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Syntaxprosody mismatches in Irish and English verbini9al structures Emily Elfner McGill University

Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

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Page 1: Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

Syntax-­‐prosody  mismatches  in  Irish  and  English  verb-­‐ini9al  structures  

Emily  Elfner  McGill  University  

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Introduc9on  

•  Syntax-­‐prosody  interface:  concerned  with  the  mapping  of  syntac9c  to  prosodic  structure  

•  To  what  extent  can  prosody  be  used  as  a  test  for  syntac9c  cons9tuent  structure?  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   2  

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Introduc9on  

•  Between-­‐language  comparison  is  complicated  by  several  factors:  

1.  Language-­‐specific  syntac9c  differences  2.  Language-­‐specific  prosodic/eurhythmic  

preferences  3.  Language-­‐specific  intona9onal  tunes  

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Introduc9on  

•  In  this  talk:  I  discuss  experimental  work  that  compares  two  languages,  (Connemara)  Irish  and  (North  American)  English  

 

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   4  

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Introduc9on  

•  Main  idea:  control  for  factor  1  (language-­‐specific  syntac9c  differences)  to  beXer  assess  the  roles  of  factor  2  and  (to  some  extent)  factor  3  – Compare  the  prosody  of  VSO  (basic  transi9ve)  sentences  in  Irish  with  VOO  (ditransi9ve/double  object  construc9ons)  in  English.  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   5  

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Introduc9on  

•  Three  types  of  prosodic  cues  were  examined:  – Dura9on  – Loca9on  and  likelihood  of  prosodic  pauses  – F0  contours  (pitch  tracks)  and  overall  pitch  paXerns  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   6  

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Introduc9on  

•  Main  findings:    – Speakers  of  the  two  languages  behave  remarkably  similarly  on  all  three  prosodic  measures  in  the  two  structures  examined  

– …  but  not  in  the  way  that  we  might  expect  given  our  assump9ons  about  the  underlying  syntac9c  structure,  giving  rise  to  apparent  syntax-­‐prosody  mismatches.  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   7  

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Introduc9on  

•  This  suggests  that  we  may  need  to  re-­‐evaluate  how  mismatches  are  integrated  into  our  theory  of  syntax-­‐prosody  mapping,  and  ask  the  following  ques9ons:  – How  do  we  diagnose  when  we  have  a  mismatch,  and  when  should  we  use  prosodic  evidence  to  revise  our  assump9ons  about  the  underlying  syntac9c  structure?  

– What  types  of  prosodic  paXerns  are  indica9ve  of  a  universal  paXern,  and  which  are  language-­‐specific?  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   8  

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Experiments:  Design  

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Experimental  design  

•  4  produc9on  experiments:  – Experiments  1  &  2:  Connemara  Irish  – Experiments  3  &  4:  North  American  English  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   10  

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Experimental  design  

•  Experiments  looked  a  comparable  syntac9c  structures:  VSO  (basic  transi9ve)  sentences  in  Irish  and  VOO  (double  object)  construc9ons  in  English.  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   11  

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Syntax:  Irish  

•  Basic  word  order  in  Irish  is  VSO:    Leanann Liam Ó Móráin Niall Ó Mearlaigh. follows Liam Ó Móráin Niall Ó Mearlaigh ‘Liam O’Moran follows Niall O’Marley.’

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   12  

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Syntax:  Irish  

•  Evidence  from  syntac9c  cons9tuency  tests  suggest  that  subject  and  object  form  a  cons9tuent  in  Irish,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  verb  (McCloskey  1996,  2011).  – Follow  McCloskey  (2011)  in  the  assump9on  that  V  moves  to  ΣP  through  head  movement,  S  moves  to  Spec,TP,  and  O  remains  in  VP.  

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Structure  of  an  Irish  transi9ve  (VSO)  sentence  (McCloskey  1996,  2011)  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   14  

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•  Crucially:  S  and  O  form  a  cons9tuent  to  the  exclusion  of  V,  ignoring  category  labels.  

Syntax:  Irish  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   15  

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Syntax:  English  

•  (Arguably)  comparable  structures  in  English:  VOO  (double  object  construc9ons)  – Assump9on:  pronominal  subjects  are  prosodic  cli9cs.  

He  brought  Marvin  their  leXer.    

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Syntax:  English  

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Syntax:  English  

•  Larson  (1988)  analysis:  “The  situa9on  posited  here  for  VP  in  English  is  analogous  to  the  situa9on  widely  assumed  for  S  in  VSO  languages”  (Larson  1988:  344;  also  Dowty  1982,  Jacobson  1987)  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   18  

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Syntax:  Comparison  

•  In  both  languages:  post-­‐verbal  arguments  appear  to  form  a  cons9tuent  to  the  exclusion  of  the  verb.  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   19  

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Experiments:  Methods  and  Materials  

Page 21: Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

Materials  and  design  

•  4  experiments:  VSO  structures  (Irish)  and  VOO  structures  (English)  

Names   Branching  DPs  

Connemara  Irish   Experiment  1   Experiment  2  

N.A.  English   Experiment  3   Experiment  4  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   21  

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Materials  and  design  

•  Each  experiment:  2x2  design  varying  subject/object  complexity  

Branching  object  (B)  

Non-­‐branching  object  (N)  

Branching  subject  (B)   BB   BN  

Non-­‐branching  subject  (N)   NB   NN  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   22  

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Sample  materials:    Experiment  1  (Irish  names)  

‘Liam  (O’Moran)  follows  Niall  (O’Marley).’  

Condi4on   V  S   O  

N1   N2   N3   N4  

BB   Leanann   Liam   Ó  Móráin   Niall   Ó  Mearlaigh  

BN   Leanann   Liam   Ó  Móráin   Niall  

NB   Leanann   Liam   Niall   Ó  Mearlaigh  

NN   Leanann   Liam   Niall  

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Sample  materials:    Experiment  2  (Irish  DPs)  

‘Neasa/nice  children  pick  (ripe)  apples’  

Condi4on   V  S   O  

N1   A2   N3   A4  

BB   Piocann  pick.pres  

páisG  children  

deasa  nice  

úlla  apples  

aibí  ripe  

BN   Piocann   páisG   deasa   úlla  

NB   Piocann   Neasa   úlla   áibí  

NN   Piocann   Neasa   úlla  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   24  

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Methods:  Irish  experiments  •  Experiment  1  (Irish  names):    

–  Recorded  at  Trinity  College  Dublin  in  a  sound-­‐aXenuated  booth  –  6  bilingual  na9ve  speakers  of  Connemara  Irish,  living  in  Dublin  at  the  9me  of  recording  

–  3  male,  3  female  (ages  19-­‐46)  –  4  condi9ons  x  6  items  x  4-­‐5  repe99ons  of  the  experiment  

•  Experiment  2(Irish  DPs):  –  Recorded  in  Carraroe,  Ireland  in  a  classroom  at  the  Acadamh  na  hOllscolaíochta  Gaeilge  and  in  Dublin  at  Trinity  College  Dublin  

–  Part  of  a  larger  experiment  –  Analysis  for  8  speakers  out  of  12  recorded  (7  female,  1  male);  ages  22-­‐60  

–  4  condi9ons  x  12  items  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   25  

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Sample  materials:    Experiment  3  (English  names)  

•  Context:  Sarah  Thompson,  the  head  of  the  department,  is  responsible  for  providing  each  professor  with  a  research  assistant.    

Condi4on   V  O   O  

N1   N2   N3   N4  

BB   She  alloKed   Mary   MacEwan   Lauren   O’Hara  

BN   She  alloKed    

Mary   MacEwan   Lauren  

NB   She  alloKed    

Mary   Lauren   O’Hara  

NN   She  alloKed    

Mary   Lauren  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   26  

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Sample  materials:    Experiment  4  (English  DPs)  

Condi4on   V  O   O  

N1   N2   N3   N4  

BB   He  brought   Marvin’s   sister   Mandy’s   leKer  

BN   He  brought    

Marvin’s   sister   their  leKer  

NB   He  brought    

Marvin   Mandy’s   leKer  

NN   He  brought    

Marvin   their  leKer  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   27  

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Methods:  English  experiments  

•  Both  experiments  were  recorded  in  McGill  prosody  lab  – Experiment  3:  18  par9cipants  x  4  condi9ons  x  8  items  

– Experiment  4:  16  par9cipants  x  4  condi9ons  x  8  items  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   28  

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Methods  

•  Experiment  3  (English  names):  items  presented  with  a  neutral  context  

•  Experiments  1,  2,  and  4  (Irish  names,  Irish  DPs,  English  DPs):  items  presented  with  no  context  

•  Data  were  excluded  for  the  following  reasons:  – Technical  problems  with  the  recording  – An  obvious  disfluency  – Obvious  perceived  emphasis  on  a  par9cular  word  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   29  

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Analysis:  All  experiments  

•  Data  were  aligned  using  the  prosodylab-­‐aligner  (Gorman  et  al.  2011)  and  analysed  used  Praat  (Boersma  &  Weenink  2013)  and  R.  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   30  

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Background:  Boundary  Strength  

Page 32: Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

Boundary  Strength  

•  Rela9ve  boundary  strength:  theory  that  some  prosodic  boundaries  are  stronger  than  others.  – To  some  extent  this  correlates  with  prosodic  categories  (PWd,  Phonological  Phrase,  Intona9onal  Phrase)  

– But  also  applies  to  differences  within  categories  (Ladd  1986,  1988;  Kubozono  1989,  1992;  Féry  &  Truckenbrodt  2005;  Wagner  2005,  2010)    

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Background:  Boundary  Strength  

•  Dura4onal  effects  (including  lengthening  as  well  as  pauses)  are  used  to  disambiguate  syntac9c  structures  (Lehiste  1973,  and  others).  

•  Pre-­‐boundary  lengthening:  increased  dura9on  of  segments/words  before  a  prosodic  boundary.  

•  Rela4on  to  boundary  strength:  dura9onal  effects  increase  with  boundary  strength  (Price  et  al.  1991,  Wightman  et  al.  1992,  Wagner  2005).  

 2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   33  

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Background:  Dura9onal  effects  •  Example  (Lehiste  1973):  Boundary  rank  (| vs. ||) is  determined  by  depth  of  embedding.  

•  Dura9on  is  longest  before  the  strongest  boundary.  

1)  [[Steve  or  Sam]  and  Bob]  will  come.   Steve | or Sam || and Bob

2)  [Steve  or  [Sam  and  Bob]]  will  come.   Steve || or Sam | and Bob

•  Boundary  strength  by  rank:  pipes  (| vs. ||) •  Pre-­‐boundary  lengthening:  a  vs.  a  (longest)  

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Predic9ons  

•  Predic9ons:  dura9on  and  pauses  – Words  should  have  a  rela9vely  longer  dura9on  before  a  rela9vely  strong  prosodic  boundary  

– Pauses  should  be  more  likely  at  a  rela9vely  strong  prosodic  boundary  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   35  

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Predic9ons:  Boundary  strength  

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Strong   Weak   Weak   Strong  

V | S || O V | O || O

V || S | O V || O | O

V [ S O ] V [ O O ]

(Syntax)  

(Prosody)  

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Experiments:  Results  

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Prosodic  boundaries  

•  Three  cues  to  prosodic  boundaries  will  be  considered  in  this  talk:  – Loca9on  and  likelihood  of  prosodic  pauses  – Rela9ve  dura9on  (pre-­‐boundary  lengthening)  – Pitch  contours  and  presence  of  tonal  cues  at  prosodic  boundaries  

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A  note  on  presenta9on  •  For  ease  of  presenta9on,  results  are  presented  as  branching/

non-­‐branching  condi9ons:  

Condi4on   V  O   O  

N1   N2   N3   N4  

BB   She  alloKed   Mary   MacEwan   Lauren   O’Hara  

BN   She  alloKed    

Mary   MacEwan   Lauren  

NB   She  alloKed    

Mary   Lauren   O’Hara  

NN   She  alloKed    

Mary   Lauren  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   39  

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A  note  on  presenta9on  •  Resul9ng  in  a  comparison  of  two  condi9ons:  

Condi4on   V  O   O  

N1   N2   N3   N4  

Branching  subject  

She  alloKed   Mary   MacEwan   Lauren   (O’Hara)  

Non-­‐branching  subject  

She  alloKed    

Mary   Lauren   (O’Hara)  

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1.  Results:  Pauses  

•  Measurements:  – Pauses  automa9cally  iden9fied  by  prosodylab-­‐aligner  (Gorman  et  al.  2011)  

– Measurement  of  dura9on  of  pause  following  words  of  interest  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   41  

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Pauses  are  more  common  following  the  first  argument  

•  Example:  experiment  3  (English  names)  

Condi4on   V  O   O  

N1   N2   N3   N4  

BB   She  alloKed   Mary   MacEwan   Lauren   O’Hara  

BN   She  alloKed    

Mary   MacEwan   Lauren  

NB   She  alloKed    

Mary   Lauren   O’Hara  

NN   She  alloKed    

Mary   Lauren  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   42  

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Pauses  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   43  

V | N1 (N2) | N3 (N4)

branching subject non-branching subject

0.00

0.25

0.50

0.75

1.00

1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subjWord

count pause

no

yes

Experiment 1: Irish namesbranching subject non-branching subject

0.00

0.25

0.50

0.75

1.00

1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subjWord

count pause

no

yes

Experiment 2: Irish DPs

branching subject non-branching subject

0.00

0.25

0.50

0.75

1.00

1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subjWord

count pause

no

yes

Experiment 3: English namesbranching subject non-branching subject

0.00

0.25

0.50

0.75

1.00

1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subjWord

count pause

no

yes

Experiment 4: English DPs

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Results:  Pauses  

•  Pauses  are  more  common  following  the  first  post-­‐verbal  argument  than  following  the  verb  – Par9cularly  true  of  Irish,  where  pauses  are  more  frequent  

– Also  observed  in  BenneX  (2008)  for  Irish  (natural  storytelling  speech  in  Donegal  Irish)  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   44  

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Results:  Pauses  

•  Implica9on:  there  is  a  stronger  prosodic  boundary  following  the  first  post-­‐verbal  argument  than  following  the  verb:  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   45  

Weak   Strong  

V | S || O V | O || O

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2.  Results:  Dura9on  

•  Predic9on:  We  should  see  pre-­‐boundary  lengthening  before  a  strong  prosodic  boundary  

•  Dura9on  (roughly)  normalized  by  dividing  raw  word  dura9on  by  number  of  phonemes  

 

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   46  

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B.  Dura9on  of  V  vs.  S/DO  

•  Example:  experiment  3  (English  names):  

Condi4on   V  O   O  

N1   N2   N3   N4  

BB   She  alloKed   Mary   MacEwan   Lauren   O’Hara  

BN   She  alloKed    

Mary   MacEwan   Lauren  

NB   She  alloKed    

Mary   Lauren   O’Hara  

NN   She  alloKed    

Mary   Lauren  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   47  

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Dura9on:  lengthening  on  right  edge  of  first  argument  

branching subject non-branching subject

0.000

0.025

0.050

0.075

1-V 2-N1-subj3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj3-N2-subj

Nor

mal

ized

dur

atio

n (s

)

Subject branchingnessbranching subject

non-branching subject

Experiment 1: Irish namesbranching subject non-branching subject

0.00

0.03

0.06

0.09

1-V 2-N1-subj3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj3-N2-subj

Nor

mal

ized

dur

atio

n (s

)

Subject branchingnessbranching subject

non-branching subject

Experiment 2: Irish DPs

branching subject non-branching subject

0.000

0.025

0.050

0.075

1-V 2-N1-subj3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj3-N2-subj

Nor

mal

ized

dur

atio

n (s

)

Subject branchingnessbranching subject

non-branching subject

Experiment 3: English namesbranching subject non-branching subject

0.0

0.1

0.2

0.3

0.4

1-V 2-N1-subj3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj3-N2-subj

Dur

atio

n (s

)

Subject branchingnessbranching subject

non-branching subject

Experiment 4: English DPs

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   48  

V | N1 (N2) | N3 (N4)

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Results:  dura9on  

•  Results  are  similar  for  both  languages  in  all  four  experiments:  – Lengthening  at  the  right  edge  of  the  subject  (Irish)  or  first  object  (English)  

– The  verb  is  not  lengthened  rela9ve  to  the  subject  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   49  

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3.  Results:  F0  

•  While  F0  analysis  is  ongoing,  speakers  seem  to  employ  similar  techniques  to  achieve  a  “neutral”  pronuncia9on  of  these  types  of  sentences.  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   50  

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Results:  F0  

•  Specifically:  – Rise  in  F0  on  the  verb  (“LH”  accent)  – Fall  in  F0  on  the  rightmost  word  of  each  argument  (“HL”  accent)  

–  (Op9onal)  rise  in  F0  on  the  leumost  word  of  the  first  argument  (“LH”  accent)  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   51  

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Results:  F0  

•  These  are  comparable  to  the  paXerns  described  for  neutral  (all  new)  sentences  Connemara  Irish  in  Elfner  (2012),  where  LH  and  HL  accents  provide  evidence  for  prosodic  “bracke9ng”:  – LH  indicate  the  leu  edge  of  a  (non-­‐minimal)  prosodic  phrase  

– HL  indicates  the  right  edge  of  a  prosodic  phrase  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   52  

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Results:  F0  

•  To  illustrate:  – Sample  pitch  tracks  from  each  language  – Chart  showing  mean  difference  in  F0  values  (rise  in  F0  vs.  fall  in  F0)  by  word  in  two  of  four  experiments  (experiments  1  and  3).  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   53  

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Sample  pitch  tracks  

•  Common  paXern:  rise-­‐fall-­‐fall    

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   54  

V  |  S  |  O  

LH   HL   HL  

V  |  O  |  O  

Page 55: Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

Sample  pitch  tracks  

•  Note:  not  all  par9cipants  exhibited  these  paXerns  (par9cularly  in  English),  but  a  subset  of  speakers  in  each  language  and  in  each  experiment  employ  this  paXern.  

•  This  suggests  that  this  is  a  possible  paXern  in  both  languages.  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   55  

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Experiment  1  (Irish  names)  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   56  

sil BUAILEANN MAIRIN sp ROININ sp NI MHEARA

hit.pres Mairín Roinín Ní Mheára

Mairín hits Roinín Ní Mheara

100

350

150

200

250

300

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 2.4

HL  LH  

HL  

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Experiment  2  (Irish  DP)  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   57  

sil BRISEANN MUINTEOIR sp PLATAI NUA sp

break.pres teacher plates new

A teacher breaks new plates.

100

350

150

200

250

300

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 1.727

HL  LH  

HL  

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Experiment  3  (English  names)  

sil THEY LENT MOIRA NORA OCONNOR sp

100

350

150

200

250

300

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 1.646

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   58  

HL  LH  

HL  

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Experiment  4  (English  DPs)  

sil HE PROMISED LOUIE NINA’S DETAILS THAT

100

350

150

200

250

300

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 1.818

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   59  

HL  

LH  

(HL)  

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Quan9ta9ve  analysis:  F0  rises/falls  

•  Method:  – Measurements  for  mean  F0  values  in  third  quadrant  and  first  quadrant  of  the  target  word  

Third-­‐first  =  mean  3rd  quadrant  –  mean  1st  quadrant    

Third-­‐first   pitch  accent  type  

>0  Hz   LH  (‘rise’)  <  0  Hz   HL  (‘fall’)  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   60  

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1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4

sil LEANANN LIAM O MORAIN sp NIALL sp SIN E sp sil

100

350

150

200

250

300

Pitc

h (H

z)

Time (s)0 3.03

Illustra9on:  Third-­‐first  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   61  

Page 62: Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

Mean  third-­‐first  

branching subject non-branching subject

-10

0

10

1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subjSubject branchingness

Third

-firs

t (H

z)

Subject branchingnessbranching subject

non-branching subject

Experiment 1: Irish names

branching subject non-branching subject

-30

-20

-10

0

10

1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subj 1-V 2-N1-subj 3-N2-subjSubject branchingness

Third

-firs

t (H

z)

Subject branchingnessbranching subject

non-branching subject

Experiment 3: English names

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   62  

V | N1 (N2) | N3 (N4)

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Summary:  F0  

•  While  more  detailed  analysis  is  necessary,  it  is  intriguing  that  speakers  from  both  languages  have  the  op9on  of  employing  a  similar  pitch  contour:  – Rises  (LH)  on  the  verb  – Falls  (HL)  on  the  rightmost  word  of  subject  (and  object)  

 

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   63  

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Discussion  

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Summary  

•  Par9cipants  in  all  four  experiments  behaved  similarly:  –  Pre-­‐boundary  lengthening  is  observed  on  the  post-­‐verbal  argument  (subject/first  object)  but  not  on  the  verb  

–  Pauses  are  more  common  following  the  post-­‐verbal  argument  (especially  in  Irish)  and  rarely  occur  following  the  verb  

–  (Op9onal)  rise-­‐fall-­‐fall  pitch  contour  involving  rise  (LH)  on  verb  and  falls  (HL)  on  right  edge  of  each  post-­‐verbal  argument  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   65  

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Summary  

•  Schema9cally:    

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   66  

V  |  S  |  O  

LH   HL   HL  

Pre-­‐boundary  lengthening  Prosodic  pauses  

V  |  O  |  O  

Page 67: Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

Analysis:  Prosodic  boundary  strength  

•  These  results  suggest  that  prosodic  boundary  following  the  first  post-­‐verbal  argument  is  stronger  than  the  boundary  following  the  verb:  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   67  

V | S || O V | O || O

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A  mismatch?  

•  What  does  this  tell  us  about  the  underlying  syntac9c  structure?  

•  To  what  extent  can  we  (or  should  we)  use  prosody/boundary  strength  as  a  test  for  cons9tuency?  

 

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   68  

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A  mismatch?  

•  For  both  structures,  the  two  post-­‐verbal  arguments  were  predicted  to  form  a  cons9tuent  to  the  exclusion  of  the  verb:  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   69  

Irish  VSO   English  VOO  

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A  mismatch?  

•  Based  on  boundary  strength  alone,  it  is  therefore  surprising  that  there  is  a  stronger  prosodic  boundary  between  the  two  post-­‐verbal  arguments  than  following  the  verb.  

•  But  how  do  we  know  when  the  prosodic  parse  is  truly  a  mismatch  with  the  syntac9c  structure?  

 

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   70  

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A  mismatch?  

•  HYPOTHESIS  A:  V  forms  a  cons9tuent  with  the  first  argument,  an  apparent  mismatch  with  the  syntax:  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   71  

HL  HL  

HL  HL  

LH   LH  

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A  mismatch?  

HYPOTHESIS  B:  Only  the  right  edges  of  phrases  are  marked  by  lengthening  and  pauses  (there  is  no  right  phrase  edge  following  V  because  V  is  not  phrasal):  preserves  syntac9c  assump9ons  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   72  

LH  HL   HL  

LH  HL   HL  

Page 73: Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

A  mismatch?  

•  How  can  we  decide  between  these  two  possible  accounts?  

•  And  how  do  we  know  whether  this  confirms  our  hypotheses  about  the  underlying  structure,  or  goes  against  them?    – Whether  or  not  a  prosodic  parse  is  a  mismatch  depends  on  our  syntac9c  assump9ons…  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   73  

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A  mismatch?  

•  However:  If  we  need  to  derive  the  mismatch  from  the  syntax  using  edge-­‐marking,  can  (or  should)  we  just  derive  this  from  the  syntax  itself?  –  i.e.  Can  we  use  the  prosodic  evidence  as  an  indica9on  that  the  syntac9c  story  is  more  complicated/different  than  it  seems?  

– Are  apparent  mismatches  a  sign  that  we  should  revise  our  syntac9c  assump9ons?  

 2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   74  

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 Implica9on  

•  Implica9on:  VSO/VOO  structures  are  underlyingly  [VS]O/[VO]O:  

•  The  pressure  would  then  be  on  the  syntac9c  component  to  derive  these  structures…  

•  (to  be  discussed  in  Michael  Wagner’s  talk…)  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   75  

HL  HL  

HL  HL  

LH   LH  

Page 76: Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

Conclusion  

•  The  prosodic  similarity  between  the  Irish  and  English  structures  suggests  that  there  is  an  important  role  for  structure,  even  in  the  case  of  apparent  mismatches.  – While  further  typological  research  is  needed,  it  seems  unlikely  that  this  is  due  to  coincidence,  and  hence  unlikely  to  be  due  to  language-­‐specific  factors.  

– …  it  seems  that  Tagalog  may  also  show  some  of  these  paXerns,  at  least  in  terms  of  pitch  paXerns  (Norvin  Richards’  and  Joey  Sabbagh’s  talks  tomorrow…)  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   76  

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Conclusion  

•  However,  this  raises  the  ques9on  of  how  much  we  want  to  rely  on  prosody/boundary  strength  as  a  test  for  cons9tuency–  a  theore9cal  ques9on  without  a  clear  answer.  – …  But  maybe  we’ll  know  more  at  the  end  of  the  workshop!  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   77  

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Thank  you!  

Page 79: Syntax’prosody-mismatches-in-Irish- and-English-verb

Acknowledgements  •  Many   thanks   to   the   Irish   and   English   speakers   who   par9cipated   in   the  

experiments.  •  Ailbhe  Ní  Chasaide  and  Maria  O’Reilly  at  Trinity  College  Dublin  and    Treasa  

Uí   Lorcáin  at   the  Acadamh  na  hOllscolaíochta  Gaeilge   for  help   recrui9ng  par9cipants  and  for  arranging  recording  space.  

•  Michael   Wagner,   Jim   McCloskey,   the   McGill   Syntax-­‐Phonology   Reading  Group  and  the  McGill  prosody  lab  for  comments  and  assistance.  

•  McGill   prosody   lab   RAs   for   help   running   and   processing   the   English  experiments:   David   Fleischer,   Lauren   Garfinkle,   Thea   Knowles,   Elise  McClay,  Erin  Olson,  Symon  Jory  Stevens-­‐Guille    

•  SSHRC  postdoctoral  fellowship  (756-­‐2011-­‐0285)    •  NSF   grant   “Effects   of   Syntac9c   Cons9tuency   on   the   Phonology   and  

Phone9cs  of  Tone”  (BCS-­‐1147083)  to  Elisabeth  Selkirk  •  SSHRC  Standard  Research  Grant  on  Rela9ve  Boundary  Strength  to  Michael  

Wagner,  as  well  as  funding  from  the  CFI/CRC  program  

2014-­‐05-­‐08   ETI3:  Prosody  and  Cons9tuent  Structure   79