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7/24/2019 The Future of Rock Discourses That Struggle to Define a Genre
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Cambridge University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Popular Music.
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The Future of Rock: Discourses That Struggle to Define a GenreAuthor(s): Johan Forns
Source: Popular Music, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Jan., 1995), pp. 111-125Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/853345Accessed: 21-12-2015 16:46 UTC
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Popular
Music
(1995)
Volume
14/1.
Copyright
1995
Cambridge
University
ress
The
future f
rock: discourses
thatstruggle o define genre
JOHAN
FORNAS
Time shifts ncrease our
sensitivity
o birth
nd
death,
to
the rise and fallof cultural
epochs, by drawing
attention to
all
sorts
of
changes.
When
years,
decades or
centuries
turn,
there need not
necessarily
be
any corresponding great
shift n
society
and
culture.
What does
'real'
history
are about
dates and
years?
But our
way
of
measuring
time
produces
a
sort of
numerical
magic
that
sometimes
makes
us
extra ensitiveto collective
ultural
mobility.
n
aesthetical
production
nd
cul-
tural
debate,
each
time turn nduces
a wish
to
reflect
pon
where we stand and
what is
happening.
This
sharpened
timeconsciousness
may
accelerateor consolid-
ate certain
changes,
if
sufficientlymany
and
strong
social
forces
engage
in
the
reflection o transform
rophecies
into
effectivemechanisms of
change, by
the
material
power
of self-definitions.
All
this reflexive
preparedness
is
particularly harpened
as we
now,
after
some
decades
of
speculations
about
post-industrialism
nd
post-modernism,
re
to
leave a
whole
millenium
nd enter a new
one.
This millenial
finalemakes the
long accelerating
erosion of
traditions
vident,
and
may
also
make it easier
to
formulate
omething
of
the era
whose
introduction s
already
fading
n.
It
is
principally
mpossible
to foresee
the future.
The
only prophesy
that can
be made is
to
calculate the
consequences
of tendencies
that
can
already
be dis-
cerned and
extrapolate
them forward
n time. The
creative
opportunity
s then
only
to
choose
which
of
the
contradictory
endencies of the
present
to
bring
nto
the
calculation.
will here take
part
n
this
play by discussing
some
aspects
of the
possible
tomorrowof rock music
in
relationto how rock
s
discursively
defined.
The
rock/pop-field
Like all
other
genre
concepts,
rock
s
very
hard
to define.
A
genre
s a set
of rules
for
generating
musical
works.'
Using
such
conventional
ets
of rules
in
producing
or
interpreting
musical
pieces
can
give
rise to
classifactory ystems,
but
actual
musics
do not
in
themselves
fall
unambiguously
into
any
simple
classes. It all
depends
on which rules are
used,
and this
choice
is
situationally
ound. Genres
are, however,more intersubjective han subjective phenomena. In each temporal
and
spatial
context,
here are certain
genre
definitions
hat are
relevant and used
by
the
most
mportant
roups
of actors
n
the musical field:
musicians,
producers,
marketers
nd audiences.
There are
innumerable
possible ways
to define
rock,
but not all
of them are
meaningful
n a
given
context. On the
other
hand,
there
s no consensus
around
111
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112
Johan
ornis
one
single
definition.
see
rock/pop
s one
single,
continuous
genre
field rather
than as
distinct
categories.
This field
contains
a wide and
open
range
of sub-
genres,
moving
within certain
imilareconomical and social
frames
nd circuits.
Common, ideal-typicalmusical features re oftenlectronic ound manipulation,
clear
and
steady
pulse,
even
times,
ertain
yncopations
nd
back-beat,
ongs
with
lyrics,
and
settings
within
relatively
small ensembles
with
some soloistic-
improvisatory
lements within a
broadly
collectively omposed
form. There are
innumerable variants here.
Some
artists
emerge
as individual
soloists,
like
Madonna, Prince,
Sinead
O'Connor
or Bruce
Springsteen,
acked
by
more or
less
anonymous
musicians. Others
appear
as small and
tight
ensembles,
from
girl
groups
to black/death/trash
etal bands
-
particularly
ut
not
exclusively
t the
rock
end
of
the
spectrum.
Music-making necessarily
involves
co-operating
human
beings
in certain
institutional ettings and with specific subjectivities.Rock is, therefore, lso
defined
through
social
and
psychic
aspects determining
ts
production
and use.
The
musical
generic
ystem
s
spun
like a web of aesthetic
rules
undissolvably
tied
to
social and
psychic
factors.
n
discourses
where
rock
s
defined,
various
aspects
can be stressed. Some
focus
on
the
strictly
musical
aspects
of
how the
sounds
are
organized,
while
others
stress the social
aspects
of
how
their
organising
s struc-
tured.
In
fact,
both sounds
and human
beings
(both
musical
and
social
factors)
are
possible
and indeed
necessary
elements
of
any genre
definition.
Another
polarity
oncerns
process
versus structure. ome
definitions
tress
historicaltradition
ines while
others
employ
structural
ategories. Again,
both
diachronicand synchronic spects should be relevant.Diachronicprocesses pro-
duce
synchronous
elationsbetween
elements,
that n their urn
get
their
meaning
through nterpretations elying
n
those
historical
rocesses.
A
third
polarity
s between wide
and narrow
definitions.
he wide definition
outlined above
is inclusive
and
imprecise.
The narrow
definition
s
strictly
xclus-
ive,
and
constructs
rock
as
a
definitive
radition
with certain
central actors
and
key
works
in a
chain
from
early
rock
'n'
roll
through
British beat to
punk.
Springsteen,
Guns
'n'
Roses and
grunge.
All else
is
non-rock,
r
maybe
semi-rock,
living
on the
margins
of
true
rock.
This view
is
very
mportant
oday,
and
it exists
within nd
outside
of
rock. But
t s not
the
only
one.
Variations
bound,
and rock
actuallyseems to be moreof a family fgenres
than a
homogeneous category.
The
rock/pop-field
s
a
contested
continuum.
Authenticity
s
frequently
sed
to
distinguish
rock
from
pop,
as rock
ideologists
defined
the values of
the
folk
and/or
rt
genuine
against
commercial
ubstitutes.
Since
the
1960s,
a network
of
institutionalised
oices
(critics,
ournalists,
writers,
media
people
and
producers)
have asserted
and
administered
he
sincerity,
egitimacy
nd
hegemony
of rock
n
opposition
to
the
vulgarity
f
pop.
Some
critics
f
this
rock
establishment ave
on
the other
hand turned
the
same
dichotomy
upside-down
while
allegedly
dis-
missing
t, as
they
deride
the
authenticity
llusions of
the rock
establishment
nd
elevate the honest
construction f
the
pop
machinery.
n
both
cases,
authenticity
is debated, but in different ays. To value the sincerity fartists, he social roots
of the
genre,
or
the
bodily presence
expressed
or
experienced
in the
particular
performance,
re some of
the
possible
criteria.
There seems to
be a
continually regenerated
need for
such
distinctions,
resulting
n an
ongoingstruggle
n discourses
on musical
aesthetics.
Still,
think
it is
impossible
to
uphold any
clear
dichotomy
between
rock
and
pop.
The shifts
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The
future f
rock
113
of the
meanings
of these termsbetween
countries
nd
times bear witnessto
their
ideological
character.
Rock/pop
s
a
spectrum
with a
range
of focal
points
n
highly
complex
relationsto each other as well
as
to
other
super)
genres
of
(more
or
less
popular) music. The relevance of certainforms of authenticityrguments s a
common feature.
Rock/pop
s
basically
a
music conceived
in
and
for mass
media
context,
with a
group
of electrified
nstruments,
ocal
song
and
lyrics,
nd
identi-
fiable artistswith
carefully
onstructed
personae,
images
and cultural
dentities.
There are
important
differenceswithin the
rock/pop
world,
but there are also
fundamental
ontinuities.
Rock/pop
thus
contains
a
historically
nd
institutionally
nchored
tension
between rock
in
the
most narrow
sense)
and
something
lse,
like
pop,
rap,
house
or other
subgenre
abels.
Sometimes these other
genres
are
accepted
within
rock,
sometimes
they
re
excluded.
Rock s
a
'supergenre'
whose
totality
s
not
delimited
to
any specific ubculture. Some of itssubgenresare subculturally elated punk,
heavy
metal),
others
re much
more diffuse.
ometimesthese
subgenres
are
separ-
ated in
record
catalogues,
radio
programmes
or
journal
reviews.
Sometimes rock/
pop
is instead treated as a
unity,
associated with
modern
youth
culture
i.e.
as
cultural
expressions
of and/or
for
all
young people,
not
only youth
subcultures).
A
continuous
definitional
truggle
s
going
on
among
the
nterpretive
ommunities
of isteners nd
musicians.
As
long
as this
struggle
s
not
settled,
t
seems
reason-
able
not to exclude
any
of
the
participants,
ut treat
ock s an
open
and
unfinished
category.
Transformations
Since almost its
very
birth,
rock has
been
haunted
by judgements
of its
occurred
or
imminentdeath.
Fans
of classical
music,
folk
music
or
jazz
now and then
hail
the
rumours of
pop's
allegedly
diminishing
ales
figures
or of
young
musicians'
rising
interest
in
their
own
respective
genres.
Young
spokesmen
of
'newer'
subgenres
like
rap
or
house
may
also be heard
to
rejoice
at the
death
of
ageing
parent-generation
ock and
claim the new
hegemony
of their
own
genre.
Also,
within
the rock
world
itself,
ebates
are
sometimes
carried
out around
the
techno-
logical,
economic,
social and
aesthetic
changes
that
seem
to threaten
what
rock
used to be. Older puristsdespair ofshallowness and shattered deals, whilemore
dynamic
voices
long
for
deeper
change.
With
the
millenium turn n
sight,
nvitations
o
celebrate the
death
of rock
have
become a
standard
theme in
popular
music
disclosure.
There are
certainly
many
historical
hanges
that
make
such a
celebration
plausible.
Simon
Frithmen-
tions some
of
them:
In
the ast ten
years
r so
the
organization
f
popular
music
production
nd
consumption
has
changed
ufficiently
o
nvalidate
most fthe
ssumptions
n
which
ock
ulture
ests.
Commercial
opular
musicno
longer epends
on
thesale of
records;
tcan
no
longer
e
understoodn
terms f
fixed
ound
bject;
t s
no
longer
made n
terms fa
particular
ort
of udience, ebelliousouth.nshort,herockystemfmusicmaking o onger etermines
industryctivity.
Frith
989,
.
129)2
The
transformations
oncern
many
different
spects
and
levels of
music and
music-making.
will in
turn
overview
some
technical,
economic,
institutional,
affective,
ocial
and aesthetic
aspects.
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114
Johan
ornds
Technologies,
markets nd institutions
One
of music's 'external'
onditions
is the
technology
f
instruments, tudios,
recording,distributionnd media. Rock used to circle round the electricguitar,
the electric
bass,
the drum kit and the
singer.
Suddenly, synthesizers
nd
com-
puters
have invaded the
scene,
and
induced similar eactions o rock from
ts
own
camp
as
formerly
rom he
azz camp.
If
the
authentic
musicality
f the
saxophone
was then
contrasted o
the
brute
machinery
f
the electric
uitar,
he same
guitar
has
now
come
to
symbolise
the
living
authentic ore of
rock,
n
opposition
to the
technocratic
rtificiality
f
the
synthesizer.
n
both
cases,
musical
technology
has
been
seen as a
killing
hreat
o
authentic
xpressivity.
This
polarity
has been well refuted
by
Simon
Frith
1986),
who
has
shown
that
technology
s a
prerequiste
for
uthenticity,
ather han ts
enemy.
t
is micro-
phone techniquesthat have enabled us to listen ntimatelyo artists'voices. And
the nterest
n
live
performances
as
not
diminished;
n
Sweden,
a
rising
onsump-
tion of
media music
has
been
paralleled by
a
likewise
rising
evel
of
concert-going
as well
as
of
amateur
music-making.3
inally,
s much musical
competence
if
of
another
type)
is needed
to
be
an
MC or
a
DJ
at a
hip
hop jam
as to
sing
or
play
the
guitar
n
a
rock
band.
It
is
interesting
o
note that
digital
technology
has hitherto
mostly
been
absorbed
within a
general
rock
aesthetics.
The
importance
of studio work has
grown,
as has
the
range
of
available
sounds,
and the
symbolic
role of
the
guitar
has been somewhat
essened. But even
purely
omputerised
groups
ike Kraftwerk
have chosen framesofgroup image, song structuresnd musical textures hatdo
not
differ hat much from raditional
ock.
The narrow rock
tradition
may
have
been somewhat
broken,
but
the wide
rock/pop-field
as
got yet
wider creative
possibilities.
The musical
use of
computers, ynthesizers,
equencers,
sampling
and
MIDI
has
enabled
experiments
with
montage
techniques,
with
wide-ranging egal,
eco-
nomic
and aesthetic
mplications
c.f.
Goodwin
1988/1990, 992,
1992;
Redhead
1990;
Reynolds
1990).
Again,
techniques
of
traditional ock
and late
modern
bricol-
age
have
more
often
been
mixed
than
opposed
to
each other.
Live' musicians
often
play together
with
pre-recorded
ounds,
and the new
montage genres
have
in factmade it possible to re-use jazz and otherolder genres in hypermodern
pop,
thereby ffering
hem a sort
of
new life.
As
for
the
media channels
for
the distribution
nd
consumption
of
music,
their
digitalisation
may
increase active
audience
interaction
with the media.
Karaoke
is but one
early
example
of
this.
Video,
cable
and satellite
hannels
have
already
increased
the
scope
of
visual formsof
expression.
And
people
will
prob-
ably
have much
easier access
to music
that
was hard to
reach before.
But
itseems
premature
o
state that records
have
lost
their
mportance.
The
single
musical act
and
its star
artist
will
not
cease to
fascinate.
There will be
changes
in how
musical
creation
s
organised
and
mediated,
and most
certainly
n the
ways
in which
it is
commentedand reflected pon in music journalism,but again, this seems more
to
affect he narrow rock
genre
than the
wide one.
Another
set
of 'external' conditions
for the music
use of
individuals
and
groups
are
producedby
the twin
systems
f
the
capitalist
market
nd state
nstitu-
tions.
Market
conomy
mechanisms
have
continuously
ccelerated
monopolisation,
concentration
nd centralisation
rends.
Through
strategies
f
narrow-casting'
n
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The
uture
f
ock
115
phonogram
industries and
broadcasting
media,
these
trends have
lately
broken
the
law
of
increasing
standardisation nd
homogenity
Burnett
1990).
New,
large
media
conglomerates
operate
in
new formsof
symbiosis
with
small,
sectoralised
units.This makes it hard torevitalise he clearpolarity etweendominatingmain-
stream nd
subversive
alternatives/indieshatwas earlier
o
predominant.
As
rock
has lost ts
marginality
nd entered
the
main-stream
f ate modern
popular
music,
these market
hanges may
be
problematic.
But it has
to be remembered hat
rock
has never as a
totality
een
rebellious
and that
ts culturalcentralisation oes not
necessarily
diminish
the
importance
of
its
radical
fringes.
As
in
other
genres,
among
the
increasingly
differentiated
lurality
f
subgenres
in
rock,
new
niches
for subversion
can
always
be reconstructed s the
old ones are
co-opted.
As
for
the economic effects f
sampling,
the
fiercebattles around
copyright egislation
show
that
here new
technology
s
shaped
by profit
nterests ut
at the
same
time
threatensthe private ownership rules that are the basis of capitalist commodity
production.
These effects are
not
specific
to
rock,
but
apply
to
all
popular
genres.
The
other
large system,
the
state
and
its
political-bureaucratic
nstitutions,
has
traditionally
een
rather
marginal
o
rock,
but not
anymore.
Formal nstitutions
have
entered
the
arena as a third
pole,
beside
the
music
industry
nd the
youth
cultural
peer
groups.
Local
authorities,
established
youth organisations,
social
workers
and
schools have
been
increasingly
active
in
this
field,
offering
ew
resources
(localities,
gigs,
instruments nd
education)
but also
advancing
new
demands. At
least
in
the
Nordic
countries,
rock
playing
has become more
formalised nd
institutionalised,esulting
n
ambiguous tendencies. Firstly,here
is an
increasing
bureaucratisation,
where
rock
playing
has
become
part
of hierarch-
ical and
formalised
institutions
close to the state
apparatus
instead
of
just
depending
on the market.
Secondly,
there s a
continuous
pedagogisation,
a new
apparatus
for
ock
education,
which
makes rock
earning
more similar
o
the
earn-
ing
processes
at
school than
youth
cultural
ctivities sed
to be.
Thirdly,
hrough
new
forms f
nstrumentalisationhe
pleasures
of rock are used
forvarious
extra-
musical
-
political,
ocial or
therapeutic
purposes,
like
keeping young people
off
the
streets
or
counteracting
rug
use
(c.f.
Forndis
t
al.
1990,
forthcoming;
orndis
1990b,
1993).
There is
also
an
increasing nterdependence
of the
two
systems,
market
nd
state. The
days
when
state
support
was a
weapon
against
commercialisation
re
gone.
All
these
systemic
changes
have
certainly
hanged
the
conditions of rock
use,
but t s
too
early
to conclude that t has
been
destroyed.
nstead,
new
alliances
and
oppositions
are
shaped,
opening
other
possibilities
for
dentity
nd
resistance
in
music.
Subjectives,
communities
and
styles
There are
also
internal,
ubjective
onditions formusic use:
individual desires
pro-
duced by processes ofsocialisation,care and education. The riseof rock has built
upon
certain new
psychic
structures,
mphasising
narcissist
desires
through
the
self-mirrorings
n
peer
groups,
audiences and
sound/beat-webs.Later
develop-
ments
have rather
xpanded
than abolished
these
desires,
as can
be heard in
the
intense
play
with
devotion and
distance
in
house and
techno music. The
history
of rock
passes
through
a
series of
phases
of
gendered
identity
orms,
where the
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116
Johan
ornids
relationships
between
adolescent
individuals
and
peer groups
are
continuously
modified.
n
an
early
phase,
oedipal
rebellion
gainst
authoritarian
ather-figures
was
important;
n
the
1960s,
the
id/superego-conflict
eemed
to be
surpassed
by
deeper narcissistic ilemmas relatedto the first ormation fthe ego and the self.
Changing
subjective
need
and
desire structures
have
met
changing
aesthetic
forms,
elated to
the formation f
a
gendered
personal identity.
xperiments
with
new
gender
roles
and
images
will continue
to be of
great
importance
n
future
popular
musics.
But
the fixed
male
peer
group
may
be mobilised
and
partly
dis-
solved
into
a
floating
luster
of
differentiated
elations.
This
may
be one
reason
for
he
looser
artist onstellations
within ome
rap
and house
styles.
But the
small
group
collectivity
oes
not
lose
its fascination
ust
because
it becomes more
dynamic
more
mobile
and
open groups)
and
differently
omposed
(less
male
and
misogynist).
These subjectiveconditionsare closelyconnectedto socialaspects like inter-
subjective
norms
and
group
relations.
Here,
late
modernity
has accelerated
the
mobility,
multiculturality,
ndividualisation
nd
reflexivity
f
the modern
epoch.
Individual
and collective
dentities
ave been
increasingly
roblematised
hrough
higher
differentiation
nd
a
self-mirroring
n
cultural
exts nd
images.
When nor-
mality
becomes
more
diffuse
nd
open,
it is also more
difficulto
be
deviant.
The
borders
of
ubcultures
dissolve
n
a
complex
mess of
more
or ess
diffuse
tyle
mark-
ings.
This
erodes
some
of
he ubversive
deology
of
marginality
hat
has been central
to
some
parts
of
he
rock
radition.
fMadonna
can
be on
top
of
he charts
t
the
same
time
s
advocating
exual
perversity,
hat
s then
normality
nd what
s
opposition?
Buttherehave in fact lwaysbeen subgenresthat ess rebelliously ave playedwith
normality,
nd
there
s still oom
for
esistance
gainst
certain
normalising
orces
n
the
market,
ublic
nstitutions
nd
private
pheres
family,
eligion,
tc.).
The
static
dichotomies
between
the normals
and
the rebels
may
dissolve,
but
the result
s
not
any
homogeneous
mass,
but
rather
wide
spectrum
f
shifting
nd
conflicting
ub-
cultural
alliances,
and
interpretive
ommunities.
t
is
yet
hard to
say
if this
will
increase
or
diminish
he
scope
of
rock,
.e. how
the oss
of
absolute
dichotomies
s
balanced
by
a widened
fieldof
collective
dentity-offers.
A
second
subaspect
of
this
ntersubjectively
hared
level consists
ofthe
cul-
tural
enres
and forms
f
expression
themselves,
he network
f
genres
and
styles,
images, words and music. New aestheticconventionsdevelop new expressive
forms.
Some
examples
of
such
new aesthetic
tools
are
speech
song
and
sampled
sound
collages
in
rap,
deep
male
chanting
n death
metal,
and
post-tonal
harmonic
structures
n
pop.
New
stylistic
means
produce
new
sounds and
new
narrative
forms.
But
again,
only
certain
phases
and
subgenres
of rock have
been bound
to
fixedformal
nd
stylistic
models,
so
this
can
be
as much
a
sign
of
transformation
as
of
death.
Similar
ambivalent
conclusions
can
be
drawn
from
the
crossing
of
historical
epochs,
genre
boundaries
and
the
high/low-distinction
hrough
sam-
pling,
world
music'
and
nostalgic
pastiche,
camp
orretro
tyles.
t is
particularly
important
hat
a
heightened
reflexivity
as
problematised
more
naive
versions
of
authenticityiscourses.Authenticityan hardlybe defendedas a pureand natural
origin
anymore,
but
this does
not
mean that
this
concept
has
lost
all
relevance.
There can
still
be
a thematisation
f 'social
authenticity',
.e. an
anchoring
of
a
voice
(work, tyle,
genre)
na collective
ommunity,
nd a
'subjective
uthenticity',
i.e.
a
legitimation
hrough
references
o individual
bodies
and
minds.
But
these
forms
have
been
increasingly
ften
ccompanied
by
a third
ne,
'cultural
uthenti-
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8/16
The
uture
f
ock
117
city',
s a
meta-honesty
hat
stresses the
self-reflexive
onsciousness of
one's
place
within
symbol-making
rocess.
Authenticity
an
remain as
an
important
heme,
but
only
if t
is
de-naturalised
and
demystified,
econstructed s
a
socio-cultural
and
mediated
construction,
ather han
as
a
simple
and
immediate
destiny.Notall
music use makes
authenticity
n
important
heme,
but
t
can
always
be
activated
again
in
reflexive
iscourses
(cf.
Grossberg
1993;
Forndis
994).
Use
values
It
is not
possible
here
to
make
any
complete presentation
of
all
the
aspects
of
rock's
transformation
hat have
been under
debate,
but
it
might
be useful to
sort
out the
arguments
along
the mentioned
dimensions.
The
conditions of
rock
are
changing,
on
many
evels. Peer
groups
have
been
opened
and
dynamised,
dentit-
ies have
become
more individualised and
heterogeneous,
the
body
has
become
more
problematic,
and
authenticity
iscourses have
been
reconstructed
y
an
increasingreflexivity.
n
the other
hand,
important
table
structures
ersist.
The relative
quantity
and
prosperity
of
young people
may
decrease,
and
youth
subcultureshave been
radicallydisplaced
and
modified,
but this should
not
lead us
to
any
too
quick
conclusions.
First,
these
demographic,
economic and
subcultural
factors re
very
different
utside
of Northern
America and Western
Europe.
In
great
parts
of
the
world late
modern
youth
culture
has
only
recently
began
to
flourish,
nd it is hard
to foresee ts
future
development.
Second,
the
particular
penness
of
adolescence
is
not so
easily
dissolved
-
filledwith
ntense
learning, eparation,
ndividuation
nd
identity
work. therefore
oubt
that
young
people
will lose their
centrality
n the culturalfield. t is
simply
not a
product
of
conjuctural
oincidences,
but a
structural
ffect
f
very
basic
socialisation
patterns
and the
continuing
processes
of
modernisation,
none of
which
will
disappear
tomorrow. And
the
use
values of rock
for
young
people
seem
also
to
be
repro-
duced.
These
can be
summarised
under
three
abels:
collective
utonomy,
lternat-
ive
ideas and
narcissistic
njoyment
c.f.
Fornais
t al.
1990,
forthcoming;
ornas
1990b,
1993;
Roe
and
Carlsson
1990;
Berkaak
and
Rund
1992).
As
for
collective
utonomy
-
doing
something
on
your
own,
with
your
best
friends
it is
obvious that
both
collectivity
nd
autonomy
are still
sought.
While
individualisation
has
to some
extent
dissolved the
experience
of
being
born
into
natural
collectives,
there are lots of
examples
of how
people
long
for and seek
occasionally
constructed
ollective
xperiences,
on
dance
floors,
n
rave-parties
r
at
giant gigs
(cf.
Hebdige
1990).
If
the
fixed
peer
group
is
being
differentiatednd
mobilised,
rock bands
may
also
do
likewise,
crystallising
ither
around
looser
constellations
or
close
friendshipdyads,
hiring
other
musicians at
special
occa-
sions. And
while the
intrusion of state
institutions nd
the
educational
sphere
may
threatenthe
autonomy
of
rock,
this
autonomy
has
always
been
fought
for
against
systemic
market
forces. t
may
even
become an
advantage
now to be
able
to
play
with
both the
systemic
poles,
using
them
against
each
other in
more
complextypes
of
resistance
againstdomination and goal-rationality.he problem
with
systemic
demands
in
institutions
f
socialisationwill
not melt
away
with
the
old
millenium,
and
therewill
stillbe a
need
for
culturalforms
to
handle and
counteract such
demands.
Rock has
never
been a
pure
non-systemic
orum
for
communicative
ction
-
instead,
ts
very
mixture
f
manipulation
nd
communica-
tion
s
what
keeps
it
moving.
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9/16
118
Johan
orni's
The
second
type
of
use
value concerns
the
alternative deals
rock offers
ts
users,
opening
up
the immediate
context f
parents,
teachers
and
neighbours.
As
the
normality/deviance
olarity
s
becoming
slightly
lurred,
he need
for
lternat-
ive
ideals are rather
ncreasing
than
diminishing.
nstead of
being grouped
in
a
single
polarity,
hey
form
omplex
clusters.And basic social differences hat fuel
and direct this search
for alternatives lso
persist.
Gender
roles
and
dominance
patterns
are
changing,
but
far
from
disappearing,
and the
same can be said
of
class
and
ethnic differences.
Thirdly,
ock
offers
many
opportunities
ornarcissistic
njoyment, emporar-
ily dissolving
fixed
ego-boundaries
and
touching
deep, pre-verbal
psychic
evels
of
experience.
This is effected
y
the
power
of
volume,
beat
and
sound,
as well
as
by
the
intersubjective
mirrorings
within and
between bands
and
audiences.
Nothing
mplies
that
these desires
are
diminishing,
t would be more reasonable
to
suggest
that
they
are
more
and
more
general
n
the
population
of late modern
societies.
On
many
levels,
the
arguments
bout the conditions of
rock
do
not
come to
any
clear
conclusion.
New
cultural
forms
may
fill
ts functions
nd it
must
surely
change,
but no univocal
evidence
appears
to
prove
that
t
has to die from
anishing
external,
nternal r
socio-cultural
rerequisites.
ome conditions
re
pretty
table,
others have been
radically
transformed,
ut
it seems hard to conclude that
any
necessary
requirement
s
definitely eing
lost
today.
A
genre
and its Others'
The futureof rock
may,
however,
not be a
question
of
objective, subjective
or
intersubjective
onditions.
It
might
be more
fruitful o
study
its discourses.
Its
future
s
influenced
by
developments
in
technology,
conomy,
institutions,
ub-
jectivities,
ocial norms
and aesthetic
styles,
but
it is decided
by
the
ways
its
meanings
are
negotiated
by
various
discursive
agents
in the
musical
field.
Three
of
the contested borders
of
rock
are with the
genres
of
pop, rap
and
house/techno.
n all
cases,
some
think
of
them as
different
rom
more
narrow
definition f
rock,
while others
nclude
them
in a wider
rock/pop-field.
one of
these definition
ssues
are as
yet
resolved,
but
I
want to
make a
proposal,
as a
stake in this
struggle
f
nterpretations.The
happy
or sad statements fthe death of rockseem to me to be based on
a
very
narrow
genre
definition
nd to
hide a certain
ssentialism.
Genres
are
not
fixed essences
that
can
evaporate.
They
are
dynamic
sets of
generic
rules
for
the
shaping
of musical
works,
and
as
such
they
re
continuously
ransformed,
ccord-
ing
to
the
contexts
nd
conditions
that
frame
hem,
and the
interpretations hey
are
given.
If
rock
s
not
an essence
living
ts own
life,
but
a set of
authorised
rules
for
the construction
f
music,
then how
can
it
die,
as
opposed
to
develop
and
transform?
If what is called rock
changes
so
much thatno
important
tructural ssence
bindsnew rockto tspredecessors,thenonlyan essentialist enre
definitionwould
claim rock to be dead. A more constructivist iew would instead claim that a
'family
ikeness'
-
an historical
ontinuity
nd a clusterof
nterrelated ut
varying
elements
-
is
enough.
This would
then be
in line with
the actual
praxis
n music
discourses,
but it
implies
a
break with essentialist
notions that seek a
definite
'ethos' of rock.
It
is this constructivist
enre
definition
hat eads me to
prefer
he
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10/16
The
future f
rock
119
wide
rock definition o
the
narrow
one,
and
yet accepts
both as two
interacting
discursive
abelings
that
together
orm
he
dynamics
of
the
genre.
However,
if the same
genre
developments
nstead lead
its
actors to
leave
the
label 'rock' n exchangefor notherone, thenrockmightdisappear,however little
the sound difference etween the new
pop
and the
old rock.
Has that
happened?
Historically,
his s
not
the first ime the death
of rock
has
been
prophesied.
When the
pioneers
of
the
1950s
suddenly
left he scene
to
softer
eenage
pop
idols
and
girl
groups,
many
believed that rock
n'
roll would
only
be
a
parenthesis
n
music
history.
Similar
fears
or
hopes appeared
when
glam
and
disco
seemed
to
have won the
battle
with
rock
n
the 1970s. On both these occasions rebuttals oon
came in the
British
eat wave and in
punk/metal,
espectively.
And in
both
cases,
as
now
in
the
years
around
1990,
it
is
interesting
o note
that t
was an advance
of
feminine'
nd 'black'
elements
and
subgenres
that
made
the
old rock
defenders
despair, while the subsequent triumphantdiscourses of a rock recovery'were
oftenbased on
young
white males
recapturing
he
initiative
even
if
other voices
were in
reality
trong
even at the
peak
of these
revivals).
It
is true that some
protagonists
f recent
dance
music,
notably
withinhouse
and
techno,
have
explicitly
efined their
music as
non-rock.
House
music
is
often
seen as
part
of
the same
camp
as
rap
and
hip
hop
music,
and there
are
parallels
in
the
sampling
techniques,
rhythmic
eats and
generational
ettings.
But
n
many
ways
house/techno
s
musically
and
aesthetically
much
further emoved from
he
conventional
rock/pop-field.
oore
(1993,
p.
60)
mentions
that
house music is
not
accepted by
its fans as
rock,
which is
supported
by
many
interviews nd articles
fromwithinthisscene,whilerap is muchmoreambiguous in thisrespect.Bloom-
field
1991,
p.
77)
writesthat
young
dance
music sees
'the whole
point
of the
new
technology
s
challenging
he
ethos of
"guys
and
guitars".
A
new
Swedish dance
music
journal,
NU
NRG,
introduces
tself
n
the
summer of 1993
by asking:
'Do
you
want
not
to
have
read
about
r**k?',
nd
then
writes at
length
about
precisely
(the
presumed
and wished death
of)
rock
-
again
a
gesture
of father-murderhat
as
such bears witness that the
label of
rock
at
least
carries ife
enough
to
make
people
want
to
kill t.
From the
other
camp,
rock musicians defend
their
separateness
from
pop
and
dance music. When
Guns
'n'
Roses
-
together
with Nirvana
and
Seattle
'grunge'thepraised flagship f a recentmalewhiterockrevival wereinterviewed
at the MTV
awards
event
of
1992,
Axl
Rose
finished
y
declaring
This has
nothing
to
do
with
Michael
Jackson '
They
could
as well
have
mentioned
Madonna.
'Rock' s art.
Madonna,
n
contrast,
s
'pop'
-
juvenile,
ormulaic,
rtificial,hallow,
elf-
centred,
scapist
antasy,
ommitted
o
making
profit.
adonna s a
commodityroduced
by industry.
learly, ushing
Madonna to the
bottom
ungs
of the
pop
cultural adder
makes
space
at the
top
for
op
music art'.
Furthermore,
espite
he
fact hat
Madonna
is located n
opposition
o female
inger-songwriters,
t
s
Madonna nd
pop
that
refemin-
ized.
...
A
number
f music
criticsink
Madonna,
pop,
and
'feminine'
ualities using
adjectives
ike
fluffy,oy,
bubbly,
tc.)
to construct
transcoded
ersion
f theart
versus
massculture
istinction ithinhe
domain f
popular
music.
Schulze
t l.
1993,
.
18)
Rock/pop
s
a
genre-field
f
conflictingnterpretations,
elated
to
age, gender,
ethnic and class
conflicts.
Young
generations
have a
need
to define themselves
against parents
and
their
tastes,
but can
also be fascinated
by
the
styles
of
yesterday.
Male and
female
positions
are
confronted
nd
exchanged.
'Black' and
'white'
cultural
traditions meet and
interplay
by
means of
identifications nd
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11/16
120
Johan
ornds
delimitations.
Working-class
ife
styles
are
colliding
with
those associated
with
economic or cultural
apital.
Distinctionswithin
genre
are
often
made in
efforts
to excommunicate others from
t. Some restrict ock to
a male white
canon of
heroes,marginalisingwomen,African-Americansr othergroups and subgenres
as deviant
Others. Some
respond by avoiding
the
rock
label,
while
others
fight
for
the
right
o rock. Such discursive
struggles
ver
the
definition
nd
borders of
a
genre
are a
sign
of
ts creative
ife.5
While
some
house,
rap
or
pop
voices
distance hemselves rom
narrowly
on-
ceived rock
genre,
others
fight
or
their
right
o
take
part
n
the
wider
rock
field.
Hence the
many
crossovers
etween
subgenres.
On the
partly endered
rock
border
with
pop,
for
xample,
t s
interesting
o note
that n
theSwedish tour
package
called
'Rocktaget'
the
Rock
Train),
he
famous
pop
singer
Eva
Dahlgren
was the 1992main
attraction.
t
s
harder nd harder
o
see the
precise
difference
etween
groups
nom-
inatedas best rock' bands
and best
pop'
bands of the
year.
On
the more
ethnically
ncoded
border
with
rap, many
black
hip hop
artists
have worked
with
hard
white
rock
bands,
as when Run-D.M.C.
and
Aerosmith
made 'Walk
This
Way',
or
when Public
Enemy
used
Anthrax
n
'Bring
Tha Noize'.
Ice-T's move
from
ap
to
hardcore
punk
with
the
band
Body
Count
in
songs
like
'Cop
Killer' s another
example
of
the
continued
attraction f
rock on
its
margins.
Like
rock,
rap
depends
on
a
vocal
performance
acked
up
by
instruments ften
played
by
an ensemble of
musicians
and/or
Js.
Sections
with
song might
lternate
with
the
rhythmical
ap
speech.
There s
today
a
sortof
continuum
between
hard-
core
rap/metal,
uristrap,
toast and
pop/soul-rap,
art
of
t
oosely
associated
with
hip hop
subculture.
t is
really sign
of
heterogeneity
hat two
musics so close to
each
other
in sound
and
spirit
as
the L.A.
rage
against
the machine and the
Swedish/Norwegian
Clawfinger
have
put
opposite
claims
on
their atest releases:
'No
samples, keyboards
or
synthesizers
sed
in the
making
of
this
recording'
rage
against
he
machine,
992),
and
-
ironically
'This record
s
loaded
with
samples,
loops,
and
no
guitar
mps' (Deaf
Dumb
Blind,
1993).
This
opens up
a
very
complex
discussion
around
the relations
between
ideologies,
genres,
instruments
nd
technologies.
In a
book
about
rappers
as
'a
generation
of
black rockers'
),
the
following
statement
an be
read:
Then gain, ap srock, fterll,androck asalwayseenat east ncidentallyboutpissing
off he
old folks.
.
Of
course,
ll of
this s
predicted
n an
Afrocentric
nderstanding
f
the
history
f
rock.
f,
ike
he
whitebreads
ho
program
OR
radio,
you
believe
hat
ock
proceeds
rom
lvis o the
Beatles nd
the
Who to
Led
Zeppelin
nd Elton
John
nd
finally
Bon
Jovi
nd
Phil
Collins,
hen
rap
s
not
only
not
going
o
fit
your
definition
f
rock,
t
likely
won't
ven
qualify
s
music.On
theother
and,
f
your
halloffame uns rom
ittle
Richard
nd Bo
Diddley
o
James
rown
nd
Jimi
endrix
nd
Sly
& the
Family
tone,
o
Kool
and the
Gang
and
Parliament/Funkadelic
nd
finally
o Prince
nd theheroes f
hip
hop,
then
you're
oing
o understand
hat
ap
s
strictly
n
the
radition.
Alder
nd
Beckman
1991,
.
xviii)6
Here genredefinitionsppear as arenas ofa culturalpower struggle,where
oppositional
agents
mobilise
alternative
canons
against
a
dominating position.
Each such
reconstructed
hain is
problematic
n
trying
o establish
a
single,
clean
and
unitary
radition
ine nstead of
accepting
he
hybridity
nd
crossings
hat
give
a
genre
ife.
A series of
genealogies
coexist,
pointing
out
quite
different
egitimate
'origins'
in
country
r
blues,
America,
Africa r
Europe;
cf. van derMerwe
1989).
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12/16
The
future
f
rock
121
All
such
genealogies
are stakes
n a
power
game,
where their oexistence ndicates
that
none of
them alone can be more
than
locally
correct.
'I've seen the futureof
rock
and it
sucks',
sings
Graham Parker
on 'Love
is
a
Burning
Question'
(on
Burning
Questions, 992).
This
can be read as
a
general
pessimistic rock-prophesy
r a
specific
ronic reference o the famous statement
about Bruce
Springsteen
s
the ncarnated
future f
rock.7
A
more
optimistic
nter-
pretation,
might,
however,
say
that
rock
will
continue to
attract
nterest,
r
that
its
sucking
in
of various
new and
non-orthodox
endencies is indeed
what
will
keep
it alive
into the
next
millenium.
Its
hegemony
as
youth
music
might
be
broken,
but the
present fragmented op
music field will
probably
not
again
rise
to one
single
heir to
its
throne,
and neither will
rock
die
just
because
it is
not
alone or
has
become
reflexively
ware of its
history.8
The
efforts f
a
strong
ockestablishment o claim
hegemony
for
ne tradition
line
covers
and hides
various
sub- and
side-traditions
hat
compete
within
the
genre and in factgives it dynamicsand life.Periods of
increasing
openness (the
explicittransgressions
f
gender, sexuality, ge,
class,
ethnic and
genre
borders
by
artists ike
Madonna,
Michael
Jackson
or
Prince)
may
alternate
with
phases
where dominant
forces
ry
o reinforce trict
oundaries.
It
is then that the defini-
tion
struggles ntensify,
s threatened
positions
defend their
egitimate ights.
But
no such
purist
movements can
avoid late
modern
flexibility
nd
reflexivity:
t
is
essential
to
grunge, heavy
metal and trad
rock
as
well,
as these
subgenres
foster
new
types
of
hybridity
n
style
and
identity.
n
beat,
punk
and
grunge-metal,
he
claims of white male
bonding
were
in
fact
mmediately
crossed
by
other lines:
black sounds
in
the
1960s,
female
voices
in
the
1970s,
complex
crossovers
n
the
1990s.
Rock will die
(petrified
nto
a
cliche)
if
ts
hegemonic
line is
strong
nd stiff
enough
to
repress
all
Others
in
its
efforts o
establish
a
pure
origin
nd
canon.
If
and when
rock
can
be
unambiguously
defined,
then
it
will
be dead. But
as
long
as
various Others
'Afro-American'
oul,
reggae
and
rap,
female'
pop, non-Anglo-
American
voices,
etc.
fight
tylistic
ars
with
the
male, white,
Western
rockheroes
for
the
right
to
rock,
the
genre
will
survive as an
open
and
unpredictable
field.
No one
yet
knows the
result of
its
discursive
struggles.
They
are decided
by
no
single
actor,
but
in
a
polyphonous
process
among unpredictable
lliances
among
listeners,
ubcultures,
musicians,
ournalists
and
music
industryprofessionals.
Late modern tendencies have problematisedone rock deology, thatwhich
formulated
bohemian,
male
father
rebellion
through
ageing images
of
lonely
marginality
nd
raw
naturalness.
The
space
may
have
shrunk
for uch
melancho-
lian
macho-rebels.But
whatever ts
claims,
this
deology
has
never
been the
whole
truth
bout the
'essence'
of
rock. Its
current
weaking
-
in
spite
of the recurrent
efforts
o revive it
-
may open
a
larger scope
forother
subcurrents,
ther
defini-
tions.
Important
conditions still
exist
for
some
sort of
aesthetic
activity
with
at
least
some of the
functions,
se-values and
characteristics
f rock.
What name it
will have
is
not decided
by
whether this
future
music-making
will
adhere to or
deviate
from
ny
once-and-for-all
iven
rock-essence. t is instead
theresult
of as
yetundecided strugglesofgenredefinitions nd rights f nterpretation.
This
constructivist
iew is
also
congruent
with
a
general
problematisation
f
earlier
ways
of
looking
at
subcultures and
other
cultural
phenomena,
in
which
'homologies'
were
sought.
Looking
for
regular
patterns
may
be
necessary
for
ny
theoretical
nderstanding,
ut
they
do not have to
be
homogeneous
and
univocal.
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13/16
122
Johan
ornds
Instead,
cultural studies
have become more
and
more
interested
n
what can be
called
'heterologies':
contradictions
nd tensions
within
cultural
phenomena.9
Applied
to rock
and
pop
music,
we
might today
prefer
o see
these
genres
as
internallyontradictory,arrying mportant ensions
that define
them and
propel
their
diachronous
developments.
nstead of
trying
ll the time to
pinpoint
a
single
and uniform
essence, ethos,
foundation
or
homology
within rock
as a
genre
(emphasising
consistencies
between
various
subgenres;
between musical
para-
meters;
between
musical,
verbal and visual
levels of
styles;
and between cultural
forms
nd
social
formations),
would now
prefer
o look for
the most
important
sets
of
nternal ontradictions
nd fractures
hat drive
the
genre
forward.
I
would
for
my part
bet that come
the milleniumno
single
label
will be
able
to claim to
stand for
youth
music,
the
way
rock once
did.
That
way,
rock
will
lose
its
hegemony
-
which
is
not
the same as
its life.
I
expect
to
experience
a more
open fieldofrock/pop/rap/house
r
whatever
the new
subgenres
will be called.
In
such
a
situation,
t
may
be better to
returnto
'popular
music'
(or,
once
again,
'pop')
as the
unifying
oncept.
But
my
reluctance
o
leave
'rock'
behind derives
from belief
hatthe
specific
dialectics
around
the narrow/wide ock-definition
ill be relevant
nd
interesting
enough
for
years
to come.
If
the
ethos
of rock
s
interpreted
s white
and
male,
its
disintegration
ould
be welcomed.
But
is it
really
necessary
to
surrender o
the
hitherto
ominating deology
of rock?
f
the
genre
s
instead constructed
s
a
more
open
field of
tension
between
different
ositions,
t
can
be understood
and
used
not
only
to
express
but also
to
thematise
nd
problematise
he
complex
forms
of
hegemonysurroundinggender,ethnicity
nd class.
And this s
exactly
what
has
been
happening
in what
I
perceive
as the most
interesting
evelopments
within
rock,
where
the
male
white
position
has been
turned
nside-out
n the confronta-
tion
with
various
Others.
Rock
has from
ts
very beginnings
developed
through
young
male
white
position
meeting
and
breaking through
the
prisms
of
a
series
of
others':
blacks,
women,
homosexuals
or
older
tradition-bearers
rom
other
genres
(blues,
jazz,
music-hall, ai
and various
other
popular
genres).
Much
traditional
ock nd
young
white
male culture
s
certainly
oaked
with
romantic
misogyny,
nd a
longing
for
a unisexual
homosocial
world
where mothers
are
kept away,
or for
ost,
fixed
patriarchal
norms
in
what
is
perceived
as
a
too
chaotic
and
floating
ate
modern
world.
But
the
history
of
rock
has also
always
been nourished
by
inflowsfrom
Afro-American,
emale
and other
alternative
xpressions.
It
may
be
possible
to
thinkof
the
narrow rock
concept
as a
semi-subcultural
and
socially
defined
stream
within
the
open,
fluid
and
more
clearly
musically
defined
wide
rock/pop
ield.
Maybe,
then,
t is rock
as a
socially
and
functionally
defined
genre
with certain
nstitutions,
alues,
etc. thathas come
to an
end,
while
rock
as
a musical
genre
s still
usable.
If
rock
was once
a
leading
rebellious
genre
with almost
a subculture
of
its
own,
it is now
not
much
more than memories
of
thatera
and a
fragmented
rism
ofvarious
stylistic
lements.
But
then,
the
talk
of ts death can onlyresonate n those who once believed in thehighesthopes
of
its
proponents.
Like the death
ofthe
subject,
of
the author or
of
history,
he
death
of rock
can
only
be
perceived
by
those
who have
formerly
hared
an
exaggerated
belief
n
rock
as
a
super-fetish,
arrying
he load of
being
the
high-road
o
revolu-
tion,
freedom
nd
utopia.
To
others,
who do
not
share
the
disappointment
over
thedisenchantment
f
this subcultural
deology,
the
present
state
of the
genre
as
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14/16
The
future f
rock
123
one
among
others
may only
appear
as
a
highly
reasonable and even fruitful
orm
of
necessarily
contingent,hybrid
nd
contradictory
ife.20
Whatever,
predict
that the
dethroning
f
rock
will
not
be
at all like its
first
break-through,when in some ways it seemed to replace jazz. It willbe, rather,
diffuse
process
of
fragmentation
nd
hybridisation,
n
which rock
will
in fact
not
die
(anymore
than
azz
died in
the
1950s),
but become one
of
several
elastic
threads
in the
increasingly
motley
web
of
popular
music.
The future
will
be
What has
changed
within
rock/pop
s ambivalent. New
technologies
may
have
threatened
older
formsof
music-making,
ut have also
enabled
a
growing
global
communication nd plurality, s well as an increasing nteractivityn media forms
like karaoke or
digital
sound
systems.11
ampling
and
eclecticismhave not
only
expanded
commercialmarkets
but also
questioned
the
foundations of
capitalist
production
n
private ownership.
The
expansion
and
differentiationf
media in
everyday
ifehas
increased the
potential
of both
power
and resistance.
All
these
ambivalent
developments
vibrate
n
the
discussion of
the future
f
rock.
Metamorphoses
are continuous and
the
past
lives
on
in
undercurrents f the
present. Nothing
will
become either
totally
new
or
totally
he same
in
the
year
2000. The
metaphors
around
death
and
birth,
fall and
rise,
hide
many
different
motives.
Ageing
rock
journalists
mourn their lost
youth.
Young generations
emphasise
the
decay
of
parentalgenres
n
order to open spaces for heir wn new
beginnings.
At
the
bottom,
there s
a
fundamental
human desire
for
narrativity,
to understand life as a
(hi)story,
with
a
beginning,
a
climax and an
end.12
The
metaphysical
discourse of lost
innocence,
departed
glory,
passed
Golden
Age,
a
vanished
Eldorado
-
all this s
not
limited o the
rock
discourse,
to the 1990s
or
to the
already
obsolete
'post-isms'
(headed
by postmodernism).
It
is instead a
particularly
tubborn ine
through
human
history.
By
our
prophecies,
we
shape
the
millenium hift s
a
mega-event.
t
might,
therefore,
e
strategically
mportant
o
formulate
elf-reflective
ounter-visions,
n
spite
of all
doubts
of
their
validity.
do not
hope
for
ny
new
uniformity
r strict
dichotomies. What
I
hope
for
s a
growing space fordifferences nd pluralities,
for ommunication
nd
creativity,
or
resistance
gainst
systemic
demands and
for
as
domination-free
ialogues
as
possible.
I
look
forward
o musical currents
hat
experiment
with
the
potentials
of
modernity
or
elf-reflection,
issolution
of
sup-
pressing
traditions,
ndividualisation
of life
choices and
mobilisation
of
identity,
while at the
same
time
resisting
ts
negative
risks
for
ecological
collapse,
social
control,
commercial
cynicism
nd
the
broken
conversations
of cultural
conflicts.
Popular
music can
be
predicted
to find
new
ways
of
voicing oppression
and
injust-
ice
on
many
different
rontiers,
f
which the
age
and
generational
one will
be
of
crucial
mportance
n
theface of the
ways
in
which
young
people
are hit
by
ecolo-
gical, psychological,social and culturalproblems n late modernity.The twenty-
first
entury
nd
our third
milleniumwill
need broad and
deep
cultural
dialogues
and
music will be
an
important
means of
communication cross and
underneath
borders: between
people
and
deep
under the level
ofverbal
discursivity.
Here is
a
continuing
mission forrock and its
growing
numberof
companions
and
compet-
itors. The music of
tomorrow and
future ock as a rich
subfieldwithin t
-
will
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15/16
124
Johan
orniis
hopefully
be
anti-,
poly-
and
heterophonic
Only
then will
the
words
of Prince
n
'The
Future'
Batman, 1989)
be
applied
to rock:
I've seen the
future
nd it
will
be
I've seenthefuturend itworks
In
any
case,
the future
s
already working
n and
on
the
present
-
through
our discourses on
what will
be.
Endnotes
1 A
style
s
a
particular
ormation
f formal ela-
tions in one
single
work,
in
the
total work
of
an
artist,
r
in
a
group
of works across
many
genres
cf.
Ricoeur
1976,
1981).
2 Cf. also
Frith 1981, 1986, 1988), Grossberg
(1986/1990, 993)
and
Ihlemann
(1992).
3
Figures
can
be found
n Roe & Carlsson
(1990).
According
to
Gottlieb
1991),
the US
popula-
tion
spends
more
money
on
musical
scores,
software
and instruments
than on
phonograms.
4
For
example, punk
obviously opened
crucial
new
spaces
for
female
voices,
but
the
early
comments
of how
punk
had revitalised
the
decaying
rock field
usually
stressed
the
return
to male roots.
Only
later
t was the
new divers-
ity of voices celebrated.
Thanks
to Hillevi
Ganetz,
who
is
presently
writing
dissertation
on
female
Swedish rock
yrics,
or
making
me
think bout these
gendered
historical
erspect-
ives. Wise
(1984/1990)
iscusses
the
repressed
female
aspect
of
Elvis
Presley.
Cohen
(1991)
describes
the
misogynist
lements
of
the indie
rock
culture
of
Liverpool.
Compare
also
how
Andreas
Huyssen
(1986)
analyses
literary
modernism
as a
reaction
towards
the feared
femininity
f mass culture.
5 Middleton
1990)
has a similar
view
of rock
as
a discursivelycontested
and
dynamic
field.
Ricoeur
1981)
discusses
the
necessity
nd
pro-
ductivity
f conflicts
f
interpretation.
6
Swedenburg
1992,
pp.
55,
65)
also stresses he
continuity
between
rap
and rock
and
sees
these
genres
as
open
discursivefields.
7
'I
saw rock
and roll's
future nd
its name is
Bruce
Springsteen',
wrote
Jon
Landau
in
Roll-
ing
Stone
n
1974.
8 Moore
(1993,
p.
179)
underlines
that self-
references
nd
pastiche
forms are
not neces-
sarily
signs
of
decay,
but rather f continued
vitality.
9 The
concept
of
'heterology'
derives
from
Michel
de Certeau
(1986).
10
'[W]hat
has
"died"
is
the
ability
of
the
dis-
course
of "rock'
to
impose
a
unity
n
the
form
of the
white,
male
subject/author
pon
the
het-
erogeneity
of "other'
racial,
sexual
and
gen-
dered
identities
and
musics on which
rock
music itself
ed'
(Bradby
1993,
p.
163).
11
Bloomfield
1991,
p.
76)
optimistically
opes
that the
proliferation
f
a
karaoke-style-do-it-
yourself
ap may
n the future
llow
for
com-
bined
political
nd aesthetical
break with com-
modity
culture'.
12
Ricoeur
(1983-5/1984-8,
991)
discusses
the
close
relation
between
life,
time,
history
nd
narrative.
My
view
of the life
of
genres
as
an
openness
towards
conflicting
nterpretations
are
inspired
by
Ricoeur
(1976).
Compare
Fornas
1990a)
on
rock,youth
and
late modern
time
experience.
References
Adler,
B. and
Beckman,
Janette.
991.
Rap
Portraits
nd
Lyrics
f
Generation
f
BlackRockers
London)
Berkaak,
Odd
Are and
Ruud,
Even.
1992. Den
pdbegynte
irkelighet.
tudier samtidskultur
Oslo)
Bloomfield,
Terry.
1991.
'It's sooner
than
you
think,
or
Where
are we
in the
history
f rock
music?'