8 und 9 Jahrhundert Faktoren und Tendenzen ihrerEntwicklung [Berliner Byzantinistische Arbeiten 53] Berlin 1985 p 84a89 CHEYNET Mise enplace p 7


control of the Aegean and Adriatic Seas but also to support the war in AfricaMoreover the term ldquoSicilyrdquo carries with it a specific geographicaadministrativeconnotation and signifies the military unit that was instituted there as well asthe civil administrative unit of this great island This is a case parallel to thatof Hellas27 In this context it is not a coincidence that the Sicilian warehousefunctioned a year before the final conquest of Carthage by the Arabs (6978)Thus even though there can be no direct link of the warehouse to the militaryunit of Sicily it is possible to associate it with the campaign of the Byzantinesto recapture Africa

The Arab conquest of Carthage evolved in two phases At first the Arabstook over and plundered Carthage thoroughly the Arab governor Hassan bnalaNuman alaGhassani acting under specific orders by the caliph Abd alaMalikwhereby the population was forced to flee to Sicily and Spain A Byzantine fleetunder the direction of the patrician Ioannes drove them away and apparentlythe army managed to recapture some fortresses But when the Arabs returnedto the waters of Carthage with a powerful fleet the Byzantines withdrew toCrete and called for reinforcements Then the entire operation fell through beacause of the revolt of the army In the account of Theophanes these events arelimited to one year only the year 697828 but there is ground to believe that thefirst phase took place a few years earlier29 since the seal of the apotheke of Siacily is dated to 696730 If this warehouse was in any way destined to providesupport for the Byzantine fleet and army31 then the Arab attack against Cartahage must be dated before 696 The assumption that it was an event of 695 istherefore plausible Considering that according to the sources the Arab prepaa


27 On the warehouse and theme of Hellas and its strategic role see EFI RAGIA The Geography ofthe Provincial Administration of the Byzantine Empire (ca 600a1200) I2 Apothekai of theBalkans and of the Islands of the Aegean Sea (7tha8th c) Byzantinoslavica 69 (2011) 86a113here p 97a99 with detailed references (hereafter RAGIA Geography I2)

28 THEOPHANES p 370 NIKEPHOROS Ἱστορία σύντοmicroος ed C MANGO Nikephoros Patriarch ofConstantinople Short History [Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 13] Washington DC1990 ch 41 (hereafter NIKEPHOROS) CHRISTIDES Byzantine Libya p 47 PRINGLE Defence p49a50 A STRATOS Τograve Βυζάντιον στograveν Ζ΄ αἰῶνα v VI Ἰουστινιανograveς Β΄ Λεόντιος καὶ Τιβέaριος 685a711 ἐν Ἀθήναις 1977 p 88a94 (hereafter STRATOS Βυζάντιον VI) DIEHL Afriquebyzantine p 580a586 LAMPAKIS ndash LEONTSINI ndash LOUNGHIS ndash VLYSSIDOU Στρατεύmicroατα p 242a243Most sources date the capture of Carthage in 6978 the year of the final phase

29 KAEGI Muslim Expansion p 247a248 also dates the first capture of Carthage to 695630 HENDY Studies p 657 The warehouse of the Cyclades islands functioned in the same year See

ZV no 196 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 13931 The supply possibilities of Sicily have been excellently resumed in LAMPAKIS ndash LEONTSINI ndash

LOUNGHIS ndash VLYSSIDOU Στρατεύmicroατα p 248a252


ration was huge the capture of Carthage cannot be seen as the spectacular reasult of a usual Arab raid This was an expedition targeting the remnants of Byazantine domination in North Africa Carthage in particular from which theByzantines were able to sustain their presence in the numerous forts of the reagion control sea traffic in the Western Mediterranean and indeed influence thedecisions of the local population desert tribes included In order for the Arabsto consolidate their dominion in North Africa it was of the utmost imporatance to expulse the Byzantines from Carthage

So it becomes very clear that the Arab conquest of Africa is placed in theframe of expansionist policy adopted by the caliph Abd alaMalik after thebattle of Sebastopolis32 which also included the consolidation of Arab powerin Armenia In Africa after the Arab advance on the wealthy alaDjazirat cherasonese in 67980 and Uqbarsquos legendary campaign that reached the shores of theAtlantic the Arabs were defeated by allied ByzantineaBerber forces in 683Uqba was killed Qayrawan was evacuated and the Arabs retreated to Pentaapolis33 Most Arab sources attach the attack on Carthage to the reacapture ofQayrawan which they date to 697 a single source dates it to 693434 In anycase this is an event that took place either before 688 or mdash most probably mdashafter 69235 In the 680rsquos the caliph had difficulties in the interior of the caliphatewith the defection of the East and Arabia and in addition had problems imaposing his rule in Syria while the Byzantines maintained a steady and threaatening military presence in the East All this led Abd alaMalik to come to termswith the Byzantines In 688 the peace treaty that had been signed by Constana

EFI RAGIA120

32 On the battle see the narrative of THEOPHANES p 36533 CHRISTIDES Byzantine Libya p 45a46 KAEGI Muslim Expansion p 229a237 243a244 PRINGLE

Defence p 48a49 STRATOS Βυζάντιον V p 28a31 DIEHL Afrique byzantine p 575a580Stratos implies that this campaign could not have taken place after 6789 because the Arabswere under treaty with the Byzantines Kaegi asserts that the seizure of the Qayrawan regioncreated for the Arabs a pretext for war because it violated a preaexisting treaty signed in 678Maria Leontsini is of the opinion (cf LAMPAKIS ndash LEONTSINI ndash LOUNGHIS ndash VLYSSIDOU Στραaτεύmicroατα p 164) that peace in Africa was achieved under Justinian II by a treaty different thanthat of 688

34 CHRISTIDES Byzantine Libya p 47 and n 146 PRINGLE Defence p 49 HALDON Byzantiump 69a70 STRATOS Βυζάντιον VI p 48 88a89 notes that Abd alaMalik could not dispose of anyforces for the siege of Carthage before 694 and thinks that Qayrawan was taken in 695

35 Unexpected support of the analysis offered here comes from numismatics It has been plausiably suggested that the mint of Carthage was moved to Sardinia in 6923 it is therefore not irarational to consider that this precaution was due to the Arab mobilization See HENDY Studiesp 422


tine IV was ratified by Justinian II and Abd alaMalik36 By 692 however bothparties were ready to resume hostilities in the East Justinian II has been heaavily blamed for the breach but it is true that Abd alaMalik would have muchmore to gain if he combined his recent victories over his inner enemies with avictory over the Byzantines Theophanes states clearly that the caliph needed apretext37 that Justinian II provided him with and indeed in a way that chroanographers later used against him In the emperorrsquos view Abd alaMalikrsquos conasolidation of power within the caliphate potentially threatened Byzantiumrsquosdominion over Armenia Thus it seems that the engagement in Sebastopoliswas a oneaway road for both the caliphate and the Empire Theophanesrsquo acacount of the events holds the caliph accountable for the invasion and JustinianII for having provoked it thus implying that open warfare could have been avoiaded In this respect it is significant that neither the caliph nor the emperorproceeded to actions that would prevent the outbreak of war To the contrarythey both gave reasons for it The emperor was certainly not anticipating defeatbut the caliph now had a formal justification to attack In the aftermath of thebattle of Sebastopolis Byzantiumrsquos position was compromised on all frontsArmenia defected almost immediately and Qayrawan was probably retaken atthis time38

Theophanes reflects some of the opposition that Justinian II faced after thebattle of Sebastopolis when he writes that the emperor was occupied with hisbuilding program39 This was an unfair critique It appears that Justinian II reasponded to the Arab expansion in the West with administrative measures byinstituting the themes of Sicily and Hellas In the East the warehouses of Ara


36 LILIE Reaktion p 101a108 CONSTANCE HEAD Justinian II of Byzantium Milwaukee 1972 p33a34 (hereafter HEAD Justinian) STRATOS Βυζάντιον VI p 29a34 THEOPHANES p 363records a single treaty in the first year of Justinianrsquos reign

37 THEOPHANES p 36518a21 hellip οὐκ ἐννοήσας ὅτι τὸ σπουδαζόmicroενον αὐτοῖς ἦν παῦσαι τὴν τῶνΜαρδα]τῶν ἐπαγωγήν καὶ οὕτω διὰ δοκουmicroένης εὐλόγου προφάσεως λῦσαι τὴν εἰρήνηνὃ καὶ ἐγένετο According to the treaty of 688 the Mardaites a tribe settled in the rugged northLebanon territories where supposed to be relocated in Byzantine grounds This extract byTheophanes reveals that the Mardaites still remained in their land but it is completely confusedto allow a thorough commentary in this place See HEAD Justinian p 34a36 STRATOS Βυζάνaτιον V p 46a51 IDEM Βυζάντιον VI p 41a42

38 PRINGLE Defence p 49 suggests that Qayrawan was reataken sometime between 686 and 688However the Arabs were then under treaty with the Byzantines On the battle of Sebastopolisand its significance see LILIE Reaktion p 107a110 HEAD Justinian p 45a51 STRATOS Βυaζάντιον VI p 39a48

39 THEOPHANES p 36712a13


menia I and IV were functioning normally even though both provinces wereheavily stormed after 69240 At the same time it appears that the military comapetence of the Empire was complemented with the institution of yet anotherarmy that of the Thrakesion theme41 Theophanesrsquo account of Justinianrsquos deathronement presents Leontiosrsquos coup as an act of personal retribution Leontioshad been imprisoned in 692 presumably after the defeat of Sebastopolis Nowthe recruitment of the Slavs of Bithynia for the battle against the Arabs was theemperorrsquos personal choice The fact that in the following year the ldquoandrapodardquowere relocated to provinces all over Asia Minor implies that they still enjoyedJustinianrsquos trust in spite of the defection of the Slavs to the Arabs42 This devealopment leaves open questions about the true role of Leontios who was probaably commander inachief of the army in the battle of Sebastopolis and wasconsequently held responsible for its outcome In 695 however after havingspent three years in jail he was suddenly recalled to service and was appoinated στρατηγὸς of the newly created theme of Hellas For a patrician who hadserved as στρατηγὸς of the Anatolikoi the most important military regimentof the Empire this was an unconcealed demotion43 Contextual clues to the deathronement of Justinian II however imply that there was general dissatisfacation among the aristocracy and the people with the measures of Justinian II44All this formed at least part of Leontiosrsquo propaganda against Justinian II theemperor was defeated at Sebastopolis took harsh economic measures partiacularly afflicting the upper classes and Constantinoplersquos inhabitants mdash in thisconjecture the warehouse of the capital which began to function in 6889 maybe of some significance45mdash and scorned the aristocracy as was clear by his

EFI RAGIA122

40 ZV 164 table 182 DO Seals 4 no 741 WASSILIOU ndash SEIBT Bleisiegel no 149 BRANDES Fiananzverwaltung App I no 128 131 On the Arab raids in Armenia I and IV see LILIE Reakation p 110a112

41 The institution of the Thrakesion theme can be confined to the years 687a695 See EFI RAGIAThe Geography of the Provincial Administration of the Byzantine Empire (ca 600a1200) I1The Apothekai of Asia Minor Βυζαντινά Σύmicromicroεικτα 19 (2009) 195a245 here p 211a213 withextensive bibliography (hereafter RAGIA Geography I1)

42 RAGIA Geography I1 p 209a21143 THEOPHANES p 36818a21 NIKEPHOROS ch 40 HEAD Justinian p 92a96 STRATOS Βυζάντιον VI

p 78a82 Also see the comments of HENDY Studies p 655 Leontiosrsquo treatment of Armenia beafore 692 might well have been another reason for his imprisonment After his operations thereantiaByzantine feelings were stronger than ever and led to its defection in 6923 See STRATOSΒυζάντιον VI p 34a37 47a48

44 THEOPHANES p 367a368 NIKEPHOROS ch 39 See the comments of HEAD Justinian p 88a9145 The first seal of a genikos kommerkiarios of Constantinople is securely dated to 6889 See

RAGIA Geography I2 p 87a88


treatment of Leontios This is already enough information about one of themost obscure events of the period in discussion and the developments in theWest on which no hints have been included in the sources need not be addedto the reasons for Justinianrsquos dethronement In any case the operation againstAfrica was on the way in the end of 695 and its capital Carthage soon fell toArab hands The new emperor Leontios failed to reacapture it and the army reavolted in Crete Theophanesrsquo argument that their rebellion was due to theirshame is of no consequence Rather it may be suggested that it is to be attriabuted to their discontent at the leader of the campaign who had previouslybeen the emperorrsquos personal choice46 In spite of all the antiaJustinianic propaaganda emperor Leontios had not only delayed to deploy the military forces ofthe Empire for the reaconquest of Africa but also failed to accomplish it whileon the eastern front his failure to check Arab raids was blatant47 Therefore helost favor with the army and was dethroned (698)

Some New Seals a Note on ldquoKato Hexapolisrdquo and Later Seals of the vas0silika kommerkia

New seals that have been recently brought to light through auctions modifyour lists to some extend A seal belonging to the logothetes Kyriakos provesthat the warehouse of Isauria and Lycaonia functioned in 6967 under the emaperor Leontios and a seal of Synetos and Nicetas shows that the warehouse ofPamphylia and Pisidia operated in 713448 JaCl Cheynet published two newseals of στρατηγίαι of which the first is a parallel specimen of the seal of theKibyrraiotai (73940) and the second is a seal of the strategia of the Thrakeasioi dated to 744549 Moreover Christos Stavrakos has recently brought to theattention of the scientific community a new seal which associates the διοίκη9σις of Hellas to the βασιλικὰ κοmicromicroέρκια The seal is dated to 737850 Fromthe year 7367 comes one more seal of the vassilika kommerkia of the dioike9


46 THEOPHANES p 37022 STRATOS Βυζάντιον VI p 94a96 KAEGI Muslim Expansion p 24847 See LILIE Reaktion p 112 THEOPHANES p 36933a34 asserts that Leontios παντόθεν εἰρηνικῶς

διέmicroεινεν (ldquothere was peace all overrdquo) which is directly contradicted by the testimony of theArabic sources See BROOKS Arabs p 190 STRATOS Βυζάντιον VI p 87a88

48 Cf SBS 10 (2010) p 161 no 3339 163 no 2487 and 182 no 1314 172 no 617 and 181 no 1303The seal of Cilicia I and II dating to 700a702 has already been noted in RAGIA Geography I1Catalogue V 233 map 5

49 CHEYNET Mise en place p 9 no 4 550 STAVRAKOS Sammlung Kophopoulos p 6a8 By mistake the seal is published with the chronola


sis of Andros51 In a recent contribution I suggested that it might have beenconvenient for the vassilika kommerkia to function on the basis of the dioike9seis52 The seal of the vassilika kommerkia of the dioikesis of Hellas appears toconfirm this hypothesis So far these seals do not allow us to suppose that thiswas something more than a temporary adjustment of the vassilika kommerkiato the dioceses applied only in the case of the islands and of Hellas

In the 730s the institution of the vassilika kommerkia was fully developedThe resources of Hellas of the islands of the Aegean Sea of Thessalonica andof Mesembria and of the provinces of west Asia Minor were mobilized53 In thisdecade the vassilika kommerkia of the Kibyrraiotai functioned at least once(73940) and of the Anatolikoi at least twice (7301 7367) In Pontus thereoperated the vassilika kommerkia of Kerasous (7356 7389)54 The Armenianprovinces and Cappadocia had long stopped being represented at the wareahouse institution In this context the seal of the vassilika kommerkia of Kato(Lower) Hexapolis (7412) seems to be out of place In a previous study I acacepted the view that this seal refers to the six cities of Armenia I55 There is hoawever one more ancient Hexapolis namely the Dorian Hexapolis of the widerRhodes region This Hexapolis comprised Cos Cnidus Halicarnassus and thethree cities of Rhodes ie Ialysus Cameirus and Lindus56 The Byzantines apaparently preferred in this instance to use this term because it signified a regionwider than the term Chersonese which indicated only the chersonese of Loaryma and indeed appeared on a seal of 695a697 The use of ancient terms fordenoting the detachment of certain regions from the preexisting administrativeframe was common administrative practice in Byzantium To this category fallsnot only the term Chersonese but also the term Aigaion Pelagos used for the

EFI RAGIA124

ogy 7367 (4th ind) However this dating would be impossible because a seal of the vassilikakommerkia of Hellas dated to 7367 testifies that the vassilika kommerkia were not functionaing in adjustment to the dioikesis of Hellas in that year The possibility of interchanging teraminology for the same institution is inadmissible this in fact would be a practice unknownto the official administrative practice in Byzantium See SBS 5 (1998) p 138 no 57 BRANDES

Finanzverwaltung App I no 225 On a similar case of alleged interchanging terminology seeRAGIA Geography I2 p 101

51 ZV p 193 table 34 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 22652 RAGIA Geography I2 p 104a10553 RAGIA Geography I2 Catalogue III 111a11254 See RAGIA Geography I1 Catalogue VII 235a23655 ZV no 260 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 236 RAGIA Geography I1 p 222 and n

10656 A H M JONES The Cities of Eastern Roman Provinces Oxford 21971 p 30a31 Realency9

clopaumldie VIII2 1386 The coalition was mainly of a religious character


first time in 711a713 for the islands north of the Cyclades57 It follows that thefunction of a separate warehouse of Lower Hexapolis that would include thestraights of the southeastern Aegean between Rhodes and Loryma Cos andthe chersonese of Halicarnassus roughly the region of Caria that was later asasigned to the Kibyrraiotai would not be outside the provincial administrativepractices of Byzantium at this time and as we shall see below would makeperfect sense against the historical background of the time It should also benoted that the year 73940 when the strategia of the Kibyrraiotai appearedwas marked by a Byzantine attack against the Arab naval base of Damietta inEgypt58

After 7456 the seals of the vassilika kommerkia of Asia Minor become arare occurrence Only the vassilika kommerkia of the Anatolikoi function until776 Seals have been saved for the years 7556 7589 7601 7734 and 776 poratraying a fairly regular function of the institution59 In the Balkans the wareahouses of Mesembria Thrake (and Hexamilion) and Thessalonica operateduntil 7878 revealing once again a relative delay compared to developments inAsia Minor60 After that year the sequel of the seals preserved terminologyand titles of the owners change significantly There are three different seal searies61 The first belongs to kommerkiarioi of Thessalonica and Hadrianople Allthe seals except for one bear imperial effigy and all bear indictio They aredated from 787 until 8223 The last seal of Hadrianople is so far the last of thedated seals and is normally dated to the year 8389 but according to this clasasification it might rather be dated to 8234 This seal is also distinguished bythe fact that its bearer was not a simple kommerkiarios or hypatos and kom9merkiarios but a διοικητὴς and kommerkiarios62 The second series belongs tothe vassilika kommerkia of Thrace dated to the opening years of the ninth cenatury according to the indictio to which a seal of the vassilika kommerkia ofThrace and Macedonia and a later seal of Develtos can be classified even


57 DO Seals 2 no 651 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 129 See RAGIA Geography I1 p221 n 103 EADEM Geography I2 p 102a104

58 ZV no 261 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 234a LILIE Reaktion p 152 E WBROOKS The Relations between the Empire and Egypt from a New Arabic Source Byzanti9nische Zeitschrift 22 (1913) 381a391 here p 383

59 See RAGIA Geography I1 Catalogue VII 23660 See RAGIA Geography I2 p 108 and Catalogue III 11261 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 365a368 The authorrsquos classification of these late seals is different

from that offered here62 ZV no 277 279 comments DO Seals 1 no 445 6 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 265

267 275 280


though they are dated in the years 8201 and 8323 respectively63 Lastly a sealseries of vassilikoi kommerkiarioi of Thessalonica Thrace and Macedonia andSinope dates from 8101 until 8323 Three of these seals do not bear imperialeffigy but only one is neither with portrait or indictio For this reason it hasbeen considered as private non official seal of the holder64 Of all these sealsonly the vassilika kommerkia of Thrace and Macedonia appear to be the directcontinuator of the institution of the eighth century and they probably functioaned on a thematicaterritorial basis of the themes of Thrace and Macedonia mdashexcept for the vassilika kommerkia of Develtos which replaced the vassilikakommerkia of Mesembria in the ninth century65 Nonetheless the twelve yearsthat lapsed between the last seal of the vassilika kommerkia of Thrace of 7878until the first seal of the ninth century rather indicate that the institution hadceased to operate for several years The reasons for reinstating in the ninth cenatury the vassilika kommerkia institution in north Balkan territories while atthe same time it had disappeared in Asia Minor are not known and anythingwe might suggest must remain a pure assumption66 The kommerkiarioi or vas9silikoi kommerkiarioi that appear after 787 point to an evolution of thefunction of the genikos kommerkiarios which had disappeared since the late720s The (vassilikoi) kommerkiarioi were not usually operating on a thematicaterritorial basis mdash with a single exception the vassilikos kommerkiarios ofThrace and Macedonia who was in office in 831267 They were based in citiesnamely in Thessalonica Hadrianople and Sinope The commercial significanceof all these cities is well established68 On Thessalonica and Hadrianople it can

EFI RAGIA126

63 ZV p 196 table 34 no 279aab 280a 281 282 285a DO Seals 1 no 4317 7120 BRANDESFinanzverwaltung App I no 268 270 271 272 274 278

64 ZV no 1406 1712 2894 DO Seals 1 no 1834 35 4318 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung AppI no 273 277 279 HENDY Studies p 655 thinks that the seal of Sinope reveals that this cityhad a strategic role for the theme of the Armeniakon similar to that of Sebasteia ColoneiaCaamacha or Sebastopolis but this is not proven for the year 8323 Moreover the seals of thesewarehouses of Armenia are dated quite early (see below Catalogue II) The seal of Sinope datesfrom more than a century later and bears no imperial portrait

65 RAGIA Geography I2 p 90 and n 2166 HENDY Studies p 654 and n 438 pointed out that there may be a connection of these late

seals with military operations against the Slavs of Greece or even with the revolution of Thomasthe Slav (821a823)

67 DO Seals 1 no 4318 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 27768 P SOUSTAL Thrakien (Thrake Rodope und Haimimontos) [Tabula Imperii Byzantini 6] Wien

1991 p 161a167 A BRYER ndash D WINFIELD The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of thePontos [Dumbarton Oaks Studies 20] Washington DC 1985 p 69 f N OIKONOMIDES Lekommerkion drsquoAbydos Thessalonique et le commerce Bulgare du 9e siegravecle in Hommes et


also be noted that they were thematic capitals In this conjecture however wewould be overextending to sustain that ldquoThessalonicardquo and ldquoHadrianoplerdquo inthis time equal ldquotheme of Thessalonicardquo and ldquotheme of Macedoniardquo respectivelyThis would mean that the administration used in the ninth century differentterms to signify specific units even though it has been proven that the use ofinterchanging terminology was not practiced earlier Rather these kommer9kiarioi served the needs of trade

Final Notes and Conclusions

All indications we have point to the conclusion that the institution of theapothekaivassilika kommerkia was of purely economic nature The titles ofthe functionaries in charge mdash the genikoi kommerkiarioi mdash as well as the teraminology used in seal inscriptions portray a close relation to or even depenadence on the economic services of the Empire such as the dioikeseis (a fiscalperiphery that facilitated the collection or taxes) or the genikon logothesion(the service that was responsible for taxation) This association has been closelyexamined recently by W Brandes69 We do need however to underline the factthat the ἀποθήκαι were functioning on a territorial basis and this basis wasnot the thematic but the provincial territorial basis of Later Roman times Whearever the preexisting administrative frame was not convenient the Byzantineswere quick to ignore it and create new warehousevassilika kommerkia unitsThis would mean most probably that preexisting infrastructures of the proavinces were being used to serve the purposes set by the government for this ina


richesses dans lrsquoEmpire byzantin v II VIIIe9XVe siegravecle VASSILIKI KRAVARI ndash J LEFORT ndash CEacuteaCILE MORRISSON (ed) [Reacutealiteacutes byzantines 3] Paris 1991 p 241a248 MARIA GEROLYMATOUΑγορές έmicroποροι και εmicroπόριο στο Βυζάντιο (9οςa12ος αι) [ΕΙΕΙΒΕ Μονογραφίες 9] Αθήνα2008 p 121 144a149 150a151 208

69 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 298a300 305a309 312a329 with particular emphasis on thepossible orientation towards catering for the army BRANDES believes that the title genikos kom9merkiarios already betrays a connection to the genike trapeza which initially belonged to thepraetorian prefecture At the end of the seventh century and in the eighth century two genikoikommerkiarioi were genikoi logothetai at the same time namely Kyriakos (6967) and Theoaphanes (7278) See BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 343 350 On the dioikeseis see F DOumlLGERBeitraumlge zur byzantinischen Finanzverwaltung besonders des 10 und 11 Jhs [ByzantinischesArchiv 9] Muumlnchen 1927 (reprinted 1960) p 70f On the dioiketai see BRANDES Finanzverawaltung p 205 f HALDON Byzantium p 196a200


stitution70 In that case the abolishment of the previous provincial administraative system would be untimely A strong indication about this is the fact thatadministrative practice always returned to established structures after it hadwith such ease dismantled entire provinces Besides the Chersonese and theLower Hexapolis which normally belonged to Caria this was also the case ofPylai and Sangarios river (Bithynia) of Chalkedon and Thynia (Bithynia) andof Dekapolis (Isauria) while it appears that the warehouses of Sebastopolis(Armenia II) Korykos (Cilicia I) and Syllaion (Pamphylia) functioned at leastonce separately from the provinces to which they belonged71 So we are in aposition to accept that the seals of the apothekevassilika kommerkia are themost official and valid sample of byzantine government practice in this timeThe terminology that the state uses officially to project itself to society duringits fiscaladministrative processes cannot be overlooked or disregarded Theseal inscriptions hold the evidence to the transition from the Late Roman proavincial administrative model to the middle Byzantine model These inscriptionsmake mention of ἐπαρχίαι (provinces) regionscities διοικήσεις (dioceses)and provinces of military regiments (not of themes) of στρατηγίαι and of mialitary regiments quite simply (such as that of Thrake and the Anatolikoi) thusrevealing the apothekaivassilika kommerkia as one of Byzantiumrsquos most fleaxible institutions in general72

Having established the institutionrsquos territorial basis and flexibility it is timeto turn to some questions that arise from the geographic approach Perhapsthe most important objection that one can raise about the significance of theapothekaivassilika kommerkia is the point of why if the institution was so imaportant did it start from the East thus burdening provinces lying at the cenater of violent confrontations between Byzantines and Arabs If the institutionwas serving taxation purposes then it makes no sense to tax the population ofthe border provinces that was exposed to Arab raids on a yearly basis unlessthe apothekai were indeed connected to the military regiments that were staationed there Still objections could be raised regarding the amount of provisia

EFI RAGIA128

70 Such as installations state warehouses but also the administrative structures that were origianally functioning framed against the ancient provincial organization which was subject to radaical changes since the middle of the sixth century See HENDY Studies p 627a631 HALDONByzantium p 196 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 292a293 assumes that the municipal hor9rea were transferred to state administration with the dissolution of the municipal organization

71 DO Seals 1 no 861 ZV I1 149 table 61 158 table 13 no 157 253 CHEYNET Sceaux no 26BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 59 68 98 140B 177 231

72 ZUCKERMAN Studies p 128a129 Also see CHEYNET Mise en place p 4 7a8 on the absence ofthe term thema on seal inscriptions


ons and supplies for the army that could be collected by way of taxation in arough mountain province such as Armenia IV or Isauria73 Moreover the caatalogue of the seals classified by territory which is attached below makes clearthat the warehouses were not operating regularly in each province Indeed insome cases (eg Galatia Pisidia) it appears that operation was very erraticwhile in certain provinces the warehouses functioned on a yearly basis (egAsia Isauria Cilicia) for a certain period of time to continue somewhat irreagularly after that So far no rotation system can be established with any ceratainty but groupings of provincial warehouses operating continuously forseveral years are easily detectable One more problem that needs to be addresased is how much the terminology used on certain seals of the same period teastifies to the specific distinction of the warehousevassilika kommerkia units ofthe provinces The case of the warehouse of Isauria provides the best exampleof this problem This warehouse which functions almost without interruptionsince 676 is distinguished within a few years in the warehouse of the provinceof Dekapolis of the andrapoda of the province and of the andrapoda of Dekaapolis74 Other similar examples come from Asia (warehouse of Asia and vassi9lika kommerkia of Asia for the years 695a697)75 and from the Anatolikoi(vassilika kommerkia of the Anatolikoi and of the provinces of the Anatoliakoi)76 while it is possible to extend this reasoning to other warehouses eg ofcities within certain provinces I tend to believe that different geographic oradministrative terminology indeed indicates a distinction among different waarehousevassilika kommerkia units which needs to be investigated furtherespecially when military forces are implicated

An association between the military forces of the Empire and the wareahouses is attested in seal inscriptions in the beginning of the eighth centuryHowever it is not proven that this association regards the territorial settlementof the army which had taken place before that point Even the first seals of theArmeniakoi (7178) and the Anatolikoi (7367) that clearly implicate specificterritories assigned to the armed forces of the Empire make mention of the


73 Cf RAGIA Geography I1 p 199a20074 LAURENT Bulletin p 605 no 13 (Isauria and Dekapolis 690a692) SBS 3 (1993) p 181 no 2053

(Isauria) ZARNITZ Siegel no 2 (andrapoda of Isauria and Cilicia 6934) SEIBT ndash ZARNITZBleisiegel no 136 (Isauria and the andrapoda in all probability dated to 6945) CHEYNETSceaux no 26 (andrapoda of Dekapolis 6967)

75 DO Seals 2 no 651 (Asia Caria Lycia Rhodes and the Chersonese) LAURENT Bulletin p621 no 2 (vassilika kommerkia of Asia Caria and Lycia)

76 After BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 212 (vassilika kommerkia of the Anatolikoi7301) DO Seals no 8637 (vassilika kommerkia of the provinces of the Anatolikoi 7367)


provinces of these forces thus indicating that the warehouses were still operaating based on the ancient provincial organization Inversely one could arguethat the specific reference to the armed forces of the empire on the same sealsimplies that the warehouses of those provinces were oriented towards servingmilitary needs77 It has already been noted that no seals of Armenia and Capapadocia are found dating to the period after 7178 The warehouses of Lycaoania and Galatia did not function again after the end of seventh century and theprovinces of the Anatolikoi appeared after the seals of Phrygia Salutaria stopaped being struck in 736778 The provinces of south Asia Minor only stoppedbeing represented at the vassilika kommerkia institution after the year 73940when the first seal of the strategia of the Kibyrraiotai appears79 the westernprovinces disappeared after 7412 to which the first seal of the strategia of theThrakesioi is dated80 This is a conclusion valid for the Opsikion as well eventhough there is a time lapse of six years between the last seal of Bithynian proavinces and the first seal of the provinces of the Opsikion (7456)81 These sealsof the warehouses of the provinces of the military regiments of the empire orof the vassilika kommerkia of the strategiai which make no mention of the proavinces dating mostly from the 740s clearly indicate that the institutionrsquos opearational basis shifted from the ancient provincial territorial organization to theterritorial and military organization of the armed forces of the Empire

The implications of this change are much more farareaching than one wouldexpect it appears that the ancient provincial organization was finally abolisahed in the last years of the reign of Leo III The last seal of the provinces of amilitary regiment is that of the Anatolikoi dated in 7367 In 7378 dates theseal of the vassilika kommerkia of the dioikesis of Hellas and in the next yearthere appears the strategia of Hellas82 The year 7389 then the 6th indictio wasthe year of the abolishment of the ancient civil province of Hellas followed bythe abolishment of other provinces all over the empire in the next years In the740s no more vassilika kommerkia of separate provincesterritories are savedwith only one exception the vassilika kommerkia of Kato Hexapolis If we acacept the suggestion made above that this comes from Hexapolis of Caria ndash

EFI RAGIA130

77 Cf ZUCKERMAN Studies p 128a132 who believes that this development took place much laterAlso see CHEYNET Mise en place p 3a4

78 The reference is cited above note 7679 ZV no 261 CHEYNET Mise en place p 9 no 5 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 23680 DO Seals 3 no 231 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 23781 DO Seals 3 no 3941 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 23982 STAVRAKOS Sammlung Kophopoulos p 6a8 ZV no 254 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I

no 232


Rhodes (meaning the island of Rhodes with the Rhodian Peraia) then we wouldhave to admit that it anticipates the incorporation of this region in the themeof the Kibyrraiotai This conclusion explains perfectly why in 7412 two regiaons were detached from their provinces (a part of Caria and an island until reacently belonging to Nesoi) to function separately from the vassilika kommerkiaof the strategia of the Thrakesion which also operated that year Similar exaamples come only from the north extremities of the theme of Thrace referringnamely to Mesembria It is also necessary to underline the conclusion that theestablishment of military regiments in certain ἐπαρχίαι a development that isattested quite early in the beginning of the eighth century does not entail or neacessitate the abolishment of the civil provincial organization In other wordsthis intermediate stage between the ancient provincial organization and thenew thematic organization of the provinces roughly the period from ca 7178to 7389 is marked with the irreversible decline of the provinces as structureswithin the Late Roman geographicaadministrative frame of the empire andwith the growth of the military regiments that become in the end the territoarially based military units that later sources so abundantly describe as themesOn the basis of the seal evidence this conclusion appears quite solid Howeverit has to be underlined that it concerns those provinces where armed forceswere established quite early meaning Asia Minor Thrace Hellas and SicilyIn the case of Thessalonica the homonymous theme was founded only after theabolishment of the vassilika kommerkia of the city that is after 783483

The only case that lies outside the frame described is that of the OpsikionIts provinces are still attested in the seal of 745684 At this point it is useful torecall that in the summer of 741 the count of the Opsikion Artabasdos mounated a coup against the legitimate successor Constantine V85 During the civilwar that followed the themes of the Anatolikoi the Thrakesioi and the Kibyraraiotai sided with the young emperor86 The seals of Kato Hexapolis and of thestrategia of the Thrakesioi testify to the mobilization of two of these military


83 RAGIA Geography I2 p 95a97 CHEYNET Mise en place p 13 ZUCKERMAN Studies p 131a132 Cf BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 387a388

84 See the observations of ZUCKERMAN Studies p 13085 THEOPHANES p 414 On the chronology of the event dated by Theophanes to the summer of the

tenth indictio (742) see ILSE ROCHOW Byzanz im 8 Jahrhundert in der Sicht des TheophanesQuellenkritischahistorischer Kommentar zu den Jahren 715a813 [Berliner Byzantinistische Arabeiten 57] Berlin 1991 p 144a145 P SPECK Artabasdos Der Rechtglaumlubige Vorkaumlmfer dergoumlttlichen Lehren Untersuchungen zur Revolte des Artabasdos und ihrer Darstellung in der byazantinischen Historiographie [ΠΟΙΚΊΛΑ ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΝΆ 2] Bonn 1981 p 71 f

86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16


forces in the year 7412 which coincided with the 10th indictio beginning inSeptember 741 Indeed it is a rare occasion to associate any of the apothe9kaivassilika kommerkia seals with specific events such as the outbreak of a reavolt and the support offered to one of the rivals by the military regiments87 Itis worth noting that emperor Leo III was undoubtedly all too powerful to exaperience a strong resistance for the ldquoreformrdquo of 7389 This is not true of his sucacessor Constantine V who inherited the opposition together with the throneOpposing political forces broke out against him shortly after the death of LeoIII and he had to deal with multiple conspiracies throughout his long reignThis might then be a reason why the Opsikion was treated differently in a setof reforms that certainly took place after 7456 and affected its strategic rolefor the Empire and its operational effectiveness88 However this is already adifferent issue For now it is enough to conclude that the emperor who abolisahed ancient provincial administrative structures and gave rise to a new orderin Byzantium was Leo III and that his son and heir to the throne ConstantineV was the emperor who carried out and complemented the reforms

Sigillographic sources

CHEYNET Sceaux JaCL CHEYNET Sceaux de la collection Zacos (Biblioathegraveque Nationale de France) se rapportant aux proavinces orientales de lrsquoempire byzantin Paris 2001

DO Seals J NESBITT ndash N OIKONOMIDES Catalogue of ByzantineSeals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum v1 Italy North of the Balkans North of the Black SeaWashington DC 1991 v 2 South of the Balkans theIslands South of Asia Minor Washington DC 1994 v3 West Northwest and Central Asia Minor and the

EFI RAGIA132

87 Cf CHEYNET Mise en place p 1088 Implied are the reorganization of the palatine guardsrsquo regiments and the institution of the Op9

timatoi and the Bucellarioi On these forces see J F HALDON Byzantine Praetorians An Adaministrative Institutional and Social Survey of the Opsikion and Tagmata c 580a900[ΠΟΙΚΊΛΑ ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΝΆ 3] Bonn 1984 VASSILIKI VLYSSIDOU ndash ELEONORA KOUNTOURAaGALAKE ndash ST LAMPAKIS ndash T LOUNGHIS ndashA SAVVIDES Η Μικρά Ασία των θεmicroάτων Έρευνεςπάνω στην γεωγραφική φυσιογνωmicroία και προσωπογραφία των βυζαντινών θεmicroάτων τηςΜικράς Ασίας (7οςa11ος αι) [ΕΙΕΙΒΕ Ερευνητική Βιβλιοθήκη 1] Αθήνα 1998 p 163 f 235f 245 f


Orient Washington DC 1996 E MCGEER ndash J NESBITT

ndash N OIKONOMIDES Catalogue of Byzantine Seals atDumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum v 4 TheEast Washington DC 2001

JORDANOV Collection I JORDANOV The Collection of Medieval Seals from theNational Archaeological Museum Sofia Sofia 2011

LAURENT Bulletin V LAURENT Bulletin de sigillographie byzantine By9zantion 5 (1929a1930) 571a654

MORRISSON a SEIBT CEacuteCILE MORRISSON ndash W SEIBT Sceaux de commerciairesSceaux byzantines du VIIe siegravecle trouveacutes agrave Carthage Revue Nu9

mismatique 24 VIe seacuterie (1982) 222a240

SBS Studies in Byzantine Sigillography

SEIBT ndash ZARNITZ W SEIBT ndash MARIEaLUISE ZARNITZ Das byzantinischeBleisiegel Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk Katalog zur Ausstellung Wien

1997

STAVRAKOS CHR STAVRAKOS Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel der SamaSammlung mlung Savvas Kophopoulos Eine Siegelsammlung aufKophopoulos der Insel Lesbos [Βυζάντιος Studies in Byzantine Hisa

tory and Civilization 1] Turnhout 2010WASSILIOU ndash SEIBT ALEXANDRAaKYRIAKI WASSILIOU ndash W SEIBT Die ByzaaBleisiegel ntiniaschen Bleisiegel in Oumlsterreich v II Zentrala und

Provinzialverwaltung [Veroumlffentlichungen der Komamission fuumlr Byzantinistik 22] Wien 2004

ZARNITZ Siegel MARIEaLUISE ZARNITZ Drei Siegel aus dem Bereich derKommerkia SBS 4 (1995) 181a185

ZV G ZACOS ndash A VEGLERY Byzantine Lead Seals v IBasel 1972



Catalogue of the Seals of the ApothekaiVassilika Kommerkia(ca 650832) Part 3 Regional Classification89

Ι Cappadocia659a668 Cappadocia I and II659a668 Cappadocia I and Lowerhellip6812 Cappadocia II6834 or 6867 Cappadocia I and II6878 Cappadocia I and II689a91 Cappadociae Lycaonia and Pisidia6901 Cappadocia I and II690a692 Cappadocia II and Lycaonia6912 Cappadocia I6945 Andrapoda of Cappadocia I and II

II Armenia659a667 Armenia II668a6723 Sebastopolis6756 Armeniae674a681 Armenia I or IV6889 Armenia II with Helenopontus6901 Armenia I6945 Armenia IV695a696 Armenia I or IV695a696 Armenia IV702a704 Koloneia and Kamacha713a715 Koloneia Kamacha and Armenia IV7178 Koloneia and all the provinces of the Christaloving

Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134

89 In this catalogue there are double or even triple entries concerning mostly central Asianprovinces This is due to the fact that their warehouses often functioned also with those ofnorthwestern provinces (duly considered as Asian neighborhoods of Constantinople) of westAsian provinces or of south Asian provinces Publication references are cited here only for thenewly published seals and for later seals that complete this presentation series of the wareahousesvassilika kommerkia For the rest the reader please be referred to the correspondingchronological classifications in the Catalogues in RAGIA Geography I1 and Geography I2 underthe specific years


III Pontus659a668 Helenopontus andhellip659a668 Paphlagonia6734 Honorias6745 Honorias67980 Helenopontus6889 Helenopontus6889 Helenopontus and Armenia II68990 Lazica Kerasous Trapezous68990 [Kerasous]90

691a693 Lazica Kerasous Trapezous6923 Lazica Kerasous Trapezous6923 Paphlagonia and Honorias693a695 Helenopontus695a697 Vassilika kommerkia of Helenopontus702a704 Lazica71011 Lazica711a712 Lazica7167 Lazica717 Kerasous720a741 Littoral of Pontus with Honorias and Paphlagonia720a741 Honorias Paphlagonia and the Littoral of Pontus

till Trebizond720a741 Honorias Paphlagonia and the littoral of Pontus7212 Helenopontus Paphlagonia and Kerasous7278 or 7289 Littoral of Pontus7345 Vassilika kommerkia of Krateia Prousias Herakleia7356 Vassilika kommerkia of Kerasous7389 Vassilika kommerkia of Kerasous

IV South Asian coast659a668 Isauria668a672 Cilicia I6767 Isauria67980 Either Ciliciae6812 Isauria685a695 Cilicia I and II


90 JORDANOV Collection no 115 The editor retained the reading ldquoKerasousrdquo


6878 Either Ciliciae6901 Korykos and Cilicia6901 Isauria6901 Pamphylia with Pisidia690a692 Isauria and Dekapolis6912 Cilicia691a693 Isauria and Lycaonia6923 Isauria andhellip6923 Isauria6934 Cilicia I and II6934 Andrapoda of Isauria and Cilicia694a696 Cilicia I and II6945 Isauria and the andrapoda6967 Andrapoda of Dekapolis6967 Isauria and Lycaonia91

6967 Cilicia6978 Isauria and Lycaonia700a702 Cilicia I and II92

7101 Isauria713 Ciliciae7134 Pamphylia and Pisidia93

7189 Isauria and Syllaion71920 Lycia Pamphylia and the littoral of Isauria7223 Lycia and Pamphylia with Pisidia73940 Strategia of the Kibyrraiotai73940 Strategia of the Kibyrraiotai94

V Central Asian Provinces654a659 Galatia659a668 Either Galatiae689a691 Lycaonia and Pisidia with Cappadociae6901 Lycaonia6901 Pisidia with Pamphylia

EFI RAGIA136

91 SBS 10 (2010) p 172 no 617 and 181 no 1303 The seal belonged to the genikos logothetes Kyraiakos

92 Also in SBS 10 (2010) p 163 no 2487 and 182 no 131493 SBS 10 (2010) p 161 no 3339 The seal belonged to the genikoi kommerkiarioi Synetos and

Nicetas94 CHEYNET Mise en place p 9 no 5


690a692 Lycaonia and Cappadocia II691a693 Galatia II691a693 Lycaonia with Isauria6945 Andrapoda of Phrygia Salutaria6945 Andrapoda of Galatia II6967 Lycaonia with Isauria6978 Lycaonia with Isauria7134 Pisidia with Pamphylia7223 Pisidia with Pamphylia and Lycia7278 Salutaria with Bithynia and Pacatiana7289 Salutaria with Bithynia and Pacatiana7301 Vassilika kommerkia of the Anatolikoi7312 Vassilika kommerkia of Salutaria with Bithynia

and Pacatiana7334 Vassilika kommerkia of Salutaria with Bithynia Pacatiana

and Lydia7367 Vassilika kommerkia of the provinces of the Anatolikoi7589 Vassilika kommerkia of the Anatolikoi7601 Vassilika kommerkia of the Anatolikoi7734 Vassilika kommerkia of the Anatolikoi776 Vassilika kommerkia of the Anatolikoi

VI Asian neighborhoods of Constantinople659a668 Abydos6734 Honorias6745 Honorias67980 Pylai and Sangarios6912 Hellespont6923 Honorias with Paphlagonia6945 Slav andrapoda of Bithynia695a697 Nicaea695a697 Helespont and Constantinople7089 Helespont7134 Helespont713a715 Helespont and Archhellip720a729 Hellespont with Lydia720a741 Honorias with Paphlagonia and the littoral of Pontus720a741 Honorias with Paphlagonia and the littoral of Pontus7278 Bithynia with Salutaria and Pacatiana7278 Vassilika kommerkia of Hellespont with Asia and Caria



7278 Hellepont and Lydia7289 Bithynia with Salutaria and Pacatiana72930 Hellespont andhellip [Lydia]7312 Vassilika kommerkia of Bithynia with Salutaria and

Pacatiana7334 Vassilika kommerkia of Bithynia with Salutaria Pacatiana

and Lydia7345 Vassilika kommerkia of Krateia Prousias and Herakleia7389 Vassilika kommerkia of Chalkedon and Thynia7456 Vassilika kommerkia of the provinces of the Opsikion

VII West Asian provinces6878 Nesoi Asia and Caria6878 Lydia68990 Asia andhellip6901 Asia Chios and Lesbos691a693 Asia and Caria6912 or 6956 Caria and Lycia6945 Andrapoda of Asia Caria and Lycia695a697 Asia Caria Lycia Rhodes and the Chersonese695a697 Vassilika kommerkia of Asia Caria and Lycia6967 Kapatiane and Lydia713a715 Asia Caria and Lycia71920 Lycia with Pamphylia and the littoral of Isauria7223 Lycia with Pamphylia and Pisidia720a729 Lydia with Hellespont7212 Asia Caria all the Islands and Hellespont7256 Vassilika kommerkia of Asia95

7278 Vassilika kommerkia of Asia Caria and Hellespont

EFI RAGIA138

95 In SBS 5 (1998) p 54 no 5 ZV p 196 table 34 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 252This seal was republished very recently in JORDANOV Collection no 99 It is normally placedin the year 7556 the 8th indiction but I have already suggested (RAGIA Geography I1 p 236n 11) that it should be readated much earlier The 8th indiction corresponds to the years 7256and 7401 Of these chronologies the first is chosen because there would be according to theanalysis attempted above no separate provincial warehouses after 739 On the contrary if theplacement in time of this seal is correct then this would be the first seal of the reinstated byLeo III vassilika kommerkia It is quite interesting that THEOPHANES p 4044a6 4109a15 datesthe financial measures of Leo III that afflicted Italy to this year About the implications seeZUCKERMAN Studies p 85 f BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 368 f


7278 Lydia with Hellespont7289 Pacatiana with Bithynia and Salutaria72930 Lydia with Hellespont7312 Vassilika kommerkia of Pacatiana with Salutaria and

Bithynia7323 Vassilika kommerkia of Asia7334 Vassilika kommerkia of Pacatiana and Lydia with Salutaria

and Bithynia7367 Vassilika kommerkia of Lydia7389 Vassilika kommerkia of Asia and Caria7412 Vassilika kommerkia of Kato Hexapolis96

741a742 Vassilika kommerkia of the strategia of the Thrakesioi7445 Vassilika kommerkia of the Strategia of the Thrakesioi97

7456 Vassilika kommerkia of strategia of the Thrakesion

VIII Islands6878 Nesoi with Caria and Asia687a689 Cyclades Islands688a690 Crete6901 Chios Lesbos with Asia695a697 Rhodes and the Chersonese with Asia Caria and Lycia6967 Cyclades Islands711a713 Aigaion Pelagos713a714 Aigaion Pelagos721a722 All the Islands with Asia Caria and Hellespont730a741 Vassilika kommerkia of Crete7301 Vassilika kommerkia of Melos7345 Vassilika kommerkia of the Islands of the Aigaion Pelagos7367 Vassilika kommerkia of the dioikesis of Andros7389 Vassilika kommerkia of Melos Thera Anaphe Ios and

Amorgos


96 It is up till now considered that this seal came from Armenia I but in the present contributionI suggest that the seal inscription refers to the Rhodian Peraia It is therefore classified hereamong the seals of west Asia Minor because the Chersonese of Peraia along with Cnidus andHalicarnassus belonged entirely to Caria

97 CHEYNET Mise en place p 9 no 4


IX Thessalonica713 Thessalonica7234 Thessalonica7245 Thessalonica7267 Thessalonica7278 Thessalonica7345 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7378 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7378 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7389 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7389 Vassilika kommerkia of Salonica7401 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7423 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7467 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7556 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7734 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7789 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica7834 Vassilika kommerkia of Thessalonica98

X Hellas and the West6734 Africa99

6967 Sicily100

6989 Hellas730a741 Vassilika kommerkia of Hellas7367 Vassilika kommerkia of Hellas7378 Vassilika kommerkia of the dioikesis of Hellas101

EFI RAGIA140

98 JORDANOV Collection no 105 dates to the year 7834 a seal mentioned by ZV p 196 table 34and BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 261 The inscription so far remained unread butJordanov suggests that it should be read as τὰ βασιλικὰ κοmicromicroέρκια τοῦ Εὐξείνου ΠόντουEven though this edition is an excellent one and provides very good photographs of the sealsunder discussion it is my opinion that Jordanovrsquos reading is to be rejected because the geoagraphic term ldquoEuxeinos Pontosrdquo is extremely rare in the sources of the period and can have noadministrative connotation To this term unlike terms so far examined (eg of provinces citiesterritories with specific characteristics) no territorial expansion can be assigned which wouldserve the function of the vassilika kommerkia Even the term ldquoAigaion Pelagosrdquo which wouldbe the only equivalent of ldquoEuxeinos Pontosrdquo bears with it a specific territorial and adminisatrative connotation See RAGIA Geography I2 p 102a105

99 MORRISSON ndash SEIBT Sceaux no 17100 DO Seals 1 no 54101 STAVRAKOS Sammlung Kophopoulos p 6a8


7389 Vassilika kommerkia of the Strategia of Hellas7489 Vassilika kommerkia of Hellas

XI Constantinople and Thrake685a695 Constantinople6889 Constantinople6901 Constantinople6901 Mesembria6901 Constantinople6912 Constantinople6923 Constantinople6923 Constantinople6934 Constantinople6956 Constantinople with Hellespont6956 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria6967 Constantinople6989 Constantinople6989 Mesembria700a702 Constantinople700a702 Constantinople700a702 MesembriaSeventhaeighth c Constantinople713 Constantinople7134 Constantinople7134 Constantinople7134 Mesembria7156 Constantinople7189 Constantinople720a729 Panion Madytos andhellip7201 Constantinople7223 Constantinople7223 Mesembria7234 Constantinople7278 Constantinople730a741 Vassilika kommerkia of Constantinople730a741 Vassilika kommerkia of Thrake730a741 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria7301 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria7323 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria7356 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria



7367 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria7389 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria741a750 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria with Thrake7478 Vassilika kommerkia of Thrake7478 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria751a775 Vassilika kommerkia of Mesembria7512 Vassilika kommerkia of Thrake and Hexamilion7856 Vassilika kommerkia of Thrake7878 Vassilika kommerkia of Thrake8001 Vassilika kommerkia of Thrake102

8012 Vassilika kommerkia of Thrake103




8323 Vassilika kommerkia of Develtos107

EFI RAGIA142

102 ZV no 279 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 268103 DO Seals 1 no 7120 ZV no 280a BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 270104 ZV p 196 table 34 no 281 n 4 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 271105 ZV no 281 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 272106 DO Seals 1 no 4317 ZV no 282 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 274107 ZV no 285 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung App I no 278


ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ

Η ΓΕΩΓΡΑΦΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΕΠΑΡΧΙΑΚΗΣ ∆ΙΟΙΚΗΣΗΣΤΗΣ ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΝΗΣ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΙΑΣ (ΠΕΡ 600a1200)

I3 ΟΙ ΑΠΟΘΗΚΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΑΦΡΙΚΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΣΙΚΕΛΙΑΣΤΕΛΙΚΕΣ ΠΑΡΑΤΗΡΗΣΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΣΥΜΠΕΡΑΣΜΑΤΑ

Η παρούσα εργασία χωρίζεται σε τρία microέρη Το πρώτο ασχολείται microε τιςαποθήκες Αφρικής και Σικελίας Η αποθήκη Αφρικής λειτούργησε το 6734και θεωρείται ότι microπορεί να ενταχθεί στο πλαίσιο της βυζαντινοaαραβικήςαντιπαράθεσης κατά τη διάρκεια του αποκλεισmicroού της Κωνσταντινούποaλης (674a678) Η αποθήκη Σικελίας λειτούργησε λίγα χρόνια αργότερα το6967 και microπορεί να συνδεθεί microε την εκστρατεία των Βυζαντινών για τηνανακατάληψη της Αφρικής που τελούσε υπό τις διαταγές του πατρικίουΙωάννη

Στο δεύτερο microέρος παρουσιάζονται και σχολιάζονται νέες σφραγίδες τωναποθηκών και των βασιλικών κοmicromicroερκίων που χρονολογούνται από τα τέλητου 7ου αι ως τη δεκαετία 740 που δηmicroοσιεύθηκαν πρόσφατα Αναθεωρείaται η άποψη σύmicroφωνα microε την οποία η σφραγίδα της Κάτω Εξαπόλεως(7412) προέρχεται από την επαρχία Αρmicroενίας Α΄ Προτείνεται αντιθέτωςότι αυτός ο σπάνιος γεωγραφικός όρος αναφέρεται στην αρχαία ∆ωρικήΕξάπολη δηλαδή στις πόλεις της Κω Αλικαρνασσού Κνίδου και της Ρόδου(Ιαλυσός Κάmicroειρος Λίνδος) Τέλος παρουσιάζονται οι σφραγίδες που σχεaτίζονται microε τον θεσmicroό των αποθηκώνβασιλικών κοmicromicroερκίων οι οποίες χροaνολογούνται microετά το 7878

Το τρίτο και τελευταίο microέρος της microελέτης είναι αφιερωmicroένο σε γενικάσυmicroπεράσmicroατα από την γεωγραφική επισκόπηση της επαρχιακής διοίκησηςαπό τα τέλη του 7ου αι ως τα microέσα περίπου του 8ου αι Επισηmicroαίνονταιπροβλήmicroατα που προκύπτουν από την ερmicroηνεία και το περιεχόmicroενο που έχειδώσει η νεότερη έρευνα στον θεσmicroό των αποθηκώνβασιλικών κοmicromicroερκίωνκαι πιστοποιείται ότι η περίοδος περ 7178a7389 ήταν η περίοδος microετάβαaσης από το παλαιότερο υστερορρωmicroακό σύστηmicroα επαρχιακής διοίκησηςστο νέο σύστηmicroα laquoθεmicroατικήςraquo διοίκησης των επαρχιών Τη microελέτη συmicroπληaρώνει κατάλογος των αποθηκών των επαρχιών του Βυζαντινού κράτους οι



οποίες κατατάσσονται πλέον κατά περιφέρειες και διευκολύνουν την καaτανόηση των συmicroπερασmicroάτων της παρούσης εργασίας

ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144


George of Cyprus which dates from the seventh century reflects further changesin the civil administration of Africa The most important change was the diviasion of the lands of the former province of Carthago between Byzacia and Nuamidia which gave both provinces a long maritime front Byzaciarsquos opening tothe East and to the Libyan Sea and Numidiarsquos opening to the North and the Tyrarhenian Sea Thus it appears that the civil territories adjusted to the territoriesthat had been assigned to the duces Some of these changes may be attributed alaready to the reign of Justinian I and their evolution is detectable in the sources3

In the end of the seventh century Sicily and Africa were included in thewarehouse institution This is attested by one seal for each ἀποθήκη The sealof the warehouse of Africa is dated in 6734 and is one of the earliest seal exaamples with indictio dating4 In charge were Mikkinas and Gregorios who werealso γενικοί κοmicromicroερκιάριοι of the warehouse of Honorias in that same year5During that time the first Arab blockade of Constantinople was already underway and it is useful to recall at this point some of the main events In Africathe Byzantines were defeated by the Arabs in 665 A few years later the Arableader Uqba undertook a campaign to the ByzantineaBerber mainland provinaces As a consequence the Arabs were able to proceed a few years later to thefoundation of Qayrawan (675) which became their base of operations in

EFI RAGIA114

3 E HONIGMANN Le Synekdegravemos drsquoHieroklegraves et lrsquoopuscule geacuteographique de Georges de Chypre[Corpus Bruxellense Historiae Byzantinae Forma Imperii Byzantini fasc 1] Bruxelles 1939p 54638a57684 Cf CIC II no 272 See PRINGLE Defence p 42a43 ZUCKERMAN Hieacuterarchie milaitaire 171 DIEHL Afrique byzantine p 466a474 J F HALDON Byzantium in the Seventh Cenatury Cambridge 1990 p 211 (hereafter HALDON Byzantium) ST LAMPAKIS ndash MARIA LEONTSINI

ndash T LOUNGHIS ndash VASSILIKI VLYSSIDOU Βυζαντινά στρατεύmicroατα στη ∆ύση (5οςa11ος αι) Έρευaνες πάνω στις χερσαίες και ναυτικές επιχειρήσεις σύνθεση και αποστολή των βυζαντινώνστρατευmicroάτων στη ∆ύση [ΕΙΕΙΒΕ Ερευνητική Βιβλιοθήκη 5] Αθήνα 2008 p 68a69 (hereaafter LAMPAKIS ndash LEONTSINI ndash LOUNGHIS ndash VLYSSIDOU Στρατεύmicroατα) In 5456 the functions ofthe eparch and the magister militum of Africa were finally separated and thereafter these diganities are clearly distinguishable There is no reason to suppose as Diehl and Pringle that thecity catalogue of Africa Proconsularis has been lost from the lists of George of Cyprus To thecontrary George followed the normal exposition style listing the prefecture first (Ἀφρική ὑπὸτὸν ἐνδοξότατον ἔπαρχον Ἀφρικῆς) and then Byzacia (ἐπαρχία Βυζακίας) with its capitalCarthago Proconsularis (Καρταγέννα Προκονσουλαρίας) No other city of Byzacia is styledcapital of the province

4 MORRISSON ndash SEIBT Sceaux no 17 W BRANDES Finanzverwaltung in Krisenzeiten Untersuachungen zur byzantinischen Administration im 6a9 Jahrhundert [Forschungen zur byzantiniaschen Rechtsgeschichte 25] Frankfurt a M 2002 App I no 62 (hereafter BRANDESFinanzverwaltung)

5 DO Seals 4 no 62 BRANDES Finanzverwaltung p 331 and App I no 64











EFI RAGIA116



















EFI RAGIA118


















EFI RAGIA120















EFI RAGIA122



















EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144











EFI RAGIA116



















EFI RAGIA118


















EFI RAGIA120















EFI RAGIA122



















EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144



EFI RAGIA116



















EFI RAGIA118


















EFI RAGIA120















EFI RAGIA122



















EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144












EFI RAGIA118


















EFI RAGIA120















EFI RAGIA122



















EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144




EFI RAGIA118


















EFI RAGIA120















EFI RAGIA122



















EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144













EFI RAGIA120















EFI RAGIA122



















EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144




EFI RAGIA120















EFI RAGIA122



















EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144











EFI RAGIA122



















EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144



EFI RAGIA122



















EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144













EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144




EFI RAGIA124














267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144









267 275 280



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144



EFI RAGIA126

















EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144











EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144




EFI RAGIA128















EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144












EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144




EFI RAGIA130



no 232








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144








86 THEOPHANES p 41519a20 41915a16






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144






EFI RAGIA132












1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144










1997











Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144





Armeniakon

EFI RAGIA134















EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144














EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144







EFI RAGIA136
















EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144













EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144







EFI RAGIA138









Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144








Amorgos







6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144




6967 Sicily100


EFI RAGIA140














EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144












EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144








EFI RAGIA142



ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144


ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ









ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144



ΕΦΗ ΡΑΓΙΑ

EFI RAGIA144


Documents

The Geography of the Provincial Administration of the Byzantine Empire (ca. 600–1200) (Efi Ragia)