Steelworker Memo

8/18/2019 Steelworker Memo

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CN P

Following the failed 2013 C NDP election campaign, many Party activists and leaders

who questioned the flawed strategy pointed to a narrow campaign team with little input

beyond paid staff and the Leaders' office, with most major campaign decisions made

directly by the Leader. Although the Provincial Executive was

in

name the Election

Planning Committee, in practice a small coterie o people made key campaign

decisions. Nor was there an effective feedback loop or measurements to determine

i

it

was in fact working.

Learning From Our past

While others, in reviewing the last election loss also pointed out the likability issues

faced by the past Leader, a larger concern was identified, over the Party's inability to

communicate a message/vision on jobs and the economy and similarly prosecute a

case against the failings

o

the incumbent government. While traditionally the NDP

relies on the support o women, moved more by social issues, health care and

education, that combination is not enough to win. To ensure voters give the NDP fair

consideration, it is critical we at least pass a nod test on economic issues. This may

not be the driver that convinces voters to mark their ballot for the NDP, but the absence

o a cogent message leaves too many unwilling to even consider the NDP as a ballot

choice.

The absence o a message on jobs was also ignorant o BC's diversity, both o the

province's diversity with respect to its populace, and its regions. By pursuing a green

agenda in the absence

o

a jobs plan, areas outside

o

Metro Vancouver that are

dependent on BC's resource sectors heard little from the NDP to ensure their jobs were

secure and that their local economies would grow; let alone fight the outright lies that

the NDP planned to drive mining and other resource jobs out o the province. This

sentiment was given further flight by the then Leader's decision to stake out a position

on controversial pipeline development.

This economic issue is particularly exacerbated

in

BC's immigrant communities. Over

its history, the NDP's progressive stance on issues o equity, human rights and social

justice allowed it to build a strong base

o

support among immigrant communities.

Today that support is waning as the communities are more aspirational in their

economic outlook and don't see the NDP as reflecting that value and their ability to get

ahead in economic terms. The last campaign also demonstrated the BC NDP had lost

its effectiveness at communicating and organizing

in

immigrant communities, often

in

the face o hostile ethnic language media. Perhaps this is reflected by the lack o

campaign staff and leaders who come from these communities and are able to

effectively communicate

in

other languages. Where staff does exist, they are often

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relegated to narrow language roles and no outlook is provided to the larger campaign.

The panoply of issues and tactics required to effectively campaign

in

these communities

has withered inside the NDP, and presents

n

ongoing challenge

in

Metro Vancouver,

which is set to become one of Canada's largest majority-minority areas.

This brief review is not an effort to document all

of

the failings and achievements

of

the

last campaign but is to provide context to the discussion of he Path Forward he

Path Forward

is a resolution (attached) drafted, primarily by the NDP's labour affiliates

after the 2013 campaign and recently adopted at the provincial convention, to offer a

guidepost to ensure lessons learned from our most recent campaign loss are not

forgotten. This resolution offers comment

on

a shared vision and message labour

affiliates believe is necessary to win over members to support the NDP.

New Leader, New Outlook?

Following the resignation

of

Adrian Dix, the Party conducted a leadership race. Entry

fees were kept high

to

discourage single issue candidates and ensure prospective

leaders had the organizational and fundraising capacity to do the job. s the race

began, divisions inside the Party (green vs. brown, urban vs. rural, past leaders' friends

vs outsiders) threatened to become lasting. s well, conducting an expensive race

while the Party faced significant election debt, and the continued presence of a failed

leader viewed as a drag on Party support, did not bode well. Steelworkers initiated

discussions that led to the unanimous support from Caucus and Party affiliates for a

new

leader. Those discussions not only ensured roles for the senior prospective

leadership candidates, but also ensured incoming leader John Horgan had the ability to

shape, hire, and fire caucus and provincial office staff.

While faces changed

in

senior staff roles, little structural change was made to caucus

staffing: provincial office staff was already winnowed post-election with only temporary

staff in leadership positions, allowing easy room for new faces. A large concern given

our Party's history and very public in-fighting, was ensuring Caucus members

functioned well together. While no group loves each other and there are certain to be

tactical and strategic disagreements; the group is working well together and the Caucus

has notched several good sessions of the legislature. However, few of those legislative

efforts are marked by disciplined messaging and efforts to connect work

in

the

Legislature with the larger political conversation

in

the province.

This is reflected as an inability to brand the government, in a political environment

where there is ostensibly less anger at the incumbent government than

in

the last

election, and an inability to brand ourselves, while successfully being labelled as the

Party that says no to economic development. It remains unclear who leads message

development and strategic planning: Caucus/Leader's office or Provincial Office. Too


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often staff in each office point

in

the other direction, resulting

in

inaction and missed

opportunity. Despite technological advances that should bridge physical distance the

BC

NDP has always struggled to address the regional challenge created by the location

o our province's capital on Vancouver Island. Victoria is not only the location o our

legislature but also the largest cohort o political staff and leaders. Victoria is a beautiful

city, but it is unlike anywhere else

in

BC. Whether its lack of diversity, or its economic

reliance on the provincial government as the largest local employer, conversations in

the capital do not necessarily reflect the rest o

BC.

Inside the NDP caucus with its

large presence of lower island MLAs, (the leader is also from the area, as are all o his

senior staff); this is an ongoing challenge.

Political staff and elected leaders engage with visiting stakeholders but do little to build

relationships with allies. Notably, the staff cohort, including senior and otherwise, while

they are long and loyal New Democrats few have any history or experience inside the

Party; including as organizers, campaign staff, executive members etc., and in particular

working with Party allies

in

the labour movement. In fact, there is too large a sentiment

that big P partisan political work is solely the function o a less-resourced Provincial

Office. Most often this leaves both sides criticizing the other.

Similarly, provincial office staff doesn't have experience planning and executing a large

province-wide campaign. Planning and setting goals appears to

be

an aspirational

exercise at best, or pie in the sky dreaming, that is impossible to achieve without greater

fundraising. \/\lith close to a year before the next provincial writ is dropped, realistic

campaign planning and consultation only appears to be inching forward now.

Meanwhile the Party's financial health is

o

great concern.

Where We Are today

Ultimately, one takes their lead from the Leader. But the lack o a hands-on approach by

the Leader and his staff to Party affairs is not only troubling but has led to a critical

situation with a growing lack o confidence from the Party's closest and largest labour

funders. Despite the presence o many elected labour activists inside the

BC

NDP

there does not seem to be a real appreciation/understanding o the labour movement.

Yes, we have a set o fundamental shared values, but we are not a monolith that

marches to one beat.

From the perspective o the NDP the labour movement

in BC

can be described

in

the

following terms:

• ould care Jess

(mostly private sector, want an aggressive jobs agenda, only

motivated to give and encourage members to vote if they hear progress on

economic issues or public opinion indicates an NDP win.)


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• Non partisan (mostly public sector, will never encourage members to vote for a

party, may run third party ads on shared issues, won't donate to the NDP.)

• Partisan (public and private, mostly directly affiliated to NDP, encourages

members to vote NDP and are the Party's largest donors, financial backers.)

Understanding the labour movement has been an ongoing challenge for the Party

(arguably, when we reviewed the Party's history, they functioned best when there was

an

identified labour contact serving in a senior role in the Leaders' office). It is

understood that the labour movement can

be

frustrating to engage and work with.

In

particular the Leader was promised support that has been underwhelming (mostly

financial). However, when the Leader ran for the job, he staked out positions that are at

odds with subsequent action, leaving mostly private sector unions bewildered at not

only the lack of progress on a vigorous jobs agenda, but frustrated at the ease which

the governing party has labeled the NDP as saying

no

to economic progress.

When the Party takes positions

on

issues of importance to labour unions and does not

consult with allies while in Opposition, it is fair to ask if they would

in

government. More

importantly, it adds to the perception that the Party only views the labour unions as an

ATM; the only time our views are heard is when they are attached to a cheque. Worse

when pushed to demonstrate consultation with the labour movement, the Party/Caucus

rely on platform wish list development as the tool. This allows those with no skin

in

the

game to help develop a list (labour code, public sector funding and programs, etc.) that

the Party can never achieve; (with input mostly from the non-partisan element of the

labour movement,) while avoiding the one

challenge economic

issues labour allies

set out.

Steelworkers are generous to the

C

NDP

in

both in-kind and direct financial support as

well as political support. However, efforts to assist the Party have been met with little

engagement. Relieving the party of 300,000 of debt while working to develop further

assistance should be positive developments in our relationship. Yet, it was a frustrating,

bureaucratic exercise that extended months. Let alone the full-time staff provided to do

South Asian outreach that is

only engaged in a limited way. Suffice it to, say the

growing level of frustration at providing financial and other support, with the lack of a

message we believe our members need to hear to be successful

in

target ridings, has

allowed us to join those who have or are losing confidence the NDP can win the next

election.

We view the challenges the Party faces as structural, not necessarily one of changing

and replacing staff. We tend to be alone

in

that view, with others viewing the major

obstacle as replacing senior staff with more experienced people. Regardless

of

one's

views, this has now become a point

of

contention that requires the Leader to be firm

in


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defending current occupants or making changes necessary to build confidence as we

move forward.

Our concern at the lack

o

a cohesive Provincial Office and Leaders office and the lack

o campaign planning has culminated

n

our advising that there will be no more financial

and in-kind assistance until a plan is developed. Further support will be based on the

plan s effectiveness and measured against performance outcomes. It may be the case

that the Party staff find that a difficult arrangement. In that scenario we will not stop

being loyal New Democrat members, activists and funders. However our role in working

with and resourcing central party structures will likely stop, and instead we will support

local NDP candidates who best share our values.

Our preferred option is to move forward together. What that mean for Steelworkers:

• Eliminate the daylight between provincial office/caucus; make necessary staffing

changes/additions;

• Campaign planning that is inclusive (and while built with expertise, not a

collection o apparatchiks), guided by the lessons learned o the past campaign,

and the one document that set guidelines on how the Party should approach the

election, he Path Forward

• Set short/medium term, realistic, measurable goals (and achieve them;)

• Utilize in- kind resources n a planned way; and

• Engage

us

without asking for money.

Documents

Steelworker Memo