The Effects of the Crisis on Occupational Segregation of Skilled Migrants from Latin America and the Caribbean in the United States, 2006–2012

The Effects of the Crisi

ib

o2

acionniver

migrant population. This impact is stronger

this phenomenon on migrants in general and on

Terrazas, 2009; Castles & Miller, 2010; Martnez-

POPULATION, SPACE AND PLACEPopul. Space Place (2015)Published online in Wiley Online Library(wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/psp.1909among LAC women because they are the onesat greatest disadvantage, a situation thatworsened following the crisis. Skilled migrantsfrom LAC are substantially more segregated onthe occupational structure than other migrants,and they increased its concentration in medium-skilled occupations. The study also found thatskilled migrants from LAC are underrepresentedin professional occupations. Copyright 2015John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Pizarro, 2010; Skeldon, 2010; Moser & Horn, 2013).While these effects were more evident amongmedium and low-skilled migrants particularlyworkers linked to economic sectors such as con-struction we should ask how this crisis affectedskilled migrants, especially those from LatinAmerica and the Caribbean (LAC), the migrantpopulation that grew the most, compared withother regions of the world, grew the most in therecent years, compared with migrants from otherregions of the world.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse theeffect of the 20072008 economic and nancial crisis

*Correspondence to: LucianaGandini, Instituto de InvestigacionesJurdicas de la UNAM, Circuito Maestro Mario de la Cuevas/n, Ciudad Universitaria, CP 04510, Mxico, D.F., Mxico.Segregation of SkilledAmerica and the CarStates, 20062012Luciana Gandini1,* and Fernando Lozano-Ascenci1Instituto de Investigaciones Jurdicas, Universidad N2Centro Regional de InvestigacionesMultidisciplinarias, U

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this paper is to analyse theeffect of the 20072008 economic and nancialcrisis on the levels of employment andunemployment of skilled migrants from LatinAmerica and the Caribbean (LAC), as well astheir conditions of labour insertion and levelsof income, in order to identify patterns ofoccupational segregation and wage inequalityaccording to their participation in the US labourmarket. This analysis was developed using acomparative perspective in two ways: on theone hand, comparing skilled migrants fromLAC to the skilled migrant population from otherregions of the world and to the native skilledpopulation and, on the other hand, by analysingthese indicators pre-crisis and post-crisis. Theinformation source employed in this study wasthe March supplements of the CurrentPopulation Survey 20062012. Our ndingsindicate that the crisis affected the entire skilledpopulation in the USA and particularly theE-mail: [email protected] migrants in particular. Different studieshave demonstrated the effects of this global crisison international migration: a reduction in the owof international migrants, increased unemploy-ment rates among migrant populations, reducedremittanceows, and an increase inmigrant returnrates, among other issues (Papademetriou &s on OccupationalMigrants from Latinbean in the United

al Autnoma de Mxico, Mxico D.F., MxicosidadNacional Autnoma deMxico, Cuernavaca,Mxico

Accepted 7 October 2014

Keywords: skilled migration; crisis andmigration; occupational segregation; wagedifferentials; migration to the USA; LatinAmerica and the Caribbean

INTRODUCTION

F ollowing the 20072008 global economicand nancial downfall centred in the UnitedStates, national governments, internationalorganisations, and academic bodies expressed in-creasing interest in understanding the impact ofon the levels of employment and unemployment of

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

L. Gandini and F. Lozano-Ascencioskilled migrants from LAC, as well as their condi-tions of labour insertion and levels of income, in or-der to identify patterns of occupational segregationandwage inequality according to their participationin the US labour market. This analysis was devel-oped using a comparative perspective in two ways:on the one hand, comparing skilled migrants fromLAC to skilled migrant population from otherregions of the world and to the native skilled popu-lation and, on the other hand, by analysing theseindicators pre-crisis and post-crisis.

Literature addressing the impact of the eco-nomic crisis on international migration is broadand diverse and characterised by three generalfeatures. First of all, there is a great deal of hypo-thetical or speculative work regarding the possi-ble impacts of the global economic crisis oninternational migration, which is explained by theshort period of time that has transpired in orderto have sufcient empirical evidence to be able todemonstrate changes in international migrationassociated with the crisis. A second feature is thescant publications regarding the impact of thecrisis specically upon skilled migrants and anabundant amount of literature about the crisiseffects upon migration in general. A third featureis that a good part of the literature on this topic isfocused on the effects of the crisis in receivingcountries of migrants, with very little emphasisonwhat happens in sending countries, particularlyin the LAC region.

What kind of crisis are we talking about? Therst symptoms of the arrival of the crisis were feltin 2007 when the nancial system weakened inthe face of difculties of the mortgage market inmeeting high-risk (subprime) payments in theUnited States. The following year, the investmentbank was the one with problems: Some banksfailed and were bailed out by the government,and others who failed to have the same luck were taken over or simply disappeared. The im-plementation of unregulated subprime nancialinstruments, monetary and expansionary scalpolicy in the United States, and excess liquidityresulting from the huge inux of capital to theUnited States despite low interest rates arekey elements for explaining the crisis (Ochoa,2013). To the extent that what began as strictly acrisis of the real estate sector in the United Statesin 2007, rapidly developed into a serious globalnancial crisis in 2008 that spread to the real

economy (Marichal, 2010; Keeley & Love, 2011).

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.In terms of the consequences for labour markets,this nancial crisis evolved into an employmentcrisis (Papademetriou & Terrazas, 2009; Castles &Miller, 2010; Moser & Horn, 2013). By the end of2008, the crisis brought about a huge decline ininternational commerce, the loss of jobs, and thecollapse of economic growth rates within the con-text of a generalised global recession. Accordingto the International Labour Organization, in 2009,approximately 61 million people lost their jobs asa consequence of the economic crisis (Alexander,2010). In addition to spreading unemployment, abroad ensemble of groups and categories ofworkers faced inappropriate working conditions,although some groups were more affected thanothers. Castles and Miller (2010) maintain thatduring its initial stages, the nancial crisis had astrong impact on highly skilled workers, includingemployees in the banking sector, information andtechnology, and specialised services, who lost theirjobs or underwent heavy salary cuts. At the sametime, lower skilled workers were even moreaffected by the collapse of the real estate sectorand the drop in the goods and services market.According to these authors, when the nancialcrisis developed into an employment crisis,migrant workers were the most vulnerable to thecrisis and the most seriously affected (Castles &Miller, 2010: 3). However, given the heterogeneityof migrant workers, we know very little aboutwho was struck the hardest, which sectors weremost affected, and how each specic group hasadjusted to the situation. In otherwords, it is neces-sary for us to develop more in-depth analysis ofthe characteristics of the vulnerability of themigrant population in the face of the crisis.

Undoubtedly, the crisis that crippled the USeconomy has affected possibilities for labour inser-tion for all workers, aswell as conditions for labourinsertion, particularly among the migrant popula-tion. However, over the past few decades, theUnited States has experienced signicant changesin its occupational structure and in the distributionof the workforce in the labour market as a result ofglobalisation and economic restructuring, givingway to increasing polarisation and employmentsegmentation associatedwith skill andwage levelsand types of labour insertion. Within these pro-cesses, there is an increasing demand for a skilledworkforce to occupy competitive spaces in the la-bour market, a demand that calls for a contingent

of unskilled workers situated in secondary sectors

Popul. Space Place (2015)DOI: 10.1002/psp

Crisis Effects on Occupational Segregation of Skilled Migrants(industry and construction) and personal services,contributing to increasing inequality and inequity(Sassen, 1988, 2003). For the previously mentionedreasons, it is important to note that while the objec-tive of this work is to evaluate the impact of theglobal economic crisis, many of the ndings and in-terpretations do not necessarily or exclusively referto the circumstances of the crisis. Rather, some ofthese account for long-term structural changes thatinstead of being products of the crisis are changesthat accelerated or became more entrenched withthe crisis.

Before moving on to the next section, we wouldlike to clarify a series of details in regard to the pop-ulation that we are referring to here, as well as thespatial and temporal dimensions of the study.Given that this analysis focuses on the skilled mi-grant population, we selected a population of25years and older because one of the assumptionsis that by this age, most migrants have concludedtheir undergraduate studies and are also at thestage of insertion into the labour market (for abroader discussion about this age range, refer toDocquier et al., 2008; Lozano & Gandini, 2010).As an analytical strategy, we divided this skilledpopulation into three main groups, according toplace of birth, for systematic comparison: (a) thepopulation born in the United States, which wewill refer to as the native population; (b) the migrantpopulation that was born in other regions of theworld than LAC, which we will call migrants fromother regions; and (c) the migrant population thatwas born in the LAC region that we will call LACmigrants. In this document, the skilled populationrefers to individuals with an undergraduate,masters, or doctorate degree or diploma and theunskilled population as those workers with lowerlevels of schooling.

The methodological strategy employed consistsof comparing the general characteristics of thelabour insertion of thesemigrants prior to and afterthe 20072008 crisis, so that this comparison pointsto the pre-crisis and post-crisis changes in theirlabour situation. Thus, we take into considerationthe 2006 to 2012 period, having identied thepre-crisis period from 2006 to 2009, whereas the20092012 period is theoretically reecting apost-crisis situation, without assuming that itnecessarily refers to recovery or a nal exit fromthe crisis. Different sociodemographic, economic,and labour indicators point to 2009 as the year in

which the conditions of the crisis that engulfed

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.the United States economy and society were mostclearly expressed. Hence, we are using these two pe-riods as references in order to document whether ornot there were differences in the dynamics of skilledemigration in the United States and especially in theconditions of labour insertion and income levelsfor migrants originally from the LAC region.

The information source employed for thisstudy is the March supplements of the CurrentPopulation Survey (CPS) 20062012. We selectedthis database for two reasons: rst of all, becauseit contains an important selection of labour vari-ables and, secondly, because at the time of ouranalysis, the CPS 2012 database was available,whereas the American Community Survey (ACS)database was not. Nevertheless, as authors of thisstudy, one of our concerns was sample sizebecause the CPS sample is considerably smallerthan the ACS sample. In order to lend greatercertainty to the results of this paper, we carried outa thorough exploration of the indicators used, andwe were able to conclude that we were arriving atthe same tendencies using both sources of informa-tion and thus the same ndings.

This work is composed of the following parts:After this introduction, the second section is dedi-cated to an examination of the tendencies ofpopulation growth in the United States and partic-ularly the behaviour of skilled migrants from LACpre-crisis and post-crisis. In the third section, wepresent an analysis of the levels of economicactivity and unemployment for the period understudy. In the fourth section, we carry out ananalysis of occupational segregation and salarydifferentiation, followed by our conclusions.

THE DYNAMICS OF NATIVE AND MIGRANTSKILLED POPULATION IN THE UNITEDSTATES PRE-CRISIS AND POST-CRISIS

One of the effects expected from the economicnancial crisis upon population dynamics in theUnited States is a reduced ow of migrants intothe country. With the decrease in the demandfor jobs, disinvestment, and increased unemploy-ment rates in certain economic sectors, both areduction in the ow of migrants and the returnof part of this population to its place of origin wereforeseeable (Skeldon, 2010). In fact, the crisis,together with the deportation and containmentpolicy on the northern Mexican border, the

Mexican and Central American population clearly


reduced their growth rate which does not meanan absolute reduction of thesemigrant populations(Papademetriou & Terrazas, 2009). Although thesecases of deceleration and return occurred amongcertain groups of migrants, in general, the globaleconomic crisis did not affect the stock ofmigrants in receiving countries, although it didaffect the ow of new migrants, particularlyundocumented migrants (Castles & Miller, 2010).

Let us see what happened to the population of25years of age and older in the United States, ac-cording to their condition as natives or migrants,between 2006 and 2012. One initial gure is thatthe total population within this age range in theUnited States grew by 6.6%, from 191.9 millionto 204.6 million people. The percentage of growthof the native population was 4.8 compared withthe migrant populations growth of 17.0 overthe course of this 6-year period (Table 1). Thisgrowth among the native population wasbasically because of the incorporation of peopleborn in the United States into the group of people

25years or older, who were 19 to 24 in 2006. Onthe other hand, the growth of the stock ofmigrant population corresponds to the incorpora-tion of these cohorts, as well as to the arrival ofpeople coming from abroad.

Having said that, not only did the migrantpopulation of 25years and older cease to stopgrowing during the pre-crisis period but also itgrew at a signicantly greater rate in the post-crisis period. Although, as we previously men-tioned, the stock of migrant population in theUnited States did not decrease in absolute termsbetween 2006 and 2012, it presented clear deceler-ation in its annual growth rates between 2006 and2009 (6.7%), achieving recovery during the 20092012 period (9.7%). This behaviour could bereected by the effects of the economic crisis onemigration dynamics towards the United States.

In Table 1, we observe that while the nativeskilled population grew 17% from 2006 to 2012,the skilled migrant population grew by 22.4%.We have observed this tendency of greater

Table 1. Total and skilled population of 25 years and older by place of birth, 20062012.

2006 2009 2012 20062009 20092012 20062012

Total population 191,884 198,285 204,579 3.3 3.2 6.6Natives 162,678 167,133 170,418 2.7 2.0 4.8

49247434912912664339946

L. Gandini and F. Lozano-AscencioMale workers 77,641 80,14Female workers 85,038 86,98Migrants 29,206 31,15Male workers 14,614 15,37Female workers 14,592 15,77Skilled population 53,720 58,57Natives 45,597 49,66Male workers 22,768 24,17Female workers 22,829 25,48Migrants 8,123 8,91Male workers 4,141 4,53Female workers 3,981 4,37Skilled migrants 8,123 8,91LAC migrants 1,821 1,99Mexico 440 54Central America 222 22The Caribbean 600 67Andean Region 370 33South America 190 21Migrants from other regions 6,301 6,91Europe, Canada, and Oceania 1,878 1,86Asia 3,999 4,60Africa 424 44

Source: Authors calculations using CPS 20062012.

Population by thousands and percentage growth per period.

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.81,516 3.2 1.7 5.088,902 2.3 2.2 4.534,162 6.7 9.7 17.016,604 5.2 8.0 13.617,558 8.1 11.3 20.363,291 9.0 8.1 17.853,348 8.9 7.4 17.025,866 6.2 7.0 13.627,481 11.7 7.8 20.49,943 9.7 11.6 22.44,900 9.4 8.1 18.35,043 10.0 15.2 26.79,943 9.7 11.6 22.42,314 9.4 16.2 27.1593 24.2 8.6 34.9272 1.8 20.4 22.6778 12.4 15.5 29.7434 -9.9 30.4 17.4236 12.0 11.2 24.5

7,628 9.8 10.3 21.12,092 -0.5 11.9 11.44,939 15.1 7.3 23.5598 5.1 34.0 40.9Popul. Space Place (2015)DOI: 10.1002/psp

intensity of growth among the skilled migrantpopulation in other studies as well (Lozano &Gandini, 2010), and it constitutes one of the mainresults of this work. This is a structural tendencythat transcends the effects of the crisis because itreects the persistent, positive selectivity of theNorth American labour market in regard to amigrant population with higher levels of school-ing. The contribution of women to the growth ofthe skilled population is remarkable; althoughthe presence of women is important in the mi-grant population in general, it seems to have evengreater incidence among the skilled population.

In regard to the region of origin of skilled mi-grant populations, we can appreciate that nativesfrom LAC grew the most (27.1%) compared withmigrants from other regions of the world (21.1%),a difference that is particularly sustained duringthe post-crisis period (Table 1).

TRENDS OF LABOUR ACTIVITY ANDUNEMPLOYMENT AMONG THE SKILLED

the impact of the crisis on the labour marketbetween 2006 and 2012.

In this sense, we can observe that in 2012,activity rates did not undergo signicant varia-tions in regard to 2006 (Fig. 1). In general, uponcomparing the 20062012 period, participationrates are sustained at similar levels, with a slighttendency towards a reduction. With the exceptionof male migrants from other regions, the rest ofthe groups presented lower levels of participationin 2012 than in 2006, although the differencesuctuate between 0.7 and 1.8 percentage points.An examination of the rates of economic activityshows different behaviours between migrantand native skilled populations of women andmen. A review of the beginning and end of theperiod shows that migrant men faced the fewestchanges, and on the contrary, native men are theones who most reduced their level of labourparticipation.

The activity levels of male migrants remainedconsistently above the level of native men, as a

tion

Crisis Effects on Occupational Segregation of Skilled MigrantsMIGRANT POPULATION FROM LATINAMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN IN THEUNITED STATES

An analysis of economic activity and unemploy-ment rates, for both migrant and native popula-tions by sex, provides an initial exploration of

Figure 1. Rate of economic activity of the skilled popula

undergraduate degree or more, by region of origi

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.reection of greater selectivity, even among thispopulation group that is already selective interms of schooling. Nevertheless, this pattern isnot repeated in the case of women migrantswho, with the exception of the year 2008, alwaysshowed lower levels of participation in compari-son with native women. The rates of LACwomen

25 years and older residing in the United States, with an

n and sex, 20062012 (rates in percentages).


migrants are very close to native women,whereas the rates of women born in other regionsof the world are considerably lower. This clearlydifferential gender pattern suggests that a differ-ent kind of selection is at play for skilled womenand that they are less willing to participate in thelabour market than their male peers. In otherwords, differential behaviour by gender in thelabour market does not exclude migrant womenwith higher levels of schooling.

A different situation occurs in the case ofunemployment, which showed a substantialincrease during this period, for both natives andmigrants (Fig. 2). The impact of the crisis isclearly reected in the generalised difculty ofnding or holding down a job. The increase inunemployment began to reveal itself in 2008,showing a notable, increasing tendency through2010 and even up to 2011 for the male migrantpopulation from LAC. In 2012, a decrease in therates of unemployment occurred, which couldbe interpreted as a budding sign of economic

important increases across the board, sustaininga pattern of the highest rates among migrantmen compared with their native peers. Neverthe-less, whereas in 2006, the differences between thetwo groups were small, in 2012, LAC migrantsshowed rates 57% higher than natives. In the caseof women migrants, unlike the behaviour shownby US women who, despite an increase, regis-tered the lowest rates during the entire period,foreign women have faced most difculties inthe labour market. Unemployment rates for mi-grant women from other regions in 2012 are morethan double the rate in 2006. LAC women show adrastic decrease in unemployment in 2012 although it is impossible to know if they willsustain these levels but, through 2011, theirlevels of unemployment were 150% higher thanthe levels of 2006.

An analysis of the rates of labour participa-tion and unemployment provides a few initialresults about the situation of the skilled residentpopulation in the United States. Although

n 25

L. Gandini and F. Lozano-Ascenciorecovery. However, although the general ten-dency is to recognise a possible improvement atthe end of the period, the levels of unemploymentprior to the crisis have not yet recovered.

The skilled migrant population, particularlywomen, was the most affected. Levels of unem-ployment among the male workforce show

Figure 2. Unemployment rate of the skilled populatio

undergraduate degree or more, by region of origi

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.skilled migrants constitute a select population not only in educational terms but also in regardto bearing other types of capitals their behav-iour in the labour market is different than thenative population and demonstrates genderdifferentials similar to those shown by thegeneral population.

years and older residing in the United States, with an

n and sex, 20062012 (rates in percentages).


Papademetriou & Terrazas, 2009; Duncan &

Crisis Effects on Occupational Segregation of Skilled MigrantsWaldorf, 2010; Green & Winters, 2010; Skeldon,2010). The analysis presented here allows us toconclude that migrants with higher levels ofeducation have not been exempt from the effectsof the economic situation and its repercussionsin terms of increasing unemployment, even to agreater degree than the native population. Inkeeping with the ndings of other studies, wecan argue that although education grants greateropportunities for insertion to the labour market,it does not completely excuse skilled migrantworkers from the potential impact of the crisis(Brdan, 2012a, 2012b).

The levels of unemployment of skilled mi-grants at beginning and end of the period wereat higher rates than the rates of natives, al-though this gap tends to expand dependingon gender specics and region of origin. Thesetendencies show that while it is possible toidentify conjunctural effects upon the labourmarket after the crisis, that situation exacer-bated the existence of more persistent patterns(Terrazas, in Pizarro, 2011). In short, the crisisaggravated structural tendencies, doubly so inthe case of skilled migrant women.

OCCUPATIONAL SEGREGATION ANDWAGEDIFFERENTIATION: A PRE-CRISIS ANDPOST-CRISIS EXPLORATION

An analysis of occupational segregation andwage differentiation constitutes two possibleways to approach the inequalities that are mani-fested in the United States labour market for themigrant and native population.

Analysis of Occupational Segregation

Occupational segregation is a phenomenon thatexpresses the concentration of certain populationgroups in determined sectors or occupations andconstitutes one of the most important and persis-tent characteristics of labour markets the worldAn array of studies have shown interest indocumenting the effects of the economic crisis inthe United States on the migrant populationin general, nding that this population has beenparticularly affected in terms of possibilities foremployment and working conditions (Castles &Vezzoli, 2009; Orrenius & Zavodny, 2009;over (Anker, 1997). In general, it is an indicator

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.used to analyse the location of men and womenin the occupational structure, on the understand-ing that gender operates as a criterion that gener-ates socially different and hierarchical labourspaces (de Oliveira & Ariza, 2000). Genericallyspeaking, this term refers to how labour opportu-nities are distributed to a minority group com-pared with a majority group. From thisperspective, we are interested in enquiring howa persons condition as a migrant in the UnitedStates becomes a premise for social differentiationthat also operates as a factor for structuring thelabour force. In this case, occupational segrega-tion causes migrants to fail to have access to thesame opportunities as the native population, lim-iting the range of available alternatives for em-ployment and leading to overrepresentation incertain economic activities.1

Although this analytical approach refers spe-cically to the labour market structure, one ofthe points of interest of this work is to learn ifthe economic crisis has had an effect on the con-centration of the population employed in certainoccupations, thus encouraging structural labourtransformation that is important in productiveterms and, in this sense, generating changes in la-bour segregation by origin and gender (Luque,2010). While the analysis from previous sectionsshows that the crisis has demonstrated a general-ised effect on the resident population in theUnited States, we are interested in knowing if ithas affected migrants and natives in differentways, as well as men and women, according tothe space that they occupy in the US labourmarket.

Occupational segregation analysis focusedspecically on the population with higher levelsof schooling is also a way to broaden the analysisof underutilisation based on peoples skill level.In addition to knowing other characteristics of la-bour insertion, we are interested in knowing ifthe incorporation into the labour market of thispopulation group allows them to make use oftheir abilities. The lack of correspondencebetween the level of education and the skill levelrequired by an occupation is an expression ofwastage or formative waste called brain wastein specialised literature (Salt, 1997; Mattoo et al.,2005; zden, 2005; Lozano & Gandini, 2010).

For the analysis presented in this section andin the following section, we grouped occupations

using a categorisation that recognises the


L. Gandini and F. Lozano-Ascenciooccupational structure. The criterion for deter-mining these categories was based on skill levelsassociated with the types of occupations and theeconomic sector. In this way, we dened sevendifferent groups of occupations. The rst cate-gory, which is located at the top of the structure,considers professional activities (independent ofthe economic sector) that call for higher skilllevels. Non-manual-labour activities from the ter-tiary sector are found in categories 2 (technicalservices and medium-skilled jobs) and 3 (salesand administrative support), whereas non-manual occupations from the secondary sector(skilled workers and specialised trades) are incategory 4. These categories constitute the middlepart of the occupational structure. Finally, catego-ries 5, 6, and 7 group together manual activitiesthat require lower skill levels, constituting thelower part of the structure: Category 5 corre-sponds to occupations in the tertiary sector(low-skilled service workers), 6 is for low-skilledsecondary sector workers, and 7 is for primarysector activities (farmers and farmworkers).

Table 2, shows the occupational concentration in-dex (OCI) that indicates the percentage of nativeand migrant employment for each occupationalgroup, in regard to each groups total. This per-spective allows us to assess what percentage ofthe skilled population is employed in profes-sional occupations and, moreover, where nativesand migrants are actually working, in order to es-tablish differences in the occupational structureand in the case of any differences if there arechanges during the period of study.

Skilled migrants from LAC are underrepre-sented in professional occupations: Only 39.5%of these migrants were working in an occupationof this kind in 2006, a percentage that reached40.2% in 2009 and decreased to 39.0% in 2012,whereas, in their case, the percentages of boththe native and migrant population from other re-gions are higher than 50%. In particular, womenfrom LAC are at a greater disadvantage because,upon concluding the period under study, the pro-portion of occupied professional spaces is lower(39.9% in 2006 and 36.5% in 2012).

In this way, Latin Americans and Caribbeanworkers present a great decit and demonstratean important lack of correspondence betweentheir level of schooling and the type of skill re-quired by their current occupation, a situation

that was identied more than a decade ago and

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.that has been corroborated in other pieces ofwork (Lozano & Gandini, 2010; Gandini &Lozano, 2012). Results from this study demon-strate that skilled migrant women from LAChave increased their concentration in technicalservices and medium-skilled occupations (mov-ing from a concentration of 11.8% in 2006 to14.0% in 2009 and 17.1% in 2012) and in salesand administrative support activities (20.5, 20.9,and 28.4 respectively). In the case of men fromLAC, in addition to slightly increasing their con-centration in professional activities, they also in-creased their presence, similar to their womenpeers, in technical services and medium-skilledjobs (20.6%, 24.0%, and 26.0%).

What happened to occupational concentra-tion among other population groups studied?In the case of migrants from other regions, therehave been fewer changes in occupational struc-ture. The concentration of women has increasedin professional activities in low-to-mid-range oc-cupations, whereas men achieved greater con-centration in medium-skilled activities, similarto women and male migrants from LAC. Nativespresented some more polarised results. Womenincreased their concentration in professionaloccupations and in the lower part of the struc-ture, which would require lower skill levels.Men sustained their concentration in profes-sional and technical activities and increasedtheir participation in some medium and low-skilled occupations.

Finally, Table 2 also presents a global segregationindex that, using a single gure, allows us to sum-marise the differences in occupational concentra-tion between native and migrant populations. Ineach case, it uses the concentration index of thenative population as a reference and indicatesthe proportion of the migrant population that dif-fers from the native occupational structure.2 Ourresults show that there are notable differences be-tween the indexes of segregation of migrantsfrom other regions and those who come fromLAC, compared with native residents. The formeradopted values of 6.3%, 6.5%, and 5.3% in the3years of analysis, whereas the level of segrega-tion of skilled migrants from LAC moves from19.9%, to 19.7% and then to 15.6%. These resultspoint to two situations: huge disparity in thelevels of segregation by migrant populationgroups, in which LAC migrants are clearly more

segregated, and, despite the differences in the


Table2.

Occup

ationalcon

centration

index

fortheskilled

popu

lation

of25

yearsandolder

residingin

theUnitedStates,byplaceof

origin,typ

eof

occupation

,andsex.

2006

2009

2012

Natives

Migrants

Natives

Migrants

Natives

Migrants

Other

region

sLAC

Other

region

sLAC

Other

region

sLAC

Totalp

opulation

Profession

als,ofcials,andexecutives

50.5

53.2

39.5

50.8

53.2

40.2

51.6

52.7

39.0

Technicalservicesandmedium-skilledoccupation

s25.4

21.4

16.5

26.3

22.7

19.3

24.7

21.8

21.7

Salesandad

ministrativesupp

ort

15.1

13.1

15.8

14.4

11.7

12.2

14.2

12.6

16.7

Skilled

labourersandspecialised

trad

es1.9

3.6

5.0

1.8

3.3

4.8

1.9

3.5

3.7

Low

-skilledserviceworkers

4.8

6.0

13.9

4.9

6.9

14.4

5.2

7.3

10.0

Low

-skilledworkers

inthesecond

arysector

1.8

2.6

7.7

1.4

1.8

7.3

1.6

2.0

7.6

Farm

ersandfarm

workers

0.5

0.2

1.7

0.4

0.2

1.8

0.9

0.1

1.3

Globalsegregation

index

6.32

19.93

6.45

19.73

5.3

15.6

Femaleworkers

Profession


45.3

48.2

39.9

46.1

50.5

42.1

48.2

50.4

36.5


s25.7

15.5

11.8

27.2

16.8

14.0

24.1

14.5

17.1

Salesandad

ministrativesupp

ort

22.6

24.4

25.5

20.3

20.3

20.9

20.7

22.3

28.4

Skilled


trad

es0.6

0.6

1.4

0.5

1.3

0.9

0.6

1.2

0.5

Low


4.9

9.3

18.3

5.2

9.7

18.8

5.1

9.9

12.1

Low

-skilledworkers

inthesecond

arysector

0.6

1.7

3.0

0.4

1.1

2.7

0.7

1.5

4.3

Farm

ersandfarm

workers

0.2

0.3

0.2

0.2

0.3

0.6

0.5

0.2

1.0

Globalsegregation

index

10.31

19.30

10.44

17.25

10.0

18.8

Maleworkers

Profession


55.2

57.0

39.1

55.3

55.3

38.5

55.0

54.5

41.4


s25.1

26.0

20.6

25.5

27.3

24.0

25.2

27.5

26.0

Salesandad

ministrativesupp

ort

8.3

4.4

7.3

8.6

5.2

4.6

7.7

5.0

5.5

Skilled


trad

es3.1

5.8

8.1

3.0

4.9

8.3

3.1

5.3

6.8

Low


4.6

3.5

10.0

4.6

4.8

10.4

5.2

5.2

8.0

Low

-skilledworkers

inthesecond

arysector

2.9

3.3

11.9

2.4

2.4

11.3

2.4

2.4

10.7

Farm

ersandfarm

workers

0.7

0.1

3.0

0.6

0.2

2.9

1.3

0.1

1.6

Globalsegregation

index

5.66

21.65

3.94

22.27

4.4

15.8

Source:A

utho

rscalculations

usingCPS

20062012.

Crisis Effects on Occupational Segregation of Skilled Migrants

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Popul. Space Place (2015)DOI: 10.1002/psp

L. Gandini and F. Lozano-Ascenciolevels of segregation, both groups witnessed adecline between 2009 and 2012.

The indexes are also presented for women andmen, and at least three facts from the analysis areworth mentioning. First of all, the index of femaleand male segregation particularly for LatinAmericans and Caribbean workers is lower in2012 than in 2006, although they had differenttendencies in 2009. Secondly, the levels of malesegregation from LAC are almost three times ashigh as the levels of segregation of migrants fromother regions compared with the native popula-tion whereas in the case of women, this differ-ence is double the index in 2006 and tends todecline. The reason why men from LAC havehigher levels of segregation (compared with thenative population) than the levels of othermigrants can be explained by the fact that the for-mer spread out their employment across differentoccupations throughout the structure more sothan natives and migrants from other regions.3

This behaviour tends to appear among the maleworkforce in general both skilled and unskilled compared with the female workforce, whichtends to have greater concentrations within theservice sector (Luque, 2010). Womens participa-tion in the service sector, with different skilllevels, is concentrated mainly in low-skilledactivities such as housekeeping and restaurant ser-vice workers, personal care and related workers,for example, childcare, and other personal serviceworkers. Their participation in this type of jobreduces the probability of having labour ascendermobility, in comparison with men migrants ornative women (Rubin et al., 2008).

With the information displayed thus far, it couldappear contradictory to observe a reduction inlevels of segregation of the skilled migrant popula-tion in a period of analysis with a watershed event,such as the crisis. How can this be explained? Someexplanations can be tested. As can be seen, the OCIhas been changing over the years observed, show-ing dissimilar behaviour between native andmigrant skilled populations. The former increasedits concentration in a polarised fashion during thisperiod: in professional occupations and in the low-to-middle range of the structure. In the meantime,the same index for the migrant population fromLAC shifted, particularly because of an increasein medium-skilled occupations, although femaleparticipation in professional spaces worsened and

male participation grew slightly. This behaviour

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.is also related to the increasing participation ofthe male and female native skilled populationin the middle-to-lower occupational spaces ofthe structure.

Everything seems to indicate that the crisis hashad a greater impact on some occupations thathad a greater concentration of the native popula-tion than of migrants, generating a redistributionof the employed native workforce. This nallyled to in an increased concentration of activitiesof workers and specialised trades and services,producing a smaller differentiation with migrantsin the remaining occupational spaces (this isdemonstrated by a comparison between columnsNatives and LAC (female and male), in 2006and 2012, from Table 2).

One way to support these changes is by calcu-lating the populational growth that each type ofoccupation underwent by group of analysis. Thisanalysis strengthened the statement from the pre-vious paragraph: During the period of analysis,the types of occupations that underwent greatergrowth for migrants from LAC are concentratedin medium skilled (or, in some cases, highlyskilled) occupations, whereas the highest growthof the native population is observed in mediumand low-skilled occupations.4

The ndings described thus far can becomplemented with the analysis on the partial seg-regation index, a summary measure that indicatedthe relative weight of the migrant population ineach type of occupation, thus neutralisingdifferences that exist in absolute terms betweenthe different occupations (Blau et al., 1998; Castaoet al., 1999). If the value is positive, it means thatsegregation benets the skilled migrant popula-tion, and on the contrary, if it is negative, itindicates a greater concentration of skilled nativesthan skilled migrants (Luque, 2010). The value ofthe index demonstrates the magnitude of a largeror smaller quantity of skilled migrants existing ineach occupation (under the assumption ofcomplete equality with the skilled native popula-tion). Table 3 illustrates this point. A quick look atthe indexes that adopt a negative value allows usto appreciate the results derived from theaforementioned information: The skilled migrantpopulation from LAC is particularly segregatedin activities higher up on the structure, a situationthat is sustained during the 3years that wereanalysed. In terms of magnitude, the segregation

of professional activities is greater in 2012 than in


2006, an index that is affected by the situation ofwomen, who are the ones who lost presence inthese occupations: in 2006, there were 88 LatinAmerican and Caribbean skilled women inprofessional occupations for every 100 skillednative women; in 2012, there are 76 women fromLAC for every 100 native women. The positivevalues reveal occupations with large concentra-tions of the migrant population. In 2012, LACwomen occupied 4.6 times more spaces inoccupations in the low-skilled secondary sectorthan their native peers, a much higher concen-tration than that held in 2006 (3.8 times).

We have two additional comments before con-cluding this section. First, we should not losesight of the fact that the occupational segregationanalysis presented here refers exclusively to theskilled population. That is to say, it is a specic

population that shares similar skill levels, whichshould, in principle, situate it on a plane of equalopportunities. This is important because, beyondthe existence of different mechanisms thatproduce segregation ethnicracial or culturaldiscrimination, social stereotypes, internationaldivision of labour, and so on other explanatorycharacteristics also come into play in the studieson occupational segregation, such as differentskill levels (high, medium, and low), that arenot present here. The second, but no less impor-tant, comment is that the segregation analysispresented reveals changes in the distributionand concentration of population groups in thedifferent types of occupations at different mo-ments in time but without observing possiblechanges in the occupational structure that canbe because of innovation or technological change

Table 3. Partial segregation index of the skilled migrant population of 25 years and older residing in the UnitedStates, by region of origin, type of occupation and sex.

2006 2009 2012

Otherregions LAC

Otherregions LAC

Otherregions LAC

Total populationProfessionals, ofcials, and executives 0.053 0.218 0.048 0.208 0.02 0.24Technical services and medium-skilled occupations 0.157 0.352 0.137 0.266 0.12 0.12Sales and administrative support 0.133 0.045 0.185 0.150 0.11 0.18Skilled labourers and specialised trades 0.827 1.549 0.894 1.718 0.84 0.96Low-skilled service workers 0.253 1.904 0.411 1.926 0.40 0.94Low-skilled workers in the secondary sector 0.450 3.306 0.277 4.138 0.30 3.90

.647

.064

.399

.083

.087

.876

.803

.363

.032

.033

.465

.855

.249

.138

.898

Crisis Effects on Occupational Segregation of Skilled MigrantsFarmers and farmworkers 0

Female workersProfessionals, ofcials, and executives 0Technical services and medium-skilled occupations 0Sales and administrative support 0Skilled labourers and specialised trades 0Low-skilled service workers 0Low-skilled workers in the secondary sector 1Farmers and farmworkers 0

Male workersProfessionals, ofcials, and executives 0Technical services and medium-skilled occupations 0Sales and administrative support 0Skilled labourers and specialised trades 0Low-skilled service workers 0Low-skilled workers in the secondary sector 0Farmers and farmworkers 0Source: Authors calculations using CPS 20062012.

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.2.445 0.442 3.298 0.85 0.40

0.118 0.097 0.087 0.05 0.240.542 0.382 0.487 0.40 0.290.130 0.002 0.030 0.08 0.371.120 1.518 0.662 0.89 0.232.695 0.854 2.605 0.93 1.363.799 1.747 5.793 1.34 5.61

0.025 0.076 1.660 0.67 0.87

0.292 0.001 0.303 0.01 0.250.181 0.071 0.056 0.09 0.030.117 0.401 0.470 0.36 0.291.582 0.648 1.781 0.69 1.171.169 0.044 1.265 0.00 0.543.141 0.021 3.698 0.01 3.413.041 0.636 3.753 0.91 0.21Popul. Space Place (2015)DOI: 10.1002/psp

Table4.

Average

mon

thly

wageof

theskilled

popu

lation

of25

yearsandolder

residingin

theUnitedStates,b

yregion

oforigin,typ

eof

occupation

andsex.

Natives

Migrants

Natives

Migrants

Natives

Migrants

Other

region

sLAC

Other

region

sLAC

Other

region

sLAC

Femaleworkers

Profession


4.048

3.945

3.591

4.380

4.150

4.372

4.380

4.150

4.372


s3.141

2.464

3.337

3.064

2.932

3.523

3.064

2.932

3.523

Salesandad

ministrativesupp

ort

3.053

2.163

2.2121

2.125

2.109

1.969

2.125

2.109

1.969

Skilled


trad

es2.105

3.0101

2.282

1.339

2.282

1.339

Low


2.373

1.768

1.491

2.313

1.622

3.014

2.313

1.622

3.014

Low

-skilledworkers

inthesecond

arysector

0.872

0.957

1.6171

1.2241

2.0331

2.3641

1.2241

2.0331

2.3641

Farm

ersandfarm

workers

701

1.184

0.8061

0.8061

Total

3.485

3.118

3.056

3.592

3.292

3.488

3.592

3.292

3.488

Maleworkers

Profession


5.182

5.228

4.838

5.238

5.126

5.278

5.458

5.150

5.709


s3.964

4.251

2.103

4.061

4.251

4.159

4.203

4.103

3.907

Salesandad

ministrativesupp

ort

4.495

3.514

1.6171

4.900

2.0901

2.9681

4.614

1.523

0.8911

Skilled


trad

es2.565

2.073

3.1201

4.083

3.801

2.8391

3.415

1.491

1.4861

Low


4.202

2.492

3.2281

4.311

2.761

1.107

3.652

2.570

2.4901

Low

-skilledworkers

inthesecond

arysector

2.391

1.0591

1.8761

3.450

1.873

1.2461

2.818

2.087

2.2991

Farm

ersandfarm

workers

2.191

2.409

1.832

1.7691

0.960

Total

4.602

4.507

3.331

4.765

4.471

3.746

4.752

4.452

4.168

Source:A

utho

rscalculations

usingCPS

20062012.

2006,2009,and2012

(at2006

prices).

1 Inthesecells,the

amou

ntof

casesisno

tstatistically

sign

icant.

L. Gandini and F. Lozano-Ascencio

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Popul. Space Place (2015)DOI: 10.1002/psp

improvement in possibilities for placement in the

Crisis Effects on Occupational Segregation of Skilled Migrantsoccupational structure, although this relative im-provement is better explained by a recompositionof other groups in the occupational structure. Thisever persistent segregation has repercussions onwage discrimination. Skilled women from LACdo not only have fewer possibilities of enteringoccupational spaces that correspond to their level which would also affect segregation. Thus,while the decrease in levels of segregation hasbeen, in part, explained by changes in importancerelative to the different populations, their growth,and relocation in the structure, the effect of thecrisis could have also generated changes in theoccupational structure that are not identiable.

Wage Differentiation

Previous analysis showed different forms of occu-pational segmentation and segregation of the mi-grant population that exist in the labour world.Nevertheless, processes of labour segregationalso have implications on wage discrimination,another expression of labour inequality. In otherwords, a manifestation of inequality occurswhen, given equal levels of preparation, migrantsreceive lower pay than the native population thatperforms the same type of occupation. Table 4shows the average monthly wage at 2006 prices.This allows us to appreciate how the widespreadsituation of disadvantage of the LAC migrantpopulation in terms of occupational segregationaffects their wages. Over the 3years analysed,their average wage lies below the native popula-tions wage, as well as below the average wageof migrants from other regions. A cross-sectionlook between occupational structure and genderonce again demonstrates that skilled women fromLAC are themost affected. Unlike their male peers,they earned less in 2012 ($2,742) than in 2006($3,056), as calculated at deated 2006 prices. Fur-thermore, their wages are lower even in the highestcategory of occupation (professionals).

The information presented here shows that theskilled migrant population of the LAC origin facesa considerable disadvantage, for women evenmore so, compared with their migrant peers fromother regions and with the native population withthe same levels of preparation. This situationexisted prior to the crisis. After the crisis, in termsof labour segregation, there appears to be anof education but also, both in general terms and

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.specically referring to the people who hold thosespaces, their wages are substantially lower notonly than those of their female native peers but alsothan their migrant peers from other regions of theworld. So, segregation patterns inmigration contextsreinforce gender segregation, which increases thedisadvantages for skilled migrant women.

CONCLUSIONS

Following the arrival and expansion of the globaleconomic crisis, many voices were raised in avariety of fashions talking or asking about reper-cussions on the arena of international migration.Will the crisis be a turning point or simply a stopalong the way? The temporal proximity of thecrisis makes it difcult to give rm answers tothis type of question in a non-speculative terrain.Nevertheless, an analysis of the empirical evi-dence as presented here allows us to propose afew suggestions for interpretation and furtherreection.

Growth of the migrant population with tertiaryor higher education in the United States is a grow-ing and persistent tendency. This emigration hasrevealed a greater increase than medium andlow-skilled emigration, a tendency that, contraryto what one might think, did not change followingthe 20072008 global economic crisis. The demandfor highly skilled labour continues, even in times ofeconomic and labour crises. This fact accounts for astructural tendency: Skilled emigration is becom-ing a dominant pattern of international migrationand one of the most important expressions ofglobalisation (Docquier & Rapoport, 2012).

The crisis has had a generalised effect on theresident population in the United States, includ-ing the native and foreign population. However,this work offers some clues about how the crisisaffected the entire skilled population in thatcountry and particularly the migrant population:This study found that skilled migrants from LACare underrepresented in professional occupationsbecause only 39.5% were placed in an occupationof this kind in 2006, a percentage that rose to40.2% in 2009 and declined to 39.0% in 2012. Thistendency mainly affects women from LAC: Theyare the ones at greatest disadvantage, a situationthat worsened following the crisis.

In spite of the signicant growth of skilledmigrant women from LAC in the contemporary

migration ows, our ndings show the increasing


L. Gandini and F. Lozano-Ascenciodifculties that they faced in their insertion in the la-bour market which includes the underutilisationof their skills. This is because, in part, of their beingunderrepresented in the top professional occupa-tions of the global labour market such as businessadministration, engineering, and information tech-nology. On the contrary, skilled migrant womenhave a higher presence in occupations related tosocial reproduction, such as health, education, andculture. Those occupations are less valued in the la-bour market and also have transferability problemsbetween countries (IOM, 2012).

At the same time, recruitment and admissionpolicies in receiving countries tend to favour indi-viduals with business, engineering, informationtechnology, and physics studies skills, elds withhigh presence of men (Rubin et al., 2008). The dif-culties that skilled migrant women from LACface in nding occupations where they use theirabilities and skills could be related to the discrim-inatory practices against women in sendingcountries (Rubin et al., 2008; IOM, 2012).

Some studies have found that non-economicreasons, but mainly family motives, are stronglyrelated to the female skilled migration. This isalso linked to the aforementioned admissionpolicies, combined with some traditional genderroles (Kofman & Raghuram, 2009). The lesseningin labour activity of skilled women and the ab-sence of support structures in the receiving coun-tries (i.e. the family and the housekeeping help)have led to a process of feminisation or (re)-domestication of skilled migrant women (Ho,2006; Liversage, 2009), that is, an increase in theirrole as mothers and wives and a decrease in theirrole as income providers (Meares, 2010).

The literature on skilled migration with genderperspective is currently scarce, and it containsmany preconceived notions about the prole ofless skilled women, with an essentialist view thatreduces them to a homogeneous group, with adominant economic perspective and not relatedto other life elds (Kofman, 2000). Literature onskilled migration has centred its approach in theindustry and economic activities based on knowl-edge, such as the information technology sector,dominated by men, with scant attention toactivities or sectors with higher female presence(Raghuram, 2009).

Skilled migrants from LAC are substantiallymore segregated in the occupational structure

than other migrants. Following 2009, there was

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.a decline in levels of segregation, both for menand women. Nevertheless, this drop in occupa-tional segregation should not be interpreted asequalisation of the conditions of labour occupa-tion of the skilled LAC population with thenative population. The latter increased its concen-tration in professional occupations and in themiddle-to-low range of the structure from 2006to 2012. Meanwhile, the Latin American and Ca-ribbean skilled population increased its concen-tration in medium-skilled occupations. In thisway, the decline in segregation levels of thispopulation can, in part, be explained by therelative improvement in these occupations although womens opportunities worsened foroccupying professional spaces and mens im-proved slightly but also because the nativemale and female population increased its con-centration in occupational spaces in the middleand lower part of the structure. Other possiblechanges in the occupational structure perhapsstimulated by a crisis scenario could also beaffecting and explaining the changes in occupa-tional segregation.

The place that a worker holds in the occupa-tional structure is an indicator, particularly inthe skilled population, of the appropriatenessof his/her labour insertion to his/her level ofpreparation. The higher the skilled populationis placed in the structure, the greater the corre-spondence. Nevertheless, this indicator doesnot reect the conditions and quality of the occu-pations. An exploration of wage differences of-fers clues, particularly for Latin American andCaribbean women, that suggest that they are lesscompensated in terms of wages, even in thehigher spaces of the structure. Moreover, thissituation worsened after the crisis. That is tosay, the permanence and increase of theskilled migrant population from LAC inmedium-skilled spaces in the occupational struc-ture could be explained by the existence ofgreater conditions of precariousness, possiblystimulated by the crisis. The native populationavoided these precarious labour spaces andsought insertion in other spaces of the occupa-tional structure. The condition of being amigrant could possibly motivate people to with-stand the effects of the crisis in less thanfavourable labour conditions, to a greater degreethan for the native population (Castles &

Vezzoli, 2009).


from the LAC region did not consider the othergroup of migrants. This means that each index is

Crisis Effects on Occupational Segregation of Skilled Migrantscalculated independently of the occupational struc-ture of the other group of migrants or under the as-sumption that only the analysed group of migrantsand the native population are employed in the la-bour market. This is why interpretation is alwayscarried out in regard to the native population as agroup of reference.

(3) We can see that in 2006, 80.6% of the native maleworkforce was concentrated in two types of occu-pations (professionals and medium skilled servicejobs), and 83% of migrants from other regions werealso concentrated in these occupations, whereasonly 59.6% of Latin Americans were occupyingthese labor spaces. On the contrary, almost threeof every four migrants from LAC were distributedamong the three types of occupations in the lowerpart of the structure, whereas only 8.2% of nativepopulations held these occupations and 6.9% of mi-grants from other regions.

(4) The information that supports these arguments wasnot included in the article.

REFERENCES

Alexander D. 2010. The impact of the economic crisis on theworlds poorest countries. Global Policy 1(1): 118120.

Anker R. 1997. Theories of occupational segregation by sex:an overview. International Labour Review 136: 315339.

Blau FD, Ferber MA, Winkler AE. 1998. The Economicsof Women, Men, and Work. 3rd edn. Prentice-Hall:Englewood Cliffs, NJ.

Brdan C. 2012a. Educated immigrants and economiccrisis in the US, presented in Applied DemographyConference, University of Texas at San Antonio.

Brdan C. 2012b. Are Skilled Migrants MoreProtected during Times of Economic Crisis?Evidence from the US, poster, Population AmericanNOTES

(1) Occupational segregation and concentration have beenresearched widely in connection with both genderand racial/ethnic inequalities in the labour force.The concept of segregation in the labour market isusually used to refer to the tendency for men andwomen to be employed in different occupationsfrom each other. Concentration refers to the ten-dency of different groups in the labour force to berepresented in higher proportions than others incertain types of occupations or sectors ofemployment.

(2) It is important to point out that the global segregationindex for skilled migrants from other regions andAssociation Conference.

Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.Castao C, Iglesias C, Maas E, Snchez-Herrero M.1999. Diferencia o discriminacin. La situacin de lasmujeres espaolas en el mercado de trabajo y elimpacto de las tecnologas de la informacin.Coleccin Estudios no. 73. Consejo Econmico ySocial: Madrid.

Castles S, Miller JM. 2010. Migration and the GlobalEconomic Crisis: One Year On. Online material,Available at: http://www.age-of-migration.com/na/nancialcrisis/updates/migration_crisis_april2010.pdf (accessed on 15 September 2013).

Castles S, Vezzoli S. 2009. The global economic crisisand migration: temporary interruption or structuralchange? Paradigmes 2: 6975.

de Oliveira O, Ariza M. 2000. Gnero, trabajo yexclusin social en Mxico. Estudios Demogrcos yUrbanos 43: 1133.

Docquier F, Rapoport H. 2012. Globalization, braindrain and development. Journal of Economic Literature50(3): 681730.

Docquier F, Lowell BL, Marfouk A. 2008. A genderedassessment of highly skilled emigration, revisedversion. Available at: http://perso.uclouvain.be/frederic.docquier/lePDF/DLM_PDR.pdf (accessedon 15 September 2013).

Duncan NT, Waldorf BS. 2010. High skilled immigrantrecruitment and the global economic crisis: theeffects of immigration policies, Working Paper#10-1. Available at: http://ageconsearch.umn.edu/bitstream/58417/2/10-1.pdf (accessed on 15September 2013).

Gandini L, Lozano AF. 2012. La migracin mexicanacalicada en perspectiva comparada: el caso de losprofesionistas con posgrado en Estados Unidos,20012010. In El estado de la migracin. Mxico ante losrecientes desafos de la migracin internacional, RamrezT, Castillo MA (eds.). CONAPO: Mxico; 87126.

Green T, Winters LA. 2010. Economic crisis and migration:learning from the past and the present. Working PaperT-31. Available at: http://www.migrationdrc.org/publications/working_papers/WP-T31.pdf (accessedon 20 April 2013).

Ho C. 2006. Migration as feminisation: Chinesewomens experience of work and family in Australia.Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 32: 497514.

IOM. 2012.Crushed Hopes: Underemployment and Deskillingamong Skilled Migrant Women. IOM: Genoa.

Keeley B, Love P. 2011.De la crisis a la recuperacin: Causas,desarrollo y consecuencias de la Gran Recesin. OECDPublishing: Paris.

Kofman E. 2000. The invisibility of skilled femalemigrants and gender relations in studies of skilledmigration in Europe. International Journal of Popula-tion Geography 6(1): 4559.

Kofman E, Raghuram P. 2009. Skilled female labour

migration. Focus Migration Policy Brief 13: 18.


Liversage A. 2009. Vital conjunctures, shifting hori-zons: High-skilled female immigrants looking forwork. Work, Employment and Society, 23(1): 120141.

Lozano AF, Gandini L. 2010.Migrantes calicados de AmricaLatina y el Caribe Capacidades desaprovechadas? CentroRegional de Investigaciones Multidisciplinarias de laUNAM: Mxico.

Luque L. 2010. Anlisis Emprico de la Crisis Econmica enel Mercado de Trabajo en los Pases Europeos: unaPerspectiva de Gnero y Actividad Econmica. XII Re-unin de Economa Mundial, Sociedad de EconomaMundial: Santiago de Compostela.

Marichal C. 2010. Nueva historia de las grandes crisisnancieras. Una perspectiva global, 18732008.Sudamericana.

Martnez-Pizarro J. 2010. Migracin calicada y crisis:una relacin inexplorada en los pases de origen.Migracin y Desarrollo 7: 129154.

zden . 2005. Brain drain in Latin America. Presenta-tion at the International Mobility of Talent and Devel-opment Impact ProjectMeeting. TheWorld Institute ofDevelopment Economics Research: Santiago de Chile.

Papademetriou DG, Terrazas A. 2009. Immigrants andthe Current Economic Crisis. Migration Policy Insti-tute: Washington, DC.

Pizarro Martnez J. 2011. Migracin internacional enAmrica Latina y el Caribe. Nuevas tendencias, nuevosenfoques. Economic Commission for Latin Americaand the Caribbean: Santiago de Chile.

Raghuram P. 2009. Situating women in the brain draindiscourse: Discursive challenges and opportunities.In Gender and Migration in 21st Century Europe,Stalford H, Currie S, Velluti S (eds). Ashgate:Aldershot; 85106.

Rubin J, Rendall M, Rabinovich L, Tsang F, vanOranje-Nassau C, Janta B. 2008. Migrant womenin the European labour force: Current situation

L. Gandini and F. Lozano-AscencioMattoo A, Neagu IC, zden . 2005. Brain waste?Educated immigrants in the U.S. labor market.Policy Research Working Paper Series 3581. TheWorld Bank: Washington, DC.

Meares C. 2010. A ne balance: Women, work andskilled migration. Womens Studies InternationalForum 33(15): 473481.

Moser CON, Horn P. 2013. Does economic crisisalways harm international migrants? Longitudinalevidence from Ecuadorians in Barcelona. Interna-tional Migration, DOI: 10.1111/imig.12047

Ochoa S. 2013. Riesgo y vulnerabilidad laboral durantela crisis nanciera y econmica de 20082009 enMxico. PhD Thesis, Centro de Estudios Sociolgicos,El Colegio de Mxico, Ciudad de Mxico.

Orrenius PM,ZavodnyM. 2009. Tied to the business cycle:how immigrants fare in good and bad economic times.Migration Policy Institute. Available at: http://bit.ly/1tquuvs (accessed on 15 September 2013).Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.and future prospects. Technical report preparedfor the European Commission, RAND Corporation.Available at: http://ec.europa.eu/social/BlobServlet?docId=2098&langId=en (accessed on 15 September2013).

Salt J. 1997. International movements of the highlyskilled. In OECD Social Employment and MigrationWorking Papers 3. OECD: Paris.

Sassen S. 1988. The Mobility of Labor and Capital.Cambridge University Press: New York.

Sassen S. 2003. Los espectros de la globalizacin. Fondo deCultura Econmica: Buenos Aires.

Skeldon R. 2010. The current global economic crisisand migration: policies and practice in originand destination. Working Paper T-32. Availableat: http://www.migrationdrc.org/publications/working_papers/WP-T32.pdf (accessed on 20April 2013).Popul. Space Place (2015)DOI: 10.1002/psp

Documents

The Effects of the Crisis on Occupational Segregation of Skilled Migrants from Latin America and the Caribbean in the United States, 2006–2012