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8/10/2019 the Festivals of Osiris and Sokar in the Month of Khoiak the Evidence From Nineteenth Dyn Royal Monuments at
1/30
The Festivals of Osiris and Sokar in the Month of Khoiak: The Evidence from Nineteenth
Dynasty Royal Monuments at AbydosAuthor(s): Katherine J. EatonReviewed work(s):Source: Studien zur Altgyptischen Kultur, Bd. 35 (2006), pp. 75-101Published by: Helmut Buske Verlag GmbHStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25157772.
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The
Festivals
of Osiris and
Sokar
in
the
Month
of
Khoiak:
The
Evidence
from Nineteenth
Dynasty Royal
Monuments
at
Abydos*
Katherine
J.
Eaton
(Tafel 5-6)
Abstract
There
were
three
sets
of
processional equipment
for Osiris and Sokar
depicted
on
Nineteenth
Dynasty royal
monuments
at
Abydos
-
Sokar's
/*e?w-barque;
the
?Osiris
Fetish,"1
associated
with
Osiris-Khentyimentiu;
and
a
barque carrying
a
bed,
which resembles
funerary
boats
depicted
in
vignettes
to
Book
of
the Dead
Chapter
1.
Ptolemaic records
of ritual
describe three
divine
images
to
be
made
for the
Festival
of Osiris
-
Sokar-Osiris;
Osiris-Khentyimentiu;
and
the
divine
members,
a
set
of
disembodied
limbs.
These
sets
are
representative of the processional equipment depicted
on
Nineteenth Dynasty Abydene
monuments.
However,
the
layout
and decorative
program
of the
Temple
of
Seti
I
at
Abydos
strongly
indicate
that
the
internal rites for Sokar's Festival
were
still
independent
of
those
for Osiris' Festival
at
Abydos,
during
the
reign
of
Seti I.
Auf den
koniglichen
Denkmalern
der 19.
Dynastie
in
Abydos
waren
drei
Grupen
von
Prozessions
ausstattungen
fur Osiris
und
Sokar
dargestellt:
Sokars
Henu-Barke,
der
Osirisfetisch,
der
mit Osiris
Khentyimentiu
verbunden
ist
und eine
Barke,
die
mit
einem
Bert
ausgestattet
ist
und
die
der
Bahre,
die
in
den
Vignetten
von
Tb
1
ahnelt.
Ptolomaische
Aufzeichnungen
des Rituals
beschreiben
drei
gottliche
Bildnisse,
die fur
das Fest der
Osiris
angefertigt
wurden:
Sokar-Osiris,
Osisris-Khentyimentiu
und
die
gottlichen
Gebeine,
eine
Ansammlung
von
korperlosen
GliedmaBen.
Diese
drei
Garnituren
sind
charakteristisch ftir die Prozessionsausstattungen auf den Denkmalern der 19.Dynastie
aus
Abydos. Die
Raumgestaltung
und das
Dekorationsprogramm
des
Tempels
von
Sethos I. in
Abydos
weisen
jedoch
deutlich darauf
hin,
dass
die
Riten
fur das Sokar-Fest in
Abydos
wahrend
der
Regierungszeit
von
Sethos
I.
immer
noch
unabhangig
von
denen
fur das Osiris-Fest
waren.
Each
year
in the
month of Khoiak there
was a
festival
during
which the
god
Osiris
was
brought
from his
temple
(hwt-ntr
wsir
hnti-imntiw)
to
his
tomb
at
Peker
(pkr),
probably
the
area
known
today
as
Umm
el-Qab
(Fig.
1, ?Sacred
Route").
By
the
Middle
Kingdom2
the
ancient
Egyptians
had identified
the tomb
of
the First
Dynasty
king
Djer
at
Umm
el-Qab
Thanks
to
the United
States
Information
Agency
which funded
my
research
through
a
grant
ad
ministered
by
the American
Research
Center
in
Egypt;
to
the IFA-Penn-Yale
Expedition
to
Abydos,
which
provided
me
with
accommodations
at
Abydos;
and
to
Ogden
Goelet and Anne
Weis,
whose
comments
were
invaluable.
1
The
term
?fetish"
is
sometimes used in
a
pejorative
way
to
imply
that
the
religious
ideas
surrounding
the
image
in
question
were
in
some
way
?primitive."
I
do
not
subscribe
to
this view.
However,
I
use
the
term
?Osiris
Fetish"
because
it has
long
been used
to
describe
a
particular image
associated
with
Osiris' cult and
changing
the
terminology
now
would be
confusing.
2
This date is based on the types of pottery left as offerings near the tomb of Djer, see G. Dreyer, e.a.,
in:
MDAIK
56, 2000,
117-118.
Previously
it
was
thought
that little
pottery
dated
prior
to the New
Kingdom,
see
B.
Kemp,
?Abydos",
in:
LA
1,37.
A
statue
of
Osiris
on a
bier
that
was
found
in
this tomb
may
date from the late
Middle
Kingdom,
but the
date is
disputed,
see
A.
Leahy,
in:
Or
46,
1977,
424-434,
pis.
26-29.
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76
K.J. Eaton
SAK
35
as
the tomb of
Osiris;3
pilgrims
came
from all
over
Egypt
to
view the
procession
from
Osiris'
temple
to
his tomb and
to set
up
stelae and
statues
in
offering
chapels
along
its
route.4
With the
possible
exception
of the
Amarna
Period,
this festival
was
celebrated
at
Abydos
throughout
the New
Kingdom.
The
month of Khoiak
(ki
hr
ki,
mid-October
to
mid
November)
was the fourth month of
Akhet,
the inundation season and this festival was
performed
to
ensure
the
successful rebirth
of the
god
Osiris
and the land of
Egypt.
The
inundation
was
associated
with
Nun,
the
nothingness
of
precreation.
After the inundation
receded the earth
was
reborn
-
dry
land covered
with
fertile
black silt
emerged
from
the
waters
and
a new
crop
would
soon
be
planted.
t_2 ?*
\\
)
x
(
x?-x
\
(0\
5ooit
I i\
/
\
'
1st*^jSwwrtyJ
I
?j
catacomb
*im&9
Kingdom
/^"^^is.
V^
;
?
cenotaph
\
"X
V
I
|i
.
doflcatac&ote
\\^hUei
ei-Zebib
%
cenotaph
empte
_
\
/V
~o
i?^aph
vXof^ ^8B&/
Nt^mpj/ofM^11-
1
I
'
**
?s
^
kn
IL
n
^"^Pte3^,tom*Srfttn
i
il
8/10/2019 the Festivals of Osiris and Sokar in the Month of Khoiak the Evidence From Nineteenth Dyn Royal Monuments at
4/30
2006
The
Festivals of
Osiris
and Sokar
in theMonth of
Khoiak
77
procession
from
the
Osiris
Temple
to
Peker
-
the
great
barque,
the
nSmt-barque
and the
barque
?Truly-arisen-is-the-Lord-of-Abydos"
-
along
with
a
portable
shrine.
There is
no
evidence for the
use
of
four
images
in
Osiris'
Khoiak
festival
at
Abydos.
Some
of the
Abyd
ene
barques probably carried the
same
images
on
different stages of
the
journey.
Some
of
these
conveyences
were
river
barges,
for
example,
while others
were
processional
barques.6
Each
year,
in
the
days
leading
up
to
the festival
processions,
new
images
of
the
gods
Osiris
and
Sokar
were
made
out
of
a
mixture
of
grains
and
other materials.
Often
called
?corn
mummies,"
the
recipes
for
these
images
varied
both
regionally
and
over
time.7
The
stela of Ikhernofret
is
quite
vague
regarding
the form of the
images
carried
in these
vessels
but does
specify
that
they
were
adorned
with
gold,
and
precious
stones.8
These
descriptions
accord well with
later
examples
of
corn-mummies from other
sites,
which
were
quite
frequently
decorated with
gold
foil9
or
placed
in coffins decorated with
gold
foil.10
During
Osiris' Khoiak festival at
Abydos,
the
previous
year's
mummies were carried from the
Osiris
Temple
to
the
god's
tomb
at
Peker
(pkr)u
and
buried.12
Processional
equipment
that
was
likely
used
during
these festivals
was
depicted
in
mem
orial
temples
and
chapels
of
three Nineteenth
Dynasty kings
at
Abydos (Fig.
1)
-
Ramesses
I,
Seti
I
and Ramesses II.
These
represent
the
most
complete surviving
visual
depictions
of
Osiris'
processional
equipment.
Nevertheless,
a
complete
analysis
of this
material,
with
textual
descriptions
of
the
festivals and
archaeological
remains
of
the
images
has
yet
to
be
undertaken.
Textual
and
iconographic
evidence
suggests
that,
by
the New
Kingdom,
a
single
national
tradition
had been
adopted
for
the
performance
of
the
Khoiak festival
throughout Egypt
and
that,
in
its broad
outlines,
this
tradition followed the
ritual
progression
described
in the
Ptolemaic
temple
of
Hathor
at
Dendera and
other
late
monuments.13
The
archaeological
evidence,
on
the
other
hand,
paints
a
different
picture.
Systematic
studies
by
Raven
and
Tooley
of
different
types
of
Osiris
burial
-
including
Osiris
beds,
Osiris
bricks
and
corn
mummies
-
indicate
that
there
was
significant
variation in
the
size
and
composition
of these
images
and in
the moulds
used
to
make
them.
These
differences
endure
into the Late
Period,
6
Lichtheim
suggested
that
the
?great
barque"
may
have
carried
processional barques,
see
M.
Lichtheim,
Ancient
Egyptian
Literature
1,125,
n.
2.
7
For
a
general
overview
of
the
making
of
such
figures,
see
A.
Tooley,
in:
JEA
82,1996,175-176;
and
M.
Raven,
in:
OMRO
63,1982,
28.
8
In
lines
3-4
of
his
stela,
Ikhernofret
gives,
as
one reason
for
being
sent to
Abydos,
the
adornment of
the
image
of
Osiris-Khentyimentiu
with
gold
that
had
been
won
in
victories
in
Nubia. In lines
15-16,
he
describes
his adornment
of
the
breast
of
the
image
with
gold
and
precious
stones.
9
Raven,
in:
OMRO
63,1982,19-20
(Corn-Mummies
from Thebes
nos.
2-9,13,14,15);
21-27
(Corn
Mummies of Unknown
Provenance
2,15,
and
16).
10
Raven,
in:
OMRO
63,1982,
21-23
(Corn-Mummies
from Tihna
nos.
1,
2, 4,
7,
8,16,
and
17).
11
Umm
el-Qaab
is
generally accepted
to
have
been
pkr,
see n.
3.
12
The
Osireion
may
have
served this
function for
the
Temple
of
Seti I at
Abydos.
13
G.
Gaballa /K.
Kitchen,
in: Or
38, 1969,
36.
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78
K.J.
Eaton
SAK
35
continuously
at
individual sites
and
sporadically
over
whole
regions.14
In
fact,
even
the
Dendera
texts
include
references
to
numerous
images
of
Osiris
associated with
specific
localities.15
The
present
study
focuses
on
a
single
local tradition
during
a
limited
period
of time
-
Abydos
in the
Nineteenth
Dynasty,
to reconstruct
the sizes
of the
processional
barques
depicted
in New
Kingdom temples
at
Abydos
and the
character of
the ritual
materials
they
contained.
This has
important implications
for the
conduct
of
ritual,
temple
design,
and for
reconstructing
the
degree
of standardization
in
Egyptian
ritual
during
the later
New
Kingdom.
Since
the
conduct of ritual
during
this
period
seems
to
adhere
to
local
conventions,
evidence from other
places
and time
periods
is
applied
with caution.
Three different
kinds
of
barques
that
were
probably
used
to
transport
images
of
Osiris
and
Sokar
during
their
Khoiak festivals
are
depicted
on
thewalls
of
the
Abydene
memorial
chapels and temples of the Nineteenth Dynasty kings Ramesses I, Seti I and Ramesses II.16
These
structures
were
all
located
to
the
south
of the
Osiris
Temple
at
Abydos
(Fig.
1).
By
far
the
most
material
comes
from the
Temple
of
Seti
I
at
Abydos
(hereafter
referred
to
as
the
?Seti
Temple").
Many
deities
were
venerated
in the
Seti
Temple,
and
seven
clearly
had
barque
chapels
of their
own
(Fig.
2,
the
seven rooms
to
the
west
of
the
Second
Hypostyle
Hall).
However,
Osiris
and
Sokar
are
both
special
in that
they
had
larger
complexes
of
rooms
devoted
to
them.
Osiris
has
a
complex
of
eight
rooms
at
the
rear
(west)
of
the
temple,
reached
through
a
door in the
west
wall of his
barque chapel.
Sokar
had
a
complex
of three
rooms
reached
through
a
door
on
the
west
end of the south
wall
of the Second
Hypostyle
Hall,
called
the
Nefertem-Ptah-Sokar
Complex.
The Seti
Temple
and
the other memorials
probably
served
as
stations for
images
from
the
Osiris
temple
when
they
went out
on
procession,
but
the
decorative
program
in
the
Seti
Temple
suggests
that
images
of Osiris
and
Sokar
were
made
there
as
well. I believe
that
there
were
overlapping processional
circuits
(Fig.
1).
The
images
belonging
to
the Seti
Temple
would
go
out
on
procession, visiting
the
chapel
of
Ramesses
I,
and
perhaps
other
local
shrines before
going
to
the
cenotaph
of
Seti
I,
the
Osireion.17
Meanwhile,
the
images
from the
Osiris
temple
might
have
visited
royal
memorial
temples
before
and/or
after
going
to
Peker.18
14
M.
Raven,
in:W.
Clarysse/A.
Schoors/H.
Willems
(eds.),
Egyptian
Religion
the Last
Thousand
Years,
1,
OLA
84,1998,227-239;
Tooley,
in: JEA
82,1996,167-179;
and
Raven,
in:
OMRO
63,1982,7-38.
15
Raven,
in:
Clarysse/
Schoors/ Willems
(eds.),
Egyptian Religion
the
Last
Thousand
Years,
1,
OLA
84,
1998,237;
E.
Chassinat,
Le
mystere
d'Osiris
au
mois
de Khoiak
1,1966,91-98;
and
H.
Beinlich,
Die
,Osirisreliquienc:
zum
Motiv der
Korperzergliederung
in
der
altagyptischen
Religion,
AA
42,
1984.
16
For
a
list
of
these
scenes
and their
locations,
see
Chart
1.
17
The
ritual burial of
statues
was
not
confined
to
the festival of
Khoiak.
It
also
formed
part
of
a
weekly
ritual, see L. Gabolde, in:BIFAO 89,1989,175 andD. Arnold, in:B. Shafer
(ed.), Temples
of Ancient
Egypt,
1997,
57-58.
18
It is
not
clear
to
me
whether
such
visits would
have
actually
been
part
of
the
Khoiak
festival
or
if there
were
other
occasions
on
which Osiris
would visit
the memorial
chapels
and
temples
which did
not
lie
on
the
route
from the Osiris
temple
to
Peker.
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2006
The
Festivals of
Osiris and
Sokar
in
theMonth
of
Khoiak 79
Ptah-Sokar
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were
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Seti I's
son,
_Jf-."?.'.
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Ramesses
II.
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Hit
f^M
henu-barque
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O
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I
Second
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processional
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Fig.
2
-
Plan of
the
Temple
of
Seti
I
at
Abydos
[Based
on
Calverley/Gardiner, Abydos
I,
1933]
Osiris
has
a
complex
of
eight
rooms
at
the
rear
(west)
of
the
temple,
reached
through
a
door
in
the
west
wall
of
his
barque
chapel.
Sokar
has
a
complex
of three
rooms
reached
through
a
door
on
the
west
end
of
the
south
wall of
the
Second
Hypostyle
Hall,
called
the
Nefertem-Ptah-Sokar
Complex
(shaded
dark
grey,
along
with the
routes out
of
the
temple
featuring
henu-barque
scenes).
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80
K.J. Eaton
SAK
35
The first three sections
of
the
present
study
each
assemble the
textual
and
archaeological
evidence for
the
use
of
a
particular
set
of
processional
equipment
-
Sokar's
henu-barque
(1);
the
?Osiris
Fetish"
image,19
associated
with
Osiris-Khentyimentiu
(2);
and
a
barque
carrying
a
bed,
which is
strongly
reminiscent of
funerary
boats
depicted
in
vignettes
to
Book
of
the
Dead
(BD)
Chapter
1
(3).
According
to
a
tradition recorded
in
the
later
Temple
of
Hathor
at
Dendera,20
three divine
images
were
made
for
the
Khoiak
festival21
-
Sokar
Osiris;22
Osiris-Khentyimentiu;23
and the
divine
members,
a
set
of disembodied
limbs.24
These
sets
are
representative
of
the
processional
equipment
depicted
on
Nineteenth
Dynasty
Abydene
monuments.
However,
in
other
respects,
the
performance
of
the
Khoiak festivals
in
these
monuments
clearly
deviated
from
the
tradition
recorded
in later
texts. For
example,
in their
analysis
of
the Sokar
Festival
as
depicted
the
Temple
of
Ramesses
III
at
Medinet
Habu
Kitchen
and Gaballa concluded
that:
?...the Festival of Sokar proper, on the 4th Akhet, day 26, was probably already
incorporated
into
the
Osirian
festival
of
that month from
well
before the
New
Kingdom
when
our
evidence becomes
explicit
..."25
Nevertheless,
as
I
hope
to
show,
the
organization
of the
Seti
Temple
and
its
images
strongly
indicate
that,
as
of
the
time of
Seti
I,
the internal
rites
for
Sokar's
Festival
were
still
independent
of Osiris' Khoiak
Festival
at
Abydos.
1
Sokar's
henu-barque
Although
many
Egyptian
gods
had
barques
or
other
means
of
conveyance,
the
henu-barque
is unique to the god Sokar. Depictions of this barque in the Seti Temple show it to have
followed
a
well-established
iconography
like those
depicted
in
some
Theban
area
temples
(Fig.
3).26
It
has
a
crescent-shaped
hull
(a)
that
is
attached
to
a
four-legged
frame
(b)
with
restraining
ropes
(c).
There
are
two
or
three small
steering
oars
at
the
stern
(d).
The
prow
is
elaborately
decorated
with
a
series
of horizontal
projections
(e),
sometimes
identified
as
a
large
flared
mat;
and,
from
top
to
bottom,
a
bull's
head
(f),
a
backward-facing antelope
19
On
my
decision
to
use
the
term
?fetish",
see n.
1.
20
Chassinat,
Le
mystere
d'Osiris
au
mois
de
Khoiak
1-2,
1966-1968;
S.
Cauville,
in:
BSFE
112,
1998,
23-36,
fig.
1;
and
Beinlich,
Die
,Osirisreliquien\
58-68.
21
For
a
general
overview
of
the
making
of these
figures
according
to
the
later
instructions,
see
Tooley,
in: JEA
82,
1996,
175-176;
and
Raven,
in: OMRO
63, 1982,
28.
22
Chassinat,
Le
mystere
d'Osiris
au
mois
de
Khoiak
1, 41,
57-58;
and F.
Daumas,
?Choiakfeste",
in:
LA
I,
958-960.
23
Chassinat,
Le
mystere
d'Osiris
au
mois
de Khoiak
1,
1966,
41-51,
54-56; Cauville,
in: BSFE
112,
1998, 25;
and
Raven,
in:
OMRO
63, 1982,
28.
24
The
divine
members
were
essentially
a
set
of
disembodied
limbs.
Chassinat,
Le
mystere
d'Osiris
au
mois
de
Khoiak
1,
51-52,
56-57.
The
divine members
and
their
relationship
to
the various
Osiris
?reliquaries"
from different
parts
of
Egypt
are discussed in
Beinlich,
Die
,Osirisreliquien\
AA 42,
1984.
25
G.
Gaballa/K.
Kitchen,
in: Or
38, 1969,
36.
26
For
example,
at
Medinet
Habu,
in
the Festival
Court,
see
PM
II,
498
(93)-(95)
I,
4-5;
Medinet
Habu
4,
1940,
pis.
196, 221,
222 and
223;
and
Gaballa/Kitchen,
in:
Or
38, 1969,
figs.
1
and
2.
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The Festivals of
Osiris
and
Sokar
in
theMonth of
Khoiak
81
head
(g),
a
fish
(h)
and six falcons
(k).27
Depictions
of
the
henu-barque
usually
include
images
of
two
falcons
wrapped
in cloth
(m),
or
mummified
-
one on
top
of the
cabin,
the
other
in
ront of it.
A
third
image
may
have been carried in the cabin
of
the
barque (n).
The
whole
rests
on
a
sledge
(o)
and
platform
with
carrying
poles
(p).
When
the
barque
is
at
rest,
it
usually
appears
on a stand decorated with a row of
dd-pillars
surmounted
by
a row of
cnh-s\gns
(q).
In
fact,
this stand
became
so
closely
associated
with
Sokar's
henu-barque
that
in
a scene on
the
east
wall of the
First
Hypostyle
Hall
it
was
shown
being dragged
-
an
event
that would
only
have occurred after the
barque
had
been removed from
its stand. This
stand does
not
seem
to
have been
used
for
any
other
processional
barque.28
Fig.
3
-
Diagram
of the features of Sokar's
henu-barque.
a.)
crescent-shaped
hull;
b.)
four-legged
frame;
c.)
restraining
ropes.
At
the
stem
the
barque
has
d.)
steering
oars.
At the
prow
the
barque
has:
e)
a
flared
mat
(?);
f.)
a
bull's
head;
g.)
a
backward-facing antelope
head;
h.)
a
fish;
and
k.)
six
small
falcons. The
barque
carries
m.)
two
additional falcons
-
one
on
top
of the
cabin,
the
other
in
front
of it.A third
image
may
have been
carried
in
n.)
the
cabin.
The
whole
rests
on
o.)
a
sledge; p.)
a
platform
with
carrying poles and q.)
a
barque
stand decorated with
a row
of
dd-pil\ars
surmounted
by
a row
of
rnh-sigas.
The
henu-barque
seems
to
have
carried
three
divine
images,
alluded
to
above:
the
two
falcons
wrapped
in
cloth,
or
mummified
-
one
on
top
of the
cabin,
the
other
in
front
of it
-
and
a
third
image,
out
of
sight,
in
the cabin.
Scenes
on
the
west
end of
the north
wall
of
27
My
summary
of these features relies
heavily
on
descriptions provided
by
E.
Brovarski, ?Sokar",
in:
LA
V,
1055-1074, esp.
1066-1067;
and
Gaballa/Kitchen,
in:Or
38,1969,
17.
28
Karlshausen,
who
did
not
include the
barque
of
Sokar
in her
study
on
the
iconography
of
processional
barques,
did
not
mention
this stand in her section
?Decor
du
piedestal
de
la
barque,"
see
C.
Karlshausen,
L'iconographie
de
la
barque processionelle
divine
en
Egypte
au
Nouvel
Empire,
Dissertation Presented
to
the
Faculty
of
the
Universite
Catholique
de
Louvain,
1997,
290-292.
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82
KJ. Eaton
SAK
35
the
Ptah-Sokar
Chapel
support
this
interpretation
(Fig.
2 and PL
5a).29
There,
three
deities
carry
the
epithet
?who-is-in-his-barque"
(imy wii.f).
Two
are
depictions
of
falcon
statues
labelled
?Horus
who-is-in-his-barque"
and
?Isis
who-is-in-his-barque".30
They
appear
together
in
a
single
shrine
resting
on
a
sledge
and their function
was
clearly protective,
?his-barque"
in
the
epithet referring
to
the
barque
of
Sokar.
The third
image
features
a
god
lying
upon
a
bed with
an
erect
phallus
labelled
?Sokar-Osiris
who-is-in-his-barque".
This
scene
celebrates the
revivification
of the
god
and indicates
that
his
?mysteries"
were
celebrated
in this
room.31
It
appears
that,
at
different
points
in the
ritual,
the
two
falcons
and the
god
on
the
bier
could
embody
different
syncretic
relationships.
On
the south
wall of the Ptah-Sokar
Chapel
(Fig.
2),
the
scenes
have
the
same
layout
as
those
on
the north
wall,
with
a
god
on a
bier
and
two
falcons
in
a
shrine
(PL
5b).32
Here,
however,
the falcon
statuettes
are
labelled
Sokar and the god
on
the bier is labelled Osiris-Wennefer. This scene, together
with
the
protective figures
in
the
upper
register
(PL 6a),
may
be
an
example
of the
vignette
to
BD
Chapter
182
(Fig.
4).33
Guardians
holding
lizards and
snakes
are
not
common
in
temple
ritual
scenes.
BD-Chapter
182
is associated with the
deceased's
metamorphosis
into
Osiris
Wennefer. There
are
many
versions,
but all
clearly
refer
to
the
deceased
as
Wennefer.34
A
very
simple
version,
inscribed
in TT
296
(Dyn.
19-20),35
reduced this
chapter
to
the
essentials:
?I
am
Thoth,
true
scribe,
who
gives
meat
offerings
to
every
god,
king's
scribe,
wise
in
the
god's
words,
whose reed
(pen)
has
protected
the Lord of the
Universe,
maker of
laws,
who makes
writings speak,
who has
given
breath toWennefer."36
It
seems
probable,
therefore,
that
both
scenes
of
the
god
on
the bier
were
meant to
represent
the deceased
god
Sokar.
The
images
of the
god
on a
bier
are
associated
with
the
?mysteries"
in
which
a new corn
mummy
of the
god
was
made. We have
no
New
Kingdom
evidence
concerning
the form
of Sokar's
corn
mummy,
but the
Abydos
reliefs,
together
with references
to
the
making
of
these
images
from other
contexts37
indicate
they
were
indeed made
during
this time
period.
29
PM VI, 24 (220M221); A. Mariette, Abydos 1,1869, reprint 1998, 23 [78]; andA. Mariette, Fouilles
executees
en
Egypte,
en
Nubie,
et
au
Soudan,
2,1867,
86
[cxxix].
30
One
might
suggest
that themasculine
pronoun
in
Isis'
epithet
was
a
mistake.
However,
the
fact that
her
image
shares
a
shrine with
Horus
indicates
that
this
particular image
of
Isis
formed
a
pair
with the
image
of
Horus.
31
R.
David,
A
Guide
to
Religious
Ritual
at
Abydos,
1981,
105.
32
PMVI,24(218H219).
33
See,
for
example,
Af
(Dyn.
20-21),
in
R.O.
Faulkner,
The
Ancient
Egyptian
Book
of the
Dead,
1972,
178-179
and Tb
(Naville)
1,
pi.
CCVIII.
For
BD-abbreviations,
see
Chart 3.
34
For
several versions of
BD-Chapter
182,
see
T.G.
Allen,
The Book
of the Dead
or
Going
Forth
by
Day,
SAOC
37, 1974,
196-200
and
Tb
(Naville)
2,
447^48.
35
This was not included inM. Saleh, Das Totenbuch in den thebanischen Beamtengrabern des Neuen
Reiches,Texte
und
Vignetten,
AV
46,
1984.
36
T.G.
Allen,
The Book
of the
Dead
or
Going
Forth
by
Day,
198.
37
In
Theban
festival
calendars
the
twenty-first day
of the fourth
month of
Akhet
was
called the
'Day
of
Opening
the
Aperture
in the
Shentayet
Shrine," very
likely
a
reference
to
letting
light
into
the shrine
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The
Festivals of
Osiris and
Sokar
in
the
Month of Khoiak
83
According
to
texts
from
the
Temple
of Hathor
at
Dendera,
such
images
were
to
be
one
cubit
long,
about
52
cm.38
Corn
mummies this
size have
been
found,
but it is
not
clear that
they
belong
to
Sokar.39
If
a
corn
mummy
52
cm
long
were
placed
in the cabin of
a
henu
barque
with the
proportions
suggested
by
the
Seti
Temple
reliefs,
the
minimum
length
for
the
carrying pole
of
platform
would be
approximately
3.33
m.
This is
very
close
to
my
estimate of 3.5
m
for
the
minimum
length
of
the
carrying poles
on
Osiris'
barque
platfrom,
although
that
estimate is
based
on
entirely
different
sources.40
If
If
^"l
rfffi
pjffifflfl
11
If.
Fig.
4
-
Vignette
to
BD
182,
as
depicted
in
Af
[Tb
(Naville)
3
(1886,
reprint
1971),
pi.
CCVIII]
There
is
no
evidence
to
suggest
that
Sokar
mummies
were
ever
made
in
another
size,
although
figures
of
Osiris
showed
significant
variation.
An
Osiris
mould from Late
Period
Abydos
measures
71.5
cm
long
and,
if
a
figure
of
this
length
were
inserted
into
the
cabin
onto
the
grain
figure
of the
god,
see
Gaballa/Kitchen,
in:
Or
38, 1969,
38.
38
For
more on
the
composition
of
such
figures,
see
Chassinat,
Le
mystere
d'Osiris
au
mois de
Khoiak
1,
1966, 57-58;
Raven,
in:
OMRO
63,
1982,
28;
Tooley,
in:
JEA
82,
1996,
175-176;
L.
Mikhail,
in:
GM
81,
1984, 33;
and
C.
Seeber,
?Kornosiris",
in: LA
III,
744-746.
39
Many
com
mummies
were
found
in
falcon-headed
coffins,
suggesting
association
with
the falcon
headed
god,
Sokar.
However,
the
names
of the
deities,
when
present,
varied.
Two
completely opposing
views have been
published
on
this
topic.
Chassinat
believed
that
even
the coffins
labelled Osiris
Khentyimentiu
were
used
to
bury
Sokar
figures,
see
Chassinat,
Le
mystere
d'Osiris
au
mois de Khoiak
1,1966,58.
Raven
thinks that
none
of these
images represent
the
god Sokar, having
stated that
?Sokaris
figures
have
never
been identified
among
the
surviving archaeological
material."
Raven,
in:
Clarysse/Schoors
H.
Willems
(eds.),
Egyptian
Religion
the
Last
Thousand
Years, 1,
OLA
84, 1998,
237.
40
For
presentation
of
the
evidence
used
to
arrive
at
the
estimate for
the
size
of
Osiris'
barque,
see
pp.
88
90.
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84
K.J. Eaton SAK
35
of the Sokar
barque,
that
barque
as a
whole would
measure
about 4.5
m.41
Barques
of
up
to
5
m
could have made the
widest
turn
in
the
hypostyle
halls
required
to
leave the
temple.
On
the
other
hand,
as
discussed
below,
this
would almost
certainly
make the
henu-barque
larger
than Osiris'
barques.
The
images
intended
for
New
Kingdom
Osiris
beds found
in
the
Valley
of
the
Kings
range
from
152 cm to 202
cm;
if
inserted into
the
cabin,
the
resulting
barque
would
have been
too
large
to
make the
turns
required
to
leave the
temple.42
Thus,
it
seems
most
likely
that
the
corn
mummy
made
for
Sokar
in
the
Seti
Temple
was
about
52
cm
long, already complying
with the standard
one
cubit
measure
called
for
in
later
texts.
2 The
Osiris Fetish
and
its
Conveyences
Differences
in
the
depictions
of
processional
images
are
usually
attributable
to
temporal
change, regional
variation,
or
ritual
practice,
but
three
substantially
different
configurations
of the so-called Osiris Fetish
appear
inareas of the Seti
Temple
dating
to the time of Seti
I.
This
is
a
clear
case,
therefore,
in
which
region
and time
were
not
determinative
factors.
The
Osiris
Fetish
is
also
depicted
in the
Chapel
of
Ramesses
I and the
Temple
of
Ramesses
II
at
Abydos.43
The
origins
of the
Osiris
Fetish
are
obscure and debated
but,44
by
the
Nineteenth
Dynasty,
the
fetish
seems
to
have
represented
the head
reliquary
of Osiris
Khentyimentiu.45
The
Osiris
Fetish
essentially
consists
of
a
wig,
sometimes
with
a
face,
stuck
onto
a
plain
pole.
?..
.in
most
representations
the
fetish is adorned
not
only
with
sun
disk
and
plumes,
but
also with
uraei and
headbands,
and
the
ribbons associated with these
fillets. These elements
of
the
developed
cult
symbol
were
all
intended
to
suggest
its character
as
the
'head' of
the
deity."46
The
Osiris
Fetish
is
depicted
on
three different stands
on
Nineteenth
Dynasty
royal
monuments at
Abydos.
The
simplest configuration, depicted
towards
the north end of
the
west
wall of
the First
Osiris
Hall
(Fig.
2),
sets
the
pole
of
the
fetish
in
a
base
composed
of
two
figures
of
the
king,
kneeling
and
wearing
the
nemes-head&ress.A1
The
pole
of
the fetish
is
exposed
and
41
Tooley,
in: JEA
82, 1996,
176.
42
Raven,
in:
OMRO
63, 1982,
13-14
(nos.
6 and
7).
43
For the
locations of these
scenes,
see
Chart
1.
44
R.
Wilkinson,
Reading Egyptian
Art, 1992,169.
45
Winlock
argued
that the fetish
was
not
seen as
the
head
reliquary
of Osiris
by
Nineteenth
dynasty
Egyptians,
and
that
the dismemberment
and
scattering
of the
body
of
Osiris
were
later beliefs.
He
asserted
that
references
to
Osiris'
body falling
apart
prior
to
the
Late
Period refer
to
his
body
falling
apart
in
his
coffin,
H.
Winlock,
The
Temple
of
Ramesses I
at
Abydos,
MMA
Papers
5,1937,
reprint
1973,
23-24.
The
fact
that
Nineteenth
Dynasty
texts
refer
to
the Osiris
Fetish
as
the
head
of
Osiris
establishes
that the
Egyptians
of
this time
associated
itwith
the head
of
Osiris. Beinlich
summarized
the history of scholarship and debate surrounding the larger issue of the use of reliquaries in ancient
Egypt,
see
Beinlich,
Die
,Osirisreliquien',
17-42.
46
R.
Wilkinson,
Reading Egyptian
Art, 1992,
169.
47
The
only
example
appears
on
the north end
of
the
west
wall
of
the
First Hall in
the
Osiris
Complex
in
the
Seti
Temple,
for references
see
Chart
1.
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The Festivals of
Osiris
and
Sokar
in the
Month of Khoiak
85
the face is shown
frontally.
The
king
anoints the head of the fetish with ointment and
the
scene
includes
a
list of
ointments
and
perfumes
to
be offered.
The other
two
types
of
depiction
contain
more
complicated
configurations
of
ritual
equipment.
One
type
shows
the fetish
set
into
in
an
elaborate
carrying
platform
featuring
the
god
Aker
(the
Aker
platform)
(2.1.1);
the other has it in
a
processional
barque (2.1.2).
These
two
depictions
correspond
to
two
modes
of
transport
recorded for the
Osiris
Fetish
at
Abydos
-
carriage
on
the
open
(Aker)
platform
or
in
the cabin of
a
boat,
either
a
river
barge
or a
processional
barque.
2.1.1
The Fetish
in
the
Aker
Platform
Fig.
5
-
The
Osiris
Fetish,
as
depicted
on
the
south wall of Osiris'
barque
chapel
in
the
Seti
Temple
[A.
Caulfield,
The
Temple
of
the
Kings
at
Abydos:
Seti
I,
ERA
8
(1902,
reprint
1989)
pi.
II]
On the
south wall of
the
Osiris
Barque
Chapel (Fig.
2)
the fetish has
no
face,
but is
clearly
identified
by
its
wig
(Fig.
5).
The
same
composition
appears
twice
on
the
west
wall of the
Chapel
of Ramesses I
and in
an
elaborate
version
of the
vignette
to
BD-Chapter
138
(Fig.
6),48
which
has
strong
affinities with
these
representations
of the
Fetish.49
In
the
Temple
of
Ramesses
II,
the
stand
is
shown
carried in
procession,
but the
upper
part
of the
scene
is lost.
The
golden
stand is
characterized
by images
of
two
mummiform
lions
back-to-back,
each
48
Ik
(Dyn.
19),
Tb
(Naville)
3,
CLII.
For
BD-abbreviations,
see
Chart
3.
Most
vignettes
to
this
chapter
were
much
simpler,
featuring
the Osiris
Fetish with
an
adoring figure
of the
deceased
and
a
protective
figure (usually
a
recumbent
jackal
on a
shrine).
Milde also
noted
that
on
pHori, Dyn.
21
(pCleveland
21.1032),
the
fetish is
depicted
in
the
middle of
a
ship.
For
further discussion of the
vignettes
to
this
chapter,
see
H.
Milde,
The
Vignettes
in the
Book of the Dead of
Neferrenpet,
Egyptologische Uitgaven
7,1991,236-237.
49
Chapter
138
is the last
chapter
on
the BD
of
Neferrenpet,
see
Milde,
The
Vignettes
in
the Book of the
Dead of
Neferrenpet,
236.
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86
K.J. Eaton
SAK 35
___
>"
^^
HI
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T^fo
Irrpl
8/10/2019 the Festivals of Osiris and Sokar in the Month of Khoiak the Evidence From Nineteenth Dyn Royal Monuments at
14/30
2006
The
Festivals of
Osiris
and
Sokar
in
theMonth of Khoiak
87
that
was
used,
among
other
things,
to
greet
the
sun.55
In
Nineteenth
Dynasty
Thebes and
Nubia,
these
figures
also
appear
on
the
barque
of Amun-Re
-
southern
Egypt's
premier
solar
deity
-
but
they
are
not
shown
with his
barque
in the
Seti
Temple.56
On
the
top
of the
stand,
a
group
of
royal figures
dressed
in
gold
supports
the
fetish
pole.
The
two
kneeling figures
in
the
center
wear
the
nemes-headdress
-
like those
on
the
simpler
stand
depicted
in the First
Osiris
Hall.
They
are
assisted
by
two
standing figures
of the
king
wearing
the white
crown;
a
third
pair
of
royal
figures,
in
the
blue
crown,
kneel
as
they
offer
mv-jars.
These
six
statuettes
of
the
king
are
flanked
by protective figures
of
jackals
and
cobras.
In
the
vignette
to
BD
138
in
the
BD
of Ptahsem
(Ik),
Isis
holds the
pole
along
with
a
male
figure
-
probably
Horus,
but
possibly
the
king.
As
on
other
depictions
of the
Osiris
fetish,
these
figures
are
flanked
by protective figures, including
recumbent
jackals
on
shrines.
A number of standards appear on the south wall of the Osiris Chapel. The entire Fetish
ensemble is
flanked
by
ram-standards tied
with
red
ribbons.
The
rams wear
solar
headdresses and
may
represent
the
ram
of
Mendes,
which is
the
Z??-spirit
of
Osiris.57
The
solar
ram
is
associated with
the sun's
crossing
of the
netherworld
at
night.58
The
vignette
to
BD-Chapter
138
on
Ik
also features
ram
standards. The
one on
the left
was
labelled
?cbiw
of Buto"
and
the
one on
the
right
?cbiw
of
[Hieraconpolis?]."59
The other standards
in
the
wall ensemble include:
a
standing jackal,
a
reclining jackal,
a
hawk
with
a
statuette
of
the
king
and
a
male
figure
wearing
the twin
plumes
and
holding
a
spear.
The
BD
of
Ptahsem
(Ik),
contains falcon
standards,
wadjet-eyes, standing jackal
standards
and ankh
signs holding
feathers.
There
are
indications
at
Abydos
that the
Osiris
Fetish
was
brought
out
in
procession
the
carrying
poles
on
the
platform
shown
on
the south wall of
the Osiris
Chapel
and the
remains
of
a
processional
scene
in
the
nearby
Temple
of Ramesses
II,
where
only
the lower
part
of
the
base
and
its bearers
are
preserved.60
These, however,
are
both interior
scenes.
Several
private
stelae,
from the
New
Kingdom
and
later,
have lunette decorations
indicating
that
people
were
familiar
with
images
of
the Osiris Fetish and
were
permitted
55
E. Brunner-Traut, ?Gesten", in: LA II, 580-581; and R. Wilkinson, Reading Egyptian Art, 1992, 17.
56
I
argue
elsewhere
that
these
figures
may
once
have been
associated
primarily
with
Osiris'
barque,
but
later
added
to
Amun-Re's
as
he
absorbed
the
attributes of
other
deities,
K.
Eaton,
The
Ritual
Functions
of
Processional
Equipment
in the
Temple
of Seti
I at
Abydos,
Dissertation Presented
to
the
Faculty
of
New York
University,
Department
of Middle
Eastern
Studies, 2004,
247-251. It is also
possible
that
they
served
to
mark the
processional barque
of
the
primary
local
deity.
Karlshausen
recognized
that
the
iconography
of the
barque
of
Amun-Re
at
Seti Fs
Abydos
Temple
differed
in
these
respects
from
contemporary
depictions
of
his
barque
at
Thebes,
see
C.
Karlshausen,
L'iconographie
de la
barque
processionelle
divine
en
Egypte
au
Nouvel
Empire,
Diss.
Louvain,
1997,
87. The
relevant
portions
of
Seti
P
s
Theban
and
Abydene
Memorial
temples
are no
more
than
two
years
apart
in
date.
For the
dating
of
these
two
monuments
see
P.
Brand,
The
Monuments of Seti I:
Epigraphic,
Historical and
Art
Historical Analysis, PA 16, 2000, 160 (Abydos) and 235-236 (Gurnah).
57
R.
Wilkinson,
Reading
Egyptian
Art,
1992,
61.
58
Wilkinson,
Reading Egyptian
Art,
61.
59
Milde,
The
Vignettes
in
the
Book of the
Dead
of
Neferrenpet,
236,
n.
4.
60
PM
VI,
36
(38H39);
and
K.
Kuhlmann,
in:MDAIK
38,
1982,
pi.
103.
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88
K.J.
Eaton
SAK
35
to
depict
it
in
relatively
public
areas as
well.61
The
Chapel
of
Ramesses
I,
where the fetish
is shown twice
in the lower
register
of the
west
wall,
probably
served
as a
station
for
this
image.
It
appears
again
at
the
center
of the
top
register
on
the
east
wall
of
the
Central
Hall
of the
Osireion
(decorated
in
the
time
of
Merenptah),
where the
king
offers
to
Osiris
Khentyimentiu,
Re-Horakhte and
a
fourth,
unidentified
figure.62
The
presence
of
Re
Horakhte
again
suggests
solar
associations.
2.1.2
The Fetish
in
Boats
On
the
wall
opposite
that of the fetish
scene
in
Osiris'
Barque
Chapel
(Fig.
2)
there is
a
parallel
scene
with
a
processional
barque
(Fig.
7),
identified
by
some as
the
nSmt-barque.63
Even
Karlshausen,
who believes that the
nSmt-barque
was
a
river
barge,
described
this
processional
barque
as
?comme
une
neshemet
en
reduction."
The
nSmt-barque
is
easily
identified
by
its
papyriform
ends
and
by
the
image
that it
carried,
the
Osiris
Fetish.64
According
to
Lavier,
the
nSmt-barque
was
associated with
the
gods
triumphant
return to
the
temple.65
Anthes associated itwith the
?Erste
Auszug."66
That
two
completely
contradictory
readings
of
the
same
material
are
possible
underscores how
vague
these
descriptions
are.
Based
on
the textual
descriptions,
the
nSmt-barque
could have been either
a
river
barge
or
a
processional
barque,
and
indeed,
in the New
Kingdom
it
was
depicted
both
on
water67
and
with
carrying
poles.68
On
the
other
hand,
although
the
processions
to
Osiris'
tomb
at
Peker
(Umm
el-Qaab)
and
the
cenotaph
of
Seti
I
(the Osireion)
may
have
begun
on
water,
there
is
no
evidence for canals
leading
to
either
site.
Thus,
most
of both of these
journeys
would
61
All of the
examples
that I
know of date
to
the New
Kingdom
or
later. Several
are
in the British
Museum,
most
of unknown
provenance
(for
example,
BM
139,
141 and
161),
at
least
one
is
almost
certainly
from
Abydos
(BM
146),
see
BM
Stelae
9,
1970,
pis.
XIX
(BM 141),
XX
(BM
139)
and
XLVII
(BM 146)
and
BM
Stelae
10,
1982
pis.
52-53
(BM
161).
None of theMiddle
Kingdom
stelae
or
related
objects
in
Simpson's
ANOC
groups
include
depictions
of the Osiris
Fetish,
see
ANOC,
1974.
Nor
do
any
appear among
the
pre-New
Kingdom
inscribed material
found
by
the
expedition,
see
Simpson,
Inscribed Material
from
the
Pennsylvania-Yale
Excavations
at
Abydos,
5-8
and
33-53. This
seems
to
correspond
to
a
more
general
change
in
decorum
concerning
the
depiction
of deities
on
private
monuments.
Among
the
Middle
Kingdom
stelae
published
in
the
above
collections
it is
very
unusual
for deities to be depicted, with Wepwawet, Min and amumiform figure of Osiris wearing the white
crown
being
the
only
three encountered
among
Simpson's
ANOC
groups.
62
East
wall of
the
central
hall,
see
Cenotaph
of
Seti
12, 1933,
pi.
73.
63
R.
Anthes,
in:
Fs Mus.
Berlin,
1974,
25.
64
The
relevant
portion
of
the
image
in the
tomb of
Paser
has been
destroyed.
65
M.
Lavier,
in:
BSAK
3,1989,289-295.
66
R.
Anthes,
in: Fs Mus.
Berlin,
1974,
26.
67
See
the
stela
of
Houyou
(Dyn.
19),
Lyon
museum
of Fine
Arts
H
1379,
in
C.
Karlshausen,
L'icono
graphie
de
la
barque processionelle
divine
en
Egypte
au
Nouvel
Empire,
Diss.
Louvain,
1997,
cat.
306;
and
the
Chapel
of
Mayor
Paser
at
Medinet Habu
(tp.
Rs.
Ill),
in
S.
Schott,
Wall
Scenes
from the
Mortuary
Chapel
of
the
Mayor
Paser
at
Medinet
Habu,
E.
Hauser,
transl.,
SAOC
30,1957,
pi.
2.
68 The
processional
barque
depicted
on the north wall of Osiris'
barque
chapel
in the Seti
Temple
is
generally
believed
to
be
a
depiction
of the
nSmt-barque,
see
R.
Anthes,
in: Fs Mus.
Berlin,
1974,
25.
Even
Karlshausen,
who
believes
that
the
nSmt-barque
was a
river
barge,
described
this
processional
barque
as
?comme
une
neshemet
en
reduction,"
see
C.
Karlshausen,
L'iconographie
de la
barque
processionelle
divine
en
Egypte
au
Nouvel
Empire,
Diss.
Louvain, 1997,
125.
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2006
The Festivals of Osiris and Sokar
in the
Month of Khoiak
89
have been conducted
by
land. This
physical
fact
must
override
all of
the
textual
evidence
in
favor of
a
water
journey
and the
identification of
the
nSmt-barque
as a
river
barge
per
se.69
Fig.
7
-
A
barque
that
carried the Osiris
Fetish,
as
depicted
on
the north
wall of Osiris'
barque chapel
in
the
Seti
Temple
[A.
Caulfield,
The
Temple
of
the
Kings
at
Abydos:
Seti
I,
ERA
8,
1902,
reprint
1989,
pi.
Ill]
The
equipment
associated with the
nSmt-barque
shares
many
features
with
the
Aker
platform
and this
boat-shaped
palanquin
was
clearly
used
to
transport
the Osiris
Fetish
on
certain
occasions.
In
its
depiction,
the
top
of the
fetish
appears
above
the
shrine with its
face in
profile
and
is
surrounded
by
solar
imagery
similar
to
that from the south wall-
the
Souls of Pe, here accompanied by a figure of the king and all performing the henu-gesture;
and the
ram
standards. There
are
other
iconographical
similarities between the
two
conveyances:
golden
figures
of the
king,
wearing
the
nemes-headdress,
support
the fetish
pole
along
with
protective jackals
and
cobras.
In
this
case,
however,
some
figures
of
the
king
are
replaced by
golden
statuettes
of
Isis and
Nephthys, raising
their
arms
in
a
gesture
of
mourning.
Two
of the
standards
depicted
in
front of
the
fetish ensemble
on
the
south
wall,
a
jackal
and
a
falcon,
appear
again
at
the
prow
of this
barque,
which
has
a
similar
69
One
might
suggest
that
ritual
practice changed
over
time.
Tutankhamun
seems
to
have
changed
the
route of the
Opet
Festival
procession
atThebes from a land
journey
south toLuxor with return
by
barge
by
river
to
a
round-trip
journey
on
the
river,
see
W.
Murnane,
?Opetfest",
in:
LA
IV,
575.
However,
there
is
no
indication
that
there
were
water routes to
the
destinations under consideration
herein
at
any
time.
Thus,
if
there
were
variation
over
time that
variation would have
to
have involved
moving
the
site
of
Peker
to
a
place
accessible
by
water,
an
unlikely
proposition.
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90
K.J. Eaton
SAK
35
crew
of
golden
divine
statuettes
and
statuettes
of the
king
with
silver
skin and
gold
clothing.
Some
of these
figures
appear
on
all
Nineteenth
Dynasty
processional barques
with the
exception
of
Sokar's
henu-barque
and the
barque
with the
bed;
these
include the
two
figures
of
the
king
in the
nemes-headdress
and
the
kneeling figure
of the
king
offering
nw
jars.
The
latter
also
appears
on
the
Aker-platform.
Other
figures
appear
only
on
depictions
of
Osiris'
barque
at
Abydos
and Amun-Re's
barque
in
Thebes
and Nubia
(but
not
Amun
Re's
barque
at
Abydos), namely
two
figures
of
the
goddess
Mert
and the
Souls
of
Pe
or
Nekhen.70
There is
a
female
figure
-
perhaps
Isis
-
in
a
gesture
of
mourning
and,
at
the
stern,
a
figure
of Horus who
helps
the
king
steer
the
barque.
Another
barque,
from
the
westernmost
scene
on
the south wall of the
Hall
of
Barques,
varies somewhat in its
iconography
and
may
represent
a
change
in the decoration of
prow
and
stern
that occurred later, in the reign of Seti I
or
that of Ramesses II. The top of the
shrine is
destroyed
so
it
is
not
known
if the fetish
protruded
from the
top,
but the
barque
differs
in
two
primary
respects
from the
one
depicted
in
the Osiris
chapel:
First,
prow
and
stern
are
completely
covered
by
aegieaes
composed
of
a
broad collar
surmounted
by
the
head of
the
deity;
it
does
not
have
the
papyriform
ends associated with the
nSmt-barque.
Second,
a
figure
of
the
king
does
not
help
the
falcon-headed
figure
steer
the
barque.
The
images
in this hall
were
laid
out
in
paint
under
Seti
I,
but carved
in the
reign
of
Ramesses
II,
so
the
date
and
significance
of the differences
are
not
clear.71
2.2
The
size
of
the
platform for
the
Osiris
Fetish
Attempts
to
estimate
the size of Theban
processional barques
rely
on
three
categories
of
evidence
-
textual
sources,
depictions
of
processions,
and
the
size
of
architectural
elements.
These
data do
not
indicate
the size of the
barques,
but those
of the
platforms
upon
which
they
were
carried. The
platforms
consisted
of
two
or more
carrying poles
held
together
by
crossbars and
the
processional
scenes
indicate that
barques
were
roughly
the
same
length
as
their
carrying poles.
These
scenes
provide
no
clear indication
of the
barques'
width and
the
length
to
width ratios
of
model
barques
varies
from
as
little
as
3:1
to
as
much
as
13:1,72
Even the
lowest
figures
would
indicate, however,
that
the
processional
barques
were
not
wider than their platforms.
70
I
argue
elsewhere that these
figures
may
once
have been
associated
primarily
with Osiris'
barque,
but
later
added
to
Amun-Re's
as
he
absorbed the attributes
of
other
deities,
Eaton,
The Ritual
Functions
of Processional
Equipment
in
the
Temple
of Seti
I
at
Abydos,
Diss.
New
York
University,
2004,
247-251.
It is
also
possible
that
they
served
to
mark
the
processional
barque
of
the
primary
local
deity.
Karlshausen
recognized
that the
iconography
of the
barque
of
Amun-Re
at
Seti Fs
Abydos
Temple
differed
in these
respects
from
contemporary
depictions
of
his
barque
at
Thebes,
see
Karlshausen,
L'iconographie
de
la
barque
processionelle
divine
en
Egypte
au
Nouvel
Empire,
Diss.
Louvain,
1997,
87.
The relevant
portions
of
Seti
Fs Theban and
Abydene
Memorial
temples
are
no
more
than
two
years apart in date. For the dating of these two monuments see Brand, The Monuments of Seti 1,160
(Abydos)
and
235-236
(Gurnah).
71
J. Baines/
R.
Jaeschke/J.
Henderson,
in: JEA
75, 1989, 13-30,
and
Brand,
The
Monuments
of
Seti
I,
167.
72
Figures
from
examples
depicted
in CG
4798-4976
u.
5034-5200,
1913.
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2006 The Festivals of
Osiris
and
Sokar
in
theMonth of
Khoiak
91
Since
the
sizes
of
barque platforms
varied
regionally,
we
must
focus
on
data from
Abydos
proper.73
Middle
Kingdom descriptions
of
the
procession
from the
Osiris
Temple
to
pkr74
at
Abydos
include
descriptions
of
at
least
three
barques
or
boats,
but these
are
too
vague
to
shed
light
on
the
question
of
barque
size.75
A
related
category
of evidence
is
that
of
the
corn
mummies
made for the
Khoiak festivals
of
Sokar and
Osiris.
The
size
of
corn
mummies
varies
and
we
have
none
dating
to
the
New
Kingdom
from
Abydos.76
Thus,
for
the
size of
barque
platforms
at
Abydos,
we
must
rely
on
Abydene
processional
scenes
and
architecture.
Estimating
barque
size
in
processional
scenes
requires calculating
the
probable
size of
priests.
Legrain
suggested
that the size of the
barque
platforms
might
be reconstructed
by
assigning
an
average
number of .44
m
to
the shoulder width of
each
priest
and
multiplying
this
by
the
number
of
priests
shown
carrying
the
barques.77
Holscher
observed, however,
that the number of priests shown in processional images may reflect the status of the deity
and
not
the
actual
size of the
participation.78
In
the
Theban
area,
for
example,
some
temples
are
too
small
to
contain
the
thirty
priests
shown with
the
barque
of