1

Tense and Aspect Workshop, University of Gothenburg, 27-28 April 2015

Tense and aspect in Somali Morgan Nilsson, University of Gothenburg

This presentation primarily deals with the register of tenses and aspects in the indicative mood. The number of distinctions made in other moods is more restricted.

Aims

introduce the relevant morphological exponents, introduce the terminology applied in major works, introduce the claims made in major works, discuss the semantics and the syntactic functions of each form, summarise the observations, propose transparent terminology for the observed categories.

What is the morphological structure? Somali has an agglutinative morphology. The following morphemes express person, number and gender in verbs.

Table 1. Somali conjugational exponents of person, number and gender.

singular plural 1st

- V - n V 1st

3rd masc.

- V n 3rd fem.

- t V 2nd - t V n 2nd

The V expresses tense and mood: -aa- present indicative -ay- past indicative (but -ee- / _ C) -o- subjunctive (but -aa- / _ C) -ee- potential

2

Table 2. Conjugation of the verb qor ‘write’ in the indicative.

Present singular plural 1st

qoraa qornaa 1st

3rd masc.

qoraan 3rd fem.

qortaa 2nd qortaan 2nd

Past singular plural 1st

qoray qornay 1st

3rd masc.

qoreen 3rd fem.

qortay 2nd qorteen 2nd

Three auxiliaries

The remaining forms of the Somali verbal system are based on three auxiliaries which combine with the infinitive:

hayaa ‘has, holds’ (on-going actions), jiray ‘existed, dwelled, found oneself’ (distant or repeated actions), doonaa ‘wants, wishes’ (intended, planned future actions).

The grammaticalisation of hayaa has been taken a step further than the other two, as it has merged with the infinitive of the main verb, e.g. *qori hayaa > qorayaa ‘is writing’.

“The progressive is a grammaticalised form consisting of the inifitive + the auxiliary hayaa ‘have, hold’. […] The [negative] present progressive still has alternative forms which are overtly auxiliary construtcions, e.g. Sugi maayo. / Ma sugayo. ‘I’m not waiting for him/her.’” (Saeed 1999: 87, 89)

“The future is a grammatialised form consisting of the infinitive + the auxiliary doonaa ‘wants, wishes’. Sometimes the infinitive is found without the auxiliary. ” (Saeed 1999:90)

“The future tense has no special marker. It is expressed by the analytic form, with the auxiliary verb sometimes dropped.” (Dubnov 2003: 50)

(1) Waad eegi doontaafut. Waad eegiinf. (Berchem 2012:200) ‘You will see it.’

3

When doonaa is used in its basic, literal meaning, it is followed by a subordinate object clause.

(2) Wuu tegi doonaafut. (Saeed 1999:225) ‘He will go.’

(3) Wuxuu doonayaapres inuu tagopres.sub. (Saeed 1999:225) ‘He wants to go.’ (Lit. ‘He wants that he goes.’)

(4) Wuxuu doonayaypret inuu tagopres.sub. (Saeed 1999:225) ‘He wanted to go.’ (Lit. ‘He wanted that he goes.’)

Table 3. Exponents of tense and aspect in Somali.

Past Present Future -ay -aa -i doon-aa Progressive -ay-ay -ay-aa Habitual -i jir-ay

Past Present Future qoray qoraa qori doonaa Progressive qorayay qorayaa Habitual qori jiray

What tenses & aspects are there? As we will see, there is a quite good consensus about the forms that I have called progressives, past habitual and future, at least in more general terms. In details, however, the opinions diverge slightly.

The major difficulties can be observed in the formally unmarked forms. The statements about the semantic load and usage of these forms vary quite considerably between individual authors, as does the terminology applied to these forms.

De Larajasse & Sampont 1897

The first major description of Somali does not take the category of aspect into account. Instead it counts to seven tenses.

4

Table 4. The 7 tenses according to De Larajasse & Sampont (1897: 102)

past indefinite present habitual future past imperfect past progressive

present imperfect present progressive

past imperfect habitual + aorist (= today’s infinitive: qori)

Moreno 1955

“The absolute or non-progressive aspect declares the action purely as such. Two sub-aspects coalesce even though they seemingly contradict each other: instantaneity and habituality. They are united by the fact that there is no progression or process, but not in that it it instantaneous nor habitual.

[…] Progressive, continuative, durative or even permansive aspect: the action is expressed as lasting over time, as evolving.” (Moreno 1955: 78)

Table 5. The 7 tenses according to Moreno (1955: 99f.)

compiuto assoluto incompiuto assoluto futuro compiuto progressivo incompiuto progressivo imperfetto

+ perfetto breve / compiuto abbreviato: tag

Panza 1974

Panza does not mention the concept aspect. He however talks about the following manners (“maniere”):

An action as such, or instantaneous, absolute; an action carried out periodically, habitual; an action that is or was in the process of being carried out, progressive.

Table 6. Tenses according to Panza (1974: 99f.)

passato-compiuto (passato-perfetto) (passato-assoluto)

presente abituale-assoluto

futuro non prossimo

passato-progressivo (passato-imperfetto) (passato-incompiuto)

presente progressivo

passato abituale (passato-ricorrente)

5

Puglielli & Mansur 1999

Past simple shows an action as a completed event at a past moment in time. Past progressive allows for an action to be seen in its course, i.e. during its evolving in time, for a certain period of time. Past habitual allows for an action to be seen as iterative, i.e. it indicates an action which normally or regularly was carried out in the past. The present progressive is used for an action that is in its course of evolvement in the moment of speech. The present habitual is used for an action, re-occuring with some frequency, that begins in the past and goes on until the moment when the speaker delivers his message. (Puglielli & Mansur 1999: 77f.)

Table 7. Tenses and aspects according to Puglielli & Mansur (2009: 77ff.)

passato semplice presente abituale futuro passato progressivo presente progressivo passato abituale

Saeed 1999

Tenses: past, present, future. Aspects: simple, progressive, habitual. (Saeed 1999: 84)

Table 8. Tenses and aspects according to Saeed (1999: 80f., 85)

past simple present general present habitual

future

past progressive present progressive past habitual

Dubnov 2003

“Perfect and imperfect oppose each other. The semantic opposition is realised in the system of tenses, namely in the present and past tense forms.

The present tense of the perfective aspect expresses regular or repeated action. The past tense of this aspect expresses an action that was completed by the moment of speech.

The present tense of the imperfective aspect is used to express an action taking place at the moment. The past tense forms are used to express an action going on or simultaneous with another action in the past.” (Dubnov 2003: 50f.)

6

Table 9. Tenses and aspects according to Dubnov (2003: 46ff.)

past indefinite past simple

present indefinite present general

future

past continuous past progressive

present continuous present progressive

habitual past

Berchem 2012

2 tenses: Präteritum vs. Generalis 2 aspects: Perfekt/Durativ vs. Imperfect/Progressiv 2 modal contructions: Präteritum Habitualis and Futur Definitiv

Table 10. Tenses and aspects according to Berchem (2012: 198ff.)

Präteritum Perfekt Präteritum Durativ

Generalis Durativ

Futur Definitiv

Präteritum Imperfekt Präteritum Progressiv

Generalis Progressiv

Präteritum Habitualis

How are the aspects and tenses used? “However, with some verbs that denote a state rather than an action the non-progressive is used in the present even in other contexts than habituality. […] Those are: joogaa ‘stand, be’, jiraa ‘be, dwell’ hayaa ‘have, hold’, qabaa ‘have’, karaa ‘can’, rabaa ‘want’, doonaa ‘wants, wishes’.” (Moreno 1955:78)

“The progressive is not used with stative verbs.” (Saeed 1999: 89)

”Aufgrund ihres semantischen Konzepts können einige Verben nur im durativen Aspekt gebraucht werden. Zu ihnen gehören zum Beispiel das Verb kari ’können’. Andere Verben, die in durativem Aspekt einen Zustand beschreiben, beschreiben einen Zustand in seinem Entstehen, wenn sie im Generalis Progressiv verwendet werden. Zu ihnen gehört zum Beispiel das Verb buki ’krank sein/krank werden’ Die Eigenschaften der Aspektarten treffen in gleichem Maβe zu, wenn sie in futuristischen Kontext oder Sinn gebraucht werden.” (Berchem 2012: 213)

(5) Waan joogayaapres.prog magaalada. ’I’m going to stay in the town.’ (Gebert 1988)

7

“Verbs not using the progressive to express an actual present event: baallee (to be beside), bug (to be ill), buux (to be full), dambee (to be behind, to follow after), dalool (to have a hole), dhaan (to be better), dhexee (to be in the middle), fadhi (to be seated), fooror (to be stooping), hay (to hold, have), horree (to be before), hoosee (to be below), hub (to be sure), hurud (to sleep), janjeedh (to lean), jeed (to face), jiif (to be lying down), jir (to exist), joog (to stay), kadalloob (to be sitting on the haunches), kuduud (to be crouching), liido (to be weak), qab (to have), waar (to last forever). The progressive form is however possible if the change-of-state semantic value is introduced to the meaning of the stative verb.” (Gebert 1988)

(6) Maxaad rabtaapres.gen? (Moreno 1955:78) ’What do you want?’

(7) Adiga baa bahi ku haysaapres.gen. (Moreno 1955:78) ‘You are hungry. (lit. Hunger holds (a grip of) you.)’

(8) Berrito baan iman karaapres.gen. (Berchem 2012: 213) ’I can come tomorrow.’

Another very common verb not used in the progressive is muuqdaa ‘appear, be visible’.

(9) Halkaa waxaa ka muuqdaypret.gen kaloonno qori ku taagan. ‘Over there were (to be seen) some clowns on stilts.’ (Sw. ‘syntes’)

No activity is carried out, this verb rather describes a state.

From the data it however seems that rabaa does not occur in the progressive, but doonaa does. Several other states, though, may occur in the progressive, e.g. gajoonaa ‘be hungry’.

(10) Wuxuu doonayaapres.prog inuu tago. (Saeed 1999:225) ‘He wants to go.’ (Lit. ‘He wants that he goes.’)

(11) Wuxuu doonayaypret.prog inuu tago. (Saeed 1999:225) ‘He wanted to go.’ (Lit. ‘He wanted that he goes.’)

(12) Sidii uu doonayaypret.prog, ayay u noqotaypret.gen. (Saeed 1999: 220) ‘The way he wanted it, it actually turned out.’

(13) Haddaad dhir iyo dhagax doonaysopres.prog badi baad u helaysaapres.prog. (Saeed 1999: 222) ‘If you want plants and stone, you will find them in plenty.’

(It is worth investigating whether the progressive is preferred in the original meaning, whereas the non-progressive is used for the future.)

8

(14) Inkastoo uu gaajoonayaypret.prog wuxuu diidaypret.gen cuntadii. (Saeed 1999: 223) ‘Even though he was hungry, he refused the food.’

In the corpus, the floowoing verbs denoting states do not occur in the progressive aspect: bug ‘be ill’, buux ‘be full’, dalool ‘have a hole’, jeed ‘face, turn’ jiif ‘be lying down’, kar ‘can’. There are however a few examples in the corpus of hurud ‘sleep’, jir ‘exist’, joog ‘stay’ in the progressive form with a stative durative meaning, although not many, e.g.

(15) Baranbaradu waxa ay socotaapres.gen habeenkii marka ay xayawaannada intooda badani hurdayaanpres.prog. (School reader) ‘Cockroaches walk around at night, when the major part of animals are sleeping.’

I seems that the durative meaning may, under special circumstances, be expressed by the progressive form of most verbs. In the mentioned example, it might be that it is the use in a subordinate temporal clause expressing simultaneity, that is the reason for the progressive aspect.

Past “The action in the past can be “completed” hence “perfect”, “not completed” i.e. still “imperfect”, “recurrente” and therefore “habitual”.” (Panza 1974: 99f.)

“The form cunay indicates an event that took place at some point in the past, and was immediately finalised. The form cunayay indicates an event which took place in the past, but, at the same time, has a certain duration (or is extended in time). E.g.: Markaan arkaypret.gen wuu hurdayaypret.prog. ‘When I saw him, he slept/was sleeping.’ The first verb (arkay) denotes an action that takes place momentarily (i.e. practically without any duration), while the second verb (hurdayay) denotes an action that continues until he (the subject) wakes up. The form cuni jiray denotes a act that has been repeated several times in the past.” (Puglielli & Mansur 1999: 77)

9

Past Non-Progressive

E.g. qoray ‘wrote’

past indefinite (De Larajasse & Sampont 1897: 102) compiuto assoluto (Moreno 1955: 99f.) passato-compiuto / passato-perfetto / passato-assoluto (Panza 1974) passato semplice (Puglielli & Mansur 1999) past simple (Saeed 1999) past indefinite / past simple (Dubnov 2003) Präteritum Perfekt / Präteritum Durativ (Berchem 2012)

“Past simple shows an action as a completed event at a past moment in time.” (Puglielli & Mansur 1999: 77f.)

“Past simple: used of completed actions in the past.” (Saeed 1999: 86)

“The past tense of the perfective aspect expresses an action that was completed by the moment of speech.” (Dubnov 2003: 50f.)

“Das Präteritum Perfekt/Durativ beschreibt eine Handlung oder einen Zustand über einen Zeitraum der Vergangenheit, der im Vergleich zu anderen Aktionen der Vergangenheit als vollendet und daher sukkzecciv gilt. Zur besonderen Betonung des Durativ, also der Dauer, Wiederholung oder vor allem Gewohnheit einer Aktion wird die Vergangenheitsform des Habitualis gebraucht, obwohl diese Aspekte durch das Präteritum Perfekt/Durativ auch (aber nebensächlich) impliziert werden.” (Berchem 2012: 217)

(16) Kalooniskii ayaa u ciyaaraypret.gen oo heesaypret.gen, Awoowena farax ayuu ku daawadaypret.gen. ‘The clown played and sung for him, and Grandad watched him with joy.’

This is what happened in the story, it is general past, not progressive, as the duration of an on-going action is not in focus, whereas it would have had to be imperfective in Slavic languages, as the completion is not in focus.

Reduced 3rd sg. masc. form of plain past perfetto breve / compiuto abbreviato: qor = qoray (Moreno 1955)

Past Progressive

E.g. qorayay ‘was writing’

past imperfect / past progressive (De Larajasse & Sampont 1897) compiuto progressivo (Moreno 1955)

10

passato-progressivo / passato-imperfetto / passato-incompiuto (Panza 1974)

passato progressivo (Puglielli & Mansur 1999) past progressive (Saeed 1999) past continuous / past progressive (Dubnov 2003) Präteritum Imperfekt / Präteritum Progressiv (Berchem 2012)

“In Somali durative meaning is expressed by the progressive form.” (Gebert 1988)

“Past progressive allows for an action to be seen in its course, i.e. during its evolving in time, for a certain period of time.” (Puglielli & Mansur 1999: 77)

“Past progressive: used for an action in the process of occurring at a time referred to in the past.” (Saeed 1999: 87)

“The past tense forms of the imperfective aspect are used to express an action going on or simultaneous with another action in the past.” (Dubnov 2003: 50f.)

“Das Präteritum Imperfekt/Progressiv beschreibt eine Handlung oder einen Zustand zu einem Zeitpunkt der Vergangenheit in ihrem Verlauf, der im Vergleich zu anderen Aktionen der Vergangenheit als unvollendet und daher gleichzeitig gilt.” (Berchem 2012: 219)

(17) Waan shaqeynayaypret.prog. ‘I was working.’

(18) Waxaa la ii sheegaypret.gen inuu akhriyaypret.gen. (Saeed 1999:225) ‘They told me that he had read it.’

(19) Waxaa la ii sheegaypret.gen inuu akhrinayaypret.prog. (Saeed 1999:225) ‘They told me that he was reading it.’

(20) Waxaa la ii sheegaypret.gen inuu akhriyopres.gen. (Saeed 1999:225) ‘They told me that he would read it.’ (my translation)

Durativity:

(21) Samiira ayaa ninkii gacanta soo qabataypret.gen, oo usoo kaxaysaypret.gen halkii Xasan iyo Awoowe ku sugayeenpret.prog. ‘Samira took the man by the hand and led him over to the place where Hassan and Grandad were waiting.’

According to Moreno (1955: 269), this form may also be used like a past future: cunayay ‘he was about to eat’.

However, no examples have been encountered yet…

11

Past Habitual

E.g. qori jiray ‘used to write’

past imperfect habitual (De Larajasse & Sampont 1897) imperfetto (Moreno 1955) passato abituale (passato-ricorrente) (Panza 1974) passato abituale (Puglielli & Mansur 1999) past habitual (Saeed 1999) habitual past (Dubnov 2003) Präteritum Habitualis (Berchem 2012)

“Past habitual allows for an action to be seen as iterative, i.e. it indicates an action which normally or regularly was carried out in the past.” (Puglielli & Mansur 1999: 77)

“Past habitual. Used of a repeated or habitual action in the past which no longer occurs.” (Saeed 1999:87)

“[…] gewohnheitsmäβige Handlungen oder dauerhafte Zustände beschreibt. Das konzept dieser Bildungsart umfasst die Beschreibung durativer (über einen längeren Zeitraum andauernder), iterativer (wiederholt auftretender) und habitueller (gewohnheitsmäβiger) Handlungen und Zustände, die zur Sprechzeit als abgeschlossen gelten, also nicht bis in die Gegenwart andauern.” (Berchem 2012:200)

Habitual telic action:

(22) Wuu keeni jiraypret.hab. (Gebert 1988) ‘He used to bring it.’

Habitual state:

(23) Had iyo jeer waxay ahaan jirtaypret.hab maalin isbeeshal ah marka Awoowe na soo booqdopres.gen. ‘It was always a special day when Grandad came to visit us.’

Atelic action in a distant past:

(24) Waagii aan Xamar ku noolaapret.gen jaamacadda ayaan ka shaqayn jiraypret.hab. (Gebert 2011) ‘When I lived in Mogadishu I used to work at the university.’

State in a distant past:

(25) Xamar ayaan degganaan jiray. (“habitual state” Gebert 2011) ‘I used to live in Mogadishu.’

12

State in distant past, not true any more:

(26) Waagii ay inanta ahaydpret.gen, Dhegdheer way qurux badnaan jirtaypret.hab. (Saeed 1999:218) ‘When she was a girl, Long-Ear used to be very beautiful.’

Present “In Somali, there is […] a present absolute, a present habitual and a present progressive. The first two presents, in which there is no progression (evolvoing) it the action, are expressed in Somali in the same way; the third is expressed in another way. (Panza 1974: 99f.)

”Das Generalis Durativ beschreibt Handlugen oder Zustände über einen Zeitraum; das Generalis Progressiv zu einem Zeitpunkt. Dabei spielt es keine Rolle, ob die Handlung über den Zeitpunkt hinaus andauert oder nicht.” (Berchem 2012: 213)

Present Non-Progressive

E.g. qoraa ‘writes’

present habitual (De Larajasse & Sampont 1897) incompiuto assoluto (Moreno 1955) presente abituale-assoluto (Panza 1974) presente abituale (Puglielli & Mansur 1999) present general / present habitual (Saeed 1999) present indefinite / present general (Dubnov 2003) Generalis Durativ (Berchem 2012)

The present habitual is used for an action, re-occuring with some frequency, that begins in the past and goes on until the moment when the speaker delivers his message. (Puglielli & Mansur 1999: 77)

Present general: this form has two interpretations: with dynamic verbs it signifies a habitual or repeated action which still occurs at the time of speaking, and with stative verbs, it signifies a state holding at the time of speaking. (Saeed 1999: 88)

The present tense of the perfective aspect expresses regular or repeated action. (Dubnov 2003: 50f.)

13

“Das Generalis beschreibt eine Handlung, die in der Gegenwart oder Zukunft ausgefürht wird […] In bisherigen Grammatiken wurde diese Verbform zumeist als “Habitualis” bezeichnet. Dieses muss jedoch als unzureichend verworfen werden; denn der Generalis Durativ scheint Handlungen nicht nur als gewohnheitsmäβig oder repetitiv zu beschreiben… Wuu bukaa. ‘Er ist krank.’ bedutet nicht, dass jemand ständig oder immer wieder krank ist, sondern dass er zur Zeit krank ist (einfache Gegenwart). Der Generalis Durativ gilt also auch für Zustansbescheibungen, die vor der unmittelbaren Sprechzeit begonnen haben und mehr oder weniger darüber hinaus anhalten.” (Berchem 2012: 208f.)

Habitual action:

(27) Subax walba dugsigaan aadaapres.gen, duhurkii ayaan ka soo noqdaapres.gen. (Puglielli & Mansur 1999: 77) Every morning I go to school, at noon I get back from there.

(28) Daawada goormaad cabtaapres.gen? (Saeed 1999: 88) ‘When do you take the medicine?’

(29) Maalin walba ninkan rooti wuu noo keenaapres.gen. (Berchem 2012: 208f.) ’Varje dag kommer den här mannen med bröd till oss.’

Generic, general statement:

(30) Cali kalluun waa cunaapres.gen. ‘Ali eats fish.’ Cali kalluun waa cunayaapres.prog. ‘Ali is eating fish.’ (Gebert 1988)

(31) Maxaa aynu gacmaheenna u nadiifinaapres.gen? (Caafimaad 2, 1994: 19) ‘Why do we clean our hands?’

(32) Sigaar ma cabbopres.gen. (Saeed 1999: 88) ‘I don’t smoke cigarettes.’

(33) Dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed intiisa badani mallayga ma cuntopres.gen. (Saeed 1999:223) ‘Most of the Somali public do not eat fish’

(34) Kama fekeraanpres.gen waxa mustaqbalka dhici doona. ’They don’t think about what will happen in the future.’

State:

(35) Wuu bukaapres.gen. (Saeed 1999: 88) ‘He is ill.’

14

(36) Ma bukopres.gen. (Saeed 1999: 88) ‘I am not ill.’

(37) Sawirkan waxa kaaga muuqdapres.gen qalabka jikada. (Caafimaad 2, 1994: 42) ‘This picture kitchen utensils are shown to you.’

Instruction:

(38) Waxa aad sheegtaapres.gen wiyaabaha ay khatarta uga dhalan karto. (Caafimaad 2, 1994: 42) ‘You tell which things may be sources of danger.’

Present Progressive

E.g. qorayaa ‘is writing’

present imperfect / present progressive (De Larajasse & Sampont 1897) incompiuto progressivo (Moreno 1955) presente progressivo (Panza 1974) presente progressivo (Puglielli & Mansur 1999) present progressive (Saeed 1999) present continuous / present progressive (Dubnov 2003) Generalis Progressiv (Berchem 2012)

“The present progressive is used for an action that is in its course of evolvement in the moment of speech.” (Puglielli & Mansur 1999: 77)

“The present tense of the imperfective aspect is used to express an action taking place at the moment.” (Dubnov 2003: 50f.)

“Present progressive: used for an action in the process of occurring at the time of speaking. It is also very commmonly used as a proximate future tense, of action that is about to happen, especially when planned in the present.” (Saeed 1999: 89)

“Das Generalis Progressiv beschreibt Handlungen, die zu einem Zeitpunkt gleichzeitig zum oder nach dem Sprechakt augeführt werden bzw. Zustände (progressiv) in ihrer Entstehung zur Zeit oder nach der Zeit des Sprechaktes.” (Berchem 2012: 211)

“Während der Generalis Durativ den Vollzug einer Handlung ausdrückt, kann der Generalis Progressiv, bei solchen Verben, die eine typischerweise länger dauernde Handlung beschreiben, den Plan einer Handlung ausdrücken, dessen

15

Ausführung entweder zur Zeit des Sprechaktes erfolgt oder in Zukunft erfolgen wird.” (Berchem 2012: 214)

On-going actions:

(39) Waan shaqaynayaapres.prog. ‘I am working.’

(40) Xaashi waa uu qufacayaapres.prog. (Caafimaad 2’94:23) ’Hashi keeps coughing.’

However, if the action is not carried out at the moment of speech:

(41) Guri baan dhisaapres.prog. (Berchem 2012: 214) ‘I am building a house. (An on-going action, but not at this moment?)’

Instead, if not carried out at the moment of speech, it would take the future reading:

(42) Guri baan dhisayaapres.prog. (Berchem 2012: 214) ‘I am building a house.’ A planned action.

The simple present is used to describe that you are not working on the construction at the moment of the speechact, but rather that you have this house building project. The progressive means either that you are working at the moment of the speech act or that you are going to build.

Mixed aspects:

(43) Kani waa Mustafa. Waxa uu u socdaapres.gen dugsiga. Waxa uu gudbayaapres.prog jidka. (Caafimaad 2, 1995: 45) ‘This is Mustafa. He is walking to school. He is passing along the street’

This should probably be interpreted as a state creating a background, followed but the action in the focus of interest presented as an on-going event.

Mental activity:

(44) Macallinkaaga ayaa wax ka fekerayapres.prog. Waa in aad heshaa waxa ay yihiin waxaasi. ‘Your teacher is thinking about something. You have to find out what that thing is.’

Future:

(45) Waad yartahay oo way kaa baxsanaysaapres.prog. ‘You are (too) small and it will escape from you (you will lose it).’

16

(46) Ina keena, qof baynu ka soo farxinaynaayepres.prog+conj! ‘Come, ‘cause there is someone that we’ll make happy!’

Future in questions:

(47) Ma tegaysaapres.prog? ‘Are you going?’

(48) Adiga iyo saaxiibbadaa ma u ciyaaraysaanpres.prog Awoowgay? ‘Won’t you and you friends play for my Gandad?’

Negative:

(49) Iga baxsan maysopres.prog. ‘It won’t escape from me.’

Subordinate clause:

(50) Inuu imanayopres.prog ayaan ogahaypres.gen. (Saeed 1999:224) ‘That he is coming, I am aware.’

Future E.g. qori doonaa ‘will eat’

future (De Larajasse & Sampont 1897: 102) futuro (Moreno 1955) futuro non prossimo (Panza 1974) futuro (Puglielli & Mansur 1999) future (Saeed 1999) future (Dubnov 2003) Futur Definitiv (Berchem 2012)

“Future: used for actions or states that are situated in the future of the act of speaking, and carries an implication of speaker certainty.” (Saeed 1999:90)

(51) Amminkaan ku sheegi doonaafut.. Amminkaan ku sheegiinf. (De Larajasse & Sampont 1897:103) ‘Now I will tell you.’

17

Verb stems with initial reduplication “Iterativo-intensivo” (Moreno 1955: 265)

According to Gebert (2011), Somali reduplication in verbs denotes iterativity or repetitivity.

furaa ‘opens’ intensivo: furfuraa ‘apre spesso’ (Moreno 1955:64)

(52) Wuu cuncunaypret.gen. (Gebert 1988) ‘He ate repeatedly by small bites.’

The derived stem may theoretically, just as well as the base stem, be used in all tenses and aspects. But it might be that it is less frequent in the progressive.

I would propose that the meaning is rather distributive, as it may involve

several different closely related subjects, several different closely related objects, several different parts of one or more objects, several different closely related points in time.

jaraa ‘cut’ – jarjaraa ‘cut, chop…’ xiraa ‘close, pack’ – xirxiraa ‘pack a suitaces with many items’ dhaqaaqaa ‘move’ – dhaqdhaqaaqaa ‘make several movements’ ruxaa ’wave, shake’ – ruxruxaa ‘shake, move back and forth’ jeexaa ‘tears’ – jeexjeexaa ‘tears into small pieces’ Also in participles: qaybsan ‘divided’ – qaybqaybsan ‘devided into more than two parts’ jaban ‘broken’ – jajaban ‘broken into small pieces’

(53) Jiirkii waxa uu bilaabay in uu ilkihiisii afka badnaa ku jarjaropres.gen dabinkii xarigga ka samaysnaa. Muddo yar ka dibna libaaxii waa uu ka baxay dabinkii. ‘The mouse started to cut the trap made of rope with its sharp teeth. And after a short while the lion got out of the trap.’ (3rd grade reader, 2001)

(54) Oo guutadaasu iyagay dhagxin doontaa oo seefaf ku kala jarjari doontaafut. ‘And the goup of warriors will stone them and cut them into pieces with swards.’ (Bible)

(55) Beertii ayay awoowe la warwareegeenpret.gen iyagoon garanayn waxay sameeyaan. ‘They walked around the park with Grandad without knowing what the should do.’

18

(56) Waxa uu rabay in uu ku goosgoostopres.gen hilibka bakaylaha. (AS 4, 1993:11.1) ‘He wanted to cut (all) the meat of the rabbit (off the bones) with it [i.e. the knife].’

Taxis

Precendency

The DP precedes the HP. The DP is expressed by the past general.

(57) Markii la DPquraacdaypret.gen ka dib ayaa Samiira iyo Xasan qolkoodii u HPyaaceenpret.gen (si ay u tiriyaanpres.gen.subj lacagtii ay biiriyeenpret.gen.) ‘After they DPhad had breakfast, Samira and Hassan HPdisappeared into their room in order to count the money that they had saved.’

(58) Isla markii uu tegaypret.gen, shaqo baan bilaabaypret.gen. (Saeed 1999:218) ‘As soon as he (had) left, I began to work.’

Overlap of precendency and simultaneity.

(59) Markay dadkii u yimaaddeenpret.gen, ma ay aragpret.gen waraabihii. ‘When people arrived, they didn’t see the hyena.’

(60) Wuu HPbukaypret.gen tan iyo intuu halkan DPyimidpret.gen. Wuu HPbukaypret.gen ilaa iyo intuu halkan DPyimidpret.gen. ‘He has been sick since he came here.’ (Saeed 1999:219)

Simultaneity

Simultaneity in the past Durative background may be expressed both with general past and progressive past, depending on the degree to which attention is directed towards the durativity of the background.

(61) Markii aynu shaqada u soconnaypret.gen roob badan baa jidka nagu qabtaypret.gen. ‘When we walked to work, a lot of rain got hold of us on the way.’

(62) Intuu raggii la haasaabayaypret.prog baana gabbalkii ku dhacaypret.gen. ‘And while he was chatting with the men, night fell.’ (Saeed 1999:218)

Durative background may be expressed with an attributive verb form in the present progressive anchored to the subject of the HP.

19

(63) Iyagoo Biriijka ka gudbayapres.prog ayay Samiira meel fog ka aragtaypret.gen nin buufin iibinaya. ‘As they crossed the Bridge, Samira saw a man selling balloons in the distance.’

(64) “Habi Beerdhay Awoowe!” Samiira oo DPqoslaysaapres.prog HPtidhipret.gen,

Xasanna wuxuu HPqaadayaypret.prog heestii “Habi Beerdhay”. ‘”Happy Birthday, Granda!” HPsaid Samira, DPlaughing, whereas Hassan HPsung the song “Happy Birthday”’.

Simultaneity of two semelfactive verbs is expressed with both verbs in the general past.

(65) Markii uu qolkii ka baxaypret.gen waxaan ku idhipret.gen “Nabadgelyo”. ‘When he left the room, I said “Goodbye” to him.’ (Saeed 1999:218)

(66) “Tani waa hadiyad isbeeshal ah oo Xasan iyo Samiira ka socota,” ayaa tidhipret.gen kaloonkii intay siisaypret.gen Awoowe buufintii. ‘”This is a special present from Hassan and Samira,” said the clown as she gave Grandad the balloon.’

DP as teporal point of reference for the ongoing action in the HP, expressed by past general in DP and past progressive in the HP.

(67) Markay DPtimipret.gen, waan HPshaqaynayaypret.prog. (Saeed 1999: 87) When she came, I was working.

Simultaneity in the present The DP is expressed in the present progressive -- also in generic sentences.

(68) Marka uu qof wax ku DPweydiinayopres.prog waxaad ka HPgarataapres.gen sida uu u yiraahdopres.gen hadalka iyo wajigiisa. When somebody is asking you something, you understand that from the way he says the words and from his face (expression).

Subsequency

Subsequeny expressed by inta + aan ‘for the time/as long as + not’ + past general:

(69) Nebigu, intuunan DPdhimanpret.gen, ma HPmacacaabinpret.gen ninka dawladda Islaamka madax ka noqon lahaacond. (Saeed 1999:219) ‘The prohpet, before he DPdied, did not HPname the man who would become head of the leadership of Islam.’

20

Subsequeny expressed by ilaa iyo inta ‘up to the moment when’ + present progressive:

(70) Marka waxay labada kale ku heshiiyeenpret.gen inay indhaha ka HPxiraanpres.gen habeenkii marka uu guriga joogopres.gen ilaa iyo inta ay iyagu ka DPseexanayaanpres.prog. (Saeed 1999:219) ‘Then the other two agreed that they would blindfold him in the evening when he was in the house until the would be (leaving him and) going to bed.’

Comparison with the Slavic aspects “Slavic aspect has another distribution of markedness. The (unmarked) imperfective aspect is used in a range of functions and meanings: durative, repetitive, habitual, potential, generic. These have a common semantic denominator of STATE.” (Gebert 1988)

In Somali durative meaning is expressed by the progressive form:

(71) Waan shaqeynayaa/shaqeynayay. ‘I am/was working.’

Generic or potential is realised as simple present:

(72) Cali kalluun waa cunaa. ‘Ali eats fish.’

Cali kalluun waa cunayaa ‘Ali is eating fish.’

Habitual in the past with an auxiliary.

(73) Wuu keeni jiray. ‘He used to bring it.’

Repetitive may be expressed by reduplication

(74) Wuu cuncunay. ‘He ate repeatedly by small bites.’

21

Proposed terminology Table 11. Proposed terminology (cf. English).

Past Present Future Simple -ay -aa -i doon-aa Progressive -ay-ay -ay-aa Habitual -i jir-ay

References Berchem, J. 2012. Referenzgrammatik des Somali. Norderstedt: Books on

Demand.

Gebert, L. 1988. Notes on Somali Verbal Aspect. Proceedings of the Third International Congress of Somali Studies. Ed. A. Puglielli. Il Pensiero Scientifico. 60-68.

Gebert, L. 2011. Typology of verbal aspect: How Somali explains Slavic. Unpublished manuscript of presentation at The 3rd Conference of the International Commission on Aspectology of the International Committee of Slavists, Padova, 30.9.-4.10.2011.

De Larajasse, E. & C. P. de Sampont. 1897. Practical Grammar of the Somali Language with a Manual of Sentences. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.

Dubnov, E. Z. 2003. A Grammatical Sketch of Somali. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe.

Moreno, M. M. 1955. Il somalo della Somalia. Grammatica e testi del Benadir, Darod e Dighil. Roma: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato.

Panza, B. 1974. Af Soomaali. Grammatica della lingua somala con piccolo vocabolario in appendice. Firenze: Le Monnier.

Puglielli, A. & A. O. Mansur. 1999. Grammatica della lingua somala per le scuole medie superiori. Roma: Cotecno.

Saeed, J. I. 1999. Somali. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.