Student Organizations as Venues for Black Identity Expression … · 2018-04-24 · Black identity Development Helms (1990) defined racial identity as “a sense of group or collective

March/april 2007 ◆ vol 48 no 2 127

Student Organizations as Venues for Black Identity Expression and Development among African American Male Student LeadersShaun R. Harper Stephen John Quaye

Ways in which membership in student organizations, both predominantly Black and mainstream, provide space for Black identity expression and development were explored in this study. Based on individual interviews conducted with African American male student leaders at six predominantly White universities, findings reveal a nexus between Black identity status, the selection of venues for outofclass engagement, and the use of student organizations as platforms for racial uplift and the advocacy of racial/ethnic minority student interests. Moreover, the acquisition of crosscultural communication skills, the development of care for other disenfranchised groups, and the pursuit of social justice via leadership and student organization membership were reported by the participants and are connected to racial identity development theories in this article.Although the ongoing exploration of theirneedsandexperiencesiswarranted,considerableattention has been previously devoted tostudyingAfricanAmerican college students.Sedlacek (1987) offered a comprehensivesynthesis of 20 years of research on AfricanAmericancollegianswhereinheelaboratedontheracism,isolation,socioculturalchallenges,and academic obstacles that many of thesestudents face at predominantlyWhite institutions(PWIs).OnecontemporaryissueistheretentioncrisisconcerningAfricanAmericanmaleundergraduates.Morethantwothirdsof

thosewhostartcollegenevergraduate(NationalCenter for Education Statistics [NCES],2005),whichistheworstcollegecompletionrate among both sexes and all racial/ethnicgroupsinhighereducation(Harper,2006a).Although the causes of student attrition aremultifaceted and complex (Braxton, 2000;Tinto, 2005), Evans, Forney, and GuidoDiBrito(1998)assertedthatidentityconflictislargelyresponsibleforasignificantnumberofearlydeparturesfromthecollegecampus.SpecificallyregardingAfricanAmericanmen,Cuyjet(2006)andHarper(2004)attributedaportionoflowpersistenceratestoidentitychallenges. SincetheintroductionofCross’s(1971)model of Black identity development, theimportanceofracialidentityasacontributingfactortopsychosocialwellnessamongAfricanAmericanshasbeenwelldocumentedinthesocialscienceandeducationliterature.Despitethis,theintersectionbetweenraceandgenderamongAfricanAmericancollegemenremainsgrosslyunderstudied(Harper,2004;HowardHamilton,1997;Taylor&HowardHamilton,1995).UsingdatafromtheCollegeStudentExperiences Questionnaire, Flowers (2004)examined the effects of inclass and outofclassinvolvementonAfricanAmericanstudentdevelopment—racialidentitydevelopmentwasnot among the outcomes considered in hisstudy.Ifstudentaffairseducatorsandfacultyare to better comprehend and address the

Shaun R. Harper is an Assistant Professor and Research Associate and Stephen John Quaye is a doctoral candidate

and Research Assistant, both in the Center for the Study of Higher Education at The Pennsylvania State

University.

128 Journal of College Student Development

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dilemmaofAfricanAmericanmaleattritionandoutcomesdisparities,understandinghowpersistersandacademicallysuccessfulundergraduate men translate their racial identitystatusesintoeducationallypurposefulengagementwouldbeausefulendeavor. Scholarshaverecentlycalledattentiontothe inappropriateness of treating AfricanAmericanstudentsasamonolithicgroup inhighereducationresearchandpractice(Brown,1994;Cuyjet,2006;FriesBritt,1998,2002;FriesBritt &Turner, 2001; Harper, 2004,2005, 2006b;Torres, HowardHamilton, &Cooper, 2003; White, 1998).They notedseveral importantwithingroupvariations intheexperiencesofAfricanAmericanundergraduatestudentsandcalledforamoreintensiveand disaggregated study of different subpopulationswithintherace.Manyresearchershaveexaminedthedevelopmentofracialandother dimensions of students’ identities, yetfew have focused specifically on AfricanAmericanmen. Taylor and HowardHamilton’s (1995)studyappears tobe thefirst that exclusivelyconsidered the racial identities of AfricanAmericanmaleundergraduates.Quantitativeindesign,thestudymeasuredracialidentityattitudes,withnodiscussionorexplorationofhowtheseattitudeswereformedorthevehiclesthrough which men with strong attitudesactually expressed their Black identities.Thoughnotdisaggregatedbysex,MitchellandDell’s(1992)analysisofsurveyresponsesfrom55AfricanAmericanstudentsrevealedalinkbetweenracialidentityattitudesandstudentorganizationparticipation.Accordingly,thosewho were more engaged outside of theclassroom,especiallyinpredominantlyBlackorculturallybasedgroups,expressedstrongerBlackidentityattitudes,whichisalsoconsistent withTaylor and HowardHamilton’sfindings. The purpose of the present study is to

introduceashiftinthestudyofracialidentitydevelopmentandexpression—fromattitudinalandquantitativetobehavioralandqualitative.ThevenuesthroughwhichAfricanAmericanmalestudentleadersdevelopandexpresstheirBlackidentitiesareconsideredinthisarticle.In light of previous findings regarding thenexus between student organization membershipandracialidentityattitudes,emphasishere isplacedontheways inwhichAfricanAmerican men use student organizations asplatformsfortheexpressionoftheirBlackness.MitchellandDell(1992)arguedthatadditionalinquiryisneededonthefactorsthatcompelAfrican American student engagement incampusorganizationsandactivities.Guiffrida’s(2003)studyonundergraduatemembershipinpredominantlyBlackstudentorganizationsofferedsomeinsight,butthreeissuesmaketheprovision of additional research necessary:(a)findingswerenotdisaggregatedbysex,thusspecificdimensionsofAfricanAmericanmen’sexperiencesremainunknown;(b)theemphasiswasonsocialintegration,notidentitydevelopmentandexpression;and(c)AfricanAmericanstudentengagementinpredominantlyWhiteand mainstream student organizations wasoverlooked.Hence,thepresentstudyalsoseeksto fill what continues to be a void in theliterature on Black identity and AfricanAmerican student engagement in varioustypesof clubs, organizations, and campusactivities.

LiteRatuRe ReviewBlack identity Development

Helms(1990)definedracialidentityas“asenseofgrouporcollectiveidentitybasedonone’sperception that he or she shares a commonracialheritagewithaparticularracialgroup”(p. 3). Many foundational studies on Blackidentitydevelopmentsuggestedamovementalong various stages in which individuals


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progressfromalackofawarenessandunderstandingabouttheimplicationsoftheirracetoanindepthexplorationprocessleadingtoa more secure sense of racial self that comfortably crosses cultural boundaries (Cross,1971,1991,1995;Cross&Vandiver,2001;HowardHamilton, 2000; Thompson &Carter,1997;Vandiver,FhagenSmith,Cokley,Cross, & Worrell, 2001; Vandiver, Cross,Worrell, & FhagenSmith, 2002; Worrell,Cross, & Vandiver, 2001). Psychological Nigrescence, or the process of “becomingBlack,” became an area of interest for somescholarsduring the socialmovementsof the1960sand1970s.WilliamCrossintroduceda fivestage theoretical model in 1971 toexplainNigrescence,whichhe later reducedto the following four stages: PreEncounter,Encounter,Immersion–Emersion,andInternalization. Cross described Nigrescence as a“resocializingexperience”inwhichapreexistingidentityistransformedfromnonAfricentrismtoAfricentrismtomulticulturalism. In the PreEncounter stage, individualsexhibita lackof interest intheirraceor theraceofothersandoftenembracecolorblindnessandaraceneutralnotionofhumanity.Duringthe Encounter stage, persons experience anincident or dissonance of some sort thatawakensconsciousnessoftheirrace,whichinturn ignites feelings of anger, frustration,shame,orconfusion.Thethirdstage,Immersion–Emersion, is characterized by strong,positivefeelingsfortheBlackrace(aproBlackstance—“Everything in Black culture ispositiveandgood”)anddisinterestinWhiteness (anantiWhite stance—“Idislike everyaspectofWhiteculture;allWhitepeopleareevil”).Theexplorationofethnichistory,thepursuitofknowledgeabouttheoppressionofBlackpeople inAmericaandelsewhere,andthecollectionofartifactspertainingtoBlackculturearecommonforthoseatthisstage. ProgressionthenleadstoInternalization,

thefinalstageinCross’s(1995)model,whenAfricanAmericansbegintocometotermswiththeir newfound sense of selves, accept theimplications of their Black identities, anddevelop an inner peace and holistic understanding of what it means to be Black in amulticulturalsociety.AccordingtoEvansetal.(1998), “relationships withWhite associatesand people from other ethnic groups arerenegotiated as internalization of the newBlackidentitytakeshold”(p.76).Personsatthis stage also readily identifywith,developcompassionfor,andsometimesseekjusticeonbehalfofotherswhoexperiencesocialoppressionanddisenfranchisement(e.g.,women,gayandlesbianpersons,andmembersofreligiousminoritygroups).Here,thepursuitofequity,fairness,andsocialjusticeisnotonlydeemedimportant for the Black race, but for othermarginalizedpopulationsaswell.Furthermore,CrossassertsthatpeopleattheInternalizationstagecanselectivelysubscribetoelementsofboth the Black andWhite cultures withoutforfeitingonefortheother. Vandiver et al. (2001) expanded Cross’s(1995)modeltoincludenineidentityclusters.WorthmentioninghereistheadditionoftheMulticulturalist Inclusive cluster to theInternalization stage, which pertains to aperson’s ability to bridge differences andunderstandtheconnectionsbetweenmultipleforms of oppression.Though Cross’s modelprovidesabackdropformakingsenseofthecomplex developmental challenges facingAfrican American male college students onpredominantlyWhitecampuses,itsstagewiseprogression is limited in that it indicates ahierarchical process through which peoplemust advance in order to reach the higherlevelsof racial identitydevelopment.UnlikeCross’s theory, Robinson and HowardHamilton’s (1994) Africentric ResistanceModality Model includes seven nonhierarchical principles in which an African


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Americanpersoncanengageindependentlyorsimultaneously as a means of fostering apositive,securesenseofracialidentity.Amongthe principles are Ujima, which stands forunitywithotherBlackpeoplethattranscendsgender,sexualorientation,andothersociallyconstructeddifferences,aswellasvalueplacedon collective work in the quest to eradicatesocial inequities that disadvantage AfricanAmericans. Cokley’s(1999)distinctionbetweenracialawarenessandracialideologyilluminatesthenecessityofnotfocusingexclusivelyonstageliketheoriesofracialidentitydevelopment:

Racialawarenesscanbethoughtofashowoftenoneappreciates,values,andisawareof one’s racial and cultural heritage,whereas racial ideology has more to dowith a setofbeliefsonehas abouthowmembersofone’sracialgroupshouldact.(p.237)

Thisdifferenceisparticularlyimportantasitdenotesthesignificanceoftakingintoaccountindividualrecognitionsofracialidentity(racialawareness) as well as those of racial groups(racialideology).

Out-of-Class engagement and identity DevelopmentPreviousstudieshavedocumentedthebeneficialeffectsofengagementinstudentorganizationsandoutofclassactivitiesonidentitydevelopment,retention,andotheroutcomesproduced in college for African Americanstudents (Cokley, 2001; Evans et al., 1998;Flowers, 2004; FriesBritt, 2000; Harper,2004,2006c;Harper,Byars,&Jelke,2005;HowardHamilton,1997).TaylorandHowardHamilton’s (1995) study examined the relationship between student engagement andracialidentityattitudesamongAfricanAmericanmale students.Data collected from117participants at 10 PWIs suggest that higherlevels of outofclass engagement contribute

tostrongerracialidentityattitudes.Specifically,highlyinvolvedstudentstendedtobeattheImmersion–Emersion and InternalizationstagesofCross’s(1995)model,whereaslessengagedparticipantsreportedhigherlevelsofPreEncounterattitudes. Though not specific to male collegestudents,MitchellandDell(1992)alsofoundstrong correlations between Black identity,psychosocialdevelopment,andparticipationin campus organizations.They discovered anegativerelationshipbetweenPreEncounterattitudesandparticipationinculturalactivities, whereas Encounter, Immersion, andInternalization attitudes were positivelycorrelated.RelatedfindingsemergedinPope’s(1998) study of the relationship betweenpsychosocial development and the racialidentities of African American collegestudents. Taylor and HowardHamilton (1995)contendedthat“manyracial/ethnicminoritystudentsfindthemselveseithersubvertingtheiridentityandbecominginvolvedinthemainstreamcampusorassimilatingastheystruggleto maintain a strong cultural connection”(p.330). Similarly,White (1998) describedthepressuresthatareoftenplacedonAfricanAmericanstudentsbytheirsameracepeerstoparticipate in Black student organizations;some participants in her study joined theseorganizations merely to keep their Blackidentitiesunquestioned.AccordingtoHarper(1975),manyAfricanAmericanmenatPWIsinthe1970schosetodeveloptheirleadershipskillswithintheAfricanAmericancommunityinstead of in larger, mainstream campusorganizations—whichisatrendthatreportedlyholdstrueincontemporarytimes(Sutton&Terrell,1997).Becausemanyoftheclubsandstudent organizations in which AfricanAmericanmenchoose toparticipatearenotseenasmainstream,administratorsoftenfailtonoticewhensomeareactivelyinvolvedon



campus(Cokley,2001;Harper,2006c;Taylor& HowardHamilton, 1995). Moreover,traditional conceptualizations of leadershipthat focus on the singular leader instead ofcollectivism,coupledwiththeaccusationsof“actingWhite”thataresometimesassociatedwith involvement in mainstream campusorganizations, explain, at least in part, whymanyAfricanAmericanmenandotherracial/ethnic minority students find mainstreamstudent organizationsunappealing (Arminioet al., 2000; FriesBritt, 2000; HowardHamilton,1997;Taylor&HowardHamilton,1995). KingandHowardHamilton(2000)madeclearthesignificanceofconstructinglearningopportunities outside of the classroom thatfacilitateidentitydevelopmentamongracial/ethnic minority students. McEwen, Roper,Bryant, and Langa (1990) described ninedimensionsnecessaryforincludingtheuniquedevelopmentalexperiencesofAfricanAmericans into previous developmentally basedtheoriesandmodels.Specifically,theystressedtheimportanceofsocialinteractions,collectivism,andgroupidentificationontheidentitydevelopment of African American students.Of particular note, their ninth dimension,Developing Social Responsibility, indicatesfirsthandrecognitionof the social inequitiesthatdisadvantageAfricanAmericansinsocietyandontheircampuses,whichcompelssometo become catalysts for social change.Thissense of social activism is consistent withMitchellandDell’s(1992)claimthatvariousstagesofCross’s(1995)Blackidentitymodelcan stimulate African American students’participationincampusorganizations. Findingsandimplicationsfrompreviousresearchcitedinthissection,coupledwiththeaforementionedgapsintheliteratureregardingBlack identity expression (as opposed toattitudes)specificallyamongAfricanAmericancollege men, led to the exploration of the

following research questions: (a)What roledoesracialidentityplayinAfricanAmericanmale student leaders’ engagement inorganizationsandoutofclassactivitiesonpredominantly White campuses, (b) what factorsinfluenceAfricanAmericanmen’sselectionofmainstream and culturally based studentorganizations,and(c)inwhatwaysdostudentorganizations support the development andexpressionofBlackidentitiesamongAfricanAmericanmaleundergraduates?

MetHOD

This article is based on findings from aqualitativestudyregardingtheexperiencesofhighachieving African American undergraduatemenwhowereactivelyinvolvedandheldleadershippositionsinmultiplestudentorganizations atPWIs.Datausedherewereextractedfromamorecomprehensiveproject.The phenomenological study sought tounderstand what it is like to be a highachieving African American male studentleaderatalargePWIandincludedquestionsregardingtheparticipants’selectionofstudentorganizations, the impetus for their activeinvolvementinoutofclassactivities,andtheexperiencesthatinfluencedthedevelopmentandexpressionof their racial identities.Thephenomenology tradition in qualitativeresearchfocusesonunderstandinganddescribingthe“livedexperiences”oftheparticipantsinvolved in the study (Denzin & Lincoln,2000). A phenomenological account getsinsidethecommonexperienceofagroupofpeople and describes what the participantshaveexperienced,howtheyhaveexperiencedit,andthemeaningstheymakeoftheirsharedexperience(Moustakas,1994).Polkinghorne(1989) suggested that the researcher andreadersofaphenomenologicalresearchstudyshould be able to say, “I understand betterwhatitislikeforsomeonetoexperiencethat”


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(p.46).Thistypeofqualitativestudyusuallyprovides full, detailed descriptions of thephenomenonunderstudy(Miles&Huberman,1994).

SitesThisstudywasconductedatsixlarge,publicresearchuniversitiesintheMidwest:Universityof Illinois, Indiana University, University ofMichigan, Michigan State University,TheOhioStateUniversity,andPurdueUniversity.Thesesixinstitutionsaresimilarintermsofsize, age, reputation, and selectivity. Collectively enrolling more than 189,000 undergraduates,thesesixinstitutionsareallclassifiedas Doctoral/Research Universities–ExtensivebytheCarnegieFoundationfortheAdvancementofTeaching(2000).Onaverage,6.3%ofthestudentsattheinstitutionswereAfricanAmericanduringthetimeatwhichthedatawerecollected,withAfricanAmericanundergraduate enrollments ranging from 3.1% to8.8%.ThemeansixyeargraduationrateforAfricanAmericanmaleundergraduatesattheseinstitutionswas50.7%,comparedto74.2%forWhitemenand58.8%for theirAfricanAmerican female counterparts. Consistentwithnationaltrends(Harper,2006a),AfricanAmericanmenhadthelowestgraduationratesamongbothsexesandallracial/ethnicgroupsacrossthesixuniversities.Atthetimeofdatacollection, 33.8% of the African Americanstudentsattheseuniversitiesweremale.

SampleKeyadministratorsonthesixcampuses(i.e.,deans,vicepresidents,anddirectorsofcampusprograms) were asked to identify highachieving African American male studentleaderswhohadearnedcumulativegradepointaveragesabove3.0ona4.0scale;establishedlengthyrecordsofleadershipandinvolvementinmultiplecampusorganizations;earnedtheadmiration of their peers (as determined by

peerelectionstocampusleadershippositions);developed meaningful relationships withfaculty and highranking campus administrators;participatedinenrichingeducationalexperiences (e.g., study abroad programs,internships, learning communities, andsummer research programs); and earnednumerousawardsandhonorsfortheircollegeachievements.Usingthesecriteria,32AfricanAmerican undergraduate men at the sixuniversities were identified and selected forparticipationinthisstudy. Thesampleincludedfoursophomores,12juniors, and16 seniors, representing awidevariety of academicmajors.ThemeanGPAforthesamplewas3.32.Alloftheparticipantswerebetweentheagesof18and22andweresinglewithnodependents.Twelveparticipantsgrew up in singleparent homes and theremaining 20 were from homes with twoparents. Regarding the educational levels oftheir parents, the participants reported thefollowing: both parents attended college(n=9),oneparentattendedcollege(n=10),andneitherparentattendedcollege(n=13).Collectively, the 32 participants had beenawardedmorethan$489,000inmeritbasedscholarships, awards, and prizes for theircollege achievements.The participants expressedhigheducationalandcareeraspirations,with 72% indicating the intent to somedayearn adoctoral degree.The remaining28%planned to pursue master’s degrees, mostlyMBAsfromtopbusinessschools. Noneoftheparticipantsinthisstudywerecollegestudent–athletes.Nominatorsreportedthat these 32 highachievers were the onlyAfricanAmericanmaleundergraduatesonthesixcampuseswhosatisfiedthepreviouslynotedcriteria established for participation in thisstudy.

Data Collection ProceduresEach of the 32 African American men was



askedtoparticipateina2to3hourfacetoface interview and at least two followupinterviewsviatelephone.Theleadresearchervisitedeachcampusatleastoncetoconductthe firstround individual interviews; fourcampuseswerevisitedtwice.Asemistructuredinterviewtechniquewasusedinthefacetofaceinterviewsessions,whichsimultaneouslypermitted data collection and authenticparticipantreflection(Holstein&Gubrium,1995). Although standard questions andinterviewprotocolwereusedintheinterviews,discussionsoftenbecameconversational,thusallowing the participants to reflect on theexperiences and relationships they deemedmost significant. Full transcripts from allsessions were sent to each participant forconfirmationwithineightweeksfollowinghisinterviews.

Data analysisStepbystep techniques prescribed byMoustakas (1994) were used to analyze thedata collected from interviews with theparticipants. We first bracketed our initialimpressionsandassumptionsaswereadeachline of the participants’ transcripts. Themarginsofthetranscriptsweremarkedwithreflective comments regarding our ownsuppositionsandpreliminaryjudgmentsaboutthedata.Afterbracketing,thetranscriptsweresortedandkeyphaseswerelinearlyarrangedunder tentativeheadingsusing theNVivo®QualitativeResearchSoftwarePackage.Thisprocess resulted in the identification of 36invariant constituents (Moustakas), whichwere subthemes that consistently held trueforatleast84.4%ofthesample.Theinvariantconstituentswerehelpfulinunderstandingtheparticipants’sharedexperiencesandwerelaterclusteredintothematiccategories. Before the categories were solidified, atextural summary (what the highachieverexperienced)andastructuralsummary(how

heexperiencedthephenomenonofbeinganactivelyengagedstudentleaderataPWI)werewritten for eachparticipant.Seven thematiccategories were identified that captured theessenceoftheparticipants’sharedexperiences,twoofwhichrelateddirectlytothedevelopmentandexpressionoftheparticipants’Blackidentities through student organizations onpredominantly White university campuses.Only findings from those two themes arereportedinthisarticle.

trustworthiness and Quality assuranceSeveralstepsweretakentoensurequalityandtrustworthiness in this study. Lincoln andGuba (1986) offered four measures forevaluatingmethodologicalrigorandaccuracyin qualitative research: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability.These four measures “replace the usualpositivist criteria of internal and externalvalidity, reliability, and objectivity” used toensurequalityinquantitativestudies(Denzin& Lincoln, 2000, p. 21). Credibility wasaddressedthroughmemberchecks,followupinterviews via telephone, and referentialadequacy(e.g.,thestorageandaccessibilityofcassette tapes from the interviews, full transcripts, and confidential documents). Aninformant team consisting of at least twoparticipantsfromeachinstitutionwasestablishedformemberchecks.Thisteam,representingover25%ofthesample,readandprovidedfeedbackonourwritteninterpretationsoftheircollectiveexperiences. Additionally, feedback from six peerdebriefers who are experienced qualitativeresearchers and are familiar with AfricanAmericanmen’sissueswassolicitedtoensurecredibility. Debriefers were given raw transcripts,aswellastheindividualtexturalandstructural descriptions written for the studyparticipants. Debriefers engaged the lead


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researcher in a series of ongoingdiscussionsregardingthetentativemeaningsmadeoftheparticipants’experiencesthroughoutthedataanalysisphaseofthestudy.Transferability isensuredbytheearlierdescriptionofsitesfromwhichdatawerecollected.Findingsfromthisstudy will likely transfer agreeably to otherlarge predominantly White public researchuniversities. Finally, dependability and confirmability were ensured through auditsconductedbymembersoftheaforementionedpeerdebriefing team,adiverse teamof fourseniorfacultycolleagues,andoneadditionalqualitativeresearchmethodologist.

LimitationsDespiteeffortstoensuretrustworthiness,threeshortcomingsarereadilyapparent.First,giventhe limited number of administrators whowereaskedtonominateAfricanAmericanmalestudentleadersoneachcampus,selectionbiaslikelyprohibitedcertainstudentsfrombeingnominatedtoparticipateinthestudy.Althoughmost administrators conferred with othercolleagues before offering a final list ofnominees, in many cases they identifiedstudentleaderswithwhomtheyhadworkedcloselyandweremostfamiliar.ThereverywellcouldhavebeenadditionalAfricanAmericanmalestudentleadersonthesixcampuseswhowere overlooked because they had not interacted or formed relationships with thenominators. Asecondmajorshortcomingpertainstothelimitedtransferabilityofthefindingsfromthis study. African American male studentswithsimilarprofilesatsinglesexinstitutions,historicallyBlackuniversities,smallliberalartscolleges, andother institutional typesmightreportexperiencesthatdifferfromthoseofthe32 participants who attended the six largePWIs in the present study. Finally, unlikepreviousstudiesofBlackidentitydevelopmentamongAfricanAmericancollegestudents,no

inventoryorinstrumentwasusedinthisstudyto quantitatively ascertain the participants’racialidentityattitudes.Althoughthefocusinthe present study is primarily on identityexpressionanddevelopmentvisàvisstudentorganizations, no systematic approach wasemployedtoplacetheparticipantsatvariousstagesinCross’s(1995)model.Despitethis,severalqualitative indicatorsofthestudents’racial identity statuses are offered throughverbatimquotesinthenextsection.

FinDingS

From the data analysis emerged two sets offindings related to the development andexpressionoftheparticipants’Blackidentitieswithin the contextof studentorganizations.OnepertainstotheimpetusfortheirleadershipandengagementinbothpredominantlyBlackandmainstream/majorityWhitestudentorganizations.Theotherfocusesonthewaysin which student organizations afforded theparticipantsopportunities todevelopvaluedcrossculturalcommunicationskills, enabledthemtolearnfromotherswhowereraciallydifferent,andfosteredamongthemcareandadvocacyforotherdisadvantagedpopulations.FindingsinthesetwoareasarereportedinthissectionandconnectionstopreviousresearchonBlackidentitydevelopmentarediscussedthereafter.

For the advancement of the african american CommunityAlthoughsomeheldmembershipinmainstreamcampusorganizations,theparticipants’leadership and engagement were overwhelminglysituatedinpredominantlyBlackandminoritystudent organizations. Regardless of theorganizationshechoseorthepositionsheheld,eachstudentleaderarticulatedacommitmenttoupliftingtheAfricanAmericancommunity(both on campus and broadly defined) and



devoted himself to dispelling stereotypes,breaking down barriers, and opening newdoorsforotherAfricanAmericanstudentsonhis campus. Regarding their impetus forinvolvement,herearesomeofthereflectionsofferedintheinterviews:

RecognizingtheneedforAfricanAmericans to be on a level playing field withother races and for African Americanstudentstoknowaboutcertainthingsthattheyotherwisewouldn’thavebeenexposedtohaspromptedmetobecomeactiveoncampus.(Daniel,UniversityofMichigan)

ItriedtothinkofwaysthatIcouldbenefitmy community and make it easier forother African American students tograduate.Ifyoulookattheretentionratesfor African Americans on this campus,especiallytheguys,you’dbelike,“Wowthis is reallymessedup!”That iswhy Igotinvolved. (Jamein, Michigan StateUniversity)

ItookanAfricanAmericanStudiesclassmyfirstyearhere...itbroughtlighttothestatisticsinourcommunityandhowthe African American community ishurtingrightnow.IfeltthatIneededtodosomething,startinghereoncampusasastudentleader,tohelpmybrothersandsisters,justlikethepeoplewhohadcomebeforemehaddone things that gotmeintroduced to certain opportunities. IcommittedmyselftohelpingotherAfrican Americans gain access to more ofthoseopportunities.(Keely,UniversityofIllinois)

IwantedtojoinmanydifferenttypesoforganizationssothatIcoulddevelopskillsandgetprogrammingideasthatIcouldtransferbacktotheBlackstudentorganizations,tomaketheBlackorganizationsstronger and more effective. I’ve beenespeciallysuccessfulindoingthisformyfraternity and Black Student Union.(Marshawn,IndianaUniversity)

Inhisownway,eachstudentleaderarticulatedacommitmenttoracialuplift,whichwastheprevailingdriverofhisaffiliationwithvariousclubsandorganizations. The participants spoke in detail aboutdoing their part in responding to the issuesthat African American and other minoritystudentsfacedoncampus.Manywerecognizantofthelowretentionandgraduationratesamong African American students and respondedthroughprogramsandinitiativesintheirstudentorganizations.Twoparticipantsdescribed the 4.0 Club they cofounded onthe University of Illinois campus. “WeregisteredthestudentorganizationsowecouldhavestudyhallsforAfricanAmericanstudentsto study together and support each otheracademically because the African Americanstudents’ GPAs are considerably lower thanthecampusaverage.”Membersofthe4.0Clubreserved a study table for members at thecampus library, participated in occasionalstudy sessions from8:00p.m. to6:00a.m.,andprovidedrecognitionincentivesforthosememberswhoactuallyachieved4.0GPAsatthe endof each semester.Thiswas just onewaythatthesetwostudentleadersattemptedto help address the academic underachievementissuesthatplaguedtheirsameracepeers.Otherstudentsdescribedavarietyofacademicand nonacademic initiatives in which theyhadbeeninvolvedtospecificallyhelprespondto the retention crisis among the AfricanAmerican male undergraduates on theircampuses. An interesting observation was maderegarding the student organizations theparticipantsselected.Thosewhochosetobeexclusively involved inpredominantlyBlackorganizations did so because they wereprimarilyconcernedwithbeingaffiliatedwithgroups that responded directly to AfricanAmericanstudents’needsandconcerns.Inexplaininghisselectionofstudentorganizations


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andcampusactivitiesatMichiganState,Alricshared:

IammostlyinvolvedinBlackandminority initiatives because they provide aplatformformetoplanprogramsforthemostdisadvantagedstudentshereattheuniversity—studentswholooklikeme.Iseethepersonalvalueingettinginvolvedinsomemainstreamactivities,butIfeelasthoughIcouldhaveagreater impacton students of color through the BlackStudentAlliance,theBlackcaucuses,theRacial/EthnicAideProgramandmyotherorganizations. It’s not so much aboutme—it’smoreaboutinvolvingmyselfinthingsthatwilladvanceourrace.

Those who were more involved in thepredominantlyWhiteandmainstreamstudentorganizationsmostlychose todosobecausethey saw an inadequate representation ofAfricanAmericanstudentsinthoseclubsandwantedtobeamongthefirsttodiversifythegroups. They also knew the mainstreamstudent organizations had greater resourcesand funds for programming that could beaccessed on behalf of Black and minoritystudentgroups.Severalparticipantsnotedthatthey joined those groups to get minorityinitiativesfunded;toadvocatebringingAfricanAmericanspeakers,musicians,andentertainersto campus; and to promote collaborationbetweenthoseorganizationsandtheBlackandminoritystudentgroupswithwhichtheywerealsoaffiliated.Onestudentleaderofferedthisexample:“IjoinedUnionBoardbecausetheybringalltheconcertstocampus.InoticedthattheykeptbringingnothingbutWhiteartists.Because of me, Union Board and BlackStudentUnioncosponsoredthefirsthiphopconcert we’ve ever had.” Although theysometimes chose demographically differentorganizations,theparticipantssharedthesamegoal:advancingtheAfricanAmericanstudentcommunitiesontheircampuses.

Thestudentleadersoftenleveragedtheirinfluenceandreputationstogainaccesstokeyadministrators on their campuses. An OhioStatestudentshared:

Ihave the ear of theVicePresident forStudentAffairs.Ioftengotohimtoaskfor money for different initiatives forBlackstudentsandhelistensbecausehesees me as a notable ambassador of theBlackcommunity.

StudentorganizationsofferedvenuesthroughwhichthevoicesofAfricanAmericanstudentscouldbesharedandtheneedsofracial/ethnicminoritystudentscouldbeadvocated.Keely,the student representative on the BoardofTrustees at the University of Illinois,remarked:

WhenI sit arounda table inameetingwith theBoardofTrusteesor a studentleadershipgroup,it’saveryWhiteroom.ItismyhopethatI,aswellassomeoftheotherAfricanAmericanmenthatyou’reinterviewing here, have gotten into themindsofadministratorsthatthiscampusneeds to be a lot more diverse. If weweren’tseatedaroundthosetables,who’dadvocateforourneeds?

Keely’s commentsareconsistentwith reflectionsofferedbyotherparticipantsonthesixcampuses. Thestudentleaderswerecompelledtogetinvolvedinordertohavetheirvoicesandthevoices of the African American communityheard. “Not too many African Americanstudents are involved at Ohio State. I justwanted to get myself out there and be arepresentative, to represent the AfricanAmericanvoice,whichotherwisewouldn’tbeheardby theseWhite administrators,”Chaznoted. Many participants saw the value ofhaving minority representation on variouscommitteesthatsetpoliciesforthecampuses.They realized that racial/ethnic minoritystudents had been previously disadvantaged



because they lacked studentparticipation inimportant institutional decisionmakingprocesses.Christopher,VicePresidentoftheStudent Association at Indiana University,commented:

Most Black student organizations arestrugglingfinanciallyhereatIUbecausetheydon’thaveanyoneseatedatthetablewhenresourcesareallocatedtoclubs.I’vebeenabletodothatthroughIUSA,whichgivesoutthousandsofdollarseachyear.ItisthemajorityWhitegroupsthatknowaboutthesefundingopportunities—notsomuchfortheBlackgroups.SinceIhavebecometheVPofIUSA,IhavemadesurethatBlackStudentUnion,KappaAlphaPsi [a historically Black fraternity], andotherBlackgroupshavegottenaportionof those funds. I’ve personally gone tosomeBlackstudentgroups’meetings totellthemaboutresourcesthatareavailabletofinancetheirprogramming.IfIweren’ttheVP,mostBlackgroupswouldn’tknowthisinformation.

The participants sometimes volunteeredtoprovideanAfricanAmericanperspectiveindifferentstudentorganizationsandonvariousuniversitycommittees;othertimestheywereinvoluntarily forced into those roles. Manyreferred to themselves as the “token Blackmale.” For instance, David, a student atPurdue,sharedthefollowingstory:

I’ve been appointed to the StudentLeadershipBoard,whichisacommitteethat consists of all the presidents orrepresentativesoftheelitestudentorganizationsoncampus....[anotherstudent]and I were asked to be on that Boardbecause, I hate to say it, but we’re thetoken African American males, which Ihavenoproblemaccepting.Wewalkedinthefirstmeetingandwewerebothlike,“Okay, now we know why we wereinvited.” Nonetheless, it’s an honor tohavebeenselected.Moreimportantly,it’seven more of an honor to provide an

Afr ican American voice that wasmissing.

Interestingly,blatanttokenismdidnotseemtobothertheparticipants,asCullenasked,“Ifnot me, who?”They accepted responsibilityforspeakingonbehalfofAfricanAmericansandotherracial/ethnicminoritypersonsonavariety of platforms. At some point, theynoticed there was a shortage of AfricanAmericanstudent leaders takingastanceonmajorcampusissuesandvoicingtheconcernsofthecommunitytothepresidentandotheradministrators—they endeavored to providethatvoice.

Cross-Cultural engagement and advocacy for Oppressed People

Crossculturalcommunicationwas themostfrequently cited skillmentioned throughouttheinterviews.Theparticipantsreportedthattheyhadsuccessfullylearnedhowtoworkwithpeople who were different in terms of race,ethnicity, nationality, sexual orientation,ability, socioeconomic status, and religion.They clearlyunderstood that inorder tobesuccessful theyneededtoforgerelationshipswithpeoplefromdifferentbackgrounds.Thestudent leaders also told how they weregenuinelyinterestedinmeetingpeerswhoweredifferent and could offer different points ofview.Mikespokeextensivelyaboutthepositiverelationships he formed with Jewish, Asian,andinternationalstudentsfromIndiaatOhioStateandhowhelearnedthat“everythinginsociety is not just Black and White.”Theparticipants were cognizant of the fact thattheircollegecampusesweremicrocosmsofthelarger society.They knew, for example, thatmost topranked MBA programs enrolledseveralinternationalstudents;theyrememberedfromtheirsummerinternshipsthatcompaniestended to be multicultural and globallyfocused;andtheywereawarethatsomeoftheir


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nonAfrican American peers from collegewould go on to become senators, businessexecutives,andleadersinthefuture. Working with diverse populations incampusorganizationsenabledthemto learnabout and appreciate the differences thatpeoplebringtovarioussettings.Inreturn,theywereabletoteachdiverseothersabouttheiruniquebackgrounds,lifehistories,andBlackculture. “Whenever I get the opportunity, IhaveconversationswithWhitepeopleorAsianpeopleifIcanturnitintoalearningexperiencefor them,” Brian noted. Although they allmentioned working with various cultures,significant emphasis was often placed upon“learningtodealwithWhitepeople.”Manyparticipants considered this skill a gift thatmanyoftheirAfricanAmericanpeersdidnothave, but something that was essential forfuture success. “SomanyAfricanAmericansare miserable in college and in their jobsbecause they don’t know how to deal withWhitepeople...theyreallyaren’tthathardtoworkwithonceyoufigurethemout,”onestudentcommented.Aninterestingobservationwasmadewithregardtotheparticipants’languagewhendiscussingtheircrossculturalexperiences.The students usually chose thephrase“interactwith”whentheyspokemoregenerally about their exchanges with peersfrom different cultural and racial/ethnicminority backgrounds, butused “dealwith”whenreferringspecificallytotheirinteractionswithWhitepeople.Thissemanticdifferenceisnoteworthy,asitindicatesvariablelevelsofcomfort and authenticity in crossracialinteractionsandrelationships. NearlyalloftheparticipantsspokeoftheirAfricanAmericanpeers’refusaltointeractwithand learn about different cultures. Landonofferedthefollowingperspective:

MostoftheBlackstudentsatPurdueareassociated with themselves and that’s

wheretheydrawtheline.Alotoftimes,peoplewillcomefromBlackcommunitiesandthat’swheretheystay.Theycometothis White school, they find the Blackcommunity, and that’s where they staybecausethey’recomfortable.

Intentional selfsegregation, the participantsbelieved,was fueledby issuesofdiscomfort,previous negative experiences with Whitepersons and people from other racial/ethnicbackgrounds, and sometimes just blatantracism.A junior atMichiganState reflectedonhowdisappointedhewaswith the racistattitudes displayed by his African Americanpeerstowardothercultures.

IloveBlackpeople,butIhatetheclosemindedness and prejudices many of ushavetowardothersandthestereotypeswegeneralizeaboutotherstudents,especiallybecausewedon’tlikeforsomeonetomakegeneralizations or advance stereotypesaboutus.

Studentorganizationmembershipafforded theparticipants opportunities to interactwith peers outside of the African Americancommunity.Becauseofthis,theyacquiredtheskill of working cooperatively with diverseothers.Edwin,VicePresidentofthePreMedAssociation at the University of Michigan,recognizedthelongtermbenefitsofhiscrosscultural interactions in college. He realized,for instance, that most hospitals are multiculturalandservediversepopulations.“Studentgroupshaveintroducedmetopeopleofothercultures, and have really prepared me to gointotheworldofmedicinewhereI’lltreatandconstantlyinteractwithalotofpatientsfromdifferentracialandculturalbackgrounds.” Like other student leaders in the study,Edwinalsoacquiredaheightenedawarenessoftheeffectsofoppressiononothermarginalizedgroupsathisinstitution.Specifically,hewas an organizer forVictory OverViolenceWeek at the University of Michigan, which



focusedoneradicatingrapeandotherformsofassaultagainstwomen.Edwinofferedthisexplanation for his involvement in a predominantlyfemaleinitiative:

AsaBlackman,Iunderstandwhatitislike to be victimized and assaulted.Because of this, I have joined others inhelping prevent the victimization ofwomenon this campus. I amobviouslynotawoman,butIhavefirsthandexperiencewithoppressionandIwanttostopit,notjustforAfricanAmericans,butforwomen as well. Quite honestly, I havelearned a lot about gender issues andhowto collaborate with women to endoppression.

Otherparticipantsdescribedtheirinteractionswith students from marginalized groups.“BeforeIcametocollege,Iwasraisedtothinkthat homosexuals were going to hell. Lastsemester,Imarchedinarallyfortheirrightsbecause I understand how it feels to beoverlookedonthiscampus,”aUniversityofIllinoisstudentcommented.Similarly,althoughmostofhisinvolvementwassituatedinBlackstudent organizations, Bryant attributed hissensitivityfortheneedsandconcernsofgayandlesbianstudents,aswellasstudentswithdisabilitiestohisserviceasaResidentAssistant.Amondo remarked, “I would like to endoppressionagainstallgroupshereatMichiganState,notjustBlacks.”

DiSCuSSiOnInternalization,thefinalstageofCross’s(1995)modelofBlackidentitydevelopment,signifiesan inner comfort with one’s Blackness, theabilitytoformallianceswithothermembersoutsideofone’sracialgroup(includingWhitepeople),andacommitmenttoenactingchangethat will result in social justice for AfricanAmericans and other oppressed groups.Leadershipandengagementinstudentorganizationsenabledtheparticipantsinthepresent

studytoembodymanyofthesecharacteristics.Specifically,thejuxtapositionoftheirdominantparticipation in Black student organizationswith their willingness to engage in othergroupsthataffordedopportunitiesforcrosscultural learning and advocacy on behalf ofgayand lesbianstudents,women,andothersociallymarginalizedgroupsontheircampusesis consistent with attitudes and behaviorsdisplayedbythoseattheInternalizationstageinCross’smodel. Harper’s (1975) finding that AfricanAmerican men’s engagement is primarilysituated in Black student organizations alsoheldtrueinthepresentstudy,althoughmanyparticipants were also involved to varyingdegrees in mainstream and predominantlyWhitegroups.InconsistentwithMitchellandDell’s (1992) claims, there was no evidencehere that those who were more engaged inBlack and minority student organizationsexpressedtheirBlackidentitieswithanymoreintensity than thosewhowere involved inawiderrangeofstudentorganizations.Perhapsthiswouldhavebeendifferentwereanyoftheparticipantsengagedexclusivelyinmainstreamand predominantly White organizations—nonewere.However,theirrecognitionofandfirsthandexperienceswithsocialdisadvantagedid compel many participants to pursuemembership in some mainstream organizations.ThisbehaviorcoincideswithMcEwenetal.’s(1990)DevelopingSocialResponsibilitydimension of Black identity development.Moreover, thedominanceof theiraffiliationwith Black student organizations, whichpresumably requires some level of collectiveaction and collaboration with other AfricanAmericanstudents,correspondsagreeablywiththeUjimaprincipleinRobinsonandHowardHamilton’s (1994) Africentric ResistanceModalityModel. Aspreviouslymentioned,thenominatingadministratorsindicatedthatthese32under


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graduates were the most actively engagedAfricanAmericanmalestudentleadersonthesixcampuses.Likethehighlyinvolvedparticipants inTaylor and HowardHamilton’s(1995) study, student leaders in the presentstudy overwhelmingly displayed Internalizationattitudes.Thedifferencehereisthatthebehavioral manifestations of such attitudesthrough student organization membershipwerealsoexplored.Putsimply,leadershipandengagementforsocialjusticeandracialupliftweretheprimarywaysthroughwhichInternalizationattitudeswereexpressedbehaviorally.UsingCokley’s(1999)term,participantswere“raciallyaware,”asevidencedbythepurposewith which they approached their work instructured venues outside of the classroom.Clubs and organizations—predominantlyBlackandminority,aswellasmainstreamandmajorityWhite—offered platforms throughwhichtheAfricanAmericanmeninthisstudycould champion Black causes; advocate forsupport and resources to meet the needs ofracial/ethnic minority students; and offer avoice thatwasoftenmissingwhendecisionswerebeingmade regardingcampuspolicies,theallocationofresources,andtheselectionof speakers and entertainers that studentorganizationsbroughttocampus. It is important to note that the 32participantswereabletomaintaintheirBlackidentitieswithinthecontextofpredominantlyWhite student organizations. Cross (1995)suggestedthatthoseattheInternalizationstageareabletoselectivelysubscribetobothBlackandWhitecultureswithoutforfeitingonefortheother.Thatwasthecasehere,astheAfricanAmerican male student leaders adapted tomainstreamstudentorganizationsandestablishedrelationshipswithWhitepeersthroughthosegroupswhilesimultaneouslyadvancingtheirownminorityfocusedagendasandBlackstudent interests. Regardless of the racialmakeup of their outofclass involvement

venues, improvingthestatusandconditionsofAfricanAmericanstudentsontheircampuseswastheprimaryimpetusfortheparticipants’leadershipandengagement. Findings clearly indicate that studentorganizationmembershiphelpedenhancethedevelopmentoftheparticipants’Blackidentities.Characteristicofthoseatthefinalstagein Cross’s (1995) model of Black identitydevelopment is the ability to interact comfortablywithWhitepeoplewhilemaintainingasenseofone’sownBlacknessanddevelopingcareforothermarginalizedgroups.Regardingtheformer,clubs,organizations,andactivitiesenabledthestudentleaderstodevelopsharpercrosscultural communication skills andrecognize the value of interacting acrossculturaldifferences.Workingoncommitteesandprogrammaticinitiativescultivatedwithinthe participants the skill of “dealing with”White people, which is discussed further intheimplicationssection.Reportedly,learningthis while concurrently maintaining andexertingone’sauthenticsenseofBlacknessinstudent organizations was a useful exercise.This is particularly noteworthy because theparticipants indicated their samerace peerstypically avoided and were generally notengaged in structured efforts that facilitatedopportunities forcrosscultural learningandskillacquisitioninthisregard. Vandiver et al.’s (2001) addition of theMulticulturalist Inclusive cluster to theInternalizationstageofCross’s(1995)modelpertains to a person’s ability to bridge differencesandcraftactionorientedresponsestomultipleformsofoppression.Participantsinthepresentstudywereabletogobeyondtheircultural comfort zones by interacting withdiverse populations of peers within theirorganizations. Furthermore, theywere compelledtocommitthemselvesto(butalsomovebeyond) African American and racial/ethnicminorityfocusedinitiativesandbecomeagents



of social change for other oppressed anddisadvantaged groups on their campuses.Student organizations offered a platformthroughwhichtheirfamiliaritywiththeneedsandchallengesofothers,careformarginalizedpopulations, and pragmatic solutions foreradicatingsocialinjusticescouldbedevelopedandexpressed.

iMPLiCatiOnS anD COnCLuSiOn

As mentioned previously, although factorsleadingtoprematuredeparturesfromcollegeare numerous and not easily credited to anarrowsetofvariablesandconditions(Braxton,2000;Tinto,2005),scholarshaveattributedaportionofcollegestudentattritiontoidentitydevelopment challenges among students ingeneral (Evans et al., 1998) and AfricanAmericanmaleundergraduates inparticular(Cuyjet,2006;Harper,2004).Giventhatonly32.4% of African American men who startcollegeactuallypersistthroughbaccalaureatedegree attainment (Harper, 2006a; NCES,2005),itseemsappropriatetorecommendthateducators invest energies into introducingthese students to venues in which theiridentities can be developed and expressed.Student organizations, both predominantlyBlackandmainstream,shouldbemarketedasoutlets for African American men to learnmoreaboutthemselvesandothers,contributetoprogrammaticandadvocacyeffortsthatwillimprovetheirownqualityoflifeaswellasthatofmarginalizedothersoncampus,andaffordthemopportunitiestodevelopasetofcrossculturalcommunicationskillsthatwillproveusefulintheirpostcollegeendeavors. Although the participants in this studyexpressed no dissatisfaction with assumingresponsibilityforrepresentingtheBlackraceinstudentorganizations,advisorsandadministratorsshouldbecarefulnottotokenizethosewhochoosetobecomemembersandleaders.

Expecting them to speak on behalf of allAfricanAmericansandracial/ethnicminoritystudents is inappropriate and will likelydecreasesomestudents’willingnesstocontinuallyconsidermainstreamstudentorganizationsassuitableoutletsforengagement.Similarly,althoughCross(1971,1991,1995)portraysInternalization as the optimal level of racialidentity functioning, educators should becognizant of the varied backgrounds fromwhich African American men come andthereforenotassumethateverystudentfindsengagement in social work on behalf ofdisenfranchised populations on his campusappealing.Instead,facultyandstudentaffairseducators should engage African AmericanmeninconversationsaboutthewaysinwhichtheydefinetheirBlackness,theracialrealitiesoftheircollegeexperiences,andtheirexpectationsoftheinstitution’sresponsetoracismandsocialinjustice.Basedonwherestudentsaredevelopmentally,organizationsandactivities thatwill enable themto furtherexploretheiridentitiesandrespondtothesocialissuestheydeemimportantshouldbeintroduced. Thosewhoworkwithmainstreamstudentorganizations inanadvisorycapacityshouldengageWhitestudentstakeholdersinaprocessofcreatingspacesforAfricanAmericanmenandotherunderrepresentedstudentstoofferculturally based ideas, programming, andadvocacy.AccordingtoHarper(2006c),severalstudent organizations espouse commitmentsto diversity and multiculturalism in theirmission statements, but fewWhite studentleaders are actually held accountable forenactingsuchvalues.Theparticipantsinthepresentstudywereaffordedthespacetoengageinsocialworkandcollaborativepartnershipsto address needs and issues that concernedAfrican Americans and other populations.Waysinwhichracial/ethnicminoritystudentsnegotiateaccessandfactorsthatcompelWhitestudentstoprovidethisspaceinmainstream


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clubs and organizations warrants furtherinvestigation. ManyparticipantsmentionedlearningtodealwithWhitepeopleasaselfreportedgainassociated with their engagement in mainstream student organizations. Although theacquisitionandperceivedtransferabilityofthisskill is noteworthy, advisors should payparticularattentiontofacilitatingopportunities for more meaningful crossculturalinteractions that result in learning, sharing,andmutuallyrewardingcollaborationacrossraces,insteadofsimplydealingwithpeerswhoareraciallydifferent.ThelongtermeffectsandtransferabilityofwhattheAfricanAmericanmale student leaders deemed as learning to“deal with”White people is also worthy offutureresearch. Finally,thevalueofandcontinuedneedforpredominantlyBlackandminoritystudentorganizationsshouldnotbeoverlooked.TheseorganizationsservedastheprimaryvenuesforAfrican American male student engagementon the six campuses in this study.Withoutthem,someoftheparticipantsmaynothavefoundaplacefortheexpressionanddevelopmentoftheirBlackidentities.ThoughmanyfoundopportunitiesforracialupliftandtherepresentationofBlackinterestsinmainstreamandmajorityWhitestudentorganizations,thepredominantly Black groups offered analternativeplatformthroughwhichtoaddressBlack issues, connect with other AfricanAmericanstudents,andinitiatedialogueandprogramming without feelings of tokenism.Among African American male firstyearstudentsandthosewhoarenotinvolved,itishighlylikelythatmostwillfirstconsiderBlackstudent organizations as initial venues forengagement before branching out to mainstream and majorityWhite groups (Harper,2006c).Thus, educators and administratorswhoareinterestedinincreasingengagementandenhancingoutcomes(includingidentity

development)amongAfricanAmericanmaleundergraduates must provide financial,advisory, and other forms of support topredominantly Black and minority studentorganizations.Theparticipants inthis studyreflectedpositivelyontheroleofthesegroupsandmainstreamstudentorganizationsinthedevelopment and expression of their Blackidentities.

Correspondence concerning this article should be

addressed to Shaun R. Harper, Center for the Study of

Higher Education, The Pennsylvania State University,

400 Rackley Building, University Park, PA, 16802;

[email protected]

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Documents

Student Organizations as Venues for Black Identity Expression … · 2018-04-24 · Black identity Development Helms (1990) defined racial identity as “a sense of group or collective