ACADEMICIAN YORDAN IVANOV REGIONAL HISTORICAL MUSEUM KYUSTENDIL

NEOPHIT RILSKY SOUTHWEST UNIVERSITY OF BLAGOEVGRAD, FACULTY OF LAW AND HISTORY

BULGARIAN MUSEUM CHAMBER ASSOCIATION (BMC)

HPAKEOY THPO AIN

1

,

HPAKEOV THPO AIN

60-

:

2012

Studia in honorem Iliae Prokopov sexagenario ab amicis et discipulis

dedicata

Ediderunt:

Evgeni Paunov et Svetoslava Filipova

TIRNOVIMMXII

Individual authors, 2012 Evgeni Paunov and Svetoslava Filipova editors, 2012 Faber Publishers, 2012

ISBN 978-954-400-717-1

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced by any means (graphic, elec-tronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, or any other information stor-age retrieval system) for re-distribution without prior permission in writing from the publisher or the editors, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and/or reviews.

COLLECTION OF SSAYS IN HONOUROF ILYA PROKOPOVCompiled and edited by:

Evgeni Paunov, Svetoslava Filipova

Translation of abstracts:

Evgeni Paunov, Diana Doncheva, Miroslava Taskova

Layout of coin plates:

Simeon Prokopov, Silviya Georgieva

Layout and graphic design: Silviya GeorgievaCover design: Neyko Genchev

Format: 60/84/8Printers sheets: 57

Designed and printed by:

FABER Publishers Veliko Turnovo, Bulgaria+359 62 600 650 www.faber-bg.com

Editors note: The views and ideas expressed in this volume of contributions are exclusively those of the authors.

| Table of ConTenTs

. | General section

| Tabula gratulatoria .......................................................... 15

| Bibliography to Date ................18

| Few Words for Ilya ....................................................... 30

Academic CV of Ilya Prokopov ................................................................................ 34

| Some Photographs ......................................................... 36

. | Contributions

. | numismatics

Alexandros R. A. Tzamalis. The Kneeling Bull Type from the Thraco-Macedonian Region ................................................................. 39

. - ................................................................. 58

. .......................................................................................61

Peter Delev. On the Weight Standards of the Heavy Silver Coinage of the Derrones ............................................................................................... 72

Vyacheslav K. Peshekhonov, Nina A. Frolova. Silver Coins of Abdera and Maroneia of the 6th4th Century BC in the Collection of the State Historical Museum in Moscow: An Updated View ...................................... 73

, . VV . . .. () .....80

. VV . . . ............................................................................................... 85

Margarita Andonova. The Island of Thasos and the Coinage of the Silenus Type, 6th 4th Century BC .............................................................................. 93

. , .................... 95

Stavri Topalov. Unpublished Type of Silenos and Nymph / Quandripartite Incuse Square Bronze Coin of Middle Denomination ..............................105

8 / Contents

Eftimija Pavlovska. oin Hoard of the Paionian King Lycceios ........................107

. .............................................................................. 116

. ..........................................................................................121

Metodi Manov. The Coinage of the Thracian Tribe of Denthelaetae New Observations ......................................................................................... 135

Yannis Stoyas. Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA .................................................................................. 143

. : DANTHLHTVN MELSA .............................................................................. 174

Michael H. Crawford. Coins with GRU: the Abb Bertrand Capmartin de Chaupy and the Early Study of the Coinages of Italy .............................187

. . GRU: - ............................................194

Constantin A. Marinescu, Cathrine C. Lorber. The Black Sea Tetradrachm Hoard .......................................................................................197

, . ................................................. 242

. . . . ............................................261

Ivan Karayotov. Les monnaies posthumes dargent et dor de Messambria et Odessos aux IIIe Ier s. av. J.-C. ...............................................................280

Sophia Kremydi. The Bronze Coins of Lychnids................................................. 287

. .................................296

Nikola eldarov. Hoard of Bronze Coins of Philip V and Perseus from the Area of Gevgelija, Republic of Macedonia ...................................299

. V , ....................... 305

Franois de Callata. A Tetradrachm with the Legend QRAKWN Overstruck on an Athenian Stephanephoros Tetradrachm of APELLIKWN-GORGIAS (88/87 BC) and its Consequences for the Thasian Type Coinage .............. 307

. QRAKWN APELLIKWN-GORGIAS (88/87 .) .............................. 321

9 / Contents

David MacDonald. Tetradrachm: Die Links and Dating ....................................................................................323

. : ............................ 336

Yannis Touratsoglou. Coins of the Macedonian Cities in the FHW (Foundation of the Hellenic World) Collection ..........................................341

. (FHW), ........................................361

Dubravka Ujes-Morgan. 1st Century BC Drachms of Apollonia and Dyrrhachium in the Territory of the Scordisci. A Prologue to the Roman Conquest of the Balkans .......................................................................................................... 367

-. . . : ........................................................................... 387

Phillip Davis, Evgeni Paunov. Imitations of Republican Denarii from Moesia and Thrace ..............................................................................389

, . ........................................................................406

. III . . , , ..............415

Mariana Minkova. A 2nd 1st Century BC Coin Hoard from the Village of Naydenovo, Municipality of Bratya Daskalovi, Stara Zagora District ...... 425

Sotir Ivanov. Circulation of Bronze Coins of Thessalonica from the 2nd Century BC to the 1st Century BC in the Territory of Southwest Bulgaria ................431

. II . . . I . . . ....441

. , ~100 . . . 98/117 . . . ............................................ 443

Evgeni Paunov. Coins and Coin Circulation in Kabyle and its Hinterland, ca. 100 BC AD 98/117 ...................................................................................481

. . .......................................................................................489

Peter Banov. 1st AD Century Roman Countermarked Bronze Coins from the Museum in Pleven (Central North Bulgaria) .............................. 502

10

Virgil Mihailescu-Brliba. Roman Coins at the Free Tribes Outside Province of Dacia............................................................................ 507

-. .............................................................512

. , ( ) ............. 513

Svetoslava Filipova. Roman Provincial Coins from the Excavations in the Arbanas Quarter of Radomir, District of Pernik .............................. 534

. : ? .............................................................................................. 539

Dilyana Boteva. Numismatic Evidence about Ulpia Serdicas Fortification wall under Marcus Aurelius: Questions and New Possibilities?................546

a . ( II IV e) .................................................................. 547

Mariana Slavova. Coin Finds from the Town of Merichleri (Mid2nd late 4th Century AD) ...................................................................561

. , .................................... 565

Radoslav Gushterakliev. Bronze Coins from a Roman Settlement near Vladinya, Region of Lovech ................................................................580

. .................581

Georgi Dzanev. A Hoard of Roman Antoniniani from Abritus ........................... 592

Katerini Liampi. Grave Hoard of Late Roman Period from the Site Ellinika at Kopani, Ioannina/2008 ............................................................................599

. , .........................................................613

. . , ........................................................................619

Alena Tenchova. Ein Schatzfund mit frhbyzantinischen Mnzen von Dulino, gemeinde von Bjala .................................................................. 632

Dochka Vladimirova-Aladzhova. Lid for Theriac Drug Jars from Melnik (Southwest Bulgaria) .....................................................................................641

-. ...............648

/ Contents

11

. (7080- . ) ..............................................................651

Ivan Yordanov. A Seal of Unknown Byzantine Strategos of Thrake and Johanopolis Dating from 970980s AD ..............................656

. | ancient History and archaeology

. . , ( 2011 .) .......................................................................................... 657

Veselina Vandova. Neolithic Burials near the Village of Krum, Dimitrovgrad District (Campaign 2010)......................................................666

Diana Doncheva. The Northern Journey of Late Bronze Age Copper Ingots ....671

. ........................................................................................... 705

. (383/2360/359 . . .) (359341 .) .......... 715

Kalin Porozhanov. The Odrysian Kings Kotys I (383/2 360/59 BC) and Kersebleptes (359341 BC) as Rulers of Bosphorus and Hellespont .. 727

. .......................... 729

Alexander Portalsky. Dionysius of Byzantium a Valuable Ancient Source for the History and Geography of Bosporus ................................... 740

. ..........................743

Mario Ivanov. Social and Cultural Identity in Province of Thrace according to the Grave Monuments............................................ 757

. Nicopolis ad Istrum .....................761

Ivo Topalilov. or Nicopolis ad Istrum ............................. 767

, . ............769

Vladimir Naydenov, Narcis Torbov. Roman and Late Antique Lamps from the Collection of Regional Historical Museum in Pleven .................784

/ Contents

12

. .....................................791

Theodora Kovacheva. Roman Terracottae from Ulpia Oescus .............................801

. - . .....................................................807

Yunian Meshekov. Thraco-Roman Carriages from the Town of Tran: Problems of the Constriction and Reconstruction ......................................814

. . , o .............................................................. 827

Maria Kamisheva. Unpublished Monuments from the Sanctuary of Thracian Horseman near the Village of Kirilovo, Stara Zagora District .................... 832

. .................................. 835

Vassilka Paunova. Back on the Sacred territory during the Antiquity and Late Antique Period in Southwestern Europe .................................... 845

. / 2010: ...........................849

Galina Dyankova. Early Mediaeval Pit from Gorotzvetna / 2010: Notes on the Fortification of PautaliaVelbuzd .......................................... 853

. (V .) .................................................................. 857

Doychin Grozdanov. Medieval Burials in Churches from Southern Bulgaria (11th 14th c.) ...................................................................887

. | Personalia

. : (19211994) ............................................................................897

Valentin Likov. On the Footsteps of a Numismatist: Georgi Likov (19211994) ..............................................................................897

. | Indices

| Abbreviations ..................................................................901

| Index of Contributors ...................................................906

| About the Editors ..................................................................912

/ Contents

143

TWO PECULIAR THRACIAN COIN ISSUES: DANTHLHTVN AND MELSA1

[with 11 plates]

Yannis STOYAS(Athens)

Abstract Two rare coins kept in the collection of the Welfare Foundation for Social & Cultural Affairs

(KIKPE), Athens, became the stimulus for other specimens to be sought and for questions to be raised, requiring further study on several levels.

The heavy bronze pieces of the Danteletai (head of Dionysos l. / warrior r. with curved sword and light shield, DANTHL/HTVN) constitute a remarkable issue for the Thracian monetary affairs. First the variations of the ethnic name are discussed and then the iconography of the warrior (hair, sword, shield) is scrutinized, with ample literary references and correlation of archaeological paral-lels on occasion. Numismatic comparanda in stylistic terms are provided both for the reverse and the obverse, while the metrological data are assessed in context. The few glimpses at a known prov-enance lead obviously to a focal area highlighted between the northern bank of the upper course of Hebros and the Haimos mountain ridge; the role of Emporion Pistiros (probably Adjiyska Vode-nitsa, near Vetren) is also examined to an extent. All things considered, and viewed in historical perspective, a dating of this coinage in the middle of the third quarter of the 4th century BC (ca. 339335 BC?) is thought to be quite probable.

The bronze coins with the legend MELSA (filleted bucranium / fish) present an even more dif-ficult puzzle; for starters, known and not so known pieces were traced. Discussion follows at length on the filleted bucranium and the fish while searching also for stylistic comparanda. The challenge of the strange legend required some necessary commentary before giving a thorough inspection at the chances for a valid interpretation. Certain options e.g. an attribution to a Messa of the Apol-loniates that evolved later into Anchialos are examined and are found lacking, especially under the light of overstrike evidence (two pieces, one on AE of Philip II, the other on AE of Cassander). The latter alongside with other kinds of evidence provide a terminus post quem in or after the last fifteen years of the 4th century BC. Then argumentation is pondered on the hypothesis that the legend should correspond to an unknown so far Thracian chieftain; this and some other possibili-ties towards certain civic issues are rejected. The key for deciphering this riddle seems to lie by the northern coast of the Keratios near Byzantion; close study of historical topography and other clues reveal that probably there is a connection between the site of Semystra and the MELSA coins. Sever-al elements are taken into account: the filleted bucranium; the fish in Bosporos; hints in the Roman provincial coin series of Byzantion; the marshy reed growing on Keratios shore; Thracian mythical ruler Melias; Meltas, the last king of Argos; the Argive colonization at Keratios. All in all, this may be a case of syncretism materialized in a period of dire straits, due to the Celtic presence in Thrace after

1 I am very grateful to Vasso Penna, Ass. Prof. at the University of Peloponnesos and Keeper of the KIKPE coin collection, who cordially granted me the right to publish the two KIKPE acqui-sitions. New numismatic material was kindly provided by Igor Lazarenko (Archaeological Mu-seum, Varna) and Andrew Meadows (American Numismatic Society, New York). I would like to particularly thank Evgeni Paunov who courteously helped me to obtain access to material and information. This study was also benefited greatly on a number of matters by the generous assistance of Guentcho Banev.

144 Yannis Stoyas

278 BC; perhaps a sanctuary in the premises of Byzantion, dedicated to a heroic cult, proceeded to strike a brief coin issue, possibly in association of a religious festival or an important anniversary, at a moment of temporary shortage in small change (maybe some time in the years ca. 275250 BC).

The impetus for the present essay originates from the identification of two rarities in the coin collection of the Welfare Foundation for Social and Cultural Affairs (KIKPE), Athens; these were catalogued in the collections holdings of the area of Thrace in autumn 2010. , the call for a Festschrift dedicated to Dr Ilya Prokopov came some time later to cause more motivation for a proper study on these two intriguing coinages which would hopefully consist a becoming homage to the person in the spotlight. Research was based on old and new numismatic material, while the attempted synthesis correlates the testimony of literary sources, archaeological data and other pieces of evidence. First, for each coinage the specimens known so far are listed, then follows iconographic and stylistic analysis, factual and chronological commentary, as well as an interpretation of the issues in question set against an historical context.

Danteletai

Obv.: Ivy-wreathed head of Dionysos l., within dotted border.Rev.: Warrior standing r. in fighting stance, holding curved sword in r. and light

shield in l.; to l. DANTHL; to r. HTVN.D1. 15.99 g; 23.8 mm; 11 h2 (fig. 1).Historisches Museum Basel,3 inv. 1918.4980.4

D2. 19.30(?)5 g; 23 mm; 2 h (fig. 2).Museum Collection of the Bulgarian National Bank, Sofia; from Pazardzhik

environs.6

2 For these slightly revised metric data and a better photo of the coin thanks are due to Dr. Michael Matzke, Konservator Mnzkabinett of the Basel Museum. Back in 1941 Lederer had published this first piece to appear with the following data: 15.95 g; 23.2 mm (flan 6 mm thick).

3 Lederer 1941, 169174; Lederer 1943, 3235, no. 20, pl. II.20 and VIII.20A; Grassimov 1955, 578579 (considered as fake).

4 According to Lederer, the coin was acquired in 1918, which would mean that it entered the Basel collection at the end of World War I; Yourukova 1999, 11. However, concerning the prov-enance of the piece in question, Dr. M. Matzke commented (personal communication) that in December 1918 it was registered as Alter Bestand, i.e. at that point it had been already in the Museums holdings for quite a long time.

5 There is some uncertainty with the weights of this coin (BNB) and the next one (Galabov col-lection). The weights of the until then known pieces are reported by J. Yurukova as such: 18.55 16.80 15.98 g; Yourukova 1999, 11 and 13. It is not clear which weight corresponds to which coin, but it is seemingly implied that the BNB piece is the heavier; Yourukova 1999, 10. Maybe 18.55 is a typo-error for 15.95 given by Lederer for the Basel specimen; alternatively, 15.98 is very close to the actual weight (15.99) of this piece. I have tried to verify the weight of the BNB speci-men and was notified by Mrs. Ines Lazarova about a weight of 19.30 g, which is not consistent with Yurukovas publication (could 16.80 be just a typo?) and however seems quite high. In spite of my best efforts, clues provided rather reluctantly by the BNB collection are inconclu-sive; at the moment, I tend to accept the weight given.

6 Yourukova 1999, 10, n. 5, 11. Since the next coin was reportedly found in the vicinity of Kos-

145Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

D3. 15.98(?)7 g (fig. 3).Private collection of Georgi Galabov, Sofia;8 from Ihtiman environs.9 Worn.D4. 16.03 g; 22 mm; 3 h (fig. 4).KIKPE collection, Athens, inv. no. 347.10

D5. 15.83 g; 26 mm (fig. 5).In trade.11

AE coins, all struck obviously by the same pair of dies.These heavy bronze coins were issued by the Thracian tribe of the Danteletai;

this version of their name () is attested only on the coins, but the eth) is attested only on the coins, but the eth) is attested only on the coins, but the eth-nic appears in the literary sources in various forms:12 ,13 ,14 ,15 ,16 Denseletae,17 Dentheleti.18 For the version of the eth-nic name with the T doubts had been expressed by Gerasimov, who saw in this a reason to question the authenticity of the only known coin until then.19 Taking

tenets (area of Ihtiman; see infra note 9), this piece should come from the area of Pazardzhik; Yourukova 1999, 11.

7 The weight could alternatively be 16.80 (or even 18.55) g; see supra note 5; no diameter or axis given.

8 Yourukova 1999, 10, n. 5, 11.9 According to Athanas Koychev (per litteras), the Galabovs specimen was found in the area of

Ihtiman (Sofia province), which is relatively near to Kostenets. This much appreciated piece of information was accompanied by Mr Koychevs interesting remark that most of the coins of the Danteletai come from that region.

10 Unknown provenance.11 Numismatik Lanz Mnchen, Auktion 150 (13 December 2010), lot 71 = Topalov 2003, 142143,

231, no. 59 (weight misquoted; formerly in a private Bulgarian collection). No axis given; un-known current disposition.

12 See Lederer 1941, 170, and Lederer 1943, 33 (with certain errors in the endings of the forms); see also Detschew 1957, 115116.

13 The earliest reference is by Theopompos (48 or FGrH 115, fr. 221; 4th century BC) and it was repeated by Aelius Herodianus (Katholike prosodia, ed. Lentz, vol. 3.1, p. 74; 2nd century AD) and by Stephanos Byzantios (Ethnika, ed. Meineke, p. 217; 6th century AD).

14 Strabo, 7.5.12 (early 1st century AD). Claudius Ptolemaeus also refers to the territory of , a (strategia) in the province of Thracia (3.11.6; 2nd century AD).

15 Polybios, 23.8.5; this is a Hellenic second-declension noun due to the ending of the attested form (). Polybios testimony was copied also by Constantine VII Porphyrogen-netos much later (De legationibus, ed. de Boor, p. 47). For the / alternation in Thracian onomastics see Janakieva 2007, 240.

16 Cassius Dio (Rhomaike historia, 51.23.4, 51.25.3, 54.20.3; early 3rd century AD); cf. also a refer-ence to the territory of (lowland Dentheletike) in an inscription from Moesia Superior (IMS III.2 101; SEG 45.953; Svrljig, ca. 4654 AD).

17 Cicero, In Pisonem, 84 (55 BC); additionally, in Plinius Naturalis historia (4.40), where there is also another variation (4.3: Denselatae), as well as in Granius Licinianus Annales, 35.81 (2nd century AD). Furthermore, cf. the form Dansala (sing.) on the funerary inscription of Titus Flavius Bassus, an eques alae Noricorum (CIL XIII 8308; Cologne, Flavian era).

18 T. Livius, 39.53.12, 40.22.10; the ending (Dentheletos) points to a Latin second-declension noun.

19 Grassimov 1955, 578.

146 Yannis Stoyas

for granted the dating proposed by Lederer (beginning of the 3rd century BC),20 Gerasimov argued that the use of T instead of Q constitutes an anomaly that was difficult to occur at that time.21 In fact, such a phonetic change (Gr. , trop) is not uncommon in the Hellenic language and probably echoes the original pro-nunciation of such a name in Thracian. From a number of remnants of the Thra-cian language, especially early inscriptions, it seems that theta was not commonly used in rendering Thracian.22 In an analogous fashion, certain personal names appearing on coins occasionally show a preference for T over D.23 Moreover, the adoption of the form might express a kind of lingual conservatism perhaps characteristic of a rather detached area, but also not unusual for numis-matic legends. The etymology of the name is somewhat problematic,24 but more importantly many things remain obscure about this ethnos and its place in histo-ry.25 Nonetheless, the hypothesis that the tribal name Laiaioi cited by Thucydides (2.96.3) constitutes an incorrect phonetic transcription of the name of the Denthe-leti26 is evidently untenable. The two names and cannot be related in linguistic terms27 and it is hard to find a plausible link between the events of the year 429/8 BC and the first reference to the Danthaletai which may have been scribed by Theopompos after almost a century. Moreover, Thucydides mentions that the Laiaioi were Paionians (loc. cit., ... ... ), while Theopompos states the Danthaletai to be Thracians ( ).28

20 Lederer 1941, 174.21 This atypical legend alongside with other features of the warriors appearance perceived as

irregularities were viewed by Gerasimov as mistakes rather pointing to a modern forgery. How-ever, see also Yourukova 1999, 11.

22 In P. Dimitrovs opinion, the few examples containing , , or are due to foreign word-editing, while some inscriptions were made by Greek nationals (Dimitrov 2009, xv-xvi); cf. Dimitrov 2009, 6, 122. For a further comment on such matters cf. Janakieva 2007, 241.

23 Regarding the / fluctuation, the Thracian - is used aside from Hellenic influence (-) for the names of certain royal coin issues (e.g. Metokos, Amadokos); Dimitrov 2009, 132, no. 58, n. 10; cf. Janakieva 2007, 241.

24 In several Thracian personal names are used the components denth, denthe or Dentou (Dimitrov 2009, 132, no. 63). For an etymology see Detschew 1957, 116: from the root gent(i)-, clan, tribe. However, cf. Duridanov 1995, 827: dentu-, human being, man, and Duridanov 1995, 835: genti(i)-, clan, tribe.

25 For an essential historical outline see BNP, Vol. 4, s.v. Dantheletae; see also Gerov 1961, 226230, 245, 246 and Samothrakes 1963, 139140.

26 Manov 1989, 122124, 134137. Furthermore, Manov proposed an elaborate assumption that (Polybios, 9.45.3) and Iamphorynna (T. Livius, 26.25.8, 26.25.15) were two different sites and that the latter was the fortified centre of the Dentheleti; Manov 1989, 128129, 136, 137. However, see Detschew 1957, 213, where the two place names are linked. Nevertheless, the reference made by Manov to the site of Dolna Koznitsa, near Nevestino (Kyustendil province), is quite interesting.

27 ore chances might have a possible phonetic relevance between the name of the / and the , a Thracian ethnos simply mentioned by Hekataios (FGrH 1a, 1,F, fr. 177).

28 See supra n. 13.

147Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

In any case, the coinage in question is extraordinary for being the first (and only during the Classical times) in the region of Thrace bearing a tribal ethnic name and struck in copper.29 Additionally, the reverse type of the issue stands out for its distinctive character; evidently a Thracian warrior is depicted, with a number of interesting features that call for comment (figs. 67). As Lederer first noted, the hair arrangement brings to mind that Thracians were called as early as in Homers Iliad,30 i.e. as the case in point they tied up their hair in a top-knot31 (or shaved all their head except crown)32. The terminology about such a hair style is not quite definite; it could have been designated as (tuft of hair upon the crown, crest)33 or rather as / (roll or knot of hair on the crown of the head)34, the latter being more probable.35 Sometimes the term krobylos was also used for the crest of a helmet;36 this is clearly not the case, however, regarding the warriors head; no Thracian helmet with cheek-pieces (paragnathides) can be viewed.37 There is no doubt that the mans hair is fastened upwards, tied with a ribbon in the form of a bow knot and forming a roundish bun (fig. 7).

The warrior holds in his right hand a curved sword; a single-edged blade of this kind is usually called kopis ()38 or makhaira ()39. The difference

29 The bronze coins with the legend ODROSVN (Youroukova 1976, 82, no. 106, pl. X) that should have been issued by the Odrysai are tentatively dated in the 3rd century BC (SNG BM Black Sea 333B) or from the end of the 3rd century BC to the mid2nd century BC and later (Topalov 2009, 73101, esp. 95).

30 , 533 ( ); also in Hipponax (Iambi et elegi Graeci, ed. West, vol. 1, fr. 115; second half of 6th century BC); cf. Iulius Pollux, Onomastikon, 2.28 ( ; 2nd century AD).

31 LSJ, s. v. .32 See also Eustathios of Thessalonike, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes, ed. van der

Valk, Vol. 1, p. 801, remarking that , .

33 Herodotos, 4. 175, referring to the hairdressing style of the Makai, inhabitants of eastern Trip-hairdressing style of the Makai, inhabitants of eastern Trip-of the Makai, inhabitants of eastern Trip-olitania in Libya.

34 LSJ, s. v. . Krobylos is referred by Thucydides (1.6.3) as a hairdressing manner used at Athens by rich old men, who employed golden cicada-shaped ornaments to fasten the knot of hair (... ...); for some distinction in terminology, which cannot be applied in general though, cf. Scholia in Thucydidem, ed. Hude, 1.6.3: , , . In the Thucydidean view this was an already old-fash-ioned hairstyle at that time; for further discussion with interesting insights see Gkikaki 2011, esp. 321329.

35 Gerasimovs comment about the Latin term cirrus refers, as he says (Grassimov 1955, 578, n. 1), to a different chronological context.

36 Xenophon, Anabasis, 5.4.13: ...... , ; cf. Scholia in Xenophontem, ed. Dindorf, 5.4.13: .

37 Contra Yourukova 1999, 10. Likewise, the notion that the combatant wears greaves (knmides) has to be rejected; apparently the figure is barefoot.

38 See Euripides, Electra, 837, for such a sword dubbed Phthias (i.e. Thessalian) kopis.39 It is of some importance that in 400 BC is attested by Xenophon the use of blades termed

by Thracians (Anabasis, 6.1.56: ...

148 Yannis Stoyas

is uncertain, if any, as the literary sources seem rather to alternate the terms than to distinguish them;40 there is some attempt in modern literature to differenti-ate the two appellations based on the direction of the blade curvature,41 but this looks like a doubtful a posteriori convention which in fact may be of minimal or no significance at all.42 Makhairai or kopides were particularly handy for cavalry-men as overarm slashing swings of the curved blade could be very effective against infantry (fig. 8).43 Besides the presence of the Dioi, a Thracian tribe mostly in-habiting the Rhodope region, known through the testimony of Thucydides as makhairophoroi,44 there is also a number of realia that shed some light concerning the emergence of curved blades in ancient Thrace already in the 5th century BC;45 based on the archaeological finds,46 their use rather became more popular in the second half of the 4th century BC.47 Such blades appear also on the frescoes of the Kazanluk Tomb48 and on a golden amphora from the Panagyurishte Treasure (late 4th early 3rd century BC), Pazardzhik province.49 Moreover, a passage in the

...; the vivid description relates a war dance performed by two Thracian foot soldiers near Kotyora in Pontos); see also Lee 2007, 72.

40 Snodgrass 1967, 97, 109, 119, Pl. 50; Lee 2007, 115, n. 51; Webber 2011, 13, 5960, 6465, 86, 102103.

41 Tarassuk, Blair 1986, s. v. kopis. According to the authors a kopis should be a forward-curv-ing blade, while a makhaira would have a slight backwards curve. However, see infra nn. 42 and 43.

42 There is even an example in Euripides, Cyclops, 241, where kopis is used as an adjective to makhaira: ... .

43 Xenophon (Peri hippiks, 12.11) advises that a rider should prefer to handle a makhaira / kopis over a straight sword, striking foot soldiers from above: , . Interestingly enough in this passage the two terms are used interchangeably. For a caveat regarding the use of makhaira/kopis to inflict downward slashing strokes from horseback see Barnes 2005, 355, n. 23. Furthermore, reference to a cav-alry sabre ( ) is made by epigraphic testimonia, e.g. IG II 1489, 37 (Athens; end of 4th century BC).

44 2.96.2, 2.98.4 (429/8 BC); 7.27, 7.2930 (413 BC).45 Dimitrova 2004, 131.46 Known pre-Hellenistic examples of makhairai/kopides from Bulgaria: Vratsa province, 7th/6th

century BC; National Museum of History, Sofia, inv. no. 43142; Fol et al. 2004, 295, no. 256 (37.6 cm); this might be the specimen found at Bashova Mogila, cited by Archibald 1998, 203, n. 52. Another one from Vratsa province; Webber 2001, 38 (sketch, top left). Golyamata Mogila, Duvanli (Plovdiv province); Archibald 1998, 203, n. 52; Webber 2001, 38 (sketch, bottom right); Webber 2011, 60, n. 34, 220. Gilt-decorated hilt in eagles head shape, near Sozopol, 5th century BC; Webber 2011, 60, pl. 15. Kopis with similar handle, displayed in the Kazanluk museum; Webber 2011, 60. Kopis, displayed in the Kabyle museum; Webber 2011, 60. Lipnitsa, Vratsa province; Archibald 1998, 203, n. 54.

47 Archibald 1998, 203, n. 50.48 Kitov 2004, 254 (end of 4th beginning of 3rd century BC); Webber 2011, 30 (early 3rd century

BC), 5960; Webber 2003, 546, fig. 12d (artistic reconstruction: from the left, third and fifth figure in the eastern frieze of the tombs dromos).

49 Combat scene where long one-edged blades are depicted in overarm hacking motion; Webber

149Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

Historiae of Q. Curtius Rufus although written in the 1st century AD may offer an interesting connection.50 While describing the Battle of the Hydaspes (326 BC), Curtius relates that at a crucial point Alexander launched Agrianian and Thracian light-armed troops (Agrianos et Thracas leviter armatos) against the elephants, who intercepted the latter with volleys of missiles.51 After the phalanx also joined the melee, the bloody outcome was sealed when there were used secures for hack-ing at the feet of the behemoths (8.14.28) and copides for attacking their trunks (8.14.29).52 Usually the secures are rendered as axes; the other part translates as slightly curved swords, which they called copides, similar to falces. Recently it was suggested that rhomphaiai should be meant for the slightly curved copides, but the whole assumption is rather undermined by some misunderstanding.53 It is quite possible that the Latin word securis corresponds actually to the Hellenic ;54 this term is often used by Xenophon, who casually interchanges it with kopis or makhaira;55 according to later literary sources its definition is either kopis or axe.56

One can wonder what would be the name for such a blade in Thracian. Later sources inform us that the Thracians were the first who invented a curved blade called harpe.57 However, this name causes some further confusion as it has been

2011, 60, pl. 21; according to Webber they resemble a lot with the 70 cm kopis in the Kabyle museum.

50 8.14.2430.51 It is wellknown that the Agrianes were firstrate javelin throwers.52 ... securibus id namque genus auxilii praeparatum erat pedes amputare coeperunt. Copidas

vocabant gladios leviter curvatos, falcibus similes, quis adpetebant beluarum manus.53 Pace Webber 2011, 6465. In the text appears the form copidas (fem. pl. acc.); there is some

confusion between kopides (pl.) and kopis (sing.), while the claim that a kopis is sharply curved is much debatable. There is no problem that these weapons were also used by Thra-cians, since Curtius does not clearly state that only Macedonians handled them; peltasts, like the aforementioned Agrianians and the Thracae leviter armati, could resort to their (curved) blades, after having thrown their javelins; cf. Webber 2011, 201. For the rhomphaia see indica-tively Paunov 2005, 42, 374380, figs. 12; Webber 2011, esp. 6168, fig. 19; 172177, pl. 12, 3942 (with the caveat already mentioned). The exact time of the appearance of the rhomphaia re-mains a problem; some figures in the eastern and the western frieze of the dromos of the Kazanluk Tomb may be holding rhomphaiai; Webber 2003, 546, figs. 12d and 12e (artistic re-constructions); cf. supra n. 48; see also T. Livius, 31.39.11 (rumpia, 200 BC); Plutarch, Aemilius Paulus, 18.5 (171 BC).

54 This was a weapon employed by Scythians (Herodotos, 1.215), Persians (Xenophon, Anabasis, 4.4.1617), Mossynoikoi (Xenophon, Anabasis, 5.4.13: ... ; see also su-pra n. 36), etc.

55 As e.g. in Kyrou Paideia, 1.2.9: (kopis or sagaris in sheath); 2.1.16: ; 4.2.22: .

56 Scholia in Xenophontem, ed. Dindorf, 5.4.13: ; Hesychios of Alexandria, Lexi-con, ed. Schmidt, s. v. (one-edged axe); Photios, s. v. : ; Suda, s. v. : , ; cf. Anthologia Palatina, 6.94, for a double-edged blade ( ). Additionally, cf. Libanius, Dec-lamatio 23, 1.76, about ; perhaps the latter may indirectly echo the secures brought into the fray at the Hydaspes.

57 ... ( ), cited by Clemens of Alexandria (Stromata, 1.16.75.57), Eusebius (Praeparatio evangelica, 10.6.67) and

150 Yannis Stoyas

also used for the weapon of the mythical hero Perseus.58 An intriguing testimo-ny comes from a fragment of Troilos by Sophokles where the appellation is attested,59 it should be noted though that literary evidence for the shape of the blade is not solid.60 Not long ago an iron curved blade from Vratsa province (3rd/2nd century BC), due to its particular curving, was published under the no-tion that it could correspond to the weapon called skalme (fig. 9).61 The shape of this item, however, is rather close to some other blades illustrated in a previous publication,62 as well as perhaps to a blade depicted in the western frieze of the dromos of the Kazanluk Tomb.63 Taking into account that differences appear mi-nor in the depictions, it is quite difficult to discern if the blade held by the warrior on the Danteletai coins is either a skalme or a kopis, but the impression given on the better preserved specimens makes the latter more likely.

Returning now to the standing Thracian fighter, it should be stressed that there is no reason to suppose that the shield he carries is a crescent-shape pelte.64 Gera-simov saw right on this, even if it was considered as another flaw, and though the shield is depicted rather in threequarter profile, what is likely viewed is in essence a round or an oval shield. The glimpse of the interior of the shield is revealing: it is held through the porpax, gripping the antilabe,65 while the short horizontal lines on its inner surface show that it has definitely been made of wickerwork. Basic similarities exist with another kind of shield, the gerron, although this was regu-larly oblong.66 Even so, the visualization of a Xenophontian description (wicker

Scamon (Fragmenta, 5.2629). This is generally considered a , a war-sickle. In Thra-ce another term for such a sickle-sword might be ; see infra nn. 5963.

58 In any case, the harpe linked to the hero Perseus is commonly depicted on coins as a straight blade with a protruding vertical hook on the cutting edge; e.g. AV stater of Alexander the Great, Salamis, Cyprus, ca. 332323 BC (Price 1991, no. 3136: symbol on reverse field); AE coin of Philip V of Macedonia, 221179 BC (SNG Cop. 1261ff.: reverse type). A detailed description of such a blade is given by Achilles Tatius, Ta kata Leukippn kai Kleitophnta, 3.7.89.

59 Sophokles, fr. 620; Iulius Pollux comments that this name seems barbarian (Onomasticon, 10.165: ), although cf. LSJ, s. v. (pin or thole to which the Greek oar was fastened by the troptr, a twisted leather thong). For an etymological attempt to relate skalme to the Indo-European *(s)kel-, sharp; to cut, to scratch, see Paliga 2006, 171.

60 Hesychios of Alexandria, s. v. . ; cf. sica, (curved); Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum, vol. II, 1888, 183.

61 National Museum of History, Sofia, inv. no. 38584; Fol et al. 2004, 296, no. 261 (38.8 cm).62 See Webber 2001, 38 (sketch, top left), as two of the Vratsa province blades called makhairai

look similar to one published as skalme; this also could be the case with the makhaira from Pleven (bottom center right).

63 Webber 2003, 546, fig. 12e (artistic reconstruction: third figure from the left).64 See indicatively Snodgrass 1967, 7879, 83, 95; Lee 2007, 116, n. 56; Webber 2011, 50.65 Webber 2011, 5152.66 This word, known already from Herodotos (7.61.1) and quite frequent in Xenophon, typical-

ly signifies an oblong oxhidecovered wicker shield, which was commonly used by the Per-sians; Snodgrass 1967, 78, 101. Persian gerra were usually withy-made; Suda, s. v. : ... .

151Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

shield in the left, curved blade in the right)67 presents a certain affinity with the Dantlts depiction. Information offered by later sources is also worth exam-ining. Dionysios of Halicarnassos while making a lengthy report on the Roman customs and more specifically on the Salii, dancers and singers in praise of the gods of war, gives an interesting detail: each of them holds in his left a Thracian pelte ( ).68 This was a special pelte with a curious shape; Dionysios describes it as similar to a rhomboidal thureos, with its sides compressed;69 Plutarch (Numa, 13.16) describes the original bronze pelte ( ) that fell from the sky at the hands of legendary king Numa and calls (ancilia) those ritual peltai, for their shape was not circular but had indentations or cutouts. Also, in his Life of Aemilius Paulus, Plutarch refers to Thracian gerra included in Roman triumph, which might be somehow differ-entiated from the peltai (... ).70 According to a general view based on literary sources, the essential features of a pelte were that it had no rim like a hoplon/aspis, (normally) it was not bronze-faced, nor it was covered with oxhide but with goat- or sheep-skin.71 On the other hand, archaeo-logical evidence is rather scarce, mainly because of the fact that the materials that had been used were mostly perishable; traces of a cresentic or round pelte, made from organic material and fixed with bronze nails, have been found near Debnevo (Lovech province);72 a gold ring dated to the 5th century BC which was found at Chernozem (Plovdiv province) is engraved with a nude warrior bearing a spear and a strangely rendered shield;73 a flat, ovoid shield, made of leather and bronzefaced, was discovered at Dolna Koznitsa (Kyustendil province).74 There may be some similarities with a couple of figures in the eastern frieze of the Kazanluk Tomb,75 but the warrior on the coins appears to be holding a smaller,

67 Xenophon, Kyrou Paideia, 2.1.9: , ; also 4.2.22 ( ); cf. Strabo, 11.5.1 ( ).

68 Rhomaike archaiologia, 2.70 (7 BC); cf. Euripides, Alkestis, 498 ( ).

69 Rhomaike archaiologia, 2.70.3: ... ,...; it has been commented that the word (rhombus-shaped, lozenge-shaped) should actually mean oval; Dionysioss phrasing seems to imply an eight-shaped shield; cf. also Strabo, 15.3.19 for a reference to a rhomboidal gerron ( ).

70 Aemilius Paulus, 32.6 (167 BC).71 See Aristotle, Fragmenta varia, ed. Rose, 8.44.498.115 (Scholia Vaticana ad Euripidis Rhesum,

311, ): () ( ) ( ) . It has been claimed that the pelte was an Illyrian invention, but the Thracians were the first who used peltai on horseback; Euse-bius, Praeparatio evangelica, 10.6.67: . ; cf. Clemens of Alexandria, Stromata, 1.16.75.57, and Scamon, Fragmenta, 5.2629.

72 Archibald 1998, 203, n. 55, 204, n. 56.73 Webber 2011, 52.74 Webber 2011, 54.75 See supra n. 48; cf. Yourukova 1999, fig. 3.

152 Yannis Stoyas

probably not ribbed, shield; it could be an oval pelte or possibly a variation that might have been designated (then, or at some point later) as Thracian gerron.

In a search of iconographic and stylistic comparanda for the warrior figure, it would seem at first glance that not many counterparts can be readily traced, espe-cially in nearby territories. A tetradrachm emission of Abdera issued in the name of Nikostratos, with a warrior bearing conical helmet, spear and hoplon on the re-verse, constitutes a numismatic antecedens that can be noted (fig. 10).76 Looking further, in Thessaly, on certain silver and bronze issues of Pelinna appears a warrior (usually a peltast) advancing left77 and sometimes right.78 A warrior with a conical helmet, a spear and a large round shield (hoplon) is rendered on bronzes of Trikka (fig. 11).79 Another warrior, bearing helmet and holding sword and hoplon/aspis is shown on an issue (silver obol) of Kierion dated ca. 350 BC.80 Characteristic ex-amples of comparanda can be provided by the large coin series of the Opountioi Lokroi illustrating Ajax, the son of Oileus. Here again the figure is standing right, holding sword and aspis, but in heroic nudity (except for his helmet), compared to the Thracian warrior who wears a chitoniskos (fig. 12). Focusing on details such as the rendering of the body, the arrangement of the legend in a similar fashion (OPON / TIVN),81 as well as the features of Demeters head (obv.), a close stylistic comparandum is dated in the 350s BC, although this should be considered prob-ably as a terminus post quem for the issue of the Danteletai.82

Regarding Dionysos head on the other side, a terminus post quem could be seen on Abderitan drachms signed by Molpagores,83 which are dated about the

76 May 1966, 158, 167168, no. 219, pl. XIII (ca. 439411/404? BC); see Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 123, tab. 3, for a revised dating of this issue ca. 386 BC. The depicted warrior cannot be a peltast; pace Mattingly 1996, 416, n. 58, 423424, n. 94, and Isaac 1986, 103104, n. 166; cf. Figueira 1998, 136137, n. 80.

77 See e.g. Nomos 4 (10.05.2011), BCD Coll. Thessaly, lot 1227 (AR drachm; first half of the 4th century BC or earlier) and lots 1228.12 (AE chalkoi; first half of the 4th century BC; note that the shield is rimmed in 1228.2).

78 See e.g. Classical Numismatic Group, e-auction 183 (05.03.2008), lot 48 (AE, ca. 400344 BC; large shield).

79 First half of the 4th century BC; Nomos 4 (10.05.2011), BCD Coll. Thessaly, lot 1359; a different version of a warrior appears on the reverse of the next lot (1360).

80 SNG Cop. 34; Nomos 4 (10.05.2011), BCD Coll. Thessaly, lot 1074.81 The letter forms of the legend of the Danteletai issue seem very clear-cut and compact, but

sometimes this can be a trait of conservatism of the engraver. For the warrior, comparanda can be seen on later Opuntian coins too.

82 Stylistic analysis cannot lead to strict chronological criteria when discussing such different ar-eas and coin productions which are affected by several factors (metal available, purpose and duration of minting, etc). A distant but interesting comparandum can be viewed on hemi-drachms of Tegea showing a warrior (Kepheus?) with helmet, spear and large shield and dated ca. 350330 BC; SNG Lockett 2531; LHS Numismatik, Auction 96 (08.05.2006), BCD Coll. Pelo-ponnesos, lot 1730. On the other hand, the figure of Protesilaos on the coins of Phthiotides The-bai seems to set just a terminus ante quem for the Danteletai coinage; these hemidrachms and tetrachalka are dated ca. 302286 BC; Nomos 4 (10.05.2011), BCD Coll. Thessaly, lots 13471348.

83 May 1966, 245, 246, 253, no. 411, pl. XX (ca. 386/5375 BC); see Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 123, tab. 3, for revised chronology: 377374 BC.

153Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

time of the Triballian raid of 375 BC.84 A couple of issues of nearby mints can be also correlated, such as the short-lived bronze emission of Galepsos (head of Dio-nysos l.)85 or the silver obols of Amphipolis (male young head, bound with tainia, r.),86 but both look a bit earlier in style. The gradual stylistic evolution observed on the series of the Chalcidic Koinon can offer useful insight as the closest resem-blance can be rather spotted in Group V, which is probably dated ca. 350 BC (fig. 13).87 The ivy-wreathed head of Dionysos on certain coin issues of Lamia presents affinities: these can be detected either on hemidrachms (rendering of the eye, smoothly arched eyebrow; fig. 14a)88 or obols (flowing hair on the neck, oval jaw; fig. 14b)89 that are tentatively dated in the 360s/350s BC, but for which a lower chronology may actually be more suitable.90 Taking also into account the prolific, lifetime and posthumous, coin production of Philip II of Macedonia, there is a number of Apollon heads on stater emissions that could be associated in style with the Dionysos head of the Danteletai; holding some reservations concerning the chronology of certain issues in the name of Philip, a possible likeness may be discerned on specimens struck ca. 340/336328 BC at Pella (fig. 15).91

The extant Danteletai specimens were struck at a most frequent weight of about 16 g (and the standard may go even higher), with a thick flan approx. 6 mm; heavy bronze pieces of this kind have been coined very rarely in general and par-allels are found rather exclusively92 in issues of certain Thracian rulers: Seuthes I (424410/405 BC),93 Metokos (Medokos or Amadokos I, ca. 405391 BC),94 Kotys I (ca. 384/3359 BC),95 Amatokos II (ca. 359351 BC)96 and Teres III (ca. 350/347341

84 About this event it is attested in the Scholia of Aelius Aristides (ed. Dindorf, III, 275, Panathe-naikos, 172.7) that the Triballi were in collaboration with the Maronitans against the Abderi-tans; see May 1966, 241243, n. 3; Graham 1992, 6465, n. 133; Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 124, 125, n. 2, 126.

85 Liampi 2005, 197198 (ca. 360/359 before 357 BC); there is some dissension whether Galepsos was located in the Thasian peraia (Loukopoulou 2004, 861, no. 631; Liampi 2005, 194ff., n. 374) or in Chalcidice (Flensted-Jensen 2004, 827828, no. 571).

86 See e.g. Lorber 1990, no. 76 (ca. 357353 BC).87 Laureate head of Apollon r.; Robinson, Clement 1938, pl. XVI, no. 130 (old chronology: ca.

355352 BC). For the revised chronology (350? BC) see Psoma 2001, esp. 187, tab. IV.88 Nomos 4 (10.05.2011), BCD Coll. Thessaly, lot 1089; SNG Cop. 77.89 Nomos 4 (10.05.2011), BCD Coll. Thessaly, lot 1090.90 Special thanks are due to colleague Evangelia Georgiou, who is compiling the numismatic cor-

pus of Lamia as a PhD study, for sharing her remarks on the coins under discussion.91 Le Rider 1977, pl. 60, no. 227ff.92 No real link can be established with the Adriatic as proposed by Lederer (Lederer 1941, 171, n.

7, 174). Some weights of Dalmatian coins (Herakleia, Pharos, Ionios, and perhaps Issa?) look similar, but besides chronological and other problems the whole assumption cannot stand on historical grounds.

93 Peter 1997, 78. For such heavy bronze coins attributed to Seuthes I see Topalov 2003, 1619, 236, nos. 7576.

94 Peter 1997, 89, 92.95 Peter 1997, 112, 115.96 Peter 1997, 132, 134135.

154 Yannis Stoyas

BC).97 Based on a sample of metrological data98 the royal issues in question pres-ent the following high values: Seuthes I; over 15 g Metokos; just over 16 g Kotys I; close to 17 g Amatokos II; over 18 g, sometimes over 20 g Teres III; over 17 g, sometimes over 18 g. Odrysian rulers (particularly Amatokos II and Teres III) adopted Maronitan types for their coinages,99 but their pieces were not struck at Maroneia, since there are no die links with the citys series and they very few royal coins have been found in the excavations conducted there.100 Quite interestingly a Maronitan coin series struck in silver presents analogous weights (16.1517.25 g),101 perhaps hinting at a possible link. These coins had been designated by Schnert-Geiss as tridrachms at the Persian weight standard and assigned to the period ca. 386/5348/7 BC.102 However, it has been suggested that these pieces should be instead tetradrachms minted at a reduced Attic weight standard103 and that they should be dated in the years ca. 365330s BC.104 There is even a stylistic similarity between a couple of the Dionysos heads on these tetradrachms105 and the Dio-nysos head of the Danteletai bronzes making a connection more reasonable (fig. 16). Following the recent metrological revision of the Maronitan bronzes,106 it can be attempted to define the heavy denomination employed by the Danteletai. Based on the published material107 and according to the analysis applied, bronze currency was introduced at the beginning of the 4th century BC and the smaller unit was a chalkous with an average weight just above 1 g, while two other denomi-nations were also struck (tetartemoria and maybe hemiobols?). All three values were of similar weight and module, differentiating only through obverse types and largely pointing to a currency of fiduciary character.108 Some reform occurred in the 360s330s BC, especially with the appearance of a larger denomination (hemi-obols?) with an average weight of just over 5 g109. Consequently, the weight of the Danteletai pieces, if they were issued before the change, should make them bronze diobols;110 if they were struck afterwards, they might constitute bronze

97 Peter 1997, 140141.98 Besides the case of Seuthes I, based mostly on data assembled online by Yannis Hourmouzi-

adis; see links and statistics sheets for each ruler through http://hourmo.eu/27_Reges_Thra-ciae/Index_Reges_Thraciae.html (retrieved 6 August 2011).

99 Psoma et al. 2008, 167.100 Psoma et al. 2008, 162163, n. 16; cf. Schnert-Geiss 1987, 46, 51, nn. 59.101 Schnert-Geiss 1987, 3536.102 Schnert-Geiss 1987, 3839, 150153, nos. 385406, pl. 18.103 Wartenberg 1992, 197; Psoma et al. 2008, 170, 171172, 173.104 Psoma et al. 2008, 169170, 173, 188.105 Especially the issue signed by Metrophanes (Schnert-Geiss 1987, 39, 151152, nos. 389393,

pl. 18).106 Psoma et al. 2008, 131ff., 151, 188.107 Psoma et al. 2008, 13ff., 53ff.108 Psoma et al. 2008, 150, 188.109 Psoma et al. 2008, 2627, 135, 151, 188; signed by Pythonikos and dated in the 330s BC (26) or

from the third quarter of the 4th century BC (135).110 1 AE diobol corresponding to 2 obols X 8 chalkoi of ca. 11.1 g.

155Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

trihemiobols.111 Notwithstanding, this could be a case of monetary tokens or fiat money with a value fixed under agreement.

A few things can, but should be said for the circulation of these coins based on the little evidence available. The much later testimony of Plinius (Naturalis historia, 4.40) places the Denseletae (alongside with the Maedi) on the right bank of the Strymon. On the other hand, a little earlier, Strabon includes in the tribes who dwell about the Mount Haimos and at its foot some of the Maedi and the Dantheletai (7.5.12).112 It may come a bit as a surprise but until nowadays no coins of the Danteletai have been published113 or are known to have been found in the territory of Kyustendil (Pautalia in Roman times), in the west side of the Upper Strymon area which is often deemed the homeland of the tribe; the same applies for the Smolyan (Central Rhodope) area.114 Nor any specimens are reported so far in the acquisitions of such a major museum as the Archaeological Museum of Plo-vdiv or in the holdings of the Pazardzhik History Museum.115 On the basis of the only known locations of provenance for the Danteletai coins, however, the area of Pazardzhik emerges together with that of Ihtiman.116 That seems to be no coinci-dence as the course of the diagonal route from Philippopolis (Plovdiv) to Serdik (Sofia) is outlined, while in the middle the archaeological site of Adjiyska Vode-nitsa, near Vetren (Septemvri area, Upper Hebros valley),117 comes in effect under the spotlight. This recently become prominent river port is commonly thought to be identified with Emporion Pistiros.118 Though no coins of the Danteletai have been traced there so far, based on the consulted literature,119 it seems that this site was a key point and played a significant role in the trade of a broader area,120 taking

111 1 AE trihemiobol (=1 obol) reckoned at 3 AE hemiobols of ca. 5.15.7 g.112 It is not clear if what appears to be an inconsistency, at least partly, could be due to shifts in

the rather fragmentary geographical pattern of the Thracian tribes that were noted in the 1st century AD.

113 An argumentum ex absentia derived from Prokopov et al. 2009.114 Another case of argumentum ex absentia derived from Filipova et al. 2011.115 Information provided by Evgeni Paunov (per litteras) with my sincere thanks.116 See supra nn. 6 and 9. Supplementary information is found in the Bulgarian Wikipedia (s. v.

), quoting: In the 1990s, new specimens found in the area of Pazardzhik and Ve-tren with these coin types and the ethnic DANTHL/HTVN... (retrieved 20 June 2011).

117 Archibald 2004, 895896, no. 656.118 Some reservations on the identification of the site as an emporion were expressed by

Tsetskhladze, focusing on archaeological data; regarding emporion Pistiros he would prefer the locality of Assardere, 2 km to the south, were the famous inscription had been found; Tsetskhladze 2000, 233246; Tsetskhladze 2002, 154. For different approaches supposing that Pistiros and Pistyros were one and the same and, moreover, located on the Aegean coast see Salviat 1999, 259273; Bravo, Chankowski 1999, 275317; Johnston 1999 (retrieved 17 July 2011 from http://classics.kenyon.edu/symposium/Jennifer%20E_%20Johnston.htm). For a so far last word in favour of Adjiyska Vodenitsa as Emporion Pistiros see: Bouzek, Domaradzka 2010b, 235240.

119 Taneva 2000, 4753; see also Archibald 2004, 896, and Tacheva 2007, 592.120 Archibald 2004, 888; Bouzek, Domaradzka 2007, 254259.

156 Yannis Stoyas

also into account the important Pistiros Vetren inscription (after 359 BC).121 The inscription could have been issued under the authority of Amadokos II122 or Teres III;123 it documents several commercial and other regulations between emporitai and Thracians, with references to Maroneia,124 Apollonia and Thasos. The refer-ence in the inscription to Dionysos is telling about the importance of his cult in these lands,125 in association to the eminent oracle supervised by the Bessi prob-ably in the Haimos area.126 All things considered, the testimony of Strabon, com-bined with the partial absence and the reported concentration of the Danteletai coins (with the representation of Dionysos on them no less), lead to a focal area highlighted between the northern bank of the upper course of Hebros and the Haimos mountain ridge (fig. 17).

Regarding the chronology of the issue, it should be noted first that it would have been short-lived, taking into account the use seemingly of only a pair of dies. The striking of the coins probably took place after the final campaign of Philip II in Thrace (342341 BC) and the fall of the Odrysian rulers Kersobleptes and Teres III.127 A little later the Maedi revolted and young Alexander had to subjugate them (340 BC).128 Either by the end of the same year or in 339 BC Antipatros and Parme-nion led a successful operation against the Tetrachoritai;129 by that time Macedo-nian control was consolidated in Thrace, especially after the victorious campaign of Philip against the Scythian ruler Ataias.130 In 335 BC the new king of Macedo-

121 For the inscription and its importance see indicatively Velkov, Domaradzka 1994, 115; SEG 43 (1993), 153154; Velkov, Domaradzka 1996, 205216; Chankowski, Domaradzka 1999, 246258; Loukopoulou 1999, 359371; Domaradzka 2002, 339342; Veligianni-Terzi 2004, 313324; Tacheva 2007, 588595.

122 Archibald 2004, 887; Psoma et al. 2008, 176.123 Tacheva 2007, 592, esp. 593594, favouring Teres III (as son of Kersobleptes) and a dating after

341/0 BC.124 Relations of both kings with Maroneia have been already known since they adopted coin types

of the city. There was a preliminary report for Maronitan lead weight(s) found at Vetren Pistiros (Archibald 1998, 226; Psoma et al. 2008, 176, n. 90), something which is not confirmed after all I would like to truly thank Dr Zosia Halina Archibald for this clarification (personal communication).

125 Domaradzka 1999, 351; Lazova 2002, 335337, Bouzek, Domaradzka 2010a, 233234.126 On this matter see Boteva 2002, 27, n. 5, 28, nn. 78, 30. are mentioned by Herodotos

(7.111) to control this Thracian oracle of Dionysos, which according to Boteva was located in Haimos see Scholia in Euripidem, ed. Schwartz, Hecuba, 1267 (near Haimos), and Alcestis, 968 (on Haimos; Heraclides Ponticus).

127 For the events see Archibald 1998, 234237; Zambon 2000, 6974, 80, n.11; Veligianni-Terzi 2004, 291297.

128 Plutarch, Alexander, 9.1. The assumption (Manov 1989, esp. 126127 and 136137) that the Dan-thaletai at that time took the side of the Macedonians and the Agrianians is highly conjectural; cf. Yourukova 1999, 11.

129 Archibald 1998, 235; Zambon 2000, 7475 (opting year 339 BC in n. 6). The Tetrachoritai was perhaps a clan of the Bessi; Stephanos Byzantios, Ethnika, ed. Meineke, p. 618: , , . ; see also Zambon 2000, 8586, n. 14.

130 Archibald 1998, 237239; Jordanov 2000, esp. 275276; Minchev 2003, 221222.

157Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

nia, Alexander, launched an offensive against the Triballoi and later the Getai. The route he followed is largely sketchy: he probably traversed the Nestos valley, passed by the modern town Yakoruda and the Yundola col, then crossed over He-bros possibly into the area of Emporion Pistiros and from there he advanced as it seems to the Etropole Pass on Haimos,131 where he met resistance by many of the traders equipped with arms and by the autonomous Thracians (Arrian, 1.1.6).132 The Thracians could be again the Tetrachoritai; it should be noted however that Alexanders army had rather cut across the country of the Dantha-letai who probably were on good terms with the Bessi.133 Since the mountain pass had seemed to the traders and the Bessi as the right place to take a stand against the Macedonians, perhaps the Danthaletai followed suit and joined the conflict. In any case, that year marked the end of the conquest of the Thracian lands by the Temenids. As shown already through the stylistic analysis attempted, with the inference also of a time lag possible for the area in question, certain clues point to the third quarter of the 4th century BC. All in all, it would be logical that the Dan-teletai issued their coinage after the collapse of the Odrysian kingdom, practising in a sense their autonomy; the specific occasion that led to this brief issue has to be sought in the interregnum years, before the rise of Seuthes III (ca. 330295 BC). Thus, the cessation of the Odrysian coin production alongside with an incident in the 330s should have caused the minting of their pieces (somewhere in the Thra-cian hinterland), perhaps ante 335 BC.134

Melsa(s)

Obv.: Filleted bucranium facing, within dotted border. Rev.: Fish l.; below MELSA.

M1. 6.08 g; 18 mm; 9 h (fig. 18).Overstruck on AE coin of Philip II of Macedonia (SNG Mnchen 145, for the

type).135

KIKPE collection, Athens, inv. no. 318.136

131 Boteva 2002, 28 and esp. 30.132 There is a crux in this passage (...

...), but taking into account the emporitai mentioned in the Vetren Pistiros inscription things may be seen in perspective; Boteva 2000, 30.

133 For a similar occasion that Bessi and Dentheleti are mentioned in tandem, much later, cf. Poly-bios, 23.8.5 (... () ).

134 It remains unkown if some Danteletai were recruited among the Thracians (see e.g. Jordanov 2000, 278) that followed Alexander in his thunderous campaign to the East.

135 Bucranium struck on young rider r., above FILIPPOY (rev.); fish struck on young male head r. (obv.).

136 Frank L. Kovacs, Fixed Price List 29 (1997), no. 2 = Topalov 1998b, 37, no. 3 (from Bulgaria?).

158 Yannis Stoyas

M2. 4.44 g; 16 mm (fig. 19).Topalov Collection, Sofia; from Northeast Bulgaria.137

M3. 5.30 g; 17 mm; 2 h (fig. 20).Overstruck on AE coin of Cassander (SNG Alpha Bank 887).138

In trade.139

M4. 4.98 g; 16 mm; 3 h (fig. 21).Archaeological Museum, Varna, inv. no. I 4801. Worn.140

M5. 1.92 g; 15.5 mm; 3 h (fig. 22).Archaeological Museum, Varna, inv. no. I 5393. Worn and corroded.AE coins, struck perhaps by the same pair of dies?

A supplementary list of extant specimens with scant documentation (non vidi) follows:

Private collection; from northeastern Bulgaria; 17 mm, 4 mm thick.141

Private collection; from Burgas district; 4.80 g; 18 mm, 4 mm thick.142

Private collection; from Sozopol environs; 17 mm, 3.5 mm thick.143

Private collection(?); from Veliko Tarnovo district (?); 18 mm, 4 mm thick.144

A recent report talks about 1012 specimens kept in private Bulgarian collec-tions; an additional piece of information is that there is also a single bronze with filleted bucranium facing (obv.) / fish and trident, MELSA (rev.).145 It is most prob-ably a larger denomination,146 but since this intriguing piece is unpublished, it was not possible to include it in this study. The smaller coin issue under discussion was virtually unknown until quite recently;147 it is very peculiar in terms of the unusual obverse reverse combination and of its uncanny legend.

137 Topalov 2007, 289, no. 1 = Topalov 1998b, 3637, no. 1; no axis given.138 Bucranium struck on head of Herakles r.; fish struck on lion seated r., above KASSAN, in ex-

ergue DROY.139 Classical Numismatic Group, Mail Bid Sale 88 (14 September 2011), lot 70; attributed to an oth-

erwise unknown Thracian chieftain Melsas. The coin was not noted as having been overstruck.140 No precise provenance for this and the next coin. However, Mr I. Lazarenko has commented

that such coins are found often in the zone north from the town of Kavarna in Dobrudja, along the Euxine coast (per literras).

141 Topalov 1998b, 37, no. 2.142 Topalov 1998b, 37, no. 5.143 Topalov 1998b, 37, no. 6; Topalov non vidit.144 Topalov 1998b, 37, no. 4; Topalov non vidit, however he states that possibly the coin was only

shown there in a monthly meeting of collectors.145 Topalov 2007, 290.146 I should thank I. Lazarenko for bringing this detail into my knowledge (per litteras).147 Topalov 1998a, 1014; Topalov 1998b, 3649; Topalov 2007, 289302.

159Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

On the obverse, the facing bucranium bears a sacrificial knotted fillet, shown as a beaded ribbon draped across the forehead and looped around the horns, then falling down the sides, ending in tassels. In contrast to the , a smooth band of cloth, such a knotted fillet could be called on occasion (Lat. infula).148 Looking at the broad picture, certain antecedentia could be mentioned, such as, most notably for their close iconography, the bronze coins of Tauric Chersonesos with filleted bucranium / fish, club and the legend XER; there are different views for the dating of this issue,149 but according to the latest monograph the Cherso-nesian chalkoi were produced in the 390s BC (fig. 23a-b).150 In Thrace, the type of the filleted frontal bucranium makes a notable appearance on the stater issue of Parmenon at Abdera, which is characterized by a rather early stylization (fig. 24).151 Quite early are also several examples from the well known coin series of the Phokians, many of which are dated in the period ca. 357/351346 BC;152 some of the Phokian (filleted) bucrania153 are somehow reminiscent in style of the (not filleted) bucrania adorning the silver phialai nos. 9495 from the Rogozen Trea-sure.154 Insisting in the area of Phokis, closer stylistic comparanda can be found there, however in later issues such as those minted by Elateia in the late 4th cen-tury BC (fig. 25)155 and by Lilaia in the late 4th early 3rd century BC (fig. 26).156 Another similar example, belonging in the first half of the 3rd century BC, comes from a bronze issue of Histiaia (fig. 27).157

148 For example cf. in Theophrastos, Characters, 21.7, the description of the character of a (pettily-proud): , , .

149 SNG Black Sea 710: ca. 350 BC; SNG Stancomb 457: ca. 350300 BC.150 Kovalenko 2008, 48, 70, nos. 3983, pl. 24. In the much appreciated view of Sergei Kova-

lenko these coins were circulating for a quite long period of time after their issue (personal communication). Much later, probably by the end of the 3rd century BC, lead tesserae were used at Chersonesos apparently for control over free distributions related to religious festivals; Kovalenko 2002, esp. 42, 50, 51. There is a whole series of them and the filleted bucranium is the most common type appearing in many combinations: head of Parthenos / bucranium; bucranium / dolphin r. or l.; bucranium / head of Hermes; bucranium / monogram (various), etc.; Kovalenko 2002, 34ff., 52ff.

151 May 1966, 200, 226, no. 344, pl. XVII; dated by Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007, 123, tab. 3: ca. 369 BC. There are also a few other examples of filleted bucrania on civic issues in Thrace, but as a supplementary symbol; such an example is the stater emission of Neomenios at Maroneia, Schnert-Geiss 1987, 40, 156, no. 431; this is deemed a double stater and is dated in ca. 365330s BC by Psoma et al. 2008, 170, 173.

152 See e.g. SNG Cop. 129.153 See e.g. Numismatica Ars Classica, Auction 55 (08.10.2010), BCD Coll. Lokris Phokis, lots

287.3, 288.2 and 289 (AE coins, ca. 357354 BC).154 Fol et al. 2004, 199200, 205, nos. 230, 230b, 230d (first half of 4th century BC); Paunov 1998,

7980, fig. 10 (ca. 350340 BC).155 Numismatica Ars Classica, Auction 55 (08.10.2010), BCD Coll. Lokris Phokis, lot 414.3.156 Numismatica Ars Classica, Auction 55 (08.10.2010), BCD Coll. Lokris Phokis, lot 444.157 SNG Cop. 515; Mnzen & Medaillen Deutschland, Auktion 21 (24.05.2007), lot 380 = Numisma-

tik Lanz Mnchen, Auktion 111 (25.11.2002), BCD Coll. Euboia, lot 534.

160 Yannis Stoyas

Iconographic parallels can be sought also in other artistic forms and media dur-ing that transition from the late 4th to early 3rd century BC. The painted bucrania on the frieze of the dome of the Kazanlak Tomb (although bound with a tainia) are well known; from early on in the 3rd century strongly stylized triangular bucrania become common as decorative elements in architecture (),158 usually connected by a garland and alternating with rosettes159. Such ornamental bucra-nia appear on the lintel over the entrance of the monumental Sveshtari Tomb, near Isperih (Razgrad province),160 on the entablature of Ptolemaion (ca. 280279 BC) and the parapet of the Arsinoeion at Samothrace (ca. 280270 BC; fig. 28) or on the architrave of the old temple of Demeter at Pergamon (ca. 269263 BC).

Close comparanda for the fish on the reverse are rather hard to find; the earlier example from Chersonesos has been already mentioned.161 The bronze coin pro-duction of Pantikapaion has to offer issues with the depiction of a fish, although as supplementary symbol, which are dated in the years ca. 310304/3 BC (fig. 29).162 This fish is definitely a sturgeon163 and due to its distinctive long snout pointed at the tip, it should be identified with the starry sturgeon (Acipenser stellatus) or sevriuga, a kind belonging to the (cf. Athenaios, Deipnoso-phistai, 3.116b).164 As far as the fish on the coins with legend MELSA is concerned, due to the poor preservation of most specimens, its identification is uncertain; it appears to have a rather flat belly, but one could not rely on this since the engrav-ing may be very stylized (fig. 30). It is quite possible that it may belong to the fam-ily of the mackerels and the tunas (scombridae).

The legend itself presents quite a challenge since it could be a personal name in genitive singular (Melsas, -a) or an ethnic name in genitive plural of an abridged version such as Melsa[nn], i.e. of the Melsans, or Melsa[nin].165 After the ap-pearance of the coins with the form MELSA became known, a connection was attempted with the debate regarding the etymology of Mesambria Pontica.166 It has been discussed already at length in scholarship the possibility that the name of Mesambria may be a composite deriving from Melsos or Melsas (a mythical founder) and the Thracian word bria (village, town).167 This was supported on the

158 LSJ, s. v. .159 Brker 1975, 244250.160 Early 3rd century BC (bucrania without fillets); Fol et al. 1986, esp. 4749, fig. 37.161 See supra n. 150 and fig. 23a-b. The rather sketchy rendering of the fish on the chalkoi makes

difficult its identification; see Stolba 2005, 118, 120, no. 2.2, fig. 2.8.162 MacDonald 2005, 23, nos. 69 (see fig. 29) and 70 (head of beardless satyr l. / lions head l.,

sturgeon l.).163 Zeuner 1963, 142, fig. 3 (mistakenly referred as AR dr. in the legend).164 Stolba 2005, 121124, esp. 123, fig. 3.4 and 3.5.165 See e.g. Messambria using the ethnic MEWA (Messa[mbriann], of the Messambrians; SNG

Stancomb 218ff.) and Tyras using the ethnic TYRA (Tyra[nn], of the Tyrans; SNG Black Sea 337ff.). For the latter cf. SNG Black Sea 336 (TYRANON).

166 See Karayotov 2009, 20, trying to refute the view that Melsas could not be a Thracian name (cf. Nawotka 1994, esp. 324), based on the testimony of the coins in question.

167 See indicatively Detschew 1957, 8687 (), 295296; Porozhanov 1999, 2829; Karayotov

161Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

basis of late sources such as Nikolaos Damaskenos (end of 1st century BC)168 and a late inscription (IGBulg I2 345; 2nd century AD).169 However, doubts have been cast on this etymology, for requiring a linguistic transition rather not possible and being perhaps the outcome of fabrication of a Mesambrian scholar dated as late as the 1st century BC.170 It has to be taken into account also that the literary sources use only the form , -, while the (Doric?) form , -, seems to ap-pear only in the inscription mentioned. In any case, there were suggestions lately that the coins bearing the legend MELSA should have been issued by an unknown Thracian ruler of the 4th century171 or the 3rd century BC.172 Looking alternatively for a city instead of a person, it had been proposed that the issue (ca. 350 BC) may be attributed to a small inland town called Melsa (known as Melta in Roman times; mod. Lovech).173 This suggestion cannot be accepted for reasons that will become apparent infra; it is even doubtful if Melta, at the time the minting oc-curred, could be an issuing authority; one more argument would be that on the reverse is seemingly depicted a sea fish and not a river fish.

On the other hand, S. Topalov sought to solve the problem in a rather elaborate fashion by suggesting that the coins in question were struck by a port called Melsa, at the site where subsequently stood Anchialos.174 This theory is largely based on the later testimony of Plinius (4.45)175 and infers that a Thracian settlement inland of mod. Pomorie (Mesa)176 gave the name to a port of Apollonia Pontica (Messa of the Apolloniates) that later evolved into Anchialos.177 It is assumed that initially the Apollonian settlers had minted rare silver obols (facing helmet / wheel with

2009, 2021. The modern term protopolis may fit more correctly the bria type of settlement; Preshlenov 2003, 164165.

168 Quoted through Stephanos Byzantios, Ethnika, ed. Meineke, p. 446, s. v. : . . Note though that Strabo (7.6.1) gives a different name: ... , , , ; for other variations of the name in even later sources see Nawotka 1994, 321323.

169 Funerary inscription of a certain Ioulia, l. 67: ... (sic) / [] .

170 Nawotka 1994, esp. 324326; cf. Veligianni-Terzi 2004, 5658.171 Karayotov 2009, 20 (4th3rd century BC); see also the article by Prof. Ivan Karayotov in the

Burgas newspaper Morski Vestnik, 10 August 2011 (4th century BC); cf. supra n. 139.172 Argued by Prof. Dimiter Draganov (per litteras; with my thanks for this feedback).173 See supra n. 136; this attribution had been verbally communicated by the late Martin Price, as

Frank Kovacs had the courtesy to notify me; there is also nothing relevant in record in the De-partment of Coins and Medals of the British Museum as Amelia Dowler kindly informed me.

174 See Topalov 1998b, 3649, and Topalov 2007, 289302.175 ...nunc in ora Mesembria, Anchialum, ubi Messa fuerat. Astice regio habuit oppidum Anthium;

nunc est Apollonia (At the present day there are upon the coast Mesembria, and Anchialos, where Messa formerly stood. The region of Astice formerly had a town called Anthium; at the present day Apollonia occupies its site).

176 Topalov 1998b, esp. 4041, 49; Topalov 2007, esp. 297.177 See the map in Topalov 2007, 669.

162 Yannis Stoyas

the legend MESZ).178 Discussion involves first a dating after 281 BC, but then goes in favour of the 2nd century BC, in association with the capture of Anchialos by Mesambria and the swift restoration of the Apollonian control (cf. IGBulg I2 338 bis; first half of 2nd century BC), suggesting a brief issue with the name of the mythical founder of the original settlement.179 It is also remarked that fish are depicted on reverses known from the coin production of Anchialos during the imperial times.180

However, and quite importantly, chronological clues for the MELSA issue are provided by the fact that two of the coins are overstruck on Macedonian bronzes.181 The first one is struck upon a bronze unit182 of Philip II of Macedonia (young male head with tainia r. / young rider r., above FILIPPOY; fig. 31). It is under question if such bronze pieces were produced only during the reign of Philip II (360/359336 BC) or if they continued after his death too.183 The other coin is struck upon a bronze half-unit184 of Cassander (head of Herakles r. / lion seated r.; fig. 32).185 This issue bears the name of Cassander without the royal title and is dated in the period ca. 316305 BC.186 The fact that the issuing authority of the MELSA coins proceeded to overstriking187 is of significance, hinting perhaps at an exceptional situation wherein bronze currency was required; at the same time a crucial termi-nus post quem is obtained, most probably in or after the last fifteen years of the 4th century BC.

Inspecting the possibilities, it should be said that an attempt to include the MELSA issue in the coin production of Mesambria would appear awkward; based on the chronology and the metrology of the Mesambria bronze series188 the issue does not seem to fit and the alteration of the ethnic would be out of context. It is

178 Topalov 1998b, 4647.179 Topalov 1998b, 45, 49.180 Topalov 1998b, 44, 49, commenting that Anchialos is the only West Pontic city to do so.181 See supra M1, nn. 135136 (auction obviously neglected), and M3, nn. 138139 (unnoticed in the

auction).182 This should be an hexachalkon at the Aeginetan weight standard of 12 chalkoi; Psoma 2001,

132, 136, 143.183 See Portolos 1996, 112113 (from 356 BC onwards, and posthumous bronze issues), Table II, fig.

7c.184 This should be a dichalkon at the Attic weight standard of 8 chalkoi; Iulius Pollux, Onomas-

tikon, 9.65; Psoma 2001, 131, 136, 142.185 SNG Alpha Bank 887; precisely the variety illustrated, recognizable primarily by the bovine-

like folds of the lions mane which can be discerned just above the fishs tail.186 For the seated lion series see Valassiadis 2005, 405, 411, fig. I and II, 413, no. 1. I wish to thank

Chrysanthos Valassiadis, a good fellow and friend, for sharing his expertise (PhD study cur-rently under way) on the coinage of Cassander.

187 In an analogous fashion there is quite a number of coins of Seuthes III overstruck on coins of Philip II, Alexander III, Lysimachos and Cassander; it has been noted that the overstrikes oc-cur frequently on coins of the latter (usually on pieces with head of Herakles r. / lion seated r.); Youroukova 1976, 24, 7880, nos. 8788 (Philip II), no. 83 (Lysimachos), nos. 8486, 89 (Cas-sander), no. 92 (Cassander?), pl. XI, XIII; see also Peter 1997, 178, 187, 197, 200, 253.

188 See Karayotov 2009, esp. 74, tab. 1, and 90, tab. 2.

163Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

also very questionable if a fort ( in IGBulg I2 338 bis, l. 14; in Strabon, 7.6.1)189 or a port would have the potential and the right to mint coins.190 Even so, the name of the small town is referred as Anchialos in the inscription in the wake of the supposed change to Melsa, which is not adequately justified. More importantly, the raison dtre comes from only one, later, source and the proposed dating in the 2nd century BC simply cannot stand if the data of the overstrikes are taken into account.

The assumption for an otherwise unattested Thracian chieftain191 is less likely too. It can be rather admitted that the specific coin types do not seem pertinent to royal issues. Only one possible parallel comes to mind and that may be compro-mised: the bronze issue attributed to a certain Bergaios (head of Silenos r. / fish r., BERG);192 although a local ruler is occasionally suggested, it has been proposed that the issue in question may actually belong to the city of Berge.193 The option that the pieces with the legend MELSA might comprise a civic issue should be con-sidered. Based on scant and perhaps flimsy circulation evidence, most specimens seemingly come from the Bulgarian Black Sea coast (fig. 33).194 Having already rejected Mesambria and Anchialos, could a case be made for another coastal city maybe with a Mesambrian connection? It is known that Mesambrians had settled north of Haimos at Naulochos and perhaps also at Bizone.195 However, Naulochos (Roman Templum Iovis, mod. Obzor) is called a polichnion and the same is done for Bizone196 (probably at the site of Cape Chirakman, near Kavarna);197 overall, in lack of stronger clues, research towards this direction rather leads to a dead end.198

The MELSA mystery may be resolved eventually by taking a look further south, near the celebrated site of Byzantion. In a passage of his Anaplous Bosporou, Di-onysios Byzantios (2nd century AD) relates the Apollons omen concerning the site recommended199 for the establishment of a colony on the Keratios (Golden Horn) bay and identifying that spot at the junction of two streams, Kydaros and

189 Isaac 1986, 248.190 Coinage was produced at Anchialos, but only during the imperial times.191 See supra nn. 139, 171 and 172.192 Peter 1997, 104105.193 Psoma 2002, esp. 217219, 221222.194 Four specimens from northeastern Bulgaria, two from southeastern Bulgaria; the piece report-

edly coming from Veliko Tarnovo district probably does not originate from this region.195 Indicatively Preshlenov 2003, 165; Isaac 1986, 251, 259260.196 See respectively Strabo, 7.6.1, and pseudo-Skymnos, 758760.197 Quite little is known for Bizone besides the fact that it was largely destroyed by earthquakes

and tsunamis (Strabo, 7.6.1; Pomponius Mela 2.22; Plinius, 4.44). For a view on the problems in the historical topography of the nearby area see Gocheva 1996, 1316, placing Dionysopolis near Balchik and Krounoi near Kranevo.

198 Evidence of coin circulation remains indecisive, in the wait of more pieces with known prov-enance.

199 Dionysios Byzantios, 23: , / ; cf. Hesychios Illoustrios, Patria Constantinopo-leos, 3.

164 Yannis Stoyas

Barbyses.200 An idyllic place is described, rich in fish, where ... ...; this specific reference to the deers that fed on the marshy reed provides a rather surprising link, since an etymology of the Thracian word melda(s) is marsh reed.201 The site in question was called Semystra () and was directly connected to the myth of Byzas;202 on the spot where the two streams flowed into the estuary there was an altar dedicated to the nymph Semystra; this which almost became a city ( ) had been initially selected by the colonists, but according to the legend a crow interrupted the sacrifice held there and flew to the eventual site (Bosporios akra) where Byzantion was founded (fig. 34). It might be a coincidence but a nearby bay on the southern side of the Keratios was called Melias and was considered rich in game like no other and regarding fishing quite unfailing; it is stated that it was named after a local hero ( ).203 In a similar story of the foundation of Byzantion narrated by Hesychios Illoustrios (6th century AD)204 certain aspects of the myth remain the same, some details are different205 and new elements are added. In this source Melias is the Thracian king who sent Byzas to perform a hunting feat; the hero captured a bull and dur-ing its sacrifice an eagle, in this version,206 intervened to point out the Bosporios akra. Moreover, it is noted that at the junction of the two streams took place the ritual offering of the bull ( ), another striking clue: the filleted bucranium on the coins might signify the bull of Melias challenge to Byzas.207 This mythological context should have had broad impact; e.g. from the adjacent necropolis of atalca, W. of Byzantion, comes an interesting bucranium comparandum dated in the 3rd century BC (fig. 35). There are also issues in the coin production of Byzantion, although dated earlier,208 on which a filleted bucranium appears on obverse and three dolphins around the ethnic monogram on reverse (fig. 36a-b-c).209 During the imperial period there

200 Respectively mod. Alibey deresi and Kithane deresi.201 Duridanov 1995, 825: Meldia, mansio NW of Sofia; linguistic affinity to Lith. meld, mldas.202 After the name of the nymph who was the (nurse) of Keroessa, the mother of the hero;

his father was reportedly Poseidon; Dionysios Byzantios, 24.203 Dionysios Byzantios, 17: , ...

.

204 Patria Constantinopoleos, 313, 1720, 2223.205 See e.g. Patria, 3, 5, 8, 9, where the name of the nymph is Semestr ().206 Patria, 11; cf. Patria, 4, where a crow is mentioned in a similar role.207 Following an anthropological interpretation, the bull slaughtered may be a reflection of the

ancestral king; Burkert 1983, 171; cf. also Burkert 1983, 165167, 186. For a useful overview of the anthropological approaches on Hellenic sacrifice see Petropoulou 2008, 115, esp. 712.

208 See Schnert-Geiss 1970, 5255, 128130; a dating in ca. 411387/6 BC is suggested, which may be rather high; the iconography of this group (bovine / trident, bucranium / trident, bucra-nium / dolphins) is quite close and even brings to mind the other MELSA issue (bucranium / fish, trident).

209 Illustrated: Schnert-Geiss 1970, 130, large module: no. 930/2, small module: no. 936 (obv.), no. 940 (rev.).

165Two Peculiar Thracian Coin Issues: DANTHLHTVN and MELSA

is an abundance of issues that present on reverse two fish (fig. 37) or two fish and a dolphin.210 In addition, the bust of horned Keroessa is represented on pseudo-autonomous emissions of the 2nd century AD.211 The mother of the latter was Io, daughter of Inachos, king of Argos;212 the link of this mythical figure to the Kera-tios brings one more twist in the discussion.

According to Hesychios Illoustrios the Argives were the first colonists to reach Keratios;213 the view about the foundation of Byzantion by the Megarians has been more commonly accepted,214 but the notion of an older Argive settlement at the Keras inlet215 gives an intriguing insight. There is known