The conservation and management of historic urban space

The Conservation and Management ofHistoric Urban SpaceLinda Wood

AbstractIn practice, the care of historic urban space is dominated by planning professionalswhose bias is towards the broad remit of the conservation of the built heritage;it remains the exception for other professions to take an active role in theprotection of spatial elements of the historic townscape. Neither do these areasenjoy the same degree of statutory protection as their built counterpart, eventhough they may have played an equally important role in the evolution of ourtowns and are an integral part of the urban form. This study is the first stage ofthe author's on-going research into the value of historic space within the modernurban environment and the level of protection afforded it by the planning system.The results of this pilot study are used to suggest a professional and statutoryframework, based upon inter-disciplinary co-operation, from which the full valueof townscapes may be safeguarded in the future.

Open space within the urban environment is a valuable resource. In times •of economic growth, pressure for its development may intensify and demandfor space may become such that the relevance of the spatial elements ofeven an historic townscape may be called into question in terms of itscontribution to the modern urban lifestyle.

Whilst there may be sound environmental reasons to resist the loss ofopen space in any urban area, historic towns and cities are particularlysensitive to pressure for change, as the loss of old street patterns, squares,parks or views may erode a town's morphological footprint. However, thevalue of these features, purely as evidence of the evolution of urban form,may not be enough to justify their retention if market forces alone areallowed to determine their future.

At present, the bulk of the legislative protection for historic areas isembodied within the Planning Acts. Consequently, the management ofhistoric urban space remains, almost exclusively, with the planningprofession. In practice, this may mean that responsibility for the care ofhistoric spaces falls to individuals who have an interest in the conservationof the built heritage, but not necessarily any formal training or skills inthis specialised area. This is in contrast to the established cross-disciplinarynature of managing urban green space in Britain, where a close workingrelationship between landscape architect and planner is widely accepted.

School of Urban andRegional Studies,Sheffield HallamUniversity, CityCampus, Pond Street,Sheffield, S1 1WB,UK.Fax. 0742-533553.

Key wordsOpen space,Built environment,Town Planning,Historic Towns,Conservation.

IJHS1 (2) 111-125 © Intellect Ltd 1995 111

1. Chester CityCouncU.CwiservnifonIn Chester, 1988.

This paper, therefore, examines the value of historic space as part of themodern urban function and investigates the effectiveness of the protectionafforded it by the planning system.

Research Methodology and FindingsFor the purpose of this study, the term 'historic urban space' is defined asbeing the open space elements of a townscape. Examples of historic urbanspace include streets, market places, churchyards, parks and vistas, whichwere inherent within the planned or organic growth of the urban form.They may be contemporary with the founding of the settlement or introducedlater, up until the early twentieth century, and will have survived therestructuring that has taken place in many of Britain's towns and citiessince c.1920.

Primary ResearchIn order to establish current professional practice, the study examines howlegislation and policy guidance is effected in the field. Interviews were heldwith the conservation officers of Chester, Durham, Lincoln and Norwich,cities which were chosen on the basis of their similarity in terms of thecontent and significance of their historic cores, their tight urban form,their status as district councils and their relative isolation from other urbanareas. The same questions were put to each officer, focusing on issueswhich related to the physical definition of the historic core of their cities,the extent of development pressure within those areas and their past, currentand proposed methods of protection for historic urban space. Each interviewwas concluded by an informal discussion to establish a clearer image ofany local influences which may not have been evident in the earlier,structured form of questioning.

A report on the conservation of historic urban space in Barcelonaconcludes this element of the study and provides an opportunity to drawcomparisons between the British and Spanish approaches to conservation.Whilst it was not possible to conduct the interview with the Ayuntamientoof Barcelona in the same manner as the British interviews, the results arepresented in such a way as to furnish a valid evaluation of the differingapproaches. A synopsis of each interview is provided below.

ChesterThe centre of modern Chester lies over the remains of the Roman fortress ofDevfl. Whilst the mediaeval overlay is clearly evident, many of its main streetsretain the lines and width of the original Roman urban design. Chester is alsounusual in that almost two miles of city walls remain largely intact. '

112 Linda Wood

By the mid 1960s, Chester's historiccore was in serious decline. Within thewalled city, valuable buildings were beinglost - either demolished or taken over asoffices - and the streets were becomingcongested with traffic. Supported by thelocal community, and with the help of alevy on the local rates to help fundconservation work, the City Council wasable to take positive action to halt thechronic decay. It began by acquiring keyproperties within the most vulnerableareas of the city and, by 1972, hadintroduced a programme of traffic exclu-sion and limitation within the historiccore.

Today, the City's main objectivescontinue to be the revitalisation of theinner urban area and the re-creation andpromotion of its most important historicspaces. Examples of its good practice arethe restoration of two areas of quitedifferent character - Market Square and Abbey Square.

Market Square (Figure 1) is sited next to the Forum, a covered marketwhich is part of a 1960's complex built on the site of the Victorian market.The Square has been refurbished and relieved of its function as a busterminus to provide a much-needed central recreation and circulation space,complete with modern artwork. In contrast to this crowded and bustlingcentral area. Abbey Square within the Cathedral precincts, provides a rareopportunity to retreat from the busy streets into a secluded, green space.Its qualities have been reinforced by the cobbles and York stone 'wheelers'of the surrounding carriageway, which give a period feel to the enclosedspace and complement its eighteenth century houses. Regrettably, theeffect is somewhat marred by the presence of parked cars.

The local authority readily acknowledges that its achievements inprotecting and reinstating its heritage resource have been due, in no smallpart, to the support it has received from the local community. Now, however,Chester has become a victim of its own success, with visitor activitythreatening to alienate local residents and put unsustainable pressure onthe ancient urban fabric. In direct response to these concerns, Chester hasundertaken an environmental capacity study for the city, and its findings,together with a strategy prepared by the city's Landscape Group, willgovern the principles for future growth and planning in Chester.2

Figure 1.The market square,providing muchneeded circulationspace, especially atthe height of thetourist season

2. Chester - The futureof an Historic City.Building DesignPartnership. Inassociation with MVAConsultancy andDonaldsons, forCheshire CountyCouncil. Chester CityCouncil and EnglishHeritage. 1994.

The Conservation and Management of Historic Urban Space 113

Figure 2.

Durham: Narrow,

winding street

leading upwards to

reveal a 'glimpse of

towers'.

3. T. Sharp. Town andTownscape. London:John Murray. 1968.p.73.

DurhamThe heart of Durham's historic core lies on apeninsula, formed by a loop of the River Wear,where the relics of St. Cuthbert found sanctuaryin AD 995. It was also the chosen site for thebuOding of Durham Castle in 1071, as the Palaceof the Prince Bishops, who enjoyed the powersand influence normally vested only in royalty,controlling the building of roads and bridges,trade and the siting of markets.

Durham is fortunate in that it has lostrelatively little of its historic space. This isattributed to the city's size and, hence, itsmanageability, and also to the absence ofany severe development or visitor pressure.The local authority has also found thatdevelopers have accepted the constraintsimposed upon proposals within the readilyidentifiable historic areas of the city, such asthe peninsula and the organic mediaevalgrowth which lies beyond, to the east andwest. Despite past co-operation, however,Durham feels that the preparation of itsdistrict-wide local plan presents anopportunity to reinforce the measures

protecting its built and natural heritage.In particular, Durham can be commended for its respect for both the

horizontal and vertical components of its townscape. The city's undulatingtopography endows the approach to the Cathedral with qualities of 'mysteryand revelation', with 'its narrow, climbing streets curving away to reveala glimpse of towers' 3 (Figure 2), and the characteristic view of DurhamCathedral over the tree line of the banks of the River Wear. Although thislatter, and most photogenic, of Durham's views is a contrived, rather thannatural, feature (during the mediaeval growth of the city the river bankswere an unattractive working environment, with their greening onlybeginning in the late 1700s). they are now part of the essence of Durhamand are cared for by the Riverbanks Management Group, founded in 1991.

In recognition of this three-dimensional quality to the townscape, asurvey was recently carried out to identify key viewpoints across the citywhich will be given policy protection in Durham's local plan.

N.B. Durham's commitment to the spatial characteristics of its townscapedoes not appear to be shared by UNESCO. One of the city's principal historic

114 Linda Wood

spaces, Palace Green, which lies between theCathedral and Castle, was excluded from the area'sWorld Heritage Site designation, even though itssocial and historic contribution to the city is directlycomparable to the two principal buildings.

LincolnIAncoln's historic core comprises the Roman town,Lindum Colonia, overlaid by the Close Wallcontainment and the mediaeval town. It extendsover a large part of 'uphill' Lincoln and is notdefined by any physical enclosure; it relies moreupon the. sense of history which is created by thearea's ancient buildings and narrow streets.

Two of Lincoln's most valued areas of historicspaces are Cathedral Close and Castle Hill,which are linked by the fourteenth centuryExchequergate, one of the original gatewaysinto The Close/Since the 1970s, the localauthority has been active in its protection ofthese areas, which represent almost twothousand years of urbanisation. Traffic isexcluded and both have received major fundingfor their enhancement from the City Council,Lincolnshire County Council and EnglishHeritage.

The Close, within the Cathedral precincts,still supports the ecclesiastical community, although it is no longer exclusivelyecclesiastical. Castle Hill (Figure 3) is a focal point in terms of its setting forthe Cathedral and Castle, as an important axial point along the establishednorth-south tourist route through the historic core and, each December, italso hosts a highly successful Christmas Market.

With the decline of its traditional engineering industries, Lincoln's economyhas come to depend on income derived from tourism. But, in order further todevelop its potential for visitors, and relieve existing pressure on the historicfabric of the city, the local authority is aware that visitors must be luredaway from their traditional haunts. To this end, the City Council, in partnershipwith the County Council, the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln Cathedral, andEnglish Heritage, have created The Heritage Trail - an east-west route acrossthe historic core, bringing together four of the city's principal buildings withina framework of historic open space, which includes Castle Hill and The Close.

like Durham, Lincoln has not been subjected to excessive development

Figure 3.

Lincoln:

Castle Hill - an

Important

historic space

which acts as a

setting for

Lincoln's

principal

buildings and as

a 'breathing

space' for

visitors.


pressures and has been able to retain the special character and identitywith which it hopes investors will wish to identify. This has been due, inpart, to the fact that many of the city's historic areas are in the ownershipof the local authority or the Dean and Chapter and thus have beensafeguarded. Privately-owned space has come under threat from time totime, but its loss has generally been resisted, by negotiation or, in extremecircumstances, by enforcement action.

In the future, however, rather than trust to the relationships that havebeen forged between the public, private and voluntary sectors during timesof low demand, Lincoln intends to provide its heritage with comprehensivepolicy protection within the City of Lincoln Local Plan.

NorwichNorwich is recorded in Domesday Book as being 'one of the very largest boroughsin the kingdom' with 'its own mint and 25 churches.' The city was one of thegreat trading centres of mediaeval England, cultivating commercial links withRussia and Spain. The worsted Industry underpinned Norwich's success and itswealthy merchants provided the city with a legacy of many fine private and civicbuildings.

Norwich has been fortunate in that it has managed to retain many ofits historic street patterns, parks and squares. Its principal features are theNorman Market Square (Figure 4), which is still used each day as a market, •and the city's abundance of churches and churchyards, which are managedby the local authority where the principal building has become redundant.

The city admits, however, that it has made mistakes in the past, especiallyprior to the mid 1980s, and it now gives emphasis to redefining thecoherence of the urban form within the historic core in order to reinforcethe city's image and stimulate economic growth.

For example, the walled city formerly contained large areas of orchardand rough pasture but, whilst the original road layout remains, large-scale industrial and business development has taken place on the site. Itsscale is not considered to be in keeping with the rest of the historic coreand, though the local authority has no intention of imposing unrealisticconstraints upon development proposals by insisting on domestic scalebuildings, it does expect the design of future schemes to be more sympatheticto the characteristics of the original urban form.

A second, more controversial element of Norwich's strategy has beenthe recent large-scale development on a site immediately adjacent to theCastle; it was formerly the castle bailey and later was used as a cattlemarket, until its development in the nineteenth century. Now, after almostseven years of careful negotiation, a prestigious new shopping centre hasbeen built on the site, much of it underground, with the roof landscaped

116 Linda Wood

to give an approximate indication of theformer ground level of the castle bailey.• Norwich attributes its success innegotiating high quality developmentwithin the historic core partly to theskills of its conservation team members,their relationship with developmentcontrol officers and the developers'acceptance of the constraints imposedon projects within a defined historicarea. The local authority has not metwith extreme resistance to its policiesand has generally enjoyed the co-operation of developers who, from theoutset, understood the city's objectivesfor the protection of its built heritage.Despite its successes (and because of itsfailures), the city intends to increase andformalise its protection of historic urbanspace within its local plan, including aresistance to the loss or sub-division ofprivate and public open areas.

BarcelonaThe heart of Barcelona's historic core isthe mediaeval, walled city (Ciutat Vella),but the Ensanche, the planned extensionto the old town, also represents an important stage in the city's morphologicalevolution and is clearly distinguishable from the Ciutat Vella by its distinctive,grid-iron street pattern.

The Ensanche may be described as a conservation area. It is covered by .aPlan Especial which protects the area's unique characteristics. This prohibitsany development which would weaken the distinctive street pattern, restrictsthe height of its buildings, prevents further development of the core ofeach block and encourages the return of the properties to residential use.

Outside the Ensanche, the city's major historic spaces are its harbour,its innumerable public squares and the Ramblas, a popular thoroughfarein the old town. The latter is popular as a central promenade which isused as social space by the residents of Barcelona and visitors to the cityalike, in the same way as the Champs Elysees in Paris. It is flanked bymarket stalls but, essentially, it is a place to 'see and be seen', a fact whichreinforces the comments of an officer of the Ayuntamiento, that the Spanish

Figure 4.Norwich:The market square,still the focus fordaily life in the city.


4. Lincoln CityCouncil.

Planning OurFuture, 1925.

'knew how to use their public spaces'.Just how much importance Barcelona places on the conservation and

creation of open space to enhance the urban form is illustrated along the seafront. Formerly, access to the sea was restricted to the harbour area andBarcelona was known as 'the city with its back to the sea', bounded bymountains and the Mediterranean. The reconstruction of the harbour areahas been instrumental in Barcelona's regeneration and conservation, and theheavy traffic which once dominated the quayside now runs largely out ofsight, under the new, sea-front promenade which links the Old City with thetownship of Barcelonetta. The work has represented an investment, not onlyfor the Olympic season, but in the city's future.

Barcelona's distinctive urban form owes much to the city's strong self-image and pride in its heritage which permeates national, regional and localgovernment policy. It has been interpreted through the influences of the CodeNapoleon, which is based on binding land-use plans, and through the supportof the city's old General Metropolitan Plan, produced in 1976. The Etat Catalanhas now ordered the production of a new plan for Barcelona, but it will beless detailed than its predecessor - it will not include plot zoning, for example- but, once in place, the new plan, like its predecessor, will be inviolate.

Secondary ResearchThis element of the study seeks to establish the importance of historic urbanspace to the user. Available resources did not permit approaching a trulyrepresentative sample of individual users; instead, written sources were drawnupon. However, had the opportunity existed to reach a true cross-section ofsociety, many people would probably have found it difficult to analyse orexpress their feelings on the subject. For example, in a survey held by Lincoln.Lincoln City Council, City Council in 1992,4 prior to the preparation of itsdistrict-wide local plan, people were reluctant to expand on a multiple-choiceoption to the question: 'How do you feel about your city?', preferring to limittheir response to ticking the option 'proud'.

Because of these limitations, this stage of the research takes the form of aliterature review to identify the existence of any commonly, occurringperceptions, theories and views on the real and perceived value of historicurban space for the individual members of user communities. However, as thewritten references are the work of published authors, they probably representthe views of a certain sector of society - the middle classes, well-educated,well-travelled and inclined, perhaps, to attach a somewhat esoteric value tohistoric urban space. A degree of privilege within a lifestyle may afford theindividual an opportunity to attach greater value to a commodity such ashistoric space, when shielded from the harsher realities of life, such as theneed for a home or a job.

The structure of the review was based on Conzen's three main principles of

118 Linda Wood

identification of the main benefits which society derives from historicaltownscapes:- utility, aesthetic quality and intellectual value.5 The scope ofthese terms was re-defined for the purpose of this study and precedes thesynopsis of each category.

Utility may also be defined as 'usefulness*. Hence, the study examinesindividual perceptions of the usefulness of historic urban space - not onlyas a purely physical quality, but also as the source of diverse and lessobvious potential.

An urban society needs functional and communal space in order to beable to operate efficiently.6 Its members need to come together as acommunity for meetings, to buy and sell, to see justice being done, toprotest, and to celebrate; they need to feel that they belong to the humanpack. These needs have been translated into the urban form and havewrought a townscape which may be seen as a morphological expression ofurban life.7

These common environments may furnish common memories - 'theymay serve as a vast mnemonic system for the retention of group historyand ideals'.8 The streets come to represent the intentions of the peoplethey have served and by whom they were created. Accordingly, they aredeserving of protection 'as memorials to human experience',9 though thisis an ephemeral, rather than physical quality. They are as much a part ofthe sense of place and belonging as the buildings and remain a vital resourcefor the community,10 providing relief from the congested urban environmentand 'sensory overload' " and the 'cognitive fatigue' of being confrontedwith a stream of unfamiliar faces and buildings.12

Aesthetic appreciation is a highly subjective practice. It stems from arecognition of form, colour and the messages stimulated by a certain view.In judging whether or not an image is attractive and, hence, worthy ofretention, highly personal criteria are brought to bear. There is a widerange of qualities which an area may offer to the individual, purely by theway it looks.

Lynch's basic proposition was that the quality of the city image isimportant to our well-being. 'How a town looks is no less important thanhow it works and, if in making a town work, we destroy its looks, wedestroy a large part of its intrinsic value to our civilisation'."

The familiar landscape has the ability to evoke strong emotions - it canconvey messages of stability, security and continuity.14 In contrast, strangersmay find that the complexities of a mediaeval street pattern, with itscenturies of accretions, offer them choice, allowing them to find their ownpersonal path along a spatial chain,15 which helps them to identify withthe environment. Sherman believed that 'cities where the vistas unravelas you change position are truly cities fit to live in',16 a statement whichechoes that made by Alberti, c.1485: 'Moreover, this winding of the Streets

5. M.R.G. Conzen.Geography andTownscapeConservation,1973. In J.W.R.Whitehand. (ed.).The Urban Landscape- HistoricalDevelopment andManagement.London: AcademicPress. 1981. p.84.

6. M.R.G. Conzen.The Morphology ofTowns In Britainduring theIndustrial Era.1978. in J.W.R.Whitehand. 1981.op.clt. pp.87-126.

7. P.F. Smith. TheSyntax of Cities,(The BuiltEnvironmentSeries). London:Hutchinson. 1977

8. RM. Downs. &D. Stea. (eds.).Image and theEnvironment.London: EdwardArnold. 1973.p.303.

9. K.A. Oliver.Places.Conservation andthe Care of StreetsIn Hartlepool. inJ.R. Gold. & J.Burgess, (eds.).ValuedEnvironments,London: GeorgeAllen & Unwln.1982. pp.145-160.


10. CommunityAction for OpenSpace. Spaces Between,

Henley-on-Thames:Open Spaces Society,1992

11. IH. Goli&J.Burgess, (eds.). ValuedEnvironments,London: George Alien& Unwln. 1982.pp.161-171.

12. D.J. Walmsley.Urban lAving, Harlow:Longman, 1988.p.136.

13. K. Lynch. TheImage of the City,London: MIT. 1960.

14. M. Padone.Urban Problems,London: Routledge.1990. Ch. 6. p.102.

15. G. CuUen.Townscape, London:Architectural Press,1961. p.17.16. B. Sherman. CitiesFit to live In, London:John Murray. 1988,p.113.

17. L.B. Albertl. De ReAedlficatorl, LffcriDecem, c. 1485, trans.Leonl, J.. The TenBooks of Architecture(ed. J. Rykwert).London: Tirana, 1955

18. M.R.G. Conzen.Historical Townscapesin Britain: A ProblemIn Applied Geography.1966. in J.W.R.Whltehand. (ed.).1981. op.clt. p.59.

19. Ibid. p.58.

will make the Passenger at every Stop discover a new Structure ... it willbe both healthy and pleasant to have such an open view from every Houseby Means of the Turn of the Street.'17

Intellectual stimulation can lead to an understanding of human behaviourand events which is assimilated over a lifetime. This stage of the studyinvestigates the views of writers who have reflected upon these wideraspects of education.

Conzen wrote that the preservation of historic townscapes was animportant social charge on town and country planning.18 In a society withthe need for an expanding educative and cultural background we may, inour preoccupation with current practical problems, overlook a physicalenvironment of the fullest possible historical expressiveness, which wouldbe an asset to any healthy and expanding form of social life at advancedlevels of civilisation.

The preserved and vital townscape provides a sense of continuity and ofthe diversity of human effort and achievement in different periods. In thestreets of certain historic cities, consciousness can take on a sharper edge.These places seem to have the capacity to communicate messages to themind on many levels, enabling the individual and the social mind to takeroot in an area.19 Hoskins found it 'satisfying to be aware that one waspart of an immense unbroken stream that has flowed over the scene formore that a thousand years'20 and Drabble suggested that we feel a senseof profound loss when a familiar landscape is changed: 'We lose not only aplace, but a part of ourselves, a continuity between the shifting phases ofour life'21 or, in more emotive terms, 'change came like a torrent sweepingall before it... a history was wiped away'.22

Analysis and ConclusionsDespite the limitations of the secondary research, as outlined above, thereview suggests that it is reasonable to assume that there exists a commonlyheld view that historic urban space holds myriad values for the individual.However, the strength of that feeling may not be tested until developmentpressures compromise the built heritage,23 and resistance to new developmentmay also conceal a personal fear of change,24 rather than a genuine concernfor the loss of heritage, which may be seen as becoming weighed down byan out-dated physical infrastructure and a mosaic of communities, hencelimiting the potential for economic and social growth.25

Where adaptation can no longer provide for modern needs, could furtherchange not be viewed as the morphological evolution of the townscape?Does it not have parallels in the progress of the burgage cycle: institutive,repletive, climactic and recessive?26 Further, is it really necessary to preserveeverything, or should some form of 'architectural triage' be used to decidewhat to conserve and what to discard? It may be sufficient, in some cases,

120 Linda Wood

to record any historical and archaeological evidence as having once existed,as with the landscaping and roof level of Norwich's new shopping centre.But, if the retention of the heritage resource were to become negotiable,on the assurance that it would be recorded before destruction, and localauthorities failed to defend their established criteria for what should (andshould not) be saved, their actions may be interpreted as a lack of firmcommitment to conservation, which could lead to the destruction of theurban heritage.

Even where such a commitment does exist and is rigorously upheld,could it not encroach upon the rights of the individual, particularly themost vulnerable members of society? For example, the Marais District ofParis was designated a secteur sauvgarde in 1965, following its selection bynational survey. A restoration programme cleared many of the accretionsto La Place des Vosges, its original fashionability having been replaced bydecline in the nineteenth century. Efforts were made to restore the squareto the appearance of 1739, with its courtyards and gardens of the famousPlan Turgot, but the efforts (and success) of the conservation teams resultedin the gentrification of the area, permanently displacing the originalcommunity who could not afford the new, higher rents " - a phenomenonwhich is by no means unique to Paris.

The success of many restoration projects may also be questioned interms of their quality. English Heritage is on record as having referred tothe acres of brick paviours, commonly surfacing many of even our mostvenerated historic streets and squares, as 'petrified porridge'.28 Further, itdenigrates the apparently contagious bollard and planter which clutterour spaces and impede both our progress and our appreciation of theoriginal form and function of an area.29 But while 'enhancement' remains'a wildly indefinite term',30 'misguided improvements' will continue to becarried out by the very agencies charged with their proper preservation.31

In addition, if conservation funding is to be withdrawn from environmentalenhancement schemes, as would seem to be indicated by English Heritage'slatest initiative, 'Conservation Area Partnerships',32 the cost of schemeswhich, in the past, have raised the profile of historic spaces through theuse of historically correct paving materials and techniques, would fallentirely to local authorities. Given the current financial constraints beingexperienced by local authorities, it seems reasonable to assume that theconsequences of the loss of a valuable source of support and incentive canonly have a negative impact on the quality of future schemes.

In addition to conservation objectives, the enhancement of historicbuildings and areas helps to reinforce an area's image as, increasingly, atown's character becomes a selling point in economic strategies.Enhancement is attributed with the ability to create an image with whichpotential investors may wish to identify, hence inviting inward investment.Current governmental guidance also advocates the protection and promotion

20. W.G. Hosklns. TheMaking of the EnglishLandscape,Hannondsworth:Penguin. 1973. p.6.

21. M. Drabble. AWriter's Britain:Landscape In Literature,London: Thames &Hudson. 1979. pp.240-241.

22. D. Gosling. G.Cullen. & D. Donaghue.Development Plan forMaryculter New Town,Aberdeen, for ChristianSalveson. 1974. p.195.

23. A. Dobby.Conservation andPlanning. (The BuiltEnvironment Series),London: Hutchtnson,1978

24. K. Lynch. Good CityForm, London: MIT.1981. pp.450-451.

25. J.R. Short. TheHumane City, Oxford:Basil Blackwell. 1989.p.4.

26. M.R.G. Conzen.Historical Townscapes inBritain: A Problem InApplied Geography.1966. in J.W.R.Whltehand. (ed.). 1981.op.cit.. p.106. .

27. A. Dobby. op.cit.pp.72-77.

28. E. Booth (EnglishHeritage) at theAssociation ofConservation OfficersSummer School. York,1994.

29. English Heritage. StreetImprovements InConservation Areas. London:English Heritage. 1993.


30. A. Dobby, op.dt,p.157.

31. English Heritage.Street Improvements inConservation Areas.London: EnglishHeritage. 1993

32. English Heritage.Conservation AreasPartnerships. London:English Heritage.1993

33. Department of theEnvironment, PlanningPolicy Guidance Note6: Town Centres andRetail Development.London: HMSO. 1993

34. Department of theEnvironment, Qualityin Town and Country,London: HMSO. 1994

35. G. Cullen. 1961.op.clt.. p . l l l .

36. English Historic' Towns' Forum.

Townscape In Trouble:Conservation Areas -The Case for Change.London: EnglishHistoric Towns'Forum. 1992

37. Council of Europe.Recommendation No.R(86)l 1 of theCommittee of Ministersto Member States onUrban Open Space.adopted by the Councilof Ministers on 12thSeptember, 1986

of a townscape's character, especially in the traditional High Streets ofhistoric market towns, where character is associated with their natural'vitality and viability1" and, in one of its most recent discussion papers,the Department of the Environment acknowledges that 'community identityis given strength by the urban pattern, in which the road and buildinglayout form a public space, creating a natural focal point for the town'.34

Where a town lacked character, Cullen regarded it as a failure whichcould often be traced back to some impediment in the relationship of formto function, where the lines of force had become confused, or haddisappeared.35 Further, he held that such failures explain the amorphouscharacter of so many modern towns, but that they also suggest the planner'sopportunity, whose duty it is to pursue benefits for society, for today'sgeneration and those of the future.

How, then, does the planner resolve possible conflicts between the needfor economic growth today and the conservation of built heritage? Doesthe retention of the street pattern outweigh the value of what are, perhaps,matters of a more practical and urgent nature? Fortunately, the majorityof people are prepared to make sacrifices in other areas of .their lives inorder to maintain a certain level of environmental quality. Whilst it is notthe purpose of this study to enter into a debate on monetary value versusaesthetic (and other) values, it is pertinent to draw a preliminary conclusionthat to try and put a unit value on historic urban space is a seeminglyimpossible task, given the often intangible qualities it holds for its usersand the diversity of its perceived and actual value and function, as revealedby the literary review.

So, working with legislation that is 'weak, confusing and anomalous';36

and in the absence of specific legislation for the conservation of spatialelements of our built heritage and, on occasion, the criticisms levelled atschemes to protect or recreate them, how and why are they still so vigorouslydefended?

At European and national level, urban space is regarded as an integralpart of a society's heritage. In 1986, the Council of Europe held the viewthat, 'Open space forms a fundamental part of the urban environment andthe historic heritage of a town. It represents a strong element in thearchitectural and aesthetic form of a town, plays an important educationalrole ... is important for social interaction and in fostering communitydevelopment and is supportive of economic objectives and activities.'37

At local level, the economic potential of historic urban space is readilyaccepted, whether as a visitor attraction or in promoting the image of acity. These spaces have managed to survive the rigours of successive periodsof economic growth and decline, particularly if located within the mostvenerated areas of a town or city, or have provided a sight line into thehistoric townscape. They appear to have remained the constant amongthe variables of urban form and have even managed to retain their original

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uses in many cases. The latter would suggest that a greater understandingof how to use, and promote that use, as seen in Barcelona, would do muchto secure the future of many of our valued urban spaces.

Despite a strong tendency still to concentrate on historic buildings andstructures, British local planning authorities do appear to be prepared toguard against future losses of historic spaces through the medium of thedevelopment plan. They accept that 'given the heterogeneity of large-citypopulations, our cities must contain both stable and temporaryenvironments'.38 They are prepared to utilise the new-found primacy ofthe development plan, with its powers enhanced by recent legislation,"and learn from the achievements of other, plan-led strategies, as used tosuch good effect by Barcelona. Questionably, however, in neither thereasoned justifications of their policies, nor yet in the comments of officers,and only briefly in planning policy guidance (at the time of writing), wasany allusion made to the value of historic urban space to the individual,for whom it represents continuity and familiarity, feelings of security andaffection, and for whom it is a dynamic medium.

Whilst acknowledging that it may be difficult to legislate for suchephemeral values, it may be worth remembering that 'Good city planningdepends upon three factors: honest and perceptive politicians, imaginativeand competent professionals, and a continuing dialogue between the peopleand the planners'.40 Whilst one may have to trust to the first, localauthorities can do much to implement the second two objectives. Withregards to professional competence, the highly specialised nature ofconservation work may take the individual away from mainstream planninginto an esoteric and potential cul-de-sac in career terms. The careerdevelopment of planning officers whose workload is focused on conservationshould reflect their need for specialised professional education and supportfrom other agencies to help them to achieve their own expectations andthose of the public they serve. Benefit may also be gained from placingthem in managerial grades to reinforce professional respect for their opinionsand bring them back into mainstream planning activity.41

Secondly, local authorities should ensure that their actions, in formulatingpolicy and in designating historically important areas, address the wide-ranging and collective needs of the community. An understanding of theseneeds may only be reached through extensive consultation with the publicand its participation in the decision-making process - not by planningprofessionals who make assumptions that are based on their own standards,which may be quite different to those of the community they serve. Onlysubsequently can this understanding be translated into an unequivocalstatutory framework within which professionals may operate confidentlyand private developers may find the consistency of decision-making andthe certainty which we are told holds the key to regeneration.

Almost unconsciously, perhaps, local authorities have managed to achieve

38. K. Lynch. 1981.op.cit

39. The Town andCountry Planning Act.1990 (S54A;. London:HMSO

40. B. Sherman. 1988.op.cit.. p.81.

41. V Shaddock.Conservation in LocalAuthorities. The Planner,Vol.79. No.4 1993.pp.15-16.


a dilute form of this latter objective. It is illustrated in the case studies bythe willingness of developers to accept constraints upon proposals withinan historic core, where they have responded to the unequivocal nature ofthe designation and welcomed consistency of advice and decision-making.They have been aware, no doubt, that the local authority was acting onbehalf of a community which placed a high value upon an area - a valuewhich would be likely to outweigh any advantage from unsympatheticdevelopment proposals. In essence, 'It was not difficult to bring people to

42. T. Sharp. 1968, accept reasonable discipline in place of unreasonable licence.'42 A foundationop.cit. Ch. 2. of understanding upon which to build seems already to exist; developers

have been prepared to accept reasonable discipline where a local authorityhas been seen to have the weight of community support behind it.

In summary, the findings of this study suggest that the futuremanagement of historic urban space should incorporate the followingelements:-

* Greater efforts should be made to understand the value of historicurban space to the community through research, the development ofprofessional skills and liaison between other professions, includingacademics;

* Local authorities should undertake a survey of historic urban spacefeatures and analyse th'eir contribution to the townscape and the role theyplay in the modem community. Such findings may provide a means ofweighting the importance of each feature and, hence, give a clear indicationof the level of protection it should be afforded;

* Local authorities should introduce policies into their development planswhich specifically address historic spatial features. Such policies should bequalified by a reasoned justification which reflects a true understanding oftheir value to the community, established by survey and analysis, as outlinedabove:

* A realistic boundary, based on survey and development expectations,should be drawn around valued historic areas and clear indication givenof their worth and level of protection, in order to inform potential investorsof any development constraints;

* Valued historic urban space should be afforded statutory protection inits own right and be recognised by the provision of grant support for its re-creation or enhancement. The advice of statutory and non-statutoryconsultees should be sought in the formulation of any decision whichaffects historic urban space;

* Projects to enhance an area should benefit the existing user communitiesand not exclude them by any proposals which would effectively introducethe social closure of an area;

* Enhancement schemes should authentically represent the historic andarchitectural qualities of an area, through the use of traditional materialsand construction techniques. The use of new, unrepresentative or intrusive

124 Linda Wood

features should be avoided, as they may detract from the original form andfunction of the space;

* Wherever possible and desirable, historic urban space should retain itsoriginal function, which should be promoted by the local authority. Wherethis is not possible or desirable, an effective interpretation of its original functionshould be provided in order to maintain a public record of its historicaldevelopment:

• Personnel who are directly responsible for the conservation andmanagement of historic urban space should be required to develop theirabilities through the acquisition of specialised skills and knowledge of urbanmorphology, townscape analysis and urban management techniques.

N.B. Following this study, the writer is currently undertaking further researchinto the feasibility of a grading system for historic urban space, based on thearchitectural and historic features of individual area. She would welcome commentsand contributions from readers.


Documents

The conservation and management of historic urban space