THE CONTRIBUTION OF INDIANS TO THE TRANSFORMATION …ijsstr.com/data/frontImages/2_march_17.pdfThe first Indian, Wamdhina came from Karungu. He was directed by Kasuku wuod (son of)

International Journal of Social Science and Technology ISSN: 2415-6566 Vol. 2 No. 2; March 2017

16

THE CONTRIBUTION OF INDIANS TO THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE

SOCIO-ECONOMIC LIFE OF AFRICANS IN KENDU BAY 1908-1945

By

1. Nashon Budy Budi

P. O. Box, 248-40301 Kendu Bay, Kenya

+254 724 331 527

[email protected]

2. Professor Mildred A. Ndeda

+254 721 383 139

[email protected]

3. Dr. Paul O. Opondo

[email protected]

+254 721 310 928

NB: Correspondence will be handled by Nashon Budy Budi

Jaramogi Oginga Odinga University of Science and Technology


17

ABSTRACT

This article examines the contribution of Indians to the socio-economic development of Africans in Kendu

Bay. Indians spent most of the 20th

century in Kendu Bay as traders, hence, they interacted extensively with

Africans. As suppliers of the imported commodities and the buyers of the Africans agricultural produce, their

contact with Africans was frequent, close and transformative. Moreover, Indians employed them as security

officers and as domestic servants. These transactions introduced Africans into a capitalist economy and saw

the replacement of barter trade by the use of rupee as a currency initially and later the shilling. Being

entrepreneurs, they introduced major changes in African agricultural production, eating habits, and

introduction of modern technology. Similarly, the Indian Muslims influenced African conversion to the Islamic

culture. Despite their closed lifestyle and government policy which limited their interaction with Africans they

still contributed to the African social and economic developments.

Key words: Indians, Africans, Kendu Bay, Social, Economic, Impacts

Introduction1

The commercial activities along the African Coast during Indian Ocean Trade attracted Indians to Kenyan

Coast earlier before their invitation as indentured laborers by the colonial government in East Africa. Mangat

(1969) traces the genesis of the Asians in East Africa to the second century, when there was intensive trade

network in the Indian Ocean, which attracted merchants and seamen from India, Persia and Arabia. These

groups established a long history of commercial links with East Africa and played an active role in financial

and commercial life of the area. The presence of Asian merchants and seafarers was made possible due to

geographical proximity and knowledge and availability of trade winds. Similar explanations are provided by

George (1963) and Kimambo & Temu (1969) regarding one of the earliest recorded navigation accounts,

Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, Circa A.D. 80, on the Indian and Arab ships trading along the Coast. A Chinese

geographical work, dating from about 18th

century, mentions Guajarati settlement in the same area.

The commodities supplied by the Indians engaged in the Indian Ocean trade included cotton cloths and beads.

They obtained ivory, gun copal and incense from the East Coast of Africa (Mangat, 1969). During these early

interactions the presence of Indians and other early visitors were not felt in the interior of Kenya. Indians

activities were limited at the Coast. According to Low & Smith (1976) and Nowik (2015) it was during the

European occupation of East Africa in the late nineteenth century that Asian population increased rapidly and

begun to migrate to the interior. After the establishment of the East African Protectorate, the government felt

1 This paper is part of my MA thesis. The research was based on archival and oral history conducted between 2013 and 2016. This

period included a year of fieldwork from August 2015 to August 2016. I visited Kenya National Archives (KNA) where I saw the

documents of the colonial government administration in Kenya.

South Asians ancestors who migrated to Kenya came from Pakistan and India. They are referred to as Indians because Africans and

the Colonial Government of East Africa used that labeling.


18

the need of making it economically profitable. This led to invitation of Indians to the region. Given pressure

on colonial authorities to make the colony economically viable, they had the responsibility of recruiting agents

who would make East Africa Protectorate productive. The Indian was perceived to be more economically

productive than the African groups who were considered lazy. Europeans argued that the provision of African

labor was seasonal since during rains they went back home for planting (Bennet, 1978). Similarly,

Kabwagyere (1974) observes that a renowned colonizer Harry Johnston who had engaged Asian labor when

he was in Central Africa held the perception that Asians could still play a great role in developing East Africa.

He favored the scheme of inviting the Indians to engage in agricultural projects.

While British Officials pondered and explored the possibilities of encouraging Indian settlers to become chief

agents of development, private British citizens and companies sought to establish themselves advantageously

within the protectorate. By 1900 there were a small number of Europeans who considered becoming

permanent settlers in East Africa Protectorate. They opposed any idea of Indian settlement in the choice of

agricultural areas. Despite the agitation by settlers over the highlands, Imperial British East Africa Company

(IBEAC) which had a strong background in India approved the need of involving Indians in developing the

protectorate. Company officials were convinced that Indians were good entrepreneurs and farmers who could

help improve economic productivity of the region. As the company expanded its activities into the interior, it

relied on indentured labor from India to serve the nascent administrative network, the military and the police

force. When the company became bankrupt the British Cost took direct responsibility for administering the

East African territory in 1893 (Carlsen, 1980). Wanga2 (2010) corroborates this argument and explains that

when the Foreign Office in London eventually assumed the direct control of the territory between Uganda and

the Coast, it renamed it as the East African Protectorate; plans to construct the railway were implemented. The

British colonial administration employed the use of Indian labor to build the railway. Therefore, between 1895

and 1914, the British imported 37,747 Asians mainly from Punjab.

An explanation given by Kapila (2010) indicates that Indians recruits included unskilled, skilled, clerks and

professionals. After completion of the construction of railway, many of these workers settled in Kenya,

Uganda, Zanzibar and Tanzania. The government engaged Indian labor in different parts of the protectorate

especially in administrative posts. They were also encouraged to establish their enterprises in emerging urban

centers throughout the colony. One such Indian establishment in the colony was Kendu Bay. This paper

therefore outlines the emergence of Indians in Kendu Bay, their economic activities and their interactions with

Africans up to 1945.

2Wanga, A.N. (2010). Colonial sugar production in Nyanza (Kibos-Muhoroni): The Asian initiative the genesis, the development of

Kenya’s sugar industry PhD Dissertation, West Virginia University.

Wanga did an extensive research on the role of Indians in the introduction of sugarcane production in Western Kenya. His work

covers the process of migration and settlement of Indians in Kenya.


19

1.0. Arrival and Settlement of Indians in Nyanza

Construction and completion of Uganda railway in 1901 played a key role in settlement of Indians in Kisumu

and the entire Nyanza. According to Malack & Ondieki (2015) the main reason behind the Asian immigration

into Kenya and specifically Kisumu, which at that time was a Colony, was to work as indentured labors

building Kenya Uganda railway. Some Asian immigrants also arrived as artisans to help in building

administration structures while others came in as traders. Others arrived in Kisumu to visit relatives and opted

to stay permanently. Additionally, the government settled some of them to carry out agriculture. Ogot (1970)

indicates that in 1903 various proposals concerning Indian immigration ended with the decision to subsidize a

few Indian agriculturalists to settle at Kibos east of Kisumu. Nyong’o (1981) corroborates this and explains

that the government displaced Africans in Miwani and Muhoroni in order to establish Asians in the region for

sugarcane plantation. By 1928 there were 48 Indian farmers in the western low-lands, and most of these were

sugar planters with an average of 200 acres under cultivation grouped around the factory (Hallet, 1988).

According to the report from the Senior Commissioner, Kisumu on 5th

August, 1925, Asians population in

Nyanza was 553 (PC/NZA 3/6/2/1).

Emergence and settlement of Indians in Kendu Bay followed expansion of transport network in South Nyanza

by the government in an attempt to establish control in the region. As a result a number of roads linking

different administrative posts and trading centers were opened. For instance, transport link between Kisumu

and the present South Nyanza and Kisii Districts was by boat through Homa Bay and Kendu Bay. From Homa

Bay there was a track opened in 1910 to Karungu, and a road to Kisii in the same year. Kendu Bay became

very strategic because it linked administrative posts in South Nyanza (Karungu and Kisii). It also linked Homa

Bay Port to Kisumu which was a Provincial headquarters (Ochieng, 1990). On water transport, the

government introduced steamship on Lake Victoria which was built in England, carried into pieces to Kisumu,

reassembled and launched in 1901 to carry goods and passengers from railhead to ports in Uganda and

Tanzania. Within Kenya, little wharfs for smaller vessels were built at Port Victoria, Kadimo Bay, Asembo

Bay, Kendu Bay, Homa Bay and Karungu Bay.

The development of transport system in South Nyanza by the Colonial Government contributed to the

emergence of urban centers before 1918. For example, Kendu Bay, which was at the centre linking Kisii

Districts and Homa Bay-Karungu to Kisumu by both road and water. This exposed Kendu Bay to the

immigrants like Indians, Arabs and Christian Missionaries. Given its significance, Kendu Bay was given

status by the Township Ordinance of 1903. With this ordinance a myriad of townships and trading centers

were established all over Kenya (Obudho, 1976). According to Ochieng’ (1990) the new urban centers became

racially and ethnically heterogeneous than the pre-colonial urban settlements. Ochieng’ (2002) further

explains that the government wanted to handle increased traffic from the new and central administrative centre

at Kisii, and consequently opened anew center at Kongo (now Kendu Bay) in 1908. Moreover, towards the

end of 1908 and early 1909, a number of urban centers were established in South Kavirondo as more non-

indigenous settlers migrated to engage in petty trade with local inhabitants. Hence, Dukas were built at Suna

(currently Migori town) and Oyugis trading centers, and this encouraged Indians to buy plots and introduce

their commercial innovation. By 1913, there were six major ports: Kendu Bay, Homa-Bay, Kisumu, Karungu-

Bay, Sio River and Asembo-Bay in the region.


20

Indians settlements in Kendu Bay were preceded by Christian Missionaries and the Arabs. Christian

missionaries arrived in Kendu Bay in 1906 (Firstbrook, 2011) while the Arabs settled in 1907 (Orora3, 2004).

The first Indians settled and established their activities in Kendu Bay between 1908 and 1913 as Odero4 (O.I,

2015) explains:

First Indians came from Karungu through Lake Victoria and landed at the lake-shore at

Wagwe. They later settled at Miti Mbili for a while before finally moving to Kendu Bay

where they established their permanent settlement and opened their shops.

Oketch, Agutu and Idi (O.I,2015) agree that the first Indians came from Karungu but had contrasting

information to that of Odero (2015) on the first point of settlement before they moved to Kendu Bay. They

explain that:

The first Indian, Wamdhina came from Karungu. He was directed by Kasuku wuod (son of)

Matunga and Kapesa to take the route through the Lake. Wamdhina initially settled at

Oyugis town by 1908. Later he relocated to the bridge along Kendu Bay Kosele road behind

Kendu Bay Adventist Hospital and finally settled in Kendu Bay Trading Center. The next

Indian settler, Idhokhan who migrated from Mugirango (Kisii County), settled at Oyugis

before migrating to Kendu Bay. The third Indian to settle in Kendu Bay was Jiwasamji who

migrated from Karungu to Oyugis before settling at Kendu Bay. The memory of Wamdhina

is also linked to the first maize mill he constructed in Kendu Bay.

Majority of Indians who migrated to Kendu Bay were from Kisumu. They were cordially received by the

council of elders’ headed by chief who apportioned them land for settlement. Indians groups who settled in

Kendu Bay included Ismailia, Hindus and Goans. The Luo did not resist them but received them peacefully

given that other immigrants like Arabs and Christian Missionaries had come before them. Therefore, the

presence of foreign people was not unique to the locals. Moreover, according to Oliech5 (O.I, 2015) colonial

3Orora, A.M. (2004). The development of Islam in Kendu Bay from 1912 to 1992 MA Theses, University of Nairobi. Orora’s

research explains the free interaction between the Arabs and Africans in Kendu Bay. This interaction led to introduction of

Africans into Islamic culture without coercion

4Odero, Oketch, Agutu and Idi were interviewed in Kendu Bay on 10

th September, 2015 about the Indians activities in Kendu Bay.

Migration and settlement of Indians is part of the information they give about them. They also depict Indians as pioneer

entrepreneurs of Kendu Bay.

5 An interview with Oliech on 1

st September, 2015 in Konyango Village, adjacent to Kendu Bay gave justifications why Africans

did not resist Indians during their settlement in Kendu Bay. For example, Indians were neither interested in African land nor

degraded their culture.


21

government was deterrent to any attack on them. Besides, as traders they brought imported manufactured

commodities which attracted local people. Finally, unlike the Europeans Indians neither alienated Africans

land nor interfered with their culture. Upon their arrival, Africans voluntarily gave them free land to initiate

their own projects. These Africans who gave land included Aramba Owuore, Abong’o Rahi Mbai and Abuya

Odiero. Those individuals who apportioned land then reconstructed their homes adjacent to town center.

Kendu Bay exhibited a pluralistic society with the settlement of Indians, Arabs and Europeans. This settlement

stimulated conflict of interest among the residents. This was because each race wanted to affirm its own

interest and tried to avoid domination by another. Thus, for these communities to exist while keeping their

identities there had to be compromise and tolerance. In spite, of that this settlement marked the beginning of

cross-culturalism due to interaction of these races. The result of these interactions affected mostly African

culture who borrowed a lot from the visitors they hosted.

The settlements of these foreigners are beneficial to the people of Kendu Bay, for example, Christian

Missionaries established European culture like Christianity (Firstbrook, 2011) while Arabs introduced

Africans into Islamic way of life (Orora, 2004). Whereas the contributions of European missionaries and

Arabs have been covered in the literature, the contributions of Indians have not been adequately studied. Any

effort to explain the role of immigrant races in the development of cultural life of Africans of Kendu Bay from

the beginning of 20th

century without recognition of the Indians is a limitation and a short coming among the

anthropologists, historians and economists. As traders who stocked a variety of commodities, Indians presence

initiated changes in Africans’ agriculture, eating and dressing habits. Thus, this article examines Indians

contribution to the transformation of social and economic lifestyle of Africans from 1908 up to the end of

World War Two, 1945.

1.1. The Indian and the transformation of African economic livelihood between 1908 and 1918

Indians carried out trade in Kendu Bay which received immense support from the government. Therefore, the

interracial interactions occurred within the commercial environment. Government used local chiefs to coerce

Africans to sell their produce to the Indians and assess on the goods which Africans demanded and report to

the government. Indians then stocked such commodities to sustain the Africans’ interest on the imported

commodities (Ochieng’ & Maxon, 1992). According to Wanga (2010) African peasants in the rural areas

depended on their role as middlemen.

Malack & Ondieki (2015) outline that a part from conducting large and small scale retail businesses, Asians

under took cotton and sugarcane farming, participated in the emerging transport business, and put up

residential and commercial buildings in Kisumu, Boro, Homa Bay, Kendu Bay, Kamito and Luanda.

According to South Kavirondo District Annual Report, 31st March, 1913, the whole trade in the district was in

the hands of Indians (KNA, DC /KS/1/2). Their role in trade was to purchase agricultural produce and sell

imported commodities to the locals. However, Indians took advantage of their privileged position within the

colonial system to exploit Africans and also entrench colonial imperialism and capitalism. They carried along

cheap goods like sugar and salt that Africans were encouraged to buy. The government purpose was to create

wants among Africans by inducing them to invest their money in imported goods such as agricultural


22

implements instead of cattle, goats and sheep. This method stimulated trade within the province (DC,

AR1913/1914).

In agriculture, seeds were issued by the government (Ogot, 1976). In Kendu Bay these included cotton,

sesame, and maize. Chiefs were instructed to impress upon their people the need to cultivate and sell the

surplus crops to the Indians in nearby trading centers. An explanation given by Agutu (O.I, 2015) indicates

that:

The arrival of Indians had a marked effect on African agriculture. They introduced cash crop

farming of which some like cotton were not edible. At harvest they became the buyers. So

we were never worried of what to do with these non edible crops. Our people sold items like

sesame, eggs, millet, hides and skins, groundnuts, milk, cotton and fish to the Indian traders.

In return they supplied clothes, sugar, salt, blankets, cups, umbrella, knives, beads, and

pipes. Young Africans were attracted to Indians shops because they got free gifts and other

attractive items. When an individual purchased commodities such as a dress he or she would

wear it immediately at the shop because it was a new item in his or her life. It was exciting

when one acquired a new commodity from these shops because this replaced their old attire

(short skin around the waste) and boosted respect for him from observers. This transaction

was carried out in cash using rupee.

Africans could not resist acquiring new cultural practices like dressing style from the Indians. Moreover, the

means of getting them was through the use of currency which began replacing barter. However, this trade met

some challenges. One of the barriers to this trade was the language of communication. The Luo spoke only

their Luo language while Indians communicated in Kiswahili or their local languages. To overcome this

problem, sign language was used. The Luos who visited the Indian shops simply pointed at the commodity

they needed while the Indian would also demonstrate the price of the commodity by use of sign language. Due

to this communication hitch the Indian trader had to display properly all the goods stocked in the shop to

enable the buyer have a good view of all the items stocked (Odhiambo6 O.I, 2015). Later the Indians made an

effort to learn the local language in order to solve the communication problem. Similarly, their employees also

learnt their languages and their way of conducting businesses. These efforts facilitated the interaction between

the Indians and the Luo while at the same time enhancing trade.

In Kendu Bay Indians also engaged in fish business. Wanga (2010) and Opondo7 (2011) observe the presence

of Indian small scale fishermen in Lake Victoria. They monopolized the fishing trade operating dhows from

6According to Odhimbo during the interview on 25

th September, 2015 in East Karachuonyo, there was a problem of communication

between Africans and Indians during transactions. A problem which was overcome by the use of sign language.

7 Opondo, P.A. (2011). Fishers and fish traders in Lake Victoria: Colonial policy and the development of fish production in Kenya

1880-1978 PhD Thesis, University of South Africa. Opondo explains how Indians monopolized fish business around Lake

Victoria due to large capital.


23

Wath Onyimbo, Kisumu, Kendu Bay, Nanga and Asembo Bay. Abdul8 (O.I, 2015), a descendant of Asians

who settled in Kendu Bay stated that:

My father was a fish monger at Kendu Bay and even owned fishing boats and nets. He

introduced Africans of Kendu Bay into modern way of fishing by use of modern fishing nets

and boats which replaced basket nets, use of spears and traditional dhows.

Such transactions led to interactions between the two races. Even though, each race protected their identities

but, there was cultural crossing without the conscience of both the Indians and Africans. The Indian currency,

the rupee was vital in this interaction. It was chosen as a currency by 1898 pegged to the pound sterling.

Rupee was chosen as currency because a great volume of trade had been, and was still, carried on by Asian

merchants. This trade introduced the Africans to the money economy which replaced commodity money

(Ochieng’ & Maxon, 1992).

The transition to the use of rupee was difficult to the Africans because it gave the Indians an opportunity to

exploit them since they were ignorant of prices. Moreover, Africans did not understand the value of rupee

rather they were pre-occupied with the new commodities rather than the cost. The Africans also lacked a clear

language of voicing the price problem (Omar9, O.I, 2015). Omenya

10 (2012) observes that the Asian prices of

goods were not controlled and they also enjoyed this protection by the government. The post colony was,

therefore commercially chaotic and the interest of the Indians was achieved because it was hard to fix

acceptable prices.

Apart from trade Indians provided employment opportunities to Africans in Kendu Bay. Africans worked for

Indians as security guards and as messengers. Like in trade Africans were exploited since they could not

negotiate their wages. Moreover, they were encouraged to take goods equivalent to their salary in advance

instead of recovery cost at the end of the month. This made the Africans appear as slaves of the Indians being

permanent debtors. To further create dependency on Indians, government imposed a hut tax in 1902, which

was not only a means of raising revenue, but also induced Africans to grow surplus produce for them to meet

tax obligation. The other available option was for Africans to sell labor power to the same Indians. Besides,

8 Adbdul, an Indian who is permanently settled in Kendu Bay was interviewed on 10

th September, 2015 in Kendu Bay explained that

his father was among the Indians migrant to Kendu Bay in 1920s and initiated different businesses including boat making and

fishing.

9 An interview with Omar on 20

th October 2015 in Kendu Bay corroborates Omenya’s findings a bout Indians exploitation of

Africans during trade.

10 Omenya, G.O. (2012). The relations between the African and Asian communities of Kenya’s Nyanza region 1901-2002 PhD

Thesis, Kenyatta University. Omenya’s study is a ground braking of Indians activities in Nyanza Province. He looks at relations

between Indians and Africans in Nyanza including Kendu Bay.


24

the government put undue pressure to the local chiefs to ensure that taxes were collected. Consequently,

Africans at times had no alternative but to provide their labor to the Indians for wages as an alternative of

earning a living since rainfall pattern in Kendu Bay was not predictable for reliable crop production (Okun11

,

2015).

Generally up to 1914 the extent of African participation in trade was limited not only by administrative

policies and inadequate transport facilities and the absence of credit, but also by the subsistence nature of the

indigenous population and their limited cash needs. But, the missionary education, some Christian teachings

and the exposure by the missionaries are among the factors which later stimulated Africans’ trade in Kendu

Bay. The outbreak of First World War immediately affected trade. According to Ochieng’ & Maxon (1992)

the immediate impact of the outbreak of the War in 1914 was a restriction of trade as resources were

reallocated from peacetime production and trade to the war effort. During the war, for instance, the export of

foodstuffs from Nyanza Province was prohibited as transport facilities were taken over by the military. The

government commandeered lake vessels and large numbers of ox-carts. For some time, during and briefly

after war, trade in produce and cattle rose in response to military demands and postwar reconstruction abroad.

This led to sharp increases in prices, not only of primary produce but also of imported goods. In Kenya and

other East African countries, the inflationary appreciation of the rupee led to currency crisis of 1919-21, which

was dealt with only by abandonment of the Asian rupee and adoption of the shilling coin.

1.2. The Afro-Asian Relations during the War and Inter War Years.

The period beginning 1919 to 1945 was that of recovery from the destruction of the First World War. The

War was followed by economic depression of 1919 to 1921 which led to fluctuations in commodity prices

making the prices of Africans agricultural commodities fall and that of Indians rise. This led to conflict

between Indians and the Luo of Nyanza due to economic exploitation. Moreover, Asians received preferential

treatment indicated by the opportunity of land and trading licenses. There was a definite racial strain which

was a result of what the Africans perceived as the monopoly of wholesale and retail trade in the province by

the Asians. According to Atieno (1975) it was feeling of let down by the colonial state that made Kavirondo

Welfare and Taxpayers Association (KWTA) start self-help cooperative groups in the 1920s, particularly in

grain milling, which competed effectively with Asians in processing of local produce. However, the Africans

did not have capital to rival the Asians in trade. This strained relation has been broadly discussed by Atieno

who concludes that the emergence of the Luo Thrift Corporation was basically a rebellion by the Luo against

the Asian monopoly in trade in Nyanza, and generally against the colonial state which ignored African

entrepreneurship.

African efforts to seize the new commercial opportunities for entrepreneurial profit remained mostly confined

to selling agricultural and livestock produce to the Indian traders. In Kendu Bay cotton was the major cash

crop sold to the Indians after 1930s. Its production in other parts of Nyanza took place much earlier.

11

Okun was interviewed on 6th

September, 2015 in Kendu Bay. He demonstrates that Kendu Bay experiences long rains once a year.

This explains why Africans provided unconditional labor to the Indians. This enabled them to get livelihood and also got money to

pay taxes.


25

According to Onduto12

(O.I, 2015) cotton production in Kendu Bay was introduced by Kassim Lakha family.

At the initial stages the Indians transported this cotton to Samia, Western Province for ginning before Cotton

Ginnery was constructed at Kendu Bay from 1933 to 1934 (figure 1, pg 25), (KNA, TP/5/29/, 1971-77). An

explanation by Osii13

(O.I, 2015) states that:

The ginnery was established by Tazdin Rehmtula Kassim who was also the owner of

ginnery at Homa Bay and Ndere. He did not live in Kendu Bay. He occasionally made

technical appearance to check on the progress of the business. The management of the

ginnery was done by other Indian employees. These managers included Juma Jinah,

Sadrudin, Amirmohan, Amir Kurji and a Goan, Popat Montero who was the main engineer

for the ginnery.

Tazdin Rehmtula Kassim built residential houses for his senior managers just next to the ginnery. Farmers

who supplied Kendu Bay with agricultural produce experienced transport problems because of the poor roads.

Another challenge was the negligence of Indians in handling Africans cotton in their stores where they got wet

because they were not covered hence, lost their value. This called for the intervention of the local Chief, Paulo

Mboya of Karachuonyo who reported the matter to the District Commissioner, South Kavirondo whom in turn

reported the same to the Provincial Commissioner Nyanza. The District Commissioner emphasized that

Indians traders were not concerned with the possible loss to the trader (KNA PC/NZA/3/22/3).

Indians like Mohamud Khan and Abdul Kasam owned firms in Kendu Bay which imparted technical skills to

the Africans who worked with them. Various categories of these firms included buildings, outfitting and

construction (Abdul, O.I, 2015). Similarly, Indians traders stocked hardware commodities at this time such as

hoes, ploughs, and bicycles. These were new goods in Kendu Bay and Africans who could afford them

enjoyed prestige in the community. Africans and Asians mutually benefitted from the symbiotic relations.

1.3. Social Interaction and Its Impact on Africans

As a result of the accidents of history any culture has had contacts with a variety of other cultures. These

other cultures provide the pool of potential cultural material on which culture draws (Were, 1974). According

to Ogot (1976) when people who posses different cultures meet and live together for a long time, it is unlikely

that the culture they posses after their long contact shall ever be the same again, whether one or some of them

were superior or inferior. In a situation where diverse cultures meet, there is a synthesis going on all the time

and the end product, though it might be dominated by one of them, is certainly a consequence of borrowing

from all of them.

Hindus, Goans and the Khoja Ismailia are among the Indians who settled in Kendu Bay. The Khoja Ismailias

are Muslims who introduced Islam in Kendu Bay. It is important to recognize that Arabs had preceded the

12

Onduto, an area chief interviewed in Kendu Bay on 7th

October gives explanation on the introduction of cotton production in

Kendu Bay.

13 Osii was interviewed on 13

th September, 2015 in West Karachuonyo gives similar information as Onduto on the introduction of

cotton production and the establishment of a ginnery in Kendu Bay between 1933 and 1934.


26

introduction of Islamic religion in here. When the Khoja Ismailia settled, they joined the Arabs in their

Mosque for worship. As Elsa (1982) reveals Ismailia are free to popularize their culture whenever they settle

and are well known Muslims sect in Kenya. They accommodated Africans in the same Mosque during

worship. Musa14

(O.I, 2015) observes that Indians worshipped in the same Mosque with Arabs and Africans’

converts in Kendu Bay. However, it may not be easy to measure the role of Indians in the conversion of

Africans in Islamic religion. But, because they accommodated them in the Mosque their role cannot be

ignored.

Indians social interaction with the Africans ended at the Mosque. They discriminated against Africans in

Kendu Bay. On the other hand Africans also had their cultural practices which they were not willing to

denounce. Despite their little role in the introduction of Africans into their religion but, scholars like Orora

(2004) make assumption that the conversion of Africans of Kendu Bay to Islamic religion is purely the effort

of Arab Muslims only. Even though Indians did not come out openly to win Africans to their cultural practices

but as Ogot (1976) explains cross-culturalism was taking place. Therefore, the role of Indians should not be

completely ignored in conversion of Africans into Islamic religion.

Education was another avenue where Africans and Indians could interact, however it did not. In Kenya, formal

education was introduced by the missionaries, the Church Missionary Society (CMS) (Eshiwani, 1993). While

the Seventh Day Adventist (SDA) Missionaries were the first group to introduce formal education in Kendu

Bay (Gendia). Elsa (1982) explains that more missionaries representing the Seventh Day Adventist settled at

Kamagambo, Kendu Bay (Gendia), and Nyanchwa in South Nyanza between 1906 and 1912. Ogot (2003)

notes that at the mission schools in Nyanza, pupils learnt religious knowledge, reading, writing, arithmetic,

hygiene, gardening and drill.

An explanation by Elsa (1982) indicates that by 1928 Indians of Ismailia established their school in most parts

of South Nyanza. For example, in 1928 they had a school in Homa Bay with a total population of 14 pupils (8

boys and 6 girls); Rangwe with a total enrolment of 16 pupils (all were boys); and Kendu Bay with the

enrolment of 22 pupils (13 boys and 9 girls). Nyandiko15

(O.I, 2015) observes that Indian School Kendu Bay

was at their Samatan Mosque where they worshipped. The Mosque provides a number of services to the

Indians. It was a house of prayer to them, a learning institution and it also provided a venue where Indians

could discuss other issues affecting them as a community. At this time Africans did not attend this school.

Introduction of new commodities by Indians provided a process of change from traditional life style as the

Africans embraced these commodities. For example, rice, chapattis, and spices like pepper. Similarly, they

came up with the new architectural design and use of iron sheets instead of grass. They also introduced the

14

On 12th

September, 2015 Musa who was a Muslim convert was interviewed at Oyugis and gave his experience on worshipping

with Indians in the same Mosque. He argued that Indians, unlike Arabs did not interact with the Africans after prayers except in their

business premises.

15 Nyandiko, a chairperson of Luo council of elders was interviewed on 18

th September 2015 in Kendu Bay expressed the role of a

Mosque to the Indians. During an interview he expressed poor relations between Africans and Indians.


27

idea of permanent settlement in the urban center (Nyang’iye16

, O.I, 2015). These changes sparked off conflict

between the traditionalists and the groups who embraced Indians commodities. The traditionalists perceived

the introduction of the Indians commodities and the lifestyle as a threat to the traditional social order. As

Onanda (O.I, 2015) explains:

These people brought items like salt which people perceived to be better than kadosero,

sufurias which were portable and were not as fragile as the ports. They also introduced

utensils such as, spoons, cups and plates. Similarly, bedding like blankets and bed sheets

were purchased from the Indians. Even though one had to use money to acquire them, but

their young employees used their wages in buying these commodities.

Though the Indians’ commodities were infiltrating and replacing Africans’ but, the Indians tried to maintain a

closed lifestyle and restricted their interactions with the Africans. Kapila (2010) and Adam (2015) points out

that the Asian immigrants from the vast Indian subcontinent operated within an invisible barricade around

their own marginalized communities. In spite of this segregation, they continued to build their communities

and enterprises with confidence but approached and interacted with the mainstream with caution. Different

scholars attribute this behavior to a number of factors. Seidenberg (1983) associates this to the British policy

of development on racial lines which further fostered Asian separatism in all spheres of activities. In

Ramchanani’s (1980) view belonging to an ancient culture-inheriting deep rooted social commitment and

religious beliefs Indians, unlike the whites, generally do not entertain an idea of merging their identity. They

view the question of social integration with the local population as a personal matter.

It should be noted that Asians did not form a homogenous group. In terms of religion, Hindus and Muslims

have very little common and jealousies, religion based, spilled over into their businesses. Indians lifestyle

followed a pattern of their religion and caste. Their social activities were limited within the religion and caste

groupings (Kabwagyre, 1974). According to Wara (1971) the reasons why Africans have found it so hard to

admire and emulate Asians, was because they have no idea of what the Asian culture is all about. If the

Africans wished to dress like a European, talked like a European, affected the European idea, and gain entry

into the European club. He could cultivate the western mannerism and the western ideas into his heart. He can

never be Asianed in the same way. Indians came to East Africa for only one reason: to improve their economic

prospects.

1.4. Summary and Conclusions

This article investigates the role of Indians in the development of Africans lifestyle during their formative

stages of settlement in Kendu Bay up to the end of World War Two, 1945. The Indians who settled here by

1913 included the Khoja Ismailia (Muslims), Hindus and Goans. Unlike other places like Kibos, Indians only

carried out trade in Kendu Bay and hardly engaged in crop production. They traded in house hold

16

An interview with Nyang’iye and Onanda on 12th

October, 2015 in Kendu Bay reveals the new commodities introduced by the

Indians. They also expressed mixed responses by the Africans due to these commodities. According to Onanda young people were

more receptive to these changes.


28

commodities, hardware materials, clothing, transport and fishing. The transaction took place inform of

currency; the Indian rupee which replaced barter trade in the area. The area chief just like any chief in colonial

Kenya was instructed to encourage his subjects to produce more and sell the surplus to the Indians. The whole

trade in South Kavirondo was in the hands of Indians by this time.

Between 1919 and 1945 Indians dominated trade in Kendu Bay. They sold commodities such as English hoe

and the wheel plough which was cooperatively bought to serve the whole clan. The people of Kendu Bay grew

crops like ground nuts, maize, and sesame. Apart from the house hold commodities Indians also dominated the

fish trade by using modern boats in fishing. They introduced the modern fishing equipment like nets and boats

which replaced the use of traditional dhows, baskets and spears for fishing. By 1931, Indians introduced

cotton growing and build a ginnery between 1933 and 1934. Employment in the ginnery and in the shops

provided wage employment to the Africans. However, Africans complained of Indians poor storage facilities

and Indian negligence which made their produce got destroyed hence losing value.

Socially Asians were not prepared to mix with non Asian communities. Exposing their culture to the Africans

and any other race or even with other Indians who belonged to other religions and caste was not possible.

Cultural integration was not part of their goal for immigration to Kenya or East Africa. Indians were motivated

by a better economic opportunity. They do not entertain the idea of merging their identity. However, they

introduced kitchen ware like sufurias which could serve the purpose of a port, cups, plates and spoons. Indians

also introduced salt, sugar, rice, spices like pepper. These created changes in the African eating habits. They

also introduced clothes and bedding to the Africans which were accepted to be better than the use of skin.

They established their school in 1928 for both circular and religious instructions. However, Africans were not

allowed to attend that school. This was because of their nature of discrimination and also due to the

government policy of separate development along the racial lines. Nevertheless, as Muslims Indians, Arabs

and Africans who had been converted to Islam worshipped in the same Mosque in Kendu Bay. Hence, just like

the Arabs they also contributed in converting Africans into Islamic religion and Islamic culture.

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mackleck.org/items/school

Archival Sources

KNA, DC/KS/1/2

KNA DC/KSI/1/2

DC, AR 1913/1914

KNA PC/NZA/3/22/3

PC/NZA 3/6/2/1

PC/NZA/3/22/3

KNA, AK/4/22

KNA, TP/5/29/1971-77

Figure 1: Abandoned Kendu Bay Cotton Ginnery

Source: Photograph by Author (20th

June, 2016)

Documents

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