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LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2017
Table of Content
The Legal Committee London International Model United Nations 18th Session | 2017
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LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2017
Table of Contents
Introduction Letters .................................................................................................... 3
Introduction to the Committee ................................................................................... 5
Topic A: The Settlement of International Disputes to which International
Organisations are Party .............................................................................................. 6
Introduction .............................................................................................................. 6
History of the Problem ............................................................................................ 6
Statement of the Problem ........................................................................................ 8
Current Situation ................................................................................................... 12
Bloc positions .......................................................................................................... 14
Questions a Resolution Should Answer ............................................................... 15
Sources .................................................................................................................... 16
Topic B: Immunity of State Officials from Foreign Criminal Jurisdiction ........ 17
Introduction ............................................................................................................ 17
History of the Problem .......................................................................................... 18
Statement of the Problem ...................................................................................... 19
Current Situation ................................................................................................... 20
Bloc positions .......................................................................................................... 22
Questions a Resolution Should Answer ............................................................... 23
Sources .................................................................................................................... 24
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Introduction Letters Dear delegates,
My name is Eugenia Caracciolo Drudis, a 4th Year Politics Philosophy and
Law student at King’s College London, and I will be your Legal Committee
Director this year, alongside my Assistant Directors, Cassy and Sheyla.
Although I can’t wait to see what you all make of this committee, there are a
few things that should be noted first. Being a beginner committee, we
recognise that this will be the first conference for many of you, however, we
believe that only with the best preparation can the best debate take place, and
therefore we expect the same level of preparation as in any other level of
committee. In this study guide you will find all the information necessary to go
out and complete your independent country-research, and we expect you all to
understand the topics on the agenda and your country policies on those topics
before arriving. Due to the nature of Legal, we hope, but under no
circumstances require that delegates will be familiar with international legal
principles and systems governing the international community. Although this
study guide will attempt to give a complete picture for the purposes of
introduction, it is not intended to replace individual research, nor offer an
exhaustive review of the issues. Therefore, we strongly encourage you to look
beyond the Study Guide and become your own experts!
For all pre-conference questions and deadlines, please email:
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Honorable Delegates of Legal Committee,
My name is Sheyla Rzaeva, I am a Masters student of International Law (LLM) in
University of Southampton, and I am going to be your Assistant Director. Despite the
perceived level of LEGAL committee as the one for the newcomers, its uniqueness is
tremendous. LEGAL committee, or 6th committee of GA and therefore it has usual
for GA Rules of Procedure. The topics that are included into the mandate of LEGAL
committee are the legal questions and controversies that are to be discussed and
assessed by us. The two topics we are going to discuss in this conference are very
contemporary and are of general debate, you are going realize it while doing your
research. For an enjoyable and worth participation in a conference, a delegate is
expected to read a study guide and consider it as a first step in his/her preparation,
and then do a fundamental research on assigned country’s legislation, case law and
general perspective on the subject matter.
We look forward to meet you and observe your high level of professionalism and
dedication!
Dear delegates,
My name is Cassy and I will be your Assistant Director this year. I am currently a
graduate student at the University of Nottingham, pursuing a Master’s in
International Relations.
I started my MUN carreer as a student from John Adams High School, where I
competed at MUN conference held in New York City. Since my freshman year of
college at St. John’s University, I staffed several conferences serving in various
positions. During my upperclassmen years at St. John’s, I worked with the
Foundation for Creative Diplomacy in numerous capacities including MUN Camp
and assisting in the creation of their MUN curricula.
I am honoured to work with my chairing team, the Secretariat and all of you to help
make this exciting conference a reality.
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Introduction to the Committee
The 6th Committee of the United Nations’ General Assembly, otherwise known
as the Legal Committee (or, Legal/GA6 to its friends) is the main organ within
the GA dedicated to the consideration of international legal issues. As legal
issues are something that affect all UN Member States, each State has a
representative in this form. With this in mind, GA6 regularly submits reports to
the GA as sat in plenary session – with all committees present at plenary, the
General Assembly will vote on the resolutions contained in these reports. And
that is how a bill becomes law (or in this case, how a GA6 Draft Resolution
becomes a General Assembly Resolution). Although these resolutions are not
binding in and of themselves, they carry great moral and political weight on
their signatories, and are generally considered to be strongly persuasive
(particularly those with a large quantity of votes in favour).
The mandate of GA6 covers all fields of international law. In previous years,
the committee has discussed everything from the reform of international prison
standards, to the legality of targeted killings, along with having created the Ad
Hoc Committee on International Terrorism in 1972. On a final note – GA6
should not be confused with the International Law Commission. Although the
ILC has its roots within the General Assembly, it is analytically and
procedurally separate to it, consisting of leading scholars rather than
diplomatic representatives. Its objectives consist of the development and
codification of Public International Law by those who are concerned with the
law, rather than the consideration of legal questions by those concerned with
the effect of the law on individual Member States.
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http://www.thestudyabroadportal.com/studyabroadblog/take-the-next-step-in-your-career-in-law/
Topic A: The Settlement of International Disputes to which International Organisations are Party
Introduction International Dispute Resolution is an ever-changing field of Public International
Law, setting the foundation for the legal relationship between International
Organisations (IOs) and States. This issue of how to deal with international disputes
to which IOs are parties has only risen relatively recently (given the glacial pace at
which IOs move, as compared to dispute resolution mechanisms). While in existence
for a long time, their independent activities and responsibilities to States have only
materialized in the last few decades. State/IO disputes come as a result of the
permanent dealings states have with IOs, primarily through membership. Given the
difficulties of engaging IOs in arbitration, and the immunities they enjoy before
national courts, International Dispute Settlement Mechanisms are the primary form of
dispute resolution between IOs and States1. All the same, as will be seen – engaging
IOs in such mechanisms is harder than it appears; an issue which has serious
consequences for the international community.
History of the Problem Definitions:
International Organisation:
Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties: Article 2(1)(i)
o ‘intergovernmental organisation’2
Articles on the Responsibility of International Organisations: Article 2(a)
o ‘organisation established by a treaty or any other instrument governed
by international law and possessing its own international legal
1 Katselas 2011: 2 2 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, 1969
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personality. These may include as members, in addition to States, other
entities.’3
+ Examples of IOs: United Nations; World Health Organisation; Red Cross; Doctors
Without Borders; Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development
International Dispute Resolution:
Although no official definition exists for international dispute resolution,
mechanisms can be broadly separated into two fields4:
Adjudicative processes:
o Litigation; arbitration – Where a jury/judge/arbitrator determines
the outcome of the dispute
Consensual processes
o Mediation; conciliation; negotiations – Where parties attempt to
determine the outcome between them
+ Examples of IDR5:
International Court of Justice (governed by the Statute of the ICJ)
o Uses adjudication to resolve questions of international law;
o Only open to States who consent to the Court jurisdiction
WTO Dispute Settlement System (governed by the Understanding on
Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes)
o Uses a combination of negotiation and adjudication to resolve
trade policy disputes;
o Only open to States or Member Governments
International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID’s)
(governed by the Convention on the Settlement of Investment Disputes
between States and Nationals of Other States)
o Offers arbitration and conciliation as alternative methods to
resolve international investment disputes;
o Only open to signatories of the ICSID’s Convention;
o Disputes are always mixed (i.e., one State; one private party)
Development of International Organisations
With their roots in the 1814-15 Congress of Vienna and the decision by just
eight European States to seek an institutional alternative to the existing state
system, the number, complexity, and scope of IOs in the last two centuries has
increased exponentially. Although a large majority of IOs as we commonly
understand them are now officially ‘specialised agencies’ of the UN itself
(with their own subdivisions within the agency), the distinct categories of IOs
which exist globally mean that not all have been brushed under the UN
umbrella.
3 Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organisations, 2011 4 s1, pg. 2 5 International Dispute Resolution (Overview), ICANN, 2007, p17
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The Union of International Association separates IOs into its three
‘conventional categories’.
1) Inter-governmental Organisations (IGOs)
a. These are bodies based on a formal instrument of agreement
between the governments of at least three nation states, possessing
a permanent secretariat performing ongoing tasks.6
b. However, emerging consensus exists that bilateral agreements
may be considered for classification as IGOs as well7
2) International Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs)
a. No clear and unambiguous theoretically acceptable definition of
international NGOs has been reached yet, but we do have:
b. Ambiguous ECOSOC definition = any IO not established by inter-
governmental agreement8
3) Multinational Corporations
a. Usually defined on the basis of the several hundred most
economically powerful corporations9
Not only have IOs grown in number, but they have become much more
powerful and have built the capacity to wield great influence over the
international community. However, with great power comes great
responsibility – or so one would think… Unfortunately, the IDR world has not
quite caught up with the new threat posed by international organisations.
Although the Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International
Organisations was introduced in 2011, it only governs the instances in which
an IO will be found responsible for actions attributable to it10. The Articles,
however, fail to address the question of how international organizations can be
held liable for their internationally unlawful actions in an international legal
forum, or how such finding of illegality can be enforced.
Statement of the Problem This issue of resolving disputes between IOs and States (as these are typically
the entities against which IOs incur responsibility) is well demonstrated
through the kinds of disputes between corporations and States regarding
international investment matters
Comparison between States and IOs
A key issue to keep in mind when considering how to address the issue of
settling international disputes to which IOs are party, is that IOs and States are
6 Judge 1977: 54 7 Singer and Wallace 1970: 247 8 UN/ECOSOC Resolution 1296 (XLIV), June 1968 9 Reinalda, B. “From the Congress of Vienna to Present-Day International Organisations” 2014 p. 7 10 s3
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fundamentally different from each other11. In an IDR system designed
explicitly for States, this difference between them will pose serious issues
throughout.
First of all, IOs cannot be expected to adhere to the same standards and
customs as states when it comes to consenting to jurisdiction in cases12. This
makes it a great deal more difficult to be sure that an IDR mechanism inclusive
of IOs will actually be effective, given that IOs may simply reject
court/tribunal jurisdiction. Another crucial difference is in the immense
variation in type and structure of IOs, as opposed to the largely uniform
conception of States the international community (excluding rogue states and
the like). With such variation in types of IOs, it will be difficult to establish a
single IDR mechanism that is able to address all the kinds of disputes these IOs
will find themselves in, and how to cater to the structures and mechanisms
governing each kind.
This having been said, we cannot ignore that the two have much in common.
Most strikingly in that IOs exercise similar functions to States, necessitating
some degree of freedom from judicial interference. In large part, States have
transferred their functions over to IOs, and even created IOs with the specific
aim of taking advantage of their centralization and independence in order to
take on State functions and perform them in a more effective fashion (i.e., the
specialist functions shared between UNOOSA and national space agencies)13.
With this in mind, it will be important to see to what extent this will mean that
IOs can enjoy the same degree and quality of immunity as States in
international legal proceedings. Another similarity is in the place of IOs in
international relations – much like States, IOs want to establish international
credibility and legitimacy in order to maintain relations with States, other IOs
and the international community.
Development of International Dispute Resolution (IDR)
Given the aforementioned issues in categorising and understanding IOs,
creating an institutional regime for IDR that makes space for them is a
challenge. The current institutional regime in place is a good example of how
the categorisation problem affects IOs in IDR.
In the past decades, international law has seen an overwhelming rise in the
proportion of States, IOs and entities with international legal personality
turning to IDR to settle their disputes14. This can be seen across traditional
dispute resolution methods, such as adjudication and even the steep rise in
11 s1, pg 7 12 ibid 13 ibid 14 s1, pg. 2
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popularity of what are typically known as ‘alternative dispute
resolution’ methods such as conciliation, negotiation and mixed DR methods15.
The most important IDR mechanism in international law is adjudication
through the International Court of Justice. Cases decided by the ICJ will be
binding on the parties to the proceedings, and will not be open to appeal. In
order to bring a claim before the ICJ, both parties must consent to the
jurisdiction of the Court – but, more importantly, both parties to the
proceedings must be States. This is a perfect illustration of the issue facing the
adjudication of IO/State disputes in traditional forums. The only available
avenue for IOs to be heard in the ICJ is to seek what is known as an ‘Advisory
Opinion’. However, Advisory Opinions merely carry recommendatory force.
Different from the adjudicatory function of the ICJ, Advisory Opinions are
given on any legal question and, as Nuclear Weapons 16 and The Wall 17
evidence they are just the ICJ’s reflections on legal questions posed to them by
agencies regarding the activities/legality of those agencies.
Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) Case Study
Fortunately, with the changing perception of the international community as no
longer exclusively based on the traditional nation-state structure, IDR too has
made progress towards recognizing non-state entities in the international legal
process 18 . These steps can be seen in the alternative methods of dispute
resolution which have been gaining in popularity in recent decades. Continuing
the example of corporation/State disputes in questions of international
investment, ICSID and the rise of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS)
mechanisms, international investment arbitration has risen to the challenge of
incorporating non-state entities in IDR.
ISDS mechanisms are primarily based on the alternative DR methods of
arbitration and conciliation (however, in reality most disputes are resolved
through arbitration). Established through Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs)
and certain multilateral investment and trade treaties (i.e., NAFTA; WTO
Agreements)19, housed in a series of arbitration houses around the world (i.e.,
ICSID; International Chamber of Commerce; London Court of International
Arbitration; Permanent Court of Arbitration; etc…)20, these disputes are only
open to States and foreign investors 21 . With a tribunal made up of three
arbitrators (two selected by the parties, and the president of the Chamber then
15 Wellhausen, Rachel L., Recent Trends in Investor-State Dispute Settlement (2016), pg. 4 16 Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons 1996 17 Concerning Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory 2004 18 s5, p3 19 s15, pg. 2 20 ibid 21 ibid
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selected between them), the awards made by these tribunals will be
binding on the parties to the proceedings22.
Including IOs in International Dispute Resolution Mechanisms
Put simply, one of the most important problems in the inclusion of IOs in IDR
mechanisms is the fact that the international legal system is not designed for
entities that do not fit the traditional State model23. As we have seen, ISDS
makes important steps in addressing this problem through arbitration between
States and non-State entities (private parties). However, these arbitration
tribunals only have jurisdiction over a fairly niche set of disputes – those
directly pertaining to international investment questions, as between States and
foreign investors. Although this is a crucial class of disputes for international
law to address, it leaves out the rest of the potential troubles IOs are liable to
run into in international law.
Apart from the option to obtain an Advisory Opinion from the ICJ regarding
questions of international law, IOs also have recourse to the lesser-known
Optional Rules for Arbitrations Involving International Organisations and
States under the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA)24. Under these rules,
IOs have the opportunity to enter into arbitration proceedings under the
facilitation of the PCA25. The strength of Optional Rules lies in their scope.
Although international commercial arbitration (the arbitration umbrella for
State/private commercial party disputes under which international investment
arbitration falls) has proven to be successful, its success excludes those
disputes which do not contain commercial or private elements. For example, a
dispute between a NGO and a State regarding potential criminal or tortious
activities carried out by the NGO in its work within that State (i.e., negligence
claims brought against Doctors Without Borders by a State in which the NGO
failed to take the proper duty of care in attending to patients).
Linked to the option IOs have to obtain Advisory Opinions from the ICJ, is the
option to submit amicus curiae briefs to those inter-state disputes which IOs do
not have the standing to officially join26. Amicus curiae briefs are essentially
documents submitted by an individual or group that is not a party to
proceedings, but has a strong interest in the matter at hand27. These briefs
contain relevant information as presented from the point of view of the group
or individual, allowing them to air their concerns and opinions on the case.
This practice is useful to some extent in terms of allowing IOs to be included
22 Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards 1958 (‘The New York Convention) 23 s1, pg. 3 24 ibid 25 Optional Rules of the Permanent Court of Arbitration (containing the Optional Rules for Arbitration between
International Organisations and States 1996) 2012 26 Fach Gómez, K. “Rethinking the Role of Amicus Curiae in International Investment Arbitration: how to draw the line
favourably for the public interest” 2012, pg. 4 27 ibid
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in proceedings, but is severely limited by the ‘bystander’ role IOs are
relegated to. Decisions reached in these cases will still not be binding on, or
have any impact over the IO, and therefore no legal responsibility is incurred28.
If the aim of an IDR mechanism that services IOs is to punish them for actions
for which they should be liable, it is unclear whether amicus curiae briefs will
be sufficient.
Current Situation What does a model IDR Mechanism for State/IO disputes look like?
In order to understand how to structure proposals for change in IDR as
concerns the settlement of disputes between IOs and States, the committee
needs to ask itself what it expects from a model IDR mechanism, and what this
mechanism should be doing for IO/State disputes. To do so, it may be useful to
take a look at the pros and cons of the current dispute resolution systems in
place, with a particular focus on adjudication, arbitration and
negotiation/mediation systems.
Adjudication (i.e., reform of international courts)
Arguments in favour include, but are not limited to:
o Strict substantive and procedural frameworks already in place for
institutions such as the ICJ mean that a decision over an IO/State
dispute would be legally binding and enforceable, were IOs to be
granted standing before international courts29.
Arguments against include, but are not limited to:
o Very difficult to be certain that IOs will be willing to submit to the
jurisdiction of an international court30. This is particularly the case
with politicized IOs, or IOs carrying out constroversial, but
ultimately necessary work.
o Proceedings before international courts are intensely time-
consuming (taking somewhere between 3-5 years usually for an
important case) and resource-heavy31. Where IOs simply do not
have the resources or time available to them to take on these
proceedings, adjudication can be elitist and exclusionary.
Arbitration (i.e., extension of current practice)
Arguments in favour include, but are not limited to:
o Flexibility inherent in arbitration systems; with ‘ad hoc’ status,
these tribunals are designed to deal with issues as they turn up32.
This is a strong point in favour of arbitration, given the swiftly-
28 ibid 29 s1, pg. 8 30 ibid 31 s1, pg 10 32 s1, pg 13
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moving nature of the international political system, and the place
of IOs within it.
o Freedom to appoint one arbitrator chosen by the party33. With this,
it is more likely that IOs and States will be willing to engage in
arbitration proceedings, given the small measure of control they
have over the case.
o Ability to maintain confidentiality over the proceedings34. Given
the sensitive nature of many of these disputes, arbitration provides
the opportunity to carry out proceedings without having to
publicly divulge confidential information.
Arguments against include, but are not limited to:
o With confidentiality comes the question of transparency.
Although State/IO parties may value the possibility for privacy in
the proceedings, the world has a right to know what happens in
judicial processes.
o Giving parties the ability to choose their own arbitrators
introducing an element of judicial bias into proceedings.
However, the literature around this problem demonstrates that
judicial bias exists in international courts as much as in
arbitration35.
Mediation/Negotiation/Conciliation (i.e., developing and encouraging use)
Arguments in favour include, but are not limited to:
o Without a formal procedural and substantive framework in place
to guide these alternative DR mechanisms, they enjoy
considerably more flexibility than any of the other options. With
this, they are able to account for the unique needs of IOs in
dispute proceedings.
o Negotiations establish an atmosphere of collaboration between
parties to the dispute – the informal nature of these mechanisms
allow for a tailor-made solution reached by the individuals who
know the situation best – the parties themselves36.
Arguments against include, but are not limited too:
o Mediation/negotiation/conciliation will only work where parties
are willing and able to work together peacefully and
collaboratively to reach a solution. However, given the nature of
disputes, this is usually not the case – where relations turn sour,
their scope for success becomes far more limited37.
o There are few, if any mechanisms in place for the enforcement of
solutions reached by the parties in these IDR systems. Given their
33 ibid 34 ibid 35 ibid 36 ibid 37 ibid
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foundation rests on mutual trust between parties, third-party
enforcement is difficult to introduce38.
With all of the context and history of the issue in mind, GA6 has the task of
taking on the shortcomings of the existing system and asking the international
legal community whether there is a way to wholly include IOs in the IDR
process. As we have seen, there appear to be three options on the table:
1) Reform of existing adjudicative bodies to include flexible measures to
ensure the inclusion of a large category of IOs
2) Development of international arbitration systems to accommodate for a
larger tranche of the IO population
3) Encourage the use of mediation, conciliation and negotiation for disputes
between IOs and States
Each of these options comes with its own caveat, but none is unattainable. This
committee must find a balance between the positives and negatives of each
suggestion and bring new ideas for IDR to the table in order to ensure IOs will
no longer be able to escape judicial accountability for their actions.
Bloc positions Europe
As the economically and socially developed ‘home’ of a large number of the
international legal community’s courts and arbitration centres, the European
Community is in a unique position to lead efforts for reform of existing
institutions. Having long benefitted from the strategic location of these IDR
institutions, the EU is unlikely to give up their central position in the cause of
international justice. Additionally, as the home of a large number of IOs, the
EU has an interest in protecting those organisations where possible. Note that
the EU is an IGO, potentially resulting in conflicting interests for EU States39.
USA
Largely in the same position as Europe regarding its ties to both the
international legal community, as well as international organisations, the USA
has two key issues which set it apart.
1) The USA has long been a staunch supporter of State sovereignty and
freedom from judicial interference within the field of IDR40. This is seen
most clearly with the US policy towards the International Criminal Court
38 ibid 39 Wirth, David A., “Review of International Organisations and International Dispute Settlement” 2003, pg. 1007 40 s4, pg. XXX
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and the controversy stirred by US reluctance to accept the ICC’s
jurisdiction41.
a. With this in mind, the USA may be hesitant about establishing
new judicial institutions and empowering them to issue decisions
impacting both the State, and IOs.
2) Given the amount of US State and IO activity within the international
community, along with its isolationist and protectionist policy, it will be
difficult to compromise on issues of enforcement and legal status of the
decisions awarded by a judicial body.
African and Latin American States
These States are the leaders of the ‘other side’ of the debate over the role of
IDR in IO/State dispute settlement. As the States who benefit (or at least feel
the effects most strongly) from IO activity within their borders, they are also
the States most vulnerable to exploitation by IOs. With this in mind, they are
also the States most likely to benefit from increased jurisdiction issued to
dispute resolution institutions in order to adjudicate/arbitrate/facilitate
negotiations in disputes between States and IOs.
Questions a Resolution Should Answer
- Should there be different kinds of IDR mechanisms in place for different
kinds of IOs?
- Where is the balance to be drawn between the different options on the
table for the situation going forward?
- To what extent are IOs and States similar/different and how will this
shape the kind of solutions the committee should be addressing?
- Can any of the existing constituent instruments, establishing various IDR
mechanisms (i.e., Statute of the ICJ; ICSID Convention; Permanent
Court of Arbitration) be amended to (further) include IOs?
- Can an entirely new IDR system be put in place for IO/State disputes?
41 ibid
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Sources
Fach Gómez, K. “Rethinking the Role of Amicus Curiae in International Investment
Arbitration: how to draw the line favourably for the public interest”. Fordham International
Law Journal 35, 2, 2012, p. 513-524
Judge, A. "International institutions: diversity, borderline cases, functional substitutes and possible
alternatives". in International Organizations; a conceptual approach ed.s Paul Taylor and A J M
Groom (London, Frances Pinter, 1977; New York, Nichols Publishing Company, 1978)
Katselas, Anna T., “International Arbitration vs International Adjudication for the
Settlement of Disputes Between States and International Organisations” International Legal
Studies Vienna 2011, p. 1-22
Wallace, Michael and Singer, David J. "Inter-governmental organization in the global system,
1815-1964; a quantitative description". International Organization, 24, 2, Spring 1970, p.239-287.
Wellhausen, Rachel L., “Recent Trends in Investor-State Dispute Settlement”. Journal of
International Dispute Settlement, 2016, p.1-19.
Wirth, David A., “Review of International Organisations and International Dispute Settlement ed. by
Laurence Boisson de Chazourned, Cesare Romano and Ruth Mackenzie” American Journal of
International Law 97, 2003, p. 1002-1006
International Dispute Resolution (Overview), 2007 ICANN
http://gnso.icann.org/en/drafts/intl-dispute-resolution-overview-june-2007.pdf
Reinalda, B. “From the Congress of Vienna to Present- Day International Organisations”
UN Chronicle 52, 3, 2014, p. 5-19
Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1996, p. 226,
International Court of Justice (ICJ), 8 July 1996
Advisory Opinion Concerning Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, International Court of Justice (ICJ), 9 July 2004
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http://www.altriconfini.it/2013/05/no-il-film-sullarcobaleno-che-mise-fine-alla-dittatura-di-pinochet
Topic B: Immunity of State Officials from Foreign Criminal Jurisdiction
Introduction Under international law there are certain laws that are seen as norms or customary
law; one of which deals with the immunity of state officials from foreign criminal
jurisdiction. This study guide would lay out how the international community
developed this law and the particular issues that have arisen with the immunity of
state officials in the international arena. More specifically, the legality and relevancy
of this “norm” in today’s globalized world would be highly debated and scrutinized
under international law by several member states of the United Nations.
Immunity from prosecution is a creed in international law that allows the accused to
evade prosecution for criminal offenses. There are two types of immunity conditions
recognized by the international arena, the functional immunity also known as ratione
materiae; and personal immunity also known as ratione personae. As a state official,
generally speaking, they are immune from the jurisdiction of other states in relation
to acts performed in their official capacities. This is the rationality behind functional
immunity. The second form of immunity manifests itself through the idea of certain
state officials being granted immunities as well because of their status in the state or
their office. Personal immunity usually tends to apply to the Head of State’s close
confidents such as their cabinet officials and other senior officials.
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The primary methods of judicial enforcement envisaged by international law
are the domestic courts of the state where the human rights violation or international
crime occurred and the courts of the state responsible for that violation. To that end,
international law forces states to prosecute those who have committed international
crimes within their territory. However, these methods of enforcement often fail.
Domestic law may not incorporate the relevant international human rights norm.
Additionally, more and more international crimes are committed by state agents as a
part of their state policy, thus governments do not prosecute their own officials
engaged in such actions.
As this has progressed through the years, the international community is constantly at
war trying to figure out just how far functional immunity and personal immunity
remains applicable when the official in question is accused of committing
international crimes as well as how relevant these norms remain applicable in
international criminal proceedings. In the sections below, an analytical discussion on
the topic will occur, so as to provide for a better understanding on the conflicting
views, in relation to this issue.
History of the Problem The history of the emergence of immunity for state officials from criminal
jurisdiction is ambiguous as it dates back to 3300-4000 years ago when there was a
common practice of “respect and limited inviolability” to messengers. Throughout
the whole history of mankind, there were always certain practices that were aimed at
demonstrating respect towards other states and their respective officials. Even though
the reasons for such practice of nowadays immunity varied dramatically; in medieval
times, immunity for foreign officials was a matter of respect, in Soviet times it was a
demonstration of friendly relations and just a mere convenience, while nowadays,
after practicing it for so many years, and when the principle of immunity is widely
recognized as a custom, it is usually explained as means of sovereign state equality
and state dignity.
Despite the numerous wars the states have fought between each other, the ones with
stable relations have attempted to stick to the norms of immunity and to demonstrate
their utmost recognition. For example, historically it was even illegal to sue a foreign
sovereign-owned trading ship.
From another side, such a practice was creating “nonsensical injustice for aggrieved
private parties” 42 by not suing the foreigners. Nevertheless, jurists say it was
impermissible due to the impossibility of interfering with the sovereignty of another
state. The principle of sovereignty is a fundamental principle of international law
42 Walker, L. (no date) History of Foreign State Immunity. Working Draft of Thesis in Partial Fulfilment Requirements
for the degree of PhD at the University of Sydney
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nowadays as well, but it was modified to such an extent that it is permissible
to sue another state, but yet, not permissible to sue their state officials.
As no legitimate evidence remained regarding any codification of immunity of state
officials’ principles, there were a number of principles that have pushed forward the
principle of immunity of state officials, and have a huge impact on today’s world
order and international law. Consider the Doctrine of Peace of Westphalia43 signed in
1648 that has put an end to Thirty Years war between Spain, France, Holy Roman
Empire, Dutch Republic and Sweden; the main ideas of the doctrine were the
principle of non-intervention of one state into internal affairs of another, the principle
of sovereignty of states and the right of self-determination, and the legal equality
between states.
All of the above principles are fundamental nowadays as well, and even though the
doctrine was signed in 1648, it was very effective in 19th century. The jurists were
referencing Westphalian principles of legal equality while justifying and advocating
the principle of immunity of state officials.
Statement of the Problem Criminal actions of one state against another, or against its own people, are normally
very hostile and violate the non-derogable jus cogens principles44 which abide states
to provide protection from torture, genocide, wars against humanity and the failure of
a state to guarantee this protection cannot be compromised in any way. Non-
derogable rights and jus cogens principles are widely expressed in International
Covenant on Civil and Political rights, European Convention on Human Rights and
other internationally recognized human rights instruments. Those actions are ordered
by state officials as only they have competence to execute such actions. Having
immunity on prosecuting them tights the hands of international justice to punish the
ones responsible for acts. Therefore, as state officials remain not liable upon their
actions, and are confident that they are immune against prosecutions, the hostile
actions remain unpunished.
The effects of this criminal immunity can be separated into four separate categories45:
1) Functional immunity means that a state official cannot be prosecuted when he
is holding office, and therefore, all accusations and prosecutions can be
executed only after his term ends. During the end of his term, the highly
43 Culter, A.C. (2001). Critical Reflections on the Westphalian Assumptions of International Law and Organization: A
Crisis in Legitimacy. Review of International Studies, Vol. 27, pages 133-150; Hawtin, J. Political Theory & The
Treaty of Westphalia. Available Online: http://jaclynhawtin.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/Political-Theory-the-
Treaty-of-Westphalia.pdf 44 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1976; European Convention on Human Rights 1950 45 Dapo Akande and Sangeeta Shah, 'Immunities of state officials, international crimes, and foreign domestic courts'
(2010) 21(4) European Journal of International Law <http://ejil.oxfordjournals.org/content/21/4/815.full> accessed 2
December 2016 815–852
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required evidences and witnesses’ testimonies cannot be collected, and can be
intentionally or unintentionally damaged or deleted, which makes the
investigation harder.
2) Immunity provides unaccountability for the acts of office holder, and therefore
can encourage and tolerate abuse of power. Even if the crimes are related to
office, and therefore are protected under immunity, the mere implementation of
those crimes tells a lot about the way an official is governing. Therefore,
immunity prevents the visibility of public office.
3) State officials are people representing the country outside of it, and governing
it internally. Voters have the right to know information about their candidates,
including any possible criminal records, as this may affect their decision. This
specifically applies in cases of state officials running for second term.
Immunity helps them not to be prosecuted and charged for any criminal
offences they may have done, and therefore, all those crimes remain unknown.
4) As experience in Arab Spring shows, state officials have crimes executed that
may and will become publicized and make them be prosecuted after the office.
Realizing that, state officials are trying to hold the office as long as possible in
order not to lose their immunity and be prosecuted for the crimes they’ve done.
While trying to hold the office, rebellions and other unrests may take place as
it has been in the case of Muammar Gaddafi of Libya. Such resistance of state
officials to leave the office because of their crime records normally leads to
lots of unnecessary suffering and killing of local population by means of
suppression.
Despite the drawbacks immunity to state officials’ causes, it has a customary nature,
and this continuous practice executed for so many years should not be
underestimated. Besides the reasons of respect and friendship between the states and
equal sovereignty of the states, there are some practical reasons for such conduct, and
those include the dignity of the office and the public respect that may be damaged in
case of wrongdoing. Nevertheless, as the main principle of equality states, “everyone
is equal before the law”, and the questions if state officials should fall into category
of “everyone”, and if immunity should prevail human rights are always open to
debate.
Current Situation Although there are numerous international treaties discussing the aspect of immunity
for agents of the State; there is no binding international treaty regulating the all issues
or related issues to the immunity of current and former State officials from foreign
criminal jurisdiction. Even the international treaties on immunity serve as
supplements of existing international law, merely confirming the existence of
customary international law. This fact has been reiterated in several instances at the
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domestic court level as in the 2001 ruling of the Qaddafi Case46; the French
Court of Cassation upholding the fact that customary international law does not allow
for the prosecution of Heads of State of a foreign nation. The French Advocate
General stated “the principle of the immunity of Heads of State is traditionally
regarded as a rule of international custom necessary for the preservation of friendly
relations between States.” 47
Questions regarding the immunities of foreign leaders and other high officials
frequently came up due to the development of universal jurisdiction for international
crimes. In this, domestic courts have really stepped up in trying to prosecute
individuals. In February 2011, George W. Bush cancelled a trip to Switzerland
following human activists submitting a complaint about him to Swiss prosecutors48.
In March, former president of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev visited London;
an ex parte application for his arrest on the grounds of alleged torture was made by
an individual claimant. The court dismissed the application on the notion that
Gorbachev was entitled to immunity as a member of a special mission. These are a
just few instances where the immunity of a Head of State was put into question. The
International Court of Justice (ICJ) addressed functional immunity in the case of
Certain Questions of Mutual Judicial Assistance in Criminal Matters (Djibouti v.
France)49. The ICJ suggested that, it is the responsibility of the official’s home state
to notify the state seeking to exercise jurisdiction and that the latter is not obliged to
raise or consider the matter of its own accord.
For personal immunity to be applied, the prerequisite for the forum state to accept the
individual in question as the head of a recognized state, the head of government of
that state, foreign minister or the holder of some other high office. There is no
prescribed procedure for satisfying the requirements of a domestic court on this
matter. This can cause extreme problems in cases of uncertainty of the existence of a
state where a leader has seized power and removed from office the previous head of
state who may still lay claim to that title as well. The international community must
also further consider the issue of the position of presidents and prime ministers elect.
These are persons who are designated successors to the incumbent head of state or
head of government but have not formally assumed office. The question of how these
individuals should be treated under international law is significant as the transition
period may take several months, where they might make several trips to other states.
46 Dapo Akande, 'The ICC prosecutor requests an arrest warrant for Gaddafi: Immunity issues and questions about the start of the Libyan armed conflict' (EJIL Analysis, 23 May 2011) <http://www.ejiltalk.org/the-icc-prosecutor-requests-an-arrest-warrant-for-gaddafi-immunity-issues-and-questions-about-the-start-of-the-libyan-armed-conflict/> accessed 2 December 2016 47 BBC, 'France will not prosecute Gaddafi' BBC Europe (13 March 2001) <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/1218245.stm> accessed 2 December 2016 48 Ewen MacAskill and Afua Hirsch, 'George Bush calls off trip to Switzerland' The Guardian (6 February
2011) <https://www.theguardian.com/law/2011/feb/06/george-bush-trip-to-switzerland> accessed 2 December 2016 49 Certain Questions of Mutual Judicial Assistance in Criminal Matters (Djibouti v. France), Judgement, ICJ
Reports 2008, p. 177 para. 194-197
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Another issue concerning immunity of heads of state is the immunity of these
officials once they are no longer in office. Currently, Spain is leading the way with
the issue of arrest warrants in respect of several former heads of state, including two
former presidents of Guatemala, Rios Montt and Oscar Mejia Victores; on the
grounds of genocide, torture and other related crimes. Some arrests of junior officials
have been made but then the issue of functional immunity was called into question
once again. In numerous cases, proceedings have been abandoned or put on hold
because of the concern of evidence, deal or absence of the accused. In some cases,
the home state seem to waive immunity or simply ignore the issue altogether. There
have also been cases suggesting a strong reluctance to bring officials to justice when
the foreign state itself objects to any foreign prosecutions. The United States is
notorious for evading international court procedures as they have not ratified the ICJ
or ICC mandates, as well as their extradition agreements with various states.
Immunity of the heads of state from foreign criminal jurisdiction is a matter the
international community must handle but one that they must recognize should be
handled gently. Immunity for such officials is layered and has extensive implications
on diplomatic relations between states. However, like every other aspect of
international relations, it may seem impossible but it is a matter that can be resolved.
State officials at times break international law and seem to easily get away with it due
to the immunity clause granted to them by customary international law.
Bloc positions Europe
Although, immunity is a topic that is constantly discussed at the EU level; numerous
European states believe in the idea of having heads of states answer for their
international crimes once the official is out of office. They believe in ensuring the
individuals who suffered at the hand of the accused would be brought to justice. They
tend to do this at the domestic level.
Africa
African states tend to be highly against this policy, usually because of their corrupt
officials and yet majority of the Heads of State whose immunity becomes an issue for
most of the international community, tends to be African heads of state and their
high-ranking officials. The African Union fully supports the immunity of the heads of
state; this caused a lot of controversy domestically for most of states.
South America
Just like Africa, numerous South American heads of state have been indicted on the
grounds of numerous international law offences and like most heads of state have
been granted full immunity. Riots have broken out throughout the South American
continents due to the violence perpetrated against the peoples of nations. The South
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American states depend heavily on international proceedings to prosecute
violators of international law.
North America
Both Canada and Mexico are party to numerous treaties and alliances that allow for
extradition of criminals to be prosecuted in foreign states. The United States of
America steadfastly holds to ensuring their criminal proceedings are upheld for
domestic and international crimes alike. There are instances where members of the
international community view American heads of state as a war criminal and like
countless other times, they have been granted the immunity and the court proceedings
never quite came into fruition.
Asia
The Asian continent generally believes in the immunity of the head of state and
attempts to handle issues of state official transgressions on the domestic court levels.
There is a deep mistrust in the international criminal proceedings, which they believe
tends to have a very Western slant towards states.
Questions a Resolution Should Answer Despite the fact that immunity of state officials is a customary law that is highly
recognized, and Arrest Warrant case (Democratic Republic of Congo v Belgium)
could be the finest example of ICJ’s obedience to it, it creates many policy problems
and social injustices, letting high-ranked officials violate jus cogens norms and other
fundamental human rights without being liable for that. In the above-mentioned case,
ICJ held that the Minister of Foreign Affairs, as well as Head of State and Head of
Government do enjoy the ratione personae immunity, as they have “plenary
competence in international relations”. There are some states, like United Kingdom,
that grant immunity to officials outside of troika, like ambassadors and Defence
ministers, and this practice is condemned by International Law Commission.
In regard to functional immunity, namely, when state official cannot be prosecuted
for crimes attached to his state, the developments were demonstrated in this regard in
the case law. One of the most prominent ones is Pinochet case, where the former
president of Chile was prosecuted and therefore, both functional and personal
immunities were overruled. The reasoning behind this decision of UK’s House of
Lords was that Pinochet has breached the jus cogens norms, namely the United
Nations Convention against Torture and the responsibility for such acts “cannot be
derogated under any circumstances including immunity”. The principle of immunity
of state officials was also overridden by ad hoc International Criminal Tribunal for
the Former Yugoslavia in Milosevic, Furundzija and Karadzic cases, as well as by
ICJ in Arrest Warrant case of 2000 (Democratic Republic of Congo v Belgium).
Depriving immunity from state officials in violations of jus cogens norms and grave
violations of human rights has starting becoming a trend. The reasoning behind such
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depravation is that international crimes cannot be attributed to state’s actions,
but shall be attributed to individuals, namely, state officials. Despite the fact that
there is a slowly growing number of cases promoting this approach, and the urgent
need of changing international law in regard to state officials’ immunity, there is no
precise guide that would list the conditions under which the immunity of state official
can be deprived, and the reasons of doing so; where and under which law those state
officials shall be prosecuted; if state officials outside of “troika” should be granted
with immunity and the procedure on identification if the acts of state officials are
attributable to state. Those issues of modification of the customary law of immunity
of state officials can be consulted with Legal committee, and reflected in its
resolutions.
In order to write a resolutions answering all above questions, the following issues
should be considered:
- Is immunity of state officials consistent with the need to uphold justice?
- Does immunity provide high-ranked officials with an opportunity to fearlessly
and dauntlessly break the law?
- Is immunity to officials is consistent with the requirement of social justice?
Sources Alebeek, R. (2010). Immunity and Human Rights?: A Bifurcated Approach.
Proceedings of the Annual Meeting American Society of International Law, 104 (22) ,
pg. 67-72.
Bradley, Curtis. (2011). International Law and the US Common Law of Foreign
Official Immunity. The Supreme Court Review, 2010 (1), pg. 213-273.
Certain Questions of Mutual Judicial Assistance in Criminal Matters (Djibouti v.
France), Judgement, ICJ Reports 2008, p. 177 para. 194-197.
Sixty-Sixth General Assembly. (2011). Immunity of State Officials Remains at Issue
as Legal Committee Ends Review of International Law Commission Report. UN
Press available at: http://www.un.org/press/en/2011/gal3428.doc.htm
Tunks, M. (2002). Diplomats or Defendants? Defining the Future of Head of State
Immunity. Duke Law Journal, 52 (3), pg. 651-682.
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Wuerth, I. (2012). Pinochet’s Legacy Reassessed The American Journal of
International Law, 106(4), pg. 731-768.
Kolodkin, R. (2008) Preliminary report on immunity of State officials from foreign
criminal jurisdiction, by Roman Anatolevich Kolodkin, Special Rapporteur. Available
at: http://legal.un.org/ilc/documentation/english/a_cn4_601.pdf (Accessed: 7
November 2016).
Walker, L. (no date) History of Foreign State Immunity. Working Draft of Thesis in
Partial Fulfilment Requirements for the degree of PhD at the University of Sydney
Yang, X. (2012) Immunity in International Law. Cambridge University Press.
Akande, D. (2013) ‘Should the International Law Commission Overrule the ICJ in its
Articles on Immunity of State Officials from Foreign Criminal Jurisdiction?’, Blog of
European Journal of International Law (August)
D’Argent, P. (2013) ‘Immunity of state officials and obligation to
prosecute’, Universite Catholique du Louvain(March),
Democratic Republic of Congo VS Belgium [2000]
Pinochet case [2001]
Bianchi, A. (1999) ‘Pinochet case [2001]
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