The Freedom of the City: Barranquilla Center For Displaced People and Concordia Plaza

The Freedom of the City: Center For Displaced People and Concordia Plaza

This Final Project is presented to The Faculty of the School of Architecture

by Luis Esteban Calvo

In partial fulfillment of the requirement of the University Honors Program and In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree

Bachelor of Architecture

Southern Polytechnic State University Marietta, Georgia

Spring, 2010

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Student: Luis Esteban Calvo Date

Internal Advisor: Professor Richard Cole Thesis Coordinator: Professor Anthony Rizzutto

Internal Advisor: Professor Christopher Welty Thesis Coordinator: Professor M. Saleh Uddin

Department Chair: Ameen Farooq

Honors Committee Representative Honors Director: Dr. Nancy Reichert

Thesis Collaborative: 2009-10Request for Approval of Project Book

Department of Architecture, School of ACC, Southern Polytechnic State University

Student’s Full Name: Luis Esteban Calvo

Design Project Title: Freedom of the City: Center for Displaced People and Concordia Plaza

Abstract:

Once a year, the streets of Barranquilla (Colombia) belong to the people. The sights and sounds of the city become intoxicating in sheer color, dizziness, chaos and music. Bright yellow, red, and green sights penetrate the city, in the forms of parades that move their way through the city’s streets. The crowd takes control of the street, moving its way like water through a dense forest. The urban fabric of Barranquilla is not the same during this week. The city, its houses, businesses, parks, streets, and bridges, are accustomed to the coming of the carnival. The celebration is a commanding force that overpowers all other institutions in the city. This dense city is located on the northern tip of South America. The “freedom of the city” is conceived as a feeling of exaltation in human expression and de-sire that the city allows in its inhabitants. The city has the potential to liberate, rather than separate, human interaction and interconnectivity. A moment of popular disruption or insurgency, such as a carnival, is an act through which self-expression asserts the human desire to play. Barranquilla’s

carnival is the most tangible expression of the “freedom of the city” that one can experience. It is a situation in which the distinction between public and private are further erased, a situation in which the collective has control over the city. Barranquilla’s people are interconnected in a state in which social stigmas are paradoxically erased and heightened. What becomes crucial is the interconnec-tivity in interaction between individual, collective, and city. Barranquilla’s carnival is a situation in which those who inhabit the city change the fabric of the city itself. Movement no longer happens in its conventional form; those who engage in the carnival dance their way through their city. My project attempts to use this dance as a method to create and shape space.

The downtown area that is encompassed in the scope of this project suffers from a crisis in identity. The area has 2 plazas divided by a vacant Brutalist building on the brink of demolition. My project proposes a new building adjacent to such, housing a non-profit foundation aimed at assist-ing displaced populations of war-inflicted families. The northern plaza is reconfigured to create an open marketplace for displaced street vendors, and the Brutalist building accommodates a Hostel that financially supports the foundation and provides temporary housing for those who are assisted by the foundation.

I propose an intervention in which this moment of exceptional freedom can be inscribed into the fabric of the city, and its paradoxical social conditions exposed. Tentatively, my design hypothesis projects that providing a physical space - designed primarily for large crowds, which questions the existing system of private property and urban zoning regulations - would constitute an counterpart to the Carnaval inscribed in the urban fabric, and may initiate a series of social relations which expose Barranquilla’s inherent social contradictions.

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dedication and acknowledgements

To my mother Ana Maria, the person to whom I owe the most in this world, and who taught me that our education was the best investment we could ever make. Thank you for making this possible.

I would also like to thank everyone who somehow enriched my academic development, including the entire Faculty of Architecture of Southern Polytechnic State University

Thank you to:

My partner Amir Zaheri My grandmother Adela JassirMy father Luis Alberto CalvoMy siblings Pablo, Sebastian, and IsabellaMy family Natasha, Juan Pablo, and cousinsMy ATL family Janice, Dave, and MichelleMy friends and studio partners Sarah, Dustin, Carolina, and YvetteMy professors Rich Cole and Chris Welty

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table of contentsTable of Contents

Abstract

Introduction

Section I: Theorem

Chapter 1.0: Design Theorem

1.1 Design Hypothesis and Rationale 1.2 Underlying Principles of the Design Hypothesis to the Proposed Project 1.3 Relevance of the Precedent Analysis to the Proposed Project: Case Studies

Section II: Practicum

Chapter 2.0: Design Analysis

2.1 Site 2.2 Context 2.3 Building Program

Chapter 3.0: Design Process 3.1 Site: Contextuality 3.2 Program: Space and Spatiality 3.3 Dance: Space-maker Section III: Synthesis

Chapter 4.0: Design Synthesis

Section IV: Honors Study

Chapter 5.0 Alternatives

5.1.1 Introduction 5.1.2 Regional Selection 5.1.3 Commentary

Bibliography

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Once a year, the streets of Barranquilla (Colombia) belong to the people. The sights and sounds of the city become intoxicating in sheer color, dizziness, chaos and music. Bright yellow, red, and green sights pen-etrate the city, in the forms of parades that move their way through the city’s streets. The crowd takes control of the street, moving its way like water through a dense forest. The urban fabric of Barranquilla is not the same during this week. The city, its houses, businesses, parks, streets, and bridges, are accustomed to the coming of the carnival. The celebration is a commanding force that overpowers all other institutions in the city. This dense city is located on the northern tip of South America. The “freedom of the city” is conceived as a feeling of exaltation in human expression and desire that the city allows in its inhabitants. The city has the potential to liberate, rather than separate, human interaction and interconnectivity. A moment of popular disruption or insurgency, such as a carnival, is an act through which self-expression asserts the human desire to play. Barranquilla’s carnival is the most tangible expression of the “freedom of the city” that one can experience. It is a situation in which the distinction between public and private are further erased, a situation in which the collective has control over the city. Barranquilla’s people are interconnected in a state in which social stigmas are paradoxically erased and heightened. What becomes crucial is the interconnectivity in interaction between individual, collective, and city. Barranquilla’s carnival is a situation in which those who inhabit the city change the fabric of the city itself. Move-ment no longer happens in its conventional form; those who engage in the carnival dance their way through their city. My project attempts to use this dance as a method to create and shape space.

The downtown area that is encompassed in the scope of this project suffers from a crisis in identity. The area has 2 plazas divided by a vacant Brutalist building on the brink of demolition. My project proposes a new building adjacent to such, housing a non-profit foundation aimed at assist-ing displaced populations of war-inflicted families. The northern plaza is reconfigured to create an open marketplace for displaced street vendors, and the Brutalist building accommodates a Hostel that financially supports the foundation and provides temporary housing for those who are assisted by the foundation.

I propose an intervention in which this moment of exceptional free-dom can be inscribed into the fabric of the city, and its paradoxical social conditions exposed. Tentatively, my design hypothesis projects that provid-ing a physical space - designed primarily for large crowds, which questions the existing system of private property and urban zoning regulations - would constitute an counterpart to the Carnaval inscribed in the urban fabric, and may initiate a series of social relations which expose Barranquilla’s inherent social contradictions.

abstract

(carnaval de barranquilla.org)

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introductionThe movement through the city creates the connections that in their own part create our perception of the city. This movement happens in many con-ventional ways, and to a certain extent they are an integral part of a physical transition in place. Nonetheless, movement is not just the act of walking as a pedestrian on a sidewalk. Our movement through a city encompasses various forms of transportation that when taken to extremes can either iso-late or crowd in proximity. For instance, a personal vehicle that uses an interstate essentially isolates its subjects from a physical interaction with the city. Barranquilla, unlike American cities, does not have an interstate problem. However, it does have the problem of planning that addresses the dominance of an automobile mentality. How those who inhabit the city move through it is an essential ingredient in how people perceive their city. The act of walking, versus driving, creates a multitude of difference. The act of dancing through the city, a cultural phenomenon for Barranquilla, adds richness and multidimensionality to how “moving” can be conceived.

During the carnival, movement in the city takes a new meaning. Pedestri-ans, buses, cars, and cabs recede their dominance to another element that takes over: dancers. Dance is a means of cultural richness that manifests itself in an idiosyncratic form. The dance that occurs in Barranquilla, though an element that has evolved from a plurality of cultures and traditions, is local only to Barranquilla

The downtown area that is encompassed in the master planning for this project suffers from a crisis in identity. For one part, it is touted and is much regarded as a walkable location in which the pedestrian claims heirchical dominance. However, on the northern edge of the site, the recently recon-figured streets cater to the movement of the automobile. Movement, and the elements which create its character, are integral to the experience of any urban situation. The pace, rhythm, diversions, connections, poses, and paths that are encountered in this movement all define its character. The area has clearly defined its character in movement on the plaza and side-walks that are south of the Agraria Building. However, north of the building, this certainty disappears and an ambiguity takes over. The northern plaza, long regarded as an epitome in public spaces, is far from being a mean-ingful space. The movement in its southern counterpart is so rich in part because it has the history and significance of a place.

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Theorem

1.1 Design Hypothesis and Rationale

It was an odd feeling having such freedom. It was the late fall of last year, and I felt a usual sensation of hunger and anticipation. Without thinking I left my cousin’s apartment, and walked three blocks towards a small bistro I had never heard of, which increased its appeal even more. The street was muddy and wet from recent rain, the people surrounding me oblivious of my existence. As I walked, a woman who seemed to be in her thirties ac-cidentally bumped herself onto my left shoulder. She made no attempt to apologize, nor did I expect such a thing. It was an odd feeling indeed; I had not felt so alive in months. The street was unforgiving; it didn’t acknowledge my presence. There was a prevailing sense of anonymity, almost equality; everyone walking down the street was on equal terms. This one unforgiv-ing street in New York City had brought me back to life, reminding me why I had joined this profession in the first place. It was the freedom of the city, its brashness and raw commanding force, what had inspired me to become an architect in the first place. It saddened me how much I had forgotten this feeling; its impact resonated a sense of melancholy in my mind. The city and I felt closer than ever before, almost a part of each other. I left New York in a matter of days, knowing I would be leaving more than its streets and sidewalks. I left the city knowing I would be losing part of myself.

My connection to the city was something I always took for granted, until I moved to the realm of American Suburbia. A few months after mov-ing to a new country, I felt trapped in a dispersed environment that lacked stimulation, sound, activity, noise, and touch. The city had been lost, and I felt equally lost in the process. I was born and raised in the Caribbean city of Barranquilla, on the coast of northern Colombia. Barranquilla, to phrase it simplistically, is a dense, chaotic, brash, messy, clumsy, disorganized, smelly, and inversely comforting city of about 1.5 million people. For me it was not “a city”, but rather “my city”. I had a love-hate relationship with Bar-ranquilla for years. I hated its messiness, chaos, and turmoil, but I had a strong sense of “place” within its boundaries. Barranquilla was not a stage backdrop of a skyline in which events took place; it was a place that was experienced, not seen. This was a city of paradoxes; a complex and cha-otic movement of intricate idiosyncrasies, and a simplistic and elitist society that seemed both segregated and synchronized to the life of the city. I was raised in this dichotomy. On one hand, I was an intrinsic part of the city, a member so entangled with my surroundings I did not notice how the city affected me. Barranquilla was noisy, crazy, and boisterous, and I found calmness and order in this apparent madness.

Chapter 1: Design Theorem

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Once a year, this chaos and disorder was heightened, almost glori-fied, with the coming of Carnaval. For an entire week, the noise of the streets was intensified, its smells ascended new heights of disruption. Streets now housed both the sounds of horns as well as those of drums and other local instruments. The city was transformed, its tensions shifted and its inhabit-ants entrapped in a momentary vacuum that paradoxically both erased and intensified social stigmas. Barranquilla has largely been a city of two towns, the wealthy and privileged north, and the industrial, poor, and congested south. During this time of Carnaval, the city’s urban fabric, as well as the people who inhabited such, was transformed into an ethereal monster, a consequence of itself. The carnival transforms the city, and in its spirit of liberation dating to its beginning as a party for and by slaves, brings the city back to the people. In a way, the carnival is the ultimate “freedom” for Bar-ranquilla’s citizens’, and not just in the exuberance of dance, alcohol, sex, and overindulgence. Carnaval reclaims the city to those who live within it, becoming the upmost expression of freedom in Barranquilla itself.

This “freedom of the city” is conceived as a feeling of exaltation in human expression and desire that the city evokes in its inhabitants. The city has the potential to liberate, rather than separate, human interaction and interconnectivity. The exaltation cityhood, rather than urbanism lies in such an assertion. The distinct between the terms “cityhood” and “urbanism” lies in the distinction between uniting and dividing. Following Henri Lefebvre, modern urbanism has the connotation of a “technique of separation” that reduces the city to a particular aspect of analysis represented as coherent truth. (Andreotti, Pg 14). “Cityhood” refers to the dynamic interconnection between elements, rather than a stationary container of social relations. A moment of popular disruption or insurgency, such as a carnival, is an act through which self-expression asserts the human desire to play. Barran-quilla’s carnival is a tangible expression of the “freedom of the city” that one can experience. It is a situation in which the distinction between public and private are further erased, a situation in which the collective has control over the city. Barranquilla’s people are interconnected in a state in which social stigmas are paradoxically erased and heightened. What becomes crucial is the interconnectivity in interaction between individual, collective, and city.

What motivates my research is this study of the city, its meaning, and the people it influences. I am primarily concerned with the freedoms of such state of cityness. How is the city an expression of freedom that allows for its inhabitant to immerse itself in the urban fabric? As well, how does this freedom manifest itself within the physical realm of the city? Contemporary society is not the same one that created the urban fabric in which it currently resides. Our modern existence is not one grounded to a place, or a cer-tain location in which our social, business, and economic transactions take place. The city is no longer our sole playground, yet it still has the potential to entrap us in its fabric.

The question of cityness no longer limits itself to that of “place” and location, but of interaction and movement. What is questioned is not the existing city, but the character of the “new” city of the twenty first century. How does this city relate to its inhabitants? What is their interaction? Can architecture create interconnectivity in human interaction to express the “freedom of the city” in built form? These sub-questions deal primarily with the experience of the city itself, and how its inhabitants view, portray, and move thought its realm. My main concern is not only what becomes of the city, but what also becomes of the urban person. More importantly: who is this person? How does this urban person relate to the city differently than an outsider to the city? For instance, how is the experience of a city dweller different to that of a commuter or tourist?

(carnaval de barranquilla.org)

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1.2 Underlying Principles of the Design Hypothesis to the Proposed Project

In order to fully understand the urban and socio-economic implication of the sites, it is important to discuss the history and culture of the city-at-large. Barranquilla currently holds a population of about 1.4 million people in an area of about 166 square kilometers (64 sq mi). In comparison, Atlanta city proper has a population of about 500 thousand in 343 sq km (132 sq mi). This gives Barranquilla a population density 4.4 times greater than Atlanta’s, and about half of New York City’s.

Barranquilla was never properly planned as a city, but rather developed and evolved since the first mention of the territory dating from 1533 AD. Neighboring farmers looking for water from the river informally populated the city, starting from a small settlement in between the more important cities of Cartagena and Santa Marta in 1629. The founding of Barranquilla is obscure and widely debated, a stark contrast to the famous establishments of its neighboring cities by Spanish colonials. Since its start, those who were of a “free” class of mestizos populated Barranquilla. Cattle were alleged as famously determining the location of the city, but its rapid growth is attributed to commerce and the free market of competition that made Barranquilla desirable for investors.

The city was started in the historical “centro”, or center, in which much of the city’s commerce and life took place due to its proximity to the Magdalena River. The city’s growth was nonetheless inward, away from the river. Therefore, the city has never had a defined riverside condition. Current pollution and industrial areas around the river deem it undesirable to people of the city. Barranquilla was initially called the “Golden Port of Colombia”, since it historically served as the country’s main port, therefore connecting the country with its international neighbors. The port was not actually located in the city, but on the outskirts of Sabanilla, near the mouth of the river. It wasn’t until the construction of a railway between these two locations that Barranquilla’s port, a safer and cheaper place of commerce than its local competitors, took full steam. The port, however, has since deteriorated and this economic activity has moved to the neighboring city of Cartagena. Nonetheless, a new super-port is in the planning stages to once again make Barranquilla the gateway to the country.

The city is best known both nationally and internationally as the location of the country’s biggest and most important Carnival. The carnival predates the city itself, as it was initially started in Cartagena, as a party for and by slaves, in which such would be allowed to parade through the streets and dance to their own music. Slavery was eventually abolished in Colombia in the year 1851. The carnival tradition was discontinued in

Cartagena, yet revived in Barranquilla in following years. Even in its initial form, the carnival was an ethereal liberation. The carnival was moved to Barranquilla because of its importance as a place of commerce in the late XIX Century. As well, German immigrants in the city had pushed for the carnival as a way of reigniting a local tradition that related to their German culture, specifically their “Karneval” celebrations in the city of Cologne. Today’s carnival is thus a mix of European, African, and Latin American traditions that trace symbols and costumes to pagan idols and mythological creatures. It is highly related to Catholicism in its use of religious figures, as well as its scheduling with lent.

During the week of Carnival, Barranquilla completely paralyzes its normal activities and engages its inhabitants in an altered and heightened reality of party, folklore, movement, dance, and interaction. The carnival is by no means stationary. Parades, which are mostly open for participation to the public regardless of social class or economic standing, move throughout the city’s main arteries. This closes down streets, businesses, schools, and transport. Inversely, Carnaval de Barranquilla is still a lucrative enterprise that counts with sponsorship of National and international businesses (Carrefour, Movistar, Coca Cola, Exxon-Mobil, etc) and is now celebrated in cities such as Miami, Berlin, and New York City. As well, access to the parades’ temporary viewing structures is considerably expensive for the poorer population of the city. Since the parades move their way through several city blocks, some of them do not require any entrance fees and are completely free for anyone who wishes to interact, dance along, and join the parade participants. Nevertheless, Carnival still expresses the social stigmas and tensions that have plagued the city throughout its history. Barranquilla’s society is largely segregated into cliques established by a withstanding tradition of elitist social practices. The distinction between poor and rich is palpable. The rich country clubs hold exclusive rights to the execution and participation of certain parades, and high-ticket prices for some events are limiting for many. A ticket for a seat in one of the temporary viewing platforms is about fifty USD, or about one-third of the official Colombian monthly minimum wage. The carnival has two main figures, a king and a queen. The queen is always a young 20-something socialite of a wealthy Barranquillean family. On the other hand, the king is a member of the lower class, and always an older gentleman of about 50 years old. Carnival is therefore liberation, an oxymoron, and largely, its own contradiction.

The site is important to me as the threshold between community interaction and the physical manifestations of “culture”. The culture referred to here is twofold, for one is the conventional definition of song and dance, whereas the other one is the culture of local tradition and social interactions. The site is conveniently located at this literal intersection between not only

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neighborhoods, but also societies divided by money, power, and stigmas. The interaction between different entities can lead to a programmatic event that plays at a smaller scale than the monumental institutions that already existing and are under development. A possibility could be a threshold for the community in which the tension between these institutions can manifest itself. The question that lies in this site is the underlying freedom of the urbanite society, and how its reacts to the monumentality and oppression of these institutions. How is the city subjective to the tradition and ritualism of the Catholic oppression, and the economic and social manifestations that take place in the mall? More importantly, how is the citizen responding to the interaction between the freedoms of the city and the lack of freedoms provided by the elements that are housed in such?

A resulting programmatic intervention can be a space for freedom in cultural expression. Barranquilla’s one unifying element, as well as one that holds both religious and economic undertones, is the carnival. Carnival provides this freedom with not only an activity of dance and partying, but by disrupting the city in its entirety. The cultural center would, however, not be a museum. It would have to be a center that focuses on activity rather than the display of culture. Like the carnival’s slogan states “Quien lo vive es quien lo goza” (Who lives it, is who enjoys it). Barranquilla’s cultural heritage is not to be seen, but to be experienced.

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Yale Arts Complex

Paul Rudolph Hall, Jeffrey H. Loria Center for the History of Art, and the Robert B. Haas Family Arts LibraryNew Haven, Connecticut

Gwathmey Siegel & Associates Architects llc

Yale University’s Rudolph Building – formerly known as the Art and Architecture Building – was designed in 1963 by the modern master and then chair of the School of Architecture, Paul Rudolph. It is considered one of his most important works and was recently completely renovated and expanded, restoring the structure to its original 1963 intention and providing space for the History of Art department.

The 114,000 sf Brutalist building, which is constructed of cast-in-place concrete, has a total of 37 differ-ent levels on nine floors, two below grade, and is a cornerstone of Yale’s vibrant arts campus. As a result of a 1996 planning study, Yale University decided to undertake the exterior and interior renovation of the structure along with the addition of a seven-story History of Art Building that allows for an expanded Art and Architecture Library, classrooms, seminar rooms, lecture halls, faculty offices, lounge, and public café. The architects designed the project to qualify for a LEED silver rating.

The design results from the integration of program-matic, structural and mechanical needs. It includes

the restoration of exterior walls; the installation of historically correct windows; and upgrades to all building facilities including the exhibition gallery, jury and studio spaces; study areas; and administrative and faculty offices. It also introduces new lighting and furnishings throughout and brings the structure into compliance with current building and fire code regulations.

The new 87,000 sf Jeffrey H. Loria Center for the History of Art, while an addition, is designed to present its own iconic presence in the overall composition. Its main volume is clad in limestone and zinc panels, with the intersections to the Rudolph Building rendered in glass and aluminum panels, thus reinforcing both the integration and articulation of the two structures.

This extraordinary project represents the culmination of Charles Gwathmey’s forty-five year relationship with the university’s School of Architecture. Paul Rudolph was its chairman during Mr. Gwathmey’s studies and also became his mentor.

1 Original Art & Architecture Building

2 York Street elevation

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g

ELEVATOR LOBBY

ELEVATOR LOBBYLOBBY

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LIBRARY MEZZANINE


Yale Arts Complex

Paul Rudolph Hall, Jeffrey H. Loria Center for the History of Art, and the Robert B. Haas Family Arts Library

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OFFICE

OFFICE

OFFICE

OFFICE

OFFICE

OFFICE

OFFICE OFFICE OFFICE

OFFICE OFFICE

OFFICE

ADMIN

ELEVATOR LOBBY

MAIL

OFFICE

OFFICE

OFFICE

OFFICE

LOUNGE

LOUNGE

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Yale Arts Complex


Key Project Information

• complete renovation of the 1963 landmark• upgrading of MEP and fire safety systems• new History of Art Building• expanded art and architecture library• exhibition gallery• two lecture halls• classrooms• seminar rooms• administrative and faculty offices• lounge area• public café• LEED silver rating

• completion 2008• Rudolph Building gsf 114,000• History of Art Building gsf 87,000

Recognition

• AIA NY State - Award of Excellence, Historic Preservation, 2009

• International Concrete Repair Institute - Award of Excellence, High-Rise Category, 2009

• Connecticut Building Congress Project Team Award - First Place, 2009

Study

Loria Center typical faculty officeCross section

Yale Arts Complex


Key Project Information

• complete renovation of the 1963 landmark• upgrading of MEP and fire safety systems• new History of Art Building• expanded art and architecture library• exhibition gallery• two lecture halls• classrooms• seminar rooms• administrative and faculty offices• lounge area• public café• LEED silver rating

• completion 2008• Rudolph Building gsf 114,000• History of Art Building gsf 87,000

Recognition

• AIA NY State - Award of Excellence, Historic Preservation, 2009

• International Concrete Repair Institute - Award of Excellence, High-Rise Category, 2009

• Connecticut Building Congress Project Team Award - First Place, 2009

Study

Loria Center typical faculty officeCross section

Loria Center Great Hall LibraryLoria Center lobby

York Street; northeast


Yale Arts Complex


Rudolph Hall fourth floor

Loria Center lecture hall View of terrace and green roof

Yale Arts Complex (1963, 2008)New Haven, CT, USA

Paul Rudolph - Paul Rudolph Hall (former Art and Architecture Building)Charles Gwathmey - Jeffrey H. Loria Center for the History of Art,

In order to understand the design decisions that one architect makes when relating a new construction to the work of a previous architect, the Gwath-mey addition to Rudolph’s Yale building was studied. This precedent was used as a tool to comprehend the logistics of a restoration project that aims to provide an addition that both treats its neighboring building with respect, but allows for its own identity. Furthermore, Paul Rudolph’s Brutalist aes-thetic was keenly related to that of Martinez Sanabria’s Agraria Building. The concept of adjoining a contemporary aesthetic to an existing building of such strong visual prominence was an integral part to the project.

Description from Gwathmey’s Office:

Yale University’s Rudolph Building–formerly known as the Art and Architecture Building–was designed in 1963 by the modern master and then chair of the School of Architecture, Paul Rudolph. It is considered one of his most important works and was completely renovated and expanded, restoring the structure to its original 1963 intention and providing space for the History of Art department.

The design results from the integration of programmatic, struc-tural and mechanical needs. It includes the restoration of exterior walls; the installation of historically correct windows; and upgrades to all building facilities including the exhibition gallery, jury and stu-dio spaces; study areas; and administrative and faculty offices. It also introduces new lighting and furnishings throughout and brings the structure into compliance with current building and fire code regulations.

The new 87,000 sf Jeffrey H. Loria Center for the History of Art, while an addition, is designed to present its own iconic presence in the overall composition. Its main volume is clad in limestone and zinc panels, with the intersections to the Rudolph Building rendered in glass and aluminum panels, thus reinforcing both the integration and articulation of the two structures.

(all images and diagrams property of Gwathmey Siegel & Associates Architects)

YALE ARTS COMPLEX

1.3 Relevance of the Precedent Analysis to the Proposed Project: Case Studies

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SANTA CATERINA MARKET

Santa Caterina MarketBarcelona, Spain

Enric Miralles and Benedetta Tagliabue (EMBT), 2005

The renovation of the Santa Caterina market was used as a precedent for its integration of an existing urban fabric into its architecture. The renovation project respected the existing Neoclassical building and canopied it with a colorful roof that evoked the culture of its surroundings and the fresh fruit that are sold within the building. In addition, the project was important as a demonstration of innovative structure that adapts itself to the over arching cultural expression in the project. The columns that support the whimsical curved roof are not merely columns, they are meaningful expressions in their own right.

(picasa.com)

(picasa.com)(picasa.com)(panoramio.com)

(panoramio.com) (flickr.com) (picasa.com)

14plaza san jose: current status and future plan

plaza san roque: current status and future plan

plazas san jose y san roque

paseo de las palmas: current status and future plan

plaza san nicolas: current status and future plan

plaza san nicolas y paseo de las palmas

(EDUBAR, Colombia)

(EDUBAR, Colombia)

(EDUBAR, Colombia) (EDUBAR, Colombia)

(EDUBAR, Colombia)

(EDUBAR, Colombia)barranquilla, COL barranquilla, COL

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Section 2: Practicum

magdalena river

Mallorquin Bay

Caribbean Sea

internationalairport

downtown

Barranquilla’s downtown has a rich history that dates back to the earli-est settlements of the city as far as 1625. The Bolivar Avenue, then Abello Avenue, was planned in 1886 to resemble the boulevards of Paris. The boule-vard was thus meant as a visible grand expression of a vibrant public persona for the city. It was in this location that in 1903 the first “Battle of the flowers,” a famous Carnival parade, took place in celebration for the ending of a strenuous 3-year civil war. In 1910, the Avenue was renamed Avenida Colon (Columbus Avenue), in memory of Christopher Columbus. In 1928, the Palma Building was built on the site of the now-distressed CAB and was immediately consid-ered an architectural masterpiece by both citizens and local leaders. The plaza south of the building was expanded for the Palma to be in full display. In 1937, a statue of Simon Bolivar was transferred from a nearby plaza onto its present location, which led to the plaza being renamed to its present Bolivar Avenue.

In 1955, the Palma building was demolished to facilitate the expansion of the avenue to the Olaya Herrera Avenue, a project that is currently still in proposal. Due to politics and lagging in the city’s administration, the site stood empty for 10 years until it was bought by the governmental agency the Caja de Compensacion Agrario. The city undertook a national architectural competition to design the new building. The Colombian Architect Fernando Martinez won this competition with the design for the existing building. The building won a national architecture merit award the same year, and was deemed a national monument in 1994. The Avenue fell into disrepair in the 1970’s as economic prosperity moved towards northwest of downtown. The avenue was neglected by city government for decades, which ironically holds its main offices 4 blocks south of the CAB. Crime, dirt, noise, and chaos plagued the site until the early 2000’s, when an adventurous plan, designed by a city planning committee, was put into effect to “recover” the lost public spaces of the city.

The current plan insists on expanding the Bolivar Avenue towards the river and the Olaya Herrera Avenue. The plan was put into effect in 2004, when all buildings two blocks north of the CAB were demolished in hope of expand-ing the Bolivar Plaza. City planners counted on the demolition of the CAB, which would in their mind create a vast public plaza for the city that would span continuously for 8 city blocks. Historical preservation laws prevented this from happening, resulting in a heated controversy in which even the president and top cabinet members of the country had to intervene. The president allowed for a permit to demolish the building in 2006, however the ministry of Culture blocked this action. The building now “blocks” a continuous linear plaza and divides it into two segments. CAB is now inaccessible from the sidewalk since it has been blocked by wooden walls to prevent falling debris from hurting pedestrians. Offices in the building have been vacant for a few years, and the building has been denied of structural, electrical, plumbing, and aesthetic maintenance.

2.1 SiteChapter 2: Design Analysis

historic downtown districtbarranquilla, colombia

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2.2 Context

Issues Affecting Surrounding District

1. Isolation of plazas: The CAB essentially isolates the new plaza from the historical Bolivar Plaza. Pedestrian activity significantly decreases as one moves through the threshold created by the sides of the CAB. The “back”, or north, side of the building is a party wall devoid of scale and interaction. CAB does not interact with its northern plaza, since it was a new invention and only a recent addition to the context. The building was, in fact, designed to have other buildings attached to its Northern wall.

2. Homelessness: Like many other urban areas in Colombia, the downtown area has been neglected for the last 40 years as cities historically moved North into high-rise dense population clusters. The downtown area has suffered from disrepair and become a haven for homeless people and entire families who arrive into cities from the countryside without jobs, homes, and financial resources. These people are forced away from their homes by terrorist groups that force them out of their homes and take over their land. The “displaced” people, now around three million of them, arrive into hostile city conditions that have no space or resources for them.

3. Prevalence of street vendors: A main component of the activity that happens within this space is due to the high concentration of street vendors. They have set up mobile tent-like structures in which they carry their products, ranging from counterfeit merchandise and beauty products to locally produced crafts. The city has had a tumultuous relationship with these vendors, as they have essentially taken over the sidewalks and some streets for their impromptu pedestrian malls. The experience of walking within these illegal commerce avenues is comparable to walking inside a dark, crowded tunnel of activity. The city has historically reacted by completely removing them from their locations, only to have them inundate the space once more.

4. Cultural Significance: The site is described as one that is highly important to the city. The Bolivar Avenue contains major churches, local bank headquarters, government facilities, the governor’s offices, and the only museum devoted to local coastal culture in the country. It was also the birthplace of many carnival festivities, including the historical starting point for its most important parade.

5. Controversy: The CAB is one of the most hotly debated issues in the city. Current city plans do not even address the building’s existence, often addressing it as an ambiguous outline. The master plan for the area was crafted with the overriding gesture of having a long and open series of plaza, a gesture that the CAB destroys in its present location. Plans for the site have been halted since there is no agreement on the future of such.

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change in city grid reflects change in hierarchy from pedestrian to automobile

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zoning mappings show a prevalence of ground-level retail and upper level commercial and residential spaces

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Edificio Banco de Credito Agrario

The Caja Agraria Building (CAB) is located in one of the most prominent locations within the coastal city of Barranquilla, Colombia. Designed by famed Colombian architect Fernando Martinez, who considers the building his masterpiece, the building is now in disrepair and in the midst of a controversy. Protected under Colombian historical preservation laws as a national monument, the CAB is now vacant and deteriorated, even though it anchors the most important public plaza in the city. The building, designed and built in 1965, monumentally sits across the street from Bolivar Plaza. Recent renovations to the pedestrian-driven and highly active Bolivar Avenue, in the heart of an urban renewal-obsessed Barranquilla, called for the building to be demolished. The architecture of the building has been its greatest strength and yet its most tragic flaw. CAB is adored by architects, protected by politics, and hated by the people of the city, who long and mourn for the more “traditional” building that once sat on that same site.

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2.2 Building Program

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Centro de Ayuda Para Desplazados (Crisis Center for Displaced Persons) – Barranquilla, Colombia

Mission and OrganizationThe country of Colombia has one of the world’s larges populations of people forcibly displaced from their homes. Over 3 million Colombians have been forced out of their properties and villages by terrorist organizations such as the FARC and ELN. The FARC (Armed Revolutionary forces of Colom-bia) and ELN (National Liberation Army) are both Marxist guerilla groups that have plagued Colombians for about 50 years. The groups have large sprawling guerrilla-type campuses in the central valleys of the country, dis-tanced from most Colombian big cities.

These groups have forcibly exiled Colombians living in the countryside from their properties. As a result, entire families arrive into the country’s larger cities without jobs, homes, money, and in some cases, any type of educa-tion. The purpose of this organization is to provide a non-profit infrastructure that attempts to assist those who are in this situation. The Organization is a hypothetical venture modeled after related counterparts, such as LifeSpring, Inc in Indiana. The CCDP will consist of about 100 employees, on both a volunteer and paid basis.

The CCDP is run as a non-profit organization that gets funding from two sources provided on site by the project program: a marketplace and a hos-tel. The organization is run by a voluntary Board of Directors with a paid administrative support and provides the following services:

• Counseling: Counseling services may include clinical, mental health counseling, marriage or other family counseling. It will also provide coun-seling on abuse inflicted directly/indirectly by by terrorism.

• Employment support: These services include resume preparation assis-tance, job search assistance, and interviewing techniques. Counselors here will also assist in providing job training for lower-level positions.

• Financial management: These services include training and counseling for basic personal and family financial management (balancing a check-book, managing credit, applying for loans).

• Community orientation. These services provide information on local community services and assistance in locating a permanent residence within the city.

• Temporary Family Housing: The organization will work with the site hos-tel to provide available rooms to families on a temporary basis.

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Hostal BarranquillaBarranquilla Hostal

The location anchoring Bolivar Plaza offers a unique opportunity for a hostel accommodating travelers. The city has endlessly attempted to make this part of the city a tourist “destination”, yet the area under a 6-block radius does not offer one hotel at the very least. The purpose of the hostel is to pro-vide low-cost, clean, and conveniently located accommodations for visiting students and tourists. The site is close to museums, shops, public transpor-tation, and close to parades and other events during the Carnival season. The hostel will be run on the Caja Agraria Building, which conveniently al-ready offers a compartmentalized floorplan that can be easily modifies to offer private, semi-private, and shared bathrooms.

An administrative staff will collaborate with the CCDP to run and maintain the 100-room hostel, accommodating to the needs of the non-prof-it. The hostel is to include the following general spaces:

• Entrance Lobby: The lobby must have access to the main circulation of the building and Bolivar Plaza. It will provide the first interface for visitors.

• Administrative Support: Offices for employees, administration, and cleaning services will be located in an administrative support zone.

• Short-term Shared rooms: These rooms will have from 2 to 6 beds and will be on a bed-by-night payment basis. Patrons will have access to the provided shared bathrooms.

• Short-term Private Rooms: These rooms will have either one bed, or two, and have a private bathroom within the room.

• Extended-Stay Family Housing: This type of accommodation will allow for a small kitchenette and living space. This option will be the collabora-tive effort with the non-profit foundation for temporary housing. Empty rooms will be rented by the hostel.

• Cafeteria-style Restaurant: This section of the hostal will serve both the non-profit as well.

Centro Commercial Movil Mobile marketplace – Barranquilla, COL

According to city leaders, Barranquilla’s downtown has been “plagued” by street vendors that have taken over the city’s public places. During recent years, the downtown stretch of the Bolivar Avenue has been occupied by a large number of unauthorized merchants that set up tent-like retail pods. As a collective, these pods have become an overwhelming force on city life, often overtaking sidewalks, and in occasion endure streets.

Vendors sell everything from groceries and food prepared on-loca-tion, to electronics both counterfeit and legitimate. The reaction has been controversial on the city. The pedestrian activity on these informal “shopping malls” is increasingly high, becoming a nuisance for local businesses whose entrances become blocked and inaccessible. Consequences from vendors’ prevalence include: trash, noise, smells, crowded sidewalks, street perform-ers, low visibility, and so on. On the other side, nonetheless, the pedestrian activity on these stretches of city blocks is unparalleled for Barranquilla. As well, vendors are merely making a living in a challenging economy, and uti-lizing public property (sidewalk, plaza, street) for such purpose.

City government has aimlessly attempted to “control” how these ven-dors conduct businesses. Recent attempts include the construction of yel-low unmovable steel “cabins” in which vendors can vacate and sell mer-chandise. These structures were highly disregarded, and even used as the victims of urine and trash. Other Colombian cities, such as Bogota, have implemented more design-oriented solutions to this condition. Their vendor “pods”, pictured to the right, are unmovable steel structures that open up and close as desired by the merchant. Their implementation has been suc-cessful, and provided a safe infrastructure for the city.

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Chapter 3: Design Process3.1 Site: Contextuality

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?Agrario Building only addresses southern plaza. Northern plaza devoid of scale, interaction, pedestrian life.

Geometry and scale of Agrario Building mirrored on its North edge

The “void” in the Agrario is reinterpreted as an interior atrium that address-es the new building and the new plaza

A connection between the buildings is sympathetic to their character as separate yet related entities.

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Circulation in the new building is through a large staircase in the atrium and egrass and elevator in a core.

The atrium is carved through the analysis of local dance. The interior is kept mostly open in contrast to the rigidity of the Agrario building

The grid that organizes the interior walls and exterior balconies of the Agrario is extended

The lines from the Eastern side extend the rhythm of balconies from the Agrario towards the new building

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The organizing grid is extended onto the northern newer plazas

The points where the lines intersect inform the regularity in the elements that create the new public spaces

These elements become folding planes directly in front of the new building and palm trees in the far north.

The 2nd plaza far north of the new buildings becomes a marketplace for displaced street vendors

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1. Entrance2. Temporary exhibit3. Kitchen4. Cafe Counter5. Outdoor Seating6. Hostel Entrance and lobby7. Hostel Admin8. Hostel Media Center

1. Open-Air Atrium2. Meeting Area3. Counselor Stations4. Main Elevator5. Emergency Egrass6. Mechanical7. Service Elevator8. Menís Restroom9. Womenís Restroom10. Counselor Stations11. Balcony12. Extended-Stay 1B/1B13. Extended Stay 2B/1B

1. Open-Air Atrium2. Meeting Area3. Computer Stations4. Resource Library5. Emergency Egrass6. 6-Bed Hostel Room7. Womenís Restroom8. Menís Restroom

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3.3 Dance: Space-maker

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using dance as a form-generatorusing dance as a form-generatorusing dance as a form-generatorusing dance as a form-generator

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Section IV: Honors studyintroduction A project that shapes its space and form from its local contextuality and site idiosyncrasies is one that is intrinsically bound to its geography. More importantly, the building thus becomes and integral part of the people who inhabit its location. The people who use, move around, or have any sort of connection with the building in fact create the character of the building itself. The location in Barranquilla is important to the project in its specific issues: the demise of a Brutalist Masterpiece, the creation of space from a local tradition of dance and festival, the prevalence of street vendors and those displaced by war, as well as a plaza devoid of elements that engage with it.

The move from one physical location to another thus changes the proposition entirely. The building no longer addresses the same conception of public space, nor it addresses the same population needs and wants. In fact, a move in location would render the building, formally speaking, as an external element to its new surroundings. Given a proposal to shift the idea of how the building was conceived from one site to another, what is moved is not the building itself. The move that occurs happens in a way that attempts to use the propositions of the new site with the overruling ideas and space-making procedures.

This particular proposition was intrinsically tied to its location by a matter of conditions set both by its place and by its people. As a result, a change in geographic location directly changes the needs and wants of the collective. This change must be reflected in much more than the aesthetics of the buildings. The form-making mechanisms of the Barranquilla exploration make themselves irrelevant, if only for precedence of exploration. Instead, the new site informs the designer of its needs in both public and private spaces, and those that fall in between.

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regional selection The site that is considered as a possibility for moving is located in downtown Atlanta, Georgia. The new site would be located at the intersection of Fairlie St and Carnegie Way, directly across the street from the Atlanta-Fulton Public Library. The site is presently a seven-story parking deck located behind the library. Much like the location in Barranquilla, site selection is made out of the site’s specific need. There are many similarities and differences between the previous and new site. The first thing to consider is how these elements will affect the architecture.

The new site was chosen purely due to the fact that both sites have particular situation of a Brutalist building in fear of demolition. The Atlanta Library was designed by the famous Bauhaus architect Marcel Breuer, and much like the Agraria Building, it was built years after its initial design phase. Both buildings carry the stigma of Brutalist architecture, and are deemed as an unfriendly addition to their urban fabric by the general public and media. However, their main similarity is the fact that both buildings are far more sensitive to their surroundings than they are credited.

The main difference between the old and new sites is their own sense of “place“. The original site location in South America had a program suited for its site conditions. The site analysis and a study in the needs of its society created the program of the building and that of its surrounding plazas. The new location would therefore not be able to have the same program, since accommodating the previous one to a new instance would be inappropriate and misguided. Instead, a thorough study of the Atlanta condition would then allow for what type of building and/or public space would be relevant for that particular location. As well, the issue of building typology arises. The Agraria building is a vacant office building, whereas the Breuer library accommodates the aforementioned program. Therefore, the new location would suit itself for a programmatic interpretation that would relate to the library.

As well, another difference is the fact that public space as one would design in Barranquilla is inherently different than public space as one would design for Atlanta. Barranquilla required a more conventional plaza to add greenspace, as well as a home for the prevalent and often displaced street vendors. Atlanta does not have that specific requirement, nor does it need a plaza that can accommodate itself to a carnival celebration. However, what arises in Atlanta that becomes interesting is the introduction of the parking deck typology and how this affects the urban fabric. While in Barranquilla the creation of public space was based on vacant buildings and dilapidated plazas, Atlanta is an entirely different condition. Movement, the entire premise of my project, happens in a completely different way in Atlanta. Festival in Atlanta is entirely different to festival in Barranquilla.

What becomes of interest is the study of what “festival“ means

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to Atlanta. The exertion of freedom in Atlanta is not tied to a dance, but to a much deeper and bitter struggle, that much like Barranquilla, has a manifestation. Atlanta, the “city too busy to hate“, has a rich history in the ongoing struggle for civil and human rights. As the home for the Martin Luther King Center for Nonviolent Social Change, and the future Center for Civil and Human Rights, the city provides a physical space for the affirmation of these social causes. Within the framework of this spirit, Atlanta is today a hub for a plethora of organizations that work towards reversing social inequality. This exertion of freedom is what characterizes Atlanta and defines it as a city. This does not necessarily mean that the march that occurs on Martin Luther King’s birthday is one which evokes the character of the city in the same magnitude as Barranquilla’s Carnival. Instead, it is a part of a larger framework of manifestations that occur in Atlanta that define its character as a city in a constant, if sometimes misguided, search for social equality.

The Breuer Li-brary is in a state of limbo, and faces de-molition. City leaders call for a new construc-tion that would sit on the site of the current building and replace an ar-chitectural mas-terpiece native to Atlanta. (All images of the Library are Courtesy of the Ar-chives of American Art of the Smithsonian Institute.)

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commentaryThe reason that the carnival dance was chosen was because of its specific connotation and connection to the concept of freedom. In Barranquilla, dance through the celebration of carnival is a perfect manifestation in the exaltation of freedom that cities can create. This does not necessarily translate to any festival, especially any festival happening in any city. Since Atlanta does not have one festival that embodies its cultural richness in a fulfilling manor, the translation between dance and freedom is in this case questionable.

To pick a festival that is local to the city would not be accurate, due to the fact that it would not necessarily reflect the same sense of cityness that the carnival offers Barranquilla. Instead, what Atlanta has to offer as its advantage in this respect is the plurality of festivals that it holds. With the Martin Luther king Parade, Dogwood Festival, Gay Pride, and even the Zombie Walk and the now-deceased Freaknik, Atlanta prides itself in its diversity and inclusion. In fact, festival in Atlanta means something completely different to everyone who resides in the city. Since there is no cohesion in what the expression of freedom through festival means for the city, the building built on the site should reflect such nature.

The plurality of “festival” takes precedence over the singular festival occurrence. The ambiguity in what Atlanta defines as a “festival” can be used as the city’s greatest strength. The design should thus inform itself by not only the collective as defined by humans, but by the collective as defined by festivals. Since each festival has its own defined rules, practices, history, and inclusiveness, the built form has to address the idiosyncratic nature of the city’s festivals. For a city pierced by highways and divided by racial, economic, and religious undertones, a unified manifestation of its disperse cultural manifestation can prove to be significant if not necessary.

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Allen, Jennifer et al. Parasite Paradise: A Manifesto for Temporary Architecture and Flexible Urbanism. NAi Publishers 2004

The book deals with elements it calls “parasites”, defined as temporary and/or programmatically flexible structures that feed off existing infrastructure. The author poses the question of how these small mobile structures affect a highly structured and regulated society and planning practice. The approach in planning that the book explores is a flexible one in which not everything is “fixed” beforehand and these small “parasites” are crucial to urban development.

Andreotti, Libero. Situationsist: Art, Politics, Urbanism. Ingoprint and musue d’Art Contemporani de Barcelona, 1996

The book narrates in detail the urban theory of the Situationist movement, concentrating on the issue of freedom within the city. The situationists derive ideas from Henri Lefevre, and showcase the theories of Guy Debord.

Barris, Roan. Culture as a Battleground: Subversive Narratives in Constructivist Architecture and Stage Design. Journal of Architectural Education Vol. 52, No. 2 Blackwell Publishing (Nov., 1998), pp. 109-123

The article explores the connection between the narratives of architecture and theatre in constructivist Russia. The authors discusses the emergence of the building as a “mechanical theatre” whereas the stage became the “acting machine”.

Benjamin, Walter. The Arcades Project. Belknap Press 2002 editionWalter Benjamin discusses and analyzes the culture of the Paris arcades, which were a cross between covered streets and shopping mall of mid-19th century Paris. Benjamin also narrates the case of the flaneur, “the man who walks long and aimlessly through the streets” in an “intoxication [that] ... feeds on the sensory data taking shape before his eyes but often possesses itself of abstract knowledge--indeed, of dead facts--as something experienced and lived through”. The issue of movement and perception collide into one experiential approach to an urban case and study.

Bonnemaison, Sarah and Macy, Christine. Festival Architecture. Routledge; 1 edition 2007The book focuses on the temporary and specific architecture built for festivals and shows, and the role that these constructions played on the development of Western architectural and urban theory. The book is organized in historical periods from Antiquity to modern era, providing an analysis of specific festivals in relation to contemporary ideas and theories in architecture and urban design.

Cohen, Abner. Masquerade Politics: Explorations in the Structure of Urban Cultural Movements. University of California Press, 1993

This work by Cohen dwells into the social and political relationship in public cultural movements, manifested through the analysis of carnivals. Cohen uses the case study of the Notting Hill Carnival in London to demonstrate the repercussions and idiosyncrasies of these cultural movements.

Cohen, Abner. Drama and Politics in the Development of a London Carnival. Man, New Series, Vol. 15, No. 1, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (1980), pp. 65-87

Cohen describes the act of carnival as a masquerade for the relationships between culture and politics. The study details the transformation of a local, multiethnic London fair to a massive West Indian carnival, known as “Europe’s biggest street festival. Cohen contrasts the development of the London carnival with the development of other movements, including the Renaissance Pleasure Faire of California. These comparisons lead to an insightful investigation in cultural movements and their effect on socioeconomic and political relations.

Kronenburg, Robert. Flexible: Architecture that Responds to Change. Laurence King Publishers 2008The book is focused on architecture that adjusts to different situations, contexts, and programmatic requirements and can be therefore denoted as one of “flexible” nature. The examples in this book are of various scales and characters, but are similar in that they respond to change and do not remain stagnant nor static. The idea of movement and permanence is therefore explored, and questioned.

Nichols, Theodore. The Rise of Barranquilla. The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol XXXIV, No 2 May 1954

The extract relates a brief account of the history of Barranquilla, Colombia with a focus on commerce and population. The author discusses the sudden rise of the city as a major port and center of commerce for the region, and how this came about in a relatively short amount of time.

Orosco, Martin and Soto, Rafael. Carnaval: Mito y Tradicion. Editorial Antillas. Barranquilla, Colombia 1993

The book is a detailed account on the many symbols and cultural idiosyncrasies of the carnival in Barranquilla. The authors provide insight into the history of the celebration, as well as its relationship to religious emblems and pagan idols. The text is fully in Spanish, with no official English translation.

Vives, Alberto and Gaimo, Silvana. Poblamiento y Ciudades del Caribe Colombiano. Editorial Gente Nueva. Bogota, Colombia 2000

The compilation of articles has an entire section dedicated to the history, development, and urbanization of Barranquilla, Colombia. The authors begin with the stating of the many vague theories of Barranquilla’s emergence, as well as the many stages of its growth, going through its initial robust economy to the crisis of 60’s to 80’s and its current state since 1983. The text is fully in Spanish, with no official English translation.

Weber, Max. The City. Free Press; 2nd edition 1966Weber discussed the development of cities in relation to religion, societal fragmentation, and creation of urban communities. His analysis of the city consists of different subjects, including religion (Protestantism) and the history of development of democracy in Western Europe.

bibliography

Documents

The Freedom of the City: Barranquilla Center For Displaced People and Concordia Plaza