Syncretism and Separation

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Syncretism and Separation: Ritual Change in an Afro-Caribbean FaithAuthor(s): Stephen D. GlazierReviewed work(s):Source: The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 98, No. 387 (Jan. - Mar., 1985), pp. 49-62Published by: American Folklore SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/540876 .

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SyncretismandSeparationRitualChange n anAfro-Caribbeanaith

IntroductionSINCE THE PIONEERINGWORKof Herskovits (1941) and Metraux (1959), thestudy of Africanreligionsin the New World has been dominatedby the con-cept of syncretism.This concepthas takenvariousforms in the literature,butby far the most thorough discussionof Afro-American eligious syncretism scontained in the late Roger Bastide's monumental The AfricanReligions nBrazil (1978). In this book Bastide contends that many formerly separatereligioustraditionsareblendingin the New World. Eachdistinctivetradition,whether from Europe, Africa, or Asia, is undergoing a transformation hatwill result in a new religious "coagulation" (Bastide 1978:279). In recentyears, this process has been noted in Haitian vodunand various other NewWorld faiths.1I encountereda number of problemswith Bastide's model of ritualchangewhen appliedto local Trinidadchurches. Bastide's model relatesprimarily ohis discussionsof the Brazilianclass system and the distinction he makes be-tween religiousandmagicalthought processes.2 t is unclear rom his presenta-tion whether cult membersactuallymake distinctions between religious andmagicalthought andexactlywhat typesof evidencehe hasfor the existenceoftwo distinct thought processes;I assumethat it is an etic ratherthan an emicdistinction. In addition, I found that ritual change in Trinidad was betterunderstood n terms of rationaldecisionmaking by individualchurch eaders.3Trinidadianleaders decide, often for pragmatic reasons, to make specificchanges in the order of worship, to add embellishments,or to borrow fromother religious traditions. While broader processes of syncretism or in-terpenetrationmay occur, individuallyplannedchange has by far the greatestimpact.This suggeststhat the approach dvocatedby Bastide nvites secondaryelaborationand contextual emendation.

RitualBlending ndRitualSeparationWhenever two or more religious traditionsexist in proximity, there is atendencyfor thesetraditions o merge. There is also a countervailing endency

Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 98, No. 387, 1985Copyright ? 1985 by the American Folklore Society 0021-8715/85/3870049-14$1.90/1


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SYNCRETISM AND SEPARATION

Although Baptistsdo adoptelements from otherreligioustraditions(forex-ample,Shango,Hinduism, andIslam),they attemptto provideeachborrowedelement with its own spatialand/or temporalcontext so as to avoidconfusionor possible blending of religious traditions. Each religious practiceis said tohave its greatest efficacy within its own context of origin. Thus, Africanrituals are most powerful in African ceremonies, and Hindu rites are mostpowerful in Hindu ceremonies.Any other context, such as a SpiritualBaptistservice, is believed to result in a lessening of efficacy.Rituals are addedfrequently, and processesof accretionappearto followcloselywhat Bastidehas termedthe "principleofjuxtaposition." Injuxtaposi-tion, rituals from diverse traditions may be performed within the samereligiousservice,but theseritualsmust be separated patiallyand/or temporal-ly from one another. The resultsof juxtaposition in Baptist worship are a vir-tual mosaic of African,Hindu, Islamic,Protestant,Catholic, and Pentecostalrites within a single service.Bastide claims that juxtaposition is a comparativelyrare form of ritualchangesince most belief systemsaccumulate itesin order to fortifyandenrichthemselves.In most cases,he contends, ritesfrom varioustraditionsaremixedor coagulated o "make each rite moreefficacious"(Bastide1978:279). This isnot the case in Baptistworship. Baptistsdo not assert hat an accumulated iteis as strong in the Baptistcontext as it was in its originalcontext. Leadersarevery conscientious in their borrowing so as to maintain rituals as they arebelievedto have beenbeforebeing adopted nto Baptist worship. In the wordsof one leader,Baptistsattempt to be "more Hindu than them Indians,moreAfricanthan them Africans,andmore Pentecostal han them Pentecostals" ntheir performanceof rites. In fact, Baptist leadersare so conservative n thisrespect that they often maintainselected rites long after the model religiousgroups have abandoned hem.

Maintenanceof RitualandSpatial uxtapositionJuxtapositiongreatlyinfluences he structureanddurationof Baptistrituals.Becausemore items are added han aredropped rom ceremonies,services endto be lengthenedto accommodate itualchange. Also, becausean independentcontext must be established or eachaddedritual,Baptistworshipservicesmaysometimes appearsegmentedor compartmentalized r both.Evidencefor juxtaposition may be noted in the physical layouts of church

compounds. Most churchesconsist of at least three separateritual areas,andsome Curepechurcheshaveas many as six separate tructureson theirproper-ty, including shrines. For those Baptistswho are also involved in Shango, ad-ditionalbuildingsarenecessarybecauseShango s neverheld on the groundsofa Baptist church, and most CurepechurchesmaintainseparateShangopalais(ceremonialcenters) in neighboring San Juan or Tunapuna. San Juan andTunapunachurches, in turn, often maintain their Shango palaisin Curepe.The mainbuildingsof prosperous hurchesareoften no largerthan those ofpoorer churches. A major difference s that prosperouschurcheshave more

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outbuildings. The wealthiest churchin Curepemaintainsa separatemourningchamberabout 100 feet from the mainbuilding, a latrine, a smallguesthousefor overnight visitors, four shrines(one large enough to accommodate20 peo-ple), and an office for the paramount eader.PoorerCurepechurches,unableto afforda separate hamber or mourning or separate hrines,erectpartitionsto separatevarious ritual functions within the main building. All churcheshave separateoffices for their leaders. When a church is unable to provideitsleaderwith an office on church grounds, the leader is expected to conductchurchbusinessfrom his home. Underno conditionsarebusinessandworshipsupposedto mix.One church, lacking money for a separatemourning chamberand separateshrines,constructed ts mourning room behind the altar andplacedshrines nsmall cubicles in the back of the church. Another churchbuilt a largelean-tostructure to accommodatemourners and maintains three open-air shrines.Leadersof both the abovechurchesplan to constructadditionaloutbuildings.Shrines,whetherenclosedor not, maybe dedicated o anydeity. Even thosechurchesopposedto Shangowill permit some Africanshrinesas long as theseare outside the main building. Catholic saints are accordedstatus similar toAfricangods. Saints'shrinesoften take the form of brightlycolored statuettes

that are neverallowedin the main churchbuilding. CurepeBaptistsdo not ap-pear to favor any particular aint. In 1977, Saint Francis,SaintBarbara,andSaintJudewere representedn the community. There were also two shrines othe Virgin Mary. Shrines to saints and Shango deities are constructedandmaintained,for the most part, by individuals.Many Baptists keep shrines ntheir homes and also construct a shrine at the church to share with othermembers of the congregation whatever benefits they feel they have receivedfrom the saints.The most recent outbuilding to appearas part of the churchcomplex is aseparatebuilding for Pentecostal-typeexorcism. This building, usually op-posite the mourningchamber,replicatesn miniature he Pentecostal hurch nCurepe, complete with sound system, vestments, and other paraphernalia.Although the building for exorcismis used only once or twice a month, Bap-tists do not transferritual paraphernaliarom one ritual setting to another.Churches, n this case,maintain wo soundsystemsand two altars.In the eyesof Baptistleaders,maintenanceof separation akesprecedence ver the expenseof duplication.There is considerablespatialseparationwithin the Baptist sanctuary tself(see Fig. 1). Christian ritual paraphernalia, including crosses,chromolithographs f Jesus, the chariotwheel, andvestments, are on a raisedplatformin the front of the churchwhile Hindu andIslamicparaphernaliarerelegated to the back of the church. Where leadershave incorporatedbothHindu and Catholic rituals, saints' shrinesmay be placed at the rearof thechurch, and chromolithographsof the Hindu deities are confined to the leftwall.Some BaptistsspatiallyseparateAfricandeities, Catholic saints, and the Bi-

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PULIT PQST POST

I .&r e r rPEWSi IPOST CADLE

CENTEROST CANDLE

Figure 1. Churchlayout: Mt. Tabor SpiritualBaptist Church.

ble in their own homes by dedicating a separateroom to each. Given thecramped quartersof many Baptist dwellings, a full room devoted to eachreligious traditionis sometimesout of the question. Some membersthereforeplace room dividersbetween various householdshrines.One exampleof spatial uxtaposition is the SpiritualBaptist altar(see Fig.2). Baptistaltarsareextremelycluttered,andall churchesdo not own the sameritual items. Initially, Baptistaltarsappeared o be haphazardly rranged,butsuchis not the case:a greatdeal of care s given to the arrangement f altar m-plements. Indeed,while allchurches n Trinidaddo not possessthe same ritualitems, ritualitems areconsistently placedon altars hroughout the island. Forexample, not all churchespossess Hindu implements, but if a church doespossesssome, they will be confined to the backleft cornerof a single-tieraltaror to the middle level of a multitier altar. A plain Christian cross is alwaysplacedat the highest level, and water for Africandeities is alwayskept at thelowest level-usually at the foot of the altarplatform.There is, as noted, tremendousvariationin Baptist altars. Some are verysimple (a table coveredwith a white cloth) andothers arequite elaborate.AllBaptist altars maintain spatial separation on two axes: back/front, andup/down. Never do Baptist eadersknowingly mix implementsfromdifferenttraditionsalthoughmistakesdo occur. In the courseof my research,however,I have noted that such "mistakes" areusuallycorrectedover time.4 The prin-

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Figure 2. SpiritualBaptist altarin Las Lomas, Trinidad.

ciple ofjuxtaposition seems to exerta homogenizing influenceon the arrange-ment of SpiritualBaptist altarimplements.While spatialuxtaposition appears o be the preferredmode of ritualsepara-tion, Baptistsattempt to separateritualelementstemporallyas well. In somechurchesdrumming, usuallyassociatedwith Shangorites, may be performedbeforerites of purificationhavebegun. At this time, it is alsopermissible,butnot desirable,for individualsto become possessedby Shango deities. In thecontext of regular Baptist worship, however, such behavior is deemed aseriousbreachof etiquette.Some Baptists, especiallythose with Shango involvement, practiceanimalsacrifice.Theserites areneverperformedon churchgroundsandto be most ef-fective should not be performed on the same day as Baptist ceremonies.Sacrificial itesutilizing chickensor goats tend to occurin remoteareas ike thewaterfallat Maracas,MaracasBay, Manzanilla,or the National Forest(Simp-son 1970:146). Participantsare sworn to secrecy, and some Baptistssuggestthat sacrificemay be illegal. There are, however, no recordsof any leader'sever having been arrestedon that charge.

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In some church-sponsoredourneys I attended,memberscarried ivechickenswith themon the bus. Thosewho carried hickenswereoften eftoffat Manzanillar Maracas hileother churchmembersontinuedo anotherdestination. believethat thosewho left the bus performedites of animalsacrifice.While I have neverpersonally ttended n animal acrifice, havenoted that the aforementionedhickenswere not presenton the returnjourney.Baptisteaderswereunwilling o confirmmy suspicionhatsacrificehad akenplace.However, everaleaders id remarkhat f oneparticipatesnanimal acrifice, e or she shouldnot participaten Baptistworshipon thesameday.Two or threetimes a yearsomeBaptisteaders ponsor ommunalmeals.Thesemealsareconsideredo beapartof the Protestantradition-borrowed,I wastold, fromMethodist ndPresbyterianhurch uppers-andnot in anyway related o the Catholicmass.Mealsgenerallyollow the regular ervicealthough t times heymaybeheld ndependentlyf service ndon otherdaysof the week. Nearlyeveryonewho attendsBaptistworship s invited o thecommunalmealafterward. n addition,someindividualswho do not par-ticipatenworshipon aregular asisarealso nvited.Landlordsndpoliticiansarefrequent uests.The menuusuallyconsistsof roti anIndianpancaketuffedwith curriedmeatandpotato),peleaua riceandmeatcasseroleookedoveracharcoalire),yams,edoes,breadfruit,assava read,and smallbananas nownlocallyas"figs." Thesearestandard rinidadianarty oods,botheasyto preparendrelativelynexpensive.Eachparticipantn the feast is expectedto bringsomething,andmostparticipantsringmuchmore ood thantheypersonallyareableto consume.Food is neverservedmmediatelyollowingservice.There s sometimesbreakof anhouranda halfbetween hecloseof service ndthebeginning fthe meal. Memberswho live close to the churchgo home, changetheirclothes,and return aterfor the feast.Thoselivingsomedistance wayvisitarea nackbars,knownlocallyas "parlours,"or a quicksnack.Whiletherearesomereligious vertoneso communalmeals, hemealsareunderstoodo be primarilyecular ndsocialoccasions.DevoutBaptists raybeforeeating,but otherformsof religiousexpression renot encouraged.Communalmealsare oftenconsidered nappropriateontextfor thediscus-sionof churchbusiness.Two othertypesof communalmealsaresponsoredn someBaptist ircles.Baptistsnvolved n Shango ponsoreastsknown as "Feedinghe Children"(Simpson 970:45),n honorof African eities.Baptistswho maintainaint'sshrines ponsor eastsknown as "Thanksgivings." oth typesof feastareusuallyheld n thesponsor's ome. A table s coveredwithawhitecloth,andvarious bjectsareplaced n the table.Theinventorymightincludea vaseofflowers,a glassof water,a bottleeachof milk, rum,andoliveoil, ajarofhoney, candles,bread,cookies(importedromthe United States),roastedcorn, oranges,plums,bananas, igs, candy,and soda. Afterprayer,Biblereadings, ndhymns, ood sdistributedo allworshippers.pecial ttentions

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givento children,who consumemostof thecookies,candy, ruit,corn,andsoda.As eachchild eaves,he orshe sgivenasmall ackof foodto takehome."Feeding he children" s followedby a communalmeal n whichmoreex-pensive"exotic" foodsareserved o the adultspresent.One such meal n-cludedcanned unafish,Kellogg'scornflakes,and mportedDanishcheeses.Inaddition, achparticipantasgivenapieceofgoatmeat,anapple,andrice.Communalmeals uchas"Thanksgivings"nd"FeedingheChildren" if-fer fromotherBaptist itualsn that relationswith thegodsin thesecontextsare much more manipulativehanis generally ommonin Baptistrituals.Shangodevotees aythattheymake susu5-creditelationships-withAfricangodswhilein "Thanksgivings" embersmakebargainsr promiseswith thesaints.African eitiesandCatholic aintsareexpectedo honor heircontractswith devotees. f godsdo not honorrequests,heywill not receive feast hefollowingyear.Within the Baptistservice tself, temporal eparations very prevalent.Breaksn theservice, ome astingupto 15minutes, erve o separateariousritual raditions.Thesebreaks rebelieved o preserve orrowed itual ormsintact.Thelongestbreaks ftenseparateraditionshatBaptistseel arecloseenoughto one anothero be confused;orexample,ProtestantndCatholicversionsof the Lord'sPrayer reseparatedy a two- or three-minutereakduringwhichsomeBaptistsactuallyeavethe churchbuilding.In analyzing apesof Baptistrites, I have detected onsiderableemporalseparation.Manybreaksappear s lullsin the tapebetweenvariousworshipsegments.In approximately0 hoursof tapes, I have identifiedover 400separate reaks.Somebreaksoccur n rapidsuccession.Forexample,n onechurch,aftera seven-minutereakbetweena New Testamenteading ndanOld Testament eading,someonerecitedseveralpassagesromthe Koran,therebynecessitatingnother our-minute reak.Most leaders ry to spacebreaks venlythroughouthe three-to-six-hourervice.Ritualsat thecenterpole-associatedn somechurcheswith African ribalreligion-arealways ollowedby a breakbeforeworshipmaycontinueat thealtar,whichis associated ith Christianworship.Thereareritesof touchingat the conclusion f illuminationndprayer.Wheneverworships transferredfromthe centerpoleto the altar, heseritesareextended.Thelongestbreak,15minutes, ccurswhena members seizedby an Afri-canspirit n themidstof a Baptist eremony.f this occurswithin a "hot" (aperiod f highemotionalntensity) ortion f theservice,worshipsbroughtoa complete top.Glossolaliandpossession y African odsarenot supposedto mix, and confusion s thought to be dangerous,polluting,and "anabominationo the Lord."One Curepeeaderattemptedo copewith thissituationby sendingeveryone way,repeatingntensive itesof purification,andbeginning ervice gain wo hours ater.Manymemberselt that thiswasanextrememeasurend hatheshouldhave entonlythepossessedway,per-formedritesof purification,nd resumed ervicewithin the hour.Prayerso GodtheSon,God theFather, ndGodtheHolyGhostare em-

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porally eparatedromone anotherduringceremonies.n some churchesn-dividualsprayto the three members f the Trinityfromdifferentocationsbehind he altar.This is not followedrigidly n all congregationsor con-sistently n congregationswhere it is practiced.Gapsbetweenprayers omembers f the Trinityareoften less than a minute.Theyare followedbyrecitationf theTwenty-thirdsalm"TheLordsmyShepherd")orGod heFather,a recitation f the Lord'sPrayeror God the Son, or a recitation fMatthew18 (thefeastof thePentecost)or God the HolyGhost.Recitationsserve o "preparehe way forworship."Baptistsalso separateGod the Father,God the Son, andGod the HolyGhost n ritesof purification. hethreemembers f the Trinityaresignifiedbyringingbells("thevoiceof GodtheFather"), trewinglowers "GodtheSon"),andburningncense "GodtheHolyGhost").Each itual s followedbyatwo-to-three-minutereakwhilepreparationsremade or thenextphaseof purification.Whenenoughqualifiedeaders anbe found,thesethreeritesaresometimes erformedy three ndividuals.After eachrite has beencompleted,paraphernaliassociated ith that riteareplacedn different ectionsof the church.Bellsarekept by the altaror atthe centerpolefortheduration fworship, lowersareplaced t therear f thesanctuary,nd ncenses removedrom the churchbuilding.Reasonsorthelatterplacementmayhaveapracticalather hanatheologicalationale.Mostchurches se a pungentbalsamncensebelieved o be noxiousto orishaevilspirits),and,not incidentally, lsonoxiousto humans.Members resentorfumigation ow theirheadsoward hegroundn anattempt o escapehe ef-fects of the smoke.Onceleaders resatisfiedhat the churchhasbeen suffi-cientlycleansed,ncensesremoved nda small lectrican, f available,s usedto dissipatehesmoke.Membersenerally refero enterworshipafter umi-gationhasbeencompleted.Theorderof worshipvariesgreatlyamongCurepe hurches. ome eadersbeginritesofpurificationithincenseollowedbysprinklingperfumed aterandringingbellswhile otherleadersprefer o beginpurificationwith bell-ringingandprogresso fumigation.Severaleaders laimedhat the orderofritual s not asimportant s the separationf rites; orexample, ome eaderscompleteallthreeritesanddeterminehat anotherumigation rbell-ringingis necessary.Various itualsmaybe performedight or ninetimesbeforealeaders satisfied.

Among manyBaptisteaders, onceptions f religious itualhavemuch ncommonwith Malinowski's(1935)descriptionf Trobriandardenmagic.Like heTrobrianders,aptists elievehatmagical fficacy ndcontextare n-extricablyinked.If a mistakes made n theperformancef a ritualor anin-sufficient ontextcreated, itesmust be repeatedromtheirbeginnings.One advantagef compartmentalizationndsegmentationn Baptistwor-ship s that t lessens heamountof ritual hatmustberepeatedf amistake smade.Because aptist ituals reconductedargelyrommemory,mistakes reoftenmade n the recitalof Biblicalpassages, ymns,the Lord'sPrayer, nd

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the like. When a mistake s made, leadersmayelect to repeat he entire rite orthey may let things slide. If rites are to be repeated,they must be repeated ntheir entirety.Compartmentalizationkeeps services from becoming unwieldy and allowsleadersgreaterdiscretion n performance r nonperformance f rites. It is morethan a matter of convenience, however, andsometimes t reflectsa leader'sex-perience n the faith. Baptistsbelievethat magicalpower rests in two quarters:(1) the magical power of ritual itself and (2) the magical power of the practi-tioner. Experiencedeaderswho are in control of their churchesdo not need tobe as careful n theirperformance f ritualsas do newer leaders n the faith. In-experienced eadersperformrites exactly as they havebeen taught to performthem. Meticulous attention is given to every detail of worship. Experiencedleaders,on the otherhand,are muchmore relaxed n theirperformances.Theymay skip segmentsof worship, forget various lines of a prayer,or misquote aBiblical passagewithout resorting to repetition. For example, LeaderC., aparamount eaderof the Mt. W. churchfor over40 years,rarelydevotesmuchtime to rites of purification.His rites are not elaborate-in one instance, heonly scattered water in all four corners of the church-but no one has everbeen troubledby unwantedorishasn his services. On the other hand, LeaderA., who assumedleadershipduties in 1976, performsrituals of purificationseveral imes before the beginning of each service.Correctperformance,n hiscase, does not seem to be enough, for many of his parishionersare stilltroubledby orishasduring his ceremonies.It is tempting to suggest that younger andinexperienced eaderssometimesattempt to makeup, through scrupulousadherence o traditional orms, whatthey may lackin terms of credentials r legitimacy.This mayoffer a partialex-planationfor the conservatismobservedamong new leaders n the faith.Leacock and Leacock noted in their study of the Batuque cult that "allleaders do innovate to some extent, but only after they have establishedareputationfor knowing the traditionalway of doing things" (1972:246). Thesame statementcouldbe made for SpiritualBaptist eaders.It is also noted thatseniorBaptistleadersadoptnew ritual from other traditionsmorereadily hando their younger counterpartsand it is the old and not the young who aremost concernedwith innovation. Becausethe locus of magical power residesboth within the rite itself and with the practitioner,experienced eadersmaycapturethe efficacyof a borrowed rite without duplicating t perfectly.Thisoption is not available o inexperienced eaders,who must rely on efficacy n-herentin the rite itself. For unior leaders he demandsof ritualborrowing areextremely rigorousbecause heirperformancemust reachthe highest standardsof perfection. Since this would involve much time and effort, the immediateadvantagesof ritualborrowing are less apparent o them.

DiscussionOne of the most important mplicationsof this studyis thatjuxtapositionisnot as rare a form of ritual change in Afro-Americanreligions as Bastide

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(1978:279) suggested. It may, at various times and places,become the domi-nant mode of ritual change.I believe that Bastidemay have passedover some evidence forjuxtapositionin his own fieldwork. For example, while he does provideinstancesof spatialseparation,he has not considered the possibility of temporal separation. Isuspectthat temporal separationmay have been present n the Braziliansitua-tion and in many other Afro-American aiths as well. There is evidencefortemporal uxtaposition in the rites of Haitian vodun Desmangles 1977).Bastideimplies that syncretismand separationare inevitablewhenever tworitual traditions come into contact. He recognizes only two possibilities:religioustraditionscan persistas separate ntities, or they can mix. Juxtaposi-tion, however, providesa third alternative.By the principleof juxtaposition,ritualssimultaneouslymix andpersist.More importantly,there is nothing in-evitableabout the process.If syncretismandseparationwere the only modes ofritualchange,AfricanandChristianreligions n the Caribbeanwould eitherbethoroughly blended or separatedby now. Such is not the case.In many respects,Bastide'sinterpretationsmay reflecthis units of analysis.Since he is attemptingto deal, as the subtitle of his book suggests, with the in-terpenetration f entirecivilizations,he paysscant attention to the roles of in-dividuals n religious change. He sometimesignores the fact that in even themost sweeping of religious changeswe are, in the words of FranzCumont(1956:27), "always face to face with a series of individual conversions."Becausereligiouschangeis ultimatelya resultof countless ndividualdecisions,the outcomes are neverpredictable.I found, for example, that African ritualobserved n Trinidad n 1976 is much differentfrom ritualsobservedearlier nthis century (Simpson 1970; Mischel 1958) because so many Trinidadianreligious leaders have traveled to Africa in order to make their ceremoniesmore "authentic." In fact, ritualsperformedearlierwere much closer to theold 18th-centuryAfricanrites (which had been forgotten in Africabut werepreserved n Trinidad).The studyof ritualchangein the Caribbeanhasbeencomplicatedby the factthat Christianity itself is a syncretic religion and by the degree to whichAfricanreligions in the New World must be seen as mixtures of tribal tradi-tions.6 As Mintz and Price (1976:23-24) note:We can probablydate the beginnings of any new Afro-Americanreligion from the momentthat one person in need received ritual assistance rom anotherwho belonged to a differentcultural group. Once such people had "exchanged" ritual assistance n this fashion, therewould alreadyexist a micro-community with a nascentreligion that was, in a real sense, itsown. We may speculate,for example, that one of the first slavesbrought to a particularplan-tation in a new colony gives birth to twins. It is clearto all that somethingmust be done, butour hypotheticalmother of twins hasno specialexpertiseherself,nor does anyoneof her ownethnic backgroundon that plantation.However, anotherwoman, one of whose relativesmayhavebeen a priestessof a twin cult in anothergroup, takeschargeof the situation,performingthe rites as best she can remember them.

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In this hypotheticalexample syncretismoccurs, but like currentritualchangein Trinidad, it is individuallymotivated.Bastideprovidesmuch detailconcerningthe variousforms of ritualchangebut offersfew explanationsas to why ritualchangetakesplaceor why it takesa particular orm in a particular ituation. For example, he suggests that themajorreasonforjuxtaposition of ritualobjectsis that materialobjectscannotmerge (Bastide1978:273). This does not, of course, explainjuxtaposition innonmaterialaspectsof ritual. I believe that the Baptistexplanation-that jux-tapositions preserveritual efficacy-may serve as the cognitive rationale forvarious formsof ritualchangeobserved n Trinidadandpossiblyfor aspectsofritual change in Brazil and elsewhere.Finally, in my studiesof Afro-Americanreligionsin Trinidad,I found thatthe term "syncretism" was potentially misleadingin discussionsof religiouschange. In many respects, the term is unsatisfactorybecause,as the Leacocks(1972:320) have noted, it "fails to do justice to the creativeprocess nvolvedsince it suggests a rathermechanicalbringing together of disparate deas."Ritual change in the Caribbean s anything but mechanical.Rather, it is ascarefullyorchestrated sa symphonywith the religiousleaderasits conductor.

ConclusionsIn the foregoing discussion, I have attemptedto demonstrate hat the con-cept of juxtaposition best accountsfor much ritualchange. I have suggestedthat juxtaposition is the dominant mode of ritual change among Trinidad'sSpiritualBaptists and, by implication, in other Afro-Caribbean eligions aswell. In one respectmy focusoffers some advanceover that of Bastide.Bastideconcentratedon the howsof ritualchangebut offeredvery little in termsof the

whys. The Baptist model offers at least a partial (emic) explanationfor thevariousformsof ritualchangein Afro-Americaand simultaneouslyallows forindividualchoice. It accounts for both variationand flexibility within thesetraditions.There is also evidencefor ritualjuxtaposition in African(Fernandez1982;Jules-Rosette 1975) andAsianreligions. A most strikingexampleofjuxtaposi-tion in an Africancontext is providedby Kiernan(1982:171) in his study ofZulu Zionist churches.Kiernanfound that Zulu Zionists divide their servicesinto two distinctparts,with a temporalbreakbetween them. The firstpartofthe service s devotedto prayersandBiblereadings,while the secondpartcon-sists of a traditionalhealingritual. Eachsegment, he concludes,is designedtoproducedifferentformsof religious experienceand thereforerequires emporalseparation. I suspect that ritual juxtaposition is also present among Afro-Americanreligiousgroupsin the United States.7I believethat furtheranalysisof spatialandtemporaluxtapositionin theseand otherreligioustraditionswillbe well rewarded.

NotesResearchin Trinidadwas sponsoredby grants from the University of Connecticut ResearchFounda-tion. Earlierversionsof this paperwere presentedat the Connecticut College Religion Forumandat the

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1983 annualmeeting of the AmericanAnthropologicalAssociation. I thank Seth Leacock,John Burton,Sally Price, Eugene Gallagher,Jim Peacock, and George Eaton Simpson for their helpful comments onearlierdrafts.1 Desmangles (1977) has providedan excellent study of the relationshipof Catholicism and vodJi inHaiti, andHorowitz and Klass (1961) have studied the interpenetrationof Christianityand HinduisminMartinique.2 In TheAfricanReligions n Brazil, Bastide advocates a Marxist analysisof Brazilianreligious groups.Unfortunately, his concept of superstructure nd substructures somewhat mechanicalanddoes not allowthe flexibility that characterizes ater FrenchMarxist analysesof ideology and religion (see Feuchtwang1975). Religions such as Candomble, Macumba, and Umbanda do, as Althusser might suggest, inter-polate individuals as subjectsand help them identify themselvesin terms of a GreaterSubject(Althusser1972).

3 An exampleof the decision-makingapproach s Barth(1959). For a discussionof the usefulnessof thisapproach,see Bee (1974:196-222).4 Heterodoxy is characteristicof the SpiritualBaptist faith (Glazier 1983:23-24). Many Baptists areunawareof the properplacementof ritualobjects, and most Baptistscannot provide a reasonfor a par-ticularplacementother than claiming that such placementis more effective. However, as in any estab-lishedreligioustradition, there areexpertsin altararrangement,and theiropinions tend to dominate overtime. I am in agreement with Munro Edmonson's (1960:192) assertion that "syncretism may becharacteristicof a system whether or not those who participate n it are aware of the history of their in-stitution." Ritual traditionsare maintainedeven by those who do not understand he reasons for main-taining them.

5 'Susu n Trinidadmay have had its origins among the Yorubaof Nigeria andis alsopracticedon otherWest Indian islands and in the Bahamas see Crowley 1953:80). It makes it possiblefor a personto carryon a systematic program of savings but only if each person in the 'susukeeps his part in the bargain.6 DeborahWinslow (1980:621) in her study of ritualsof first menstruation n SriLankahasintroduceda further complication that may have relevancefor the study of Afro-Americanritual. She notes thatsimilaritiesof ritual form may be misleading and that what appears o be a common ceremony may berevealed to be severaldifferentceremonies. Ritual meaning is not confined to ritual action and objects.7 One area n which this might be attemptedis in the study of religious music. Alan Lomax has dealtwith breaks in musical performancebut did not deal specificallywith juxtapositions. Also, see Marks(1982).

ReferencesCitedAlthusser, Louis

1972 Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses. In Lenin and Philosophy, ed. LouisAlthusser. New York: Monthly Review Press.Barth, Fredrik

1959 Political Leadership among the Swat Pathans. London: Athlone.Bastide, Roger1978 The African Religions in Brazil: Toward a Sociology of the Interpenetration ofCivilizations. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Bee, Robert L.1974 Patterns and Processes: An Introduction to Anthropological Strategies for the Studyof Sociocultural Change. New York: Free Press.

Crowley, Daniel J.1953 American Credit Institutions of Yoruba Type. Man 53:80.Cumont, Franz1956 Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism. New York: Dover.

Desmangles, Leslie G.1977 African Interpretation of the Christian Cross in Vodun. Sociological Analysis 38:13-24.Edmonson, Munro S.1960 Nativism, Syncretism, and Anthropological Science. In Nativism and Syncretism,

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ed. Munro S. Edmonson, pp. 133-202. New Orleans: Middle American Research In-stitute.Fernandez,JamesW.1982 Bwiti: An Ethnographyof the Religious Imagination n Africa.Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press.Feuchtwang, Stephan1975 InvestigatingReligion. In Marxist Analysesand Social Anthropology, ed. MauriceBloch, pp. 61-82. New York: John Wiley and Sons.Glazier, StephenD.1982 African Cults and ChristianChurches n Trinidad:The SpiritualBaptistCase.Jour-nal of Religious Thought 39:17-25.1983 Marchin' the Pilgrims Home: Leadershipand Decision-Makingin an Afro-Carib-

bean Faith. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.Herskovits, MelvilleJ.1941 The Myth of the Negro Past. New York: Harper.Horowitz, Michael, and Morton Klass1961 The MartiniquianEast Indian Cult of Maldevidian. Social and Economic Studies10:93-100.Jules-Rosette, Bennetta1975 Songs and Spirit:The Uses of Songs in the Managementof Ritual Contexts. Africa45:150-160.Kiernan,Jim1982 Authority andEnthusiasm:The Organizationof Religious Experiencen ZuluZion-ist Churches. In Religious Organization and Religious Experience,ed. J. Davis, pp.169-179. New York: Academic Press.Leacock, Seth, and Ruth Leacock1972 Spiritsof the Deep: A Study of an Afro-BrazilianCult. GardenCity: Doubleday.Malinowski, Bronislaw1935 The Coral Gardensand Their Magic. 2 vols. London: Allen and Unwin.Marks, Morton1982 You Can't Sing Unless You're Saved:Reliving the Call in Gospel Music. In AfricanReligious Groups and Beliefs, ed. Simon Ottenberg, pp. 305-331. Meerut: Archana.Metraux, Alfred

1959 Voodoo in Haiti. New York: Oxford University Press.Mintz, Sidney, and RichardPrice1976 An AnthropologicalApproachto the Afro-AmericanPast:A CaribbeanPerspective.Philadelphia:ISHI.Mischel, Frances1958 A Shango Religious Group and the Problem of Prestige in TrinidadianSociety.Ph.D. dissertation,Anthropology Department, Ohio State University.Simpson, George Eaton1970 Religious Cults of the Caribbean:Trinidad,Jamaicaand Haiti. Rio Piedras,PuertoRico: Institute of CaribbeanStudies.

1978 Black Religions in the New World. New York: Columbia University Press.Winslow, Deborah1980 Rituals of First Menstruation n Sri Lanka.Man 15:603-625.Connecticut ollegeNew London

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