Splendor and Peril: The Cathedral of Paris, 1290-1350

Splendor and Peril: The Cathedral of Paris, 1290-1350Author(s): Michael T. DavisSource: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 80, No. 1 (Mar., 1998), pp. 34-66Published by: College Art AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3051253 .

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Splendor and Peril: The Cathedral of Paris, 1290-1350

Michael T Davis

Each face, each stone of this venerable monument is not

only a page of the history of the country, but also of the

history of knowledge and art. ... Time is the architect, the

people are the builder.-Victor Hugo, Notre-Dame de Paris'

Victor Hugo read Notre-Dame of Paris as a chronicle of France. For him, the cathedral of Paris was an open book that recorded the achievements and vices of each age through its forms, images, and scars. As an artifact of national rites of

passage, Notre-Dame has been held up as a mirror of the rulers who built the state.2 From this perspective, the bold

monumentality of the twelfth-century project reflects the reassertion of royal power under Louis VI and Louis VII; the forceful reign of Philip Augustus finds its architectural expres- sion in the triumphant stability of the west facade; the

spiritual charisma of Louis IX resonates in the elegance of the

transepts. Images of these monarchs appear like seals in the

portals to authenticate the cathedral as an official act.3 Scholars continue to decipher the architectural text of Notre- Dame as a serial of dramatic episodes played out over eight centuries: the technological breakthrough of the flying buttress that secured the daring height of the Early Gothic

design; the genius of thirteenth-century master masons Jean de Chelles and Pierre de Montreuil showcased in the magnificent transept facades; the Enlightenment mutilation, Revolu-

tionary vandalism, and miraculous modern recovery of the cathedral's sculpture.4

As currently written, the medieval architectural chronicle of the cathedral ends with the anticlimactic construction of the eastern choir chapels in the early fourteenth century.5 Instead of heroic innovations, we encounter familiar forms. For Robert Branner, Parisian architecture after the death of Louis IX in 1270 was left

in contemplation of its own dignified past. ... [A] rchitects seem to have been content with their own tradition, repeating and refining the old models to produce extraor-

dinary essays in elegance and sophistication. What had once been stimulating and meaningful behavior turned into routine etiquette that was unable to contend with the virile vigorous actions of other peoples and other climes.6

Are we now face to face with the architectural visage of

Philip IV the Fair (1285-1314), called an owl and a statue by his contemporaries and maligned as the dim-witted puppet of his ministers by some modern scholars?7 Should we interpret this apparent creative impotence as the likeness of the tragically short reigns of Louis X (1314-16), Philip V (1316- 22), and Charles IV (1322-28) that ended the Capetian line?

This essay reexamines the final phase of Gothic architectural activity at the cathedral of Paris. In place of the paradigm of virile progress, let us instead look at the choir chapels as the measured response of their builders to physi-

cal, functional, and conceptual parameters. First, fourteenth-

century construction at Notre-Dame was extensive and urgent: the master masons, Pierre de Chelles and Jehan Ravy, who brought the cathedral to completion also saved it from collapse. Second, the addition of sixteen chapels around the

ambulatory at the eastern extremity of the cathedral, together with the erection of the sculpted choir enclosure, fundamen- tally altered the Notre-Dame interior. The choir was transformed from an exclusively clerical precinct into a space that also accommodated lay traffic and private devotion. Third, the new work at the cathedral was but one project in a city animated by intense building activity. The Notre-Dame chapels alone survive from the years 1300 to 1350, their contemporaries having fallen victim to Revolutionary hammers and Baron Haussmann's boulevards. It is easy to underestimate and oversimplify this period in Parisian architectural history because it has left few standing traces. Viewed against the reconstituted backdrop of early fourteenth-century construction, the choir chapels appear as the product of meaningful selection rather than rote imitation, a code of opulent forms that signaled the cathedral's prestige and sanctity.

The Eastern Chapels: Construction and Founders Our story begins in 1296 when Bishop Simon Matifas de Bucy revived architectural activity at Notre-Dame with the foundation of the three axial chapels of St-Nicaise, St-Rigobert, and St-Marcel, the latter rededicated to Saint Louis by 1299 (Fig. 1).8 By about 1270 the first three choir chapels east of the

transept and a pair of new clerical doorways had been built.9 The chapter entered the choir through the Porte Rouge on the north side, the bishop from a symmetrical passage on the south (Figs. 2, 3). The fourth chapel on the north side remained incomplete since a donation by Canon Gilbert de Saana in 1288 directed one hundred livres "to the fabric of that chapel being built in the church in honor of SaintJohn the Baptist and Blessed Mary Magdalene."lo The chapter hired masons and carpenters in 1275 to repair canonical

dwellings and, the following year, to install new doors, described as "of great sumptuousness and expense," in its

precinct gateways." Nevertheless, the cathedral workshop, like much of the rest of Paris during the last quarter of the

century, remained quiet.12 As a committed builder, Bishop Simon was the equal of

Maurice de Sully, whose energy and generosity drove the cathedral's construction in the twelfth century. Along with the choir chapels, he launched an expansion of the episcopal palace, adding a second aula and a new set of apartments. He sacrificed a portion of his gardens to the masons' lodge, located "near our door," along the south flank of the choir, and liberally supported the cathedral fabric: his 1304 testament forgave a two hundred-livre loan "to the work of the



SPLENDOR AND PERIL: THE CATHEDRAL OF PARIS, 1290-1350 35

1 Notre-Dame, Paris, plan of choir with chapel dedications (drawing: Davis, after Aubert, Notre-Dame de Paris)

Rigobert Louis Nicaise

D6collation 11 12 12

11 tienne

Eutrope 10 10 Eutrope 10 Cr6pin/Cr6pinien

Foy 4 4-- Jacques 8 --4 O O 8

Anne/Martin o o Pierretienne 7 o o 7

Michel , 0 Remi 6

O O 6

Ferrbol/Ferrutien 'o, 5 Geraud

Jean-Baptiste/Madeleine Denis/Georges 4 On/ 0 4

cloister passage episcopal passage 3 3

Eustache Pierre-Martyr

Agnes Pierre/Paul

1 N P1 R S T

MN OP Q RST

o 10 20m,

- Built by 1296 * Built after 1296

Vaulted after 1296 Choir screen and enclosure

new chapels," and mentioned a six hundred-livre gift made

during his lifetime "to the work of the chapels of Nicaise, Marcel, and Rigobert."'3 The bishop's burial in the chapel of St-Nicaise in 1304 suggests the near completion of these three axial chapels.

Construction of the new chapels proceeded quickly. Uni- form masonry and consistent base profiles indicate that the lower walls of the entire eastern rim of the cathedral rose in a first stage of work (Fig. 4, a-k). Adjustments to the capitals and abacus profiles point to the completion of the nine easternmost chapels first (Figs. 5, 6). The capitals to the west take on a simpler oblong shape, in contrast with those of the eastern bays, which fuse a cylindrical bell with a projecting corbel, and their abaci are cut as octagons. The thick profile of the abacus of pier S7, which matches twelfth-century forms, has probably been recut (Fig. 7). Blind tracery that repeats the patterns of the windows ornaments and thickens the

lateral walls of the chapels of St-Jacques, St-Pierre-St-

Etienne, and St-Remi on the south, Ste Anne-St-Martin and St-Michel on the north.

The suite of new chapels was completed around 1315. In

1320, the chanter of Notre-Dame, Hugues de Besancon, founded a chaplaincy "in honor of Saints Ferreol and Ferrutien at the altar of the last chapel of the three chapels which have been built near the door by which one enters

directly to the main altar of the church and exits to the

chapter house" (Fig. 1).14 In the phrase "the last chapel of the three chapels [ultime capelle in tribus capellis]," it is unclear whether "last" is meant topographically or temporally. If the

chapels dedicated to Saints Anne and Martin, Michel, and Ferreol and Ferrutien, contiguous to the Porte Rouge, represent the final stage of work, their slightly different

capital and abacus forms register minor adjustments effected

during the course of construction.



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2 Notre-)Dame, 1843 )plaster model showing north side before restoration (photo: C(NMHS, Arch. Phot., Paris/SPADEM)

As the chapels neared co(mpletion, the eastern wall of the

transept was renewed and eml)ellished.'1 Thick wedges of' fourteenth-century shafts were added to the twelfth-century piers (N1 through SI; Figs. 1, 8). Bases similar to those of the

piers of' the chapels of' St-Michel, St-Ferr ol-St-Ferrutiin, and

St-(;G'ratid cushion the new engaged( c lumns of ) the transept piers and affirm that c(onstruction proceeded without interrup- tion (Fig. 4, i, 1-n). The arcade spandrels were dressed with fioliate gables, tal)ernacles, statues, and pinnacles to create ai

majestic entrance into the choir. It appears that work began on the south side, since the architecture of the north entrance is characterizedl by sharper firms, blind tracery that intensifies the decorative tone, and a more fluid integration of 'parts. The final phase of' the pro)ject included the six axial

bays of the gallery. New win(lows with three-light tracery patterns were installed and their exterior frames were crowned by gables (Fig. 9).

All )of this must have been rapidly accomplished. Jean de Jandtun's enthusiastic description of the cathedral in De laudibus Parisiu.r of 1323--"Where (does orne enc()iCn•ter,

I pray yon)t, such a c()lplicated grouping of' lateral vaults ))th l)elo)w andI ablove? Where can one find, I

repeat, the dazzling luminosity of) such a belt of chapels?"- evokes a complete, fuilly glazed building. 17

The pati-ons of the new choir chapels constituted a who's who of' Parisian society. From the beginning, these spaces seem to have been reserved for the cathedral's bishops and canons, high-ranking ecclesiastics, the king and queen, an

inner circle )of royal officials, and the richest members of the

city's bourgeoisie. Of' the thirty--fi•r (donations to or) fIounda-

tions in the chapels known• to me fior the years 1288 through

1336(, twetnty-two were made byv twenty or twenty-one different

clerics, and twelve by nine lay benefiactors.'1 Fifteen of' these

()donors were connected with the ro)yal government; of the

d(ocumented lay f'oundlers, only Jacques Boucel did not serve in the king's cabinet, but he and his sisterl, Jeanne la

Motutonnie, ncumbered am)ong

the wealthiest households of' Paris."' For assuriing the peace,

.justice, prosperity, and spiri-

tual health of' the state during their lifetimes, this exclusive

gitou)p of- "honorable citizens" was remembered( to po~sterity in anniversary services at the altaris of) the cathedral's choir.2'"

The Work of Pierre de Chelles

Bishop Simon must have asked his master mason, Pierre de Chelles, f0or a 1design that was lavish, modern, and integrated vith the existing structtre of(

the cathedral."' The irregular spaces of' the chevet's turning bays, the configuiration of' pi-iers, )buttresses, and ambulatory vatults confr-monted the masmon with

a set of ddemanding constraints (Figs. 5, (i, 10())."" By consid(er- ing the impact of these prob)lems on the (designt of) the new

chapels, we can better \evaluate the artistic personality of) Pierre de (Chelles to fi)cuts the picture of Parisian architecture about 1300 more finely.

Pierre maintained the Early Gothic structure but pulled the massive buttress piers into the interior by sheathing them in a




new enclosing wall (Fig. 10). According to Viollet-le-Duc, the buttress walls were extended outward by about a meter and a

half, and they may also have been thickened. It is unclear if the augmentation of these great masonry spines had the

purpose of remedying weaknesses of the twelfth-century structure, but their added depth brought the chevet wall into

alignment with the chapels to the west to create the smooth

sweep of the exterior envelope. Above, the piers of the high vault flyers were strengthened by a Y-shaped group of pilasters and pinnacles that appear to emerge out of the chapel wall

(Fig. 11).23 To brace the gallery vaults, Pierre added an outer

volley of flyers to the twelfth-century arches, recognizable by their saw-toothed ornament, and fashioned a new upright by

grafting a fourteenth-century polygonal pilaster onto the old

flyer salient (Fig. 9).24 Pierre de Chelles turned the limitations imposed by the

twelfth-century fabric into the basis for his design of interior

space and structure. By using the radial flying buttresses as the

only solid partitions, he arranged the chapels as a luminous

sequence of two- and three-bay arcs. As a consequence, the

freestanding intermediate piers (N7, N9, N10, N12, 87, S9, S10, S12) that support the Early Gothic ambulatory vaults

form an arcade across the chapel mouths in a disposition that

recalls earlier choirs at St-Remi in Reims, Notre-Dame-en- Vaux in Chalons-sur-Marne, and St-Quentin, as well as the

south transept chapel at Soissons Cathedral (Figs. 5, 6).25

Might the echoes of these buildings from Champagne reflect

the patronal influence of Bishop Simon, a native of the

diocese of Soissons and archdeacon of Reims prior to his

appointment to the Paris episcopacy?26 Muscular piers and

thick transverse arches define each chapel as a cubic spatial unit approximately 5.75 meters deep, and 10 meters high.27 Pierre tailored this assertive skeleton to support the uprights of the gallery flyers that sit above the narrow, deep piers and

extend back over half the span of the transverse arches (Fig. 12). By setting the mass of the piers perpendicular to the

ambulatory and expanding the size of the chapel windows,

1. St.-Denls-du-Pas 2. cloister of St-Denis-du-Pas 3. chapter house 4. audience hall of chapter balliff 5. St.-Jean-le-Rond

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3 Notre-Dame, plan of cathedral precinct (drawing: Davis, after Chartier, L'ancien chapitre Notre-Dame)

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4 Base profiles in the choir of Notre-Dame (a-o) and related buildings: a. N1; b. N11; c. 02 (northwest diagonal rib); d. 02 (west arch); e. R2; f. N5; g. N6; h. N8; i. S6;j. S7; k. S8; 1. Q1; m. S6 (intermediate shaft); n. M8 (chapel rib); o. gallery; p. St-Denis, choir, St-Louis chapel, north wall; q. St-Denis, nave, west chapel, left jamb; r. St-Denis, nave, second chapel; s.

Chapelle de Navarre, Mantes; t. Notre-Dame-des-Menus, Boulogne-Billancourt, apse; u. Notre-Dame-des-Menus, northwest crossing pier; v. St-Mathurin, Larchant, Virgin Chapel (drawing: Davis)

the master mason ensured ample illumination of the ambula-

tory. The engaged ambulatory piers (N6, N8, Ni1, S11, S8, S6,

S5) characterize Pierre de Chelles's design approach (Figs. 5,

6). He embraced the Early Gothic columns that support the transverse arches of the ambulatory vaults with sharp wedges of masonry to separate them from the new respond of the

chapel arch and, at the same time, to create active transitions between the parts of the pier by fracturing the intrusive wall

strips. These angled planes also echo the protruding masonry fingers between the shafts of the twelfth-century nave aisle

piers and Pierre de Montreuil's diagonally turned statue

pedestals of the south transept facade verso to establish visual

consistency with the rest of the cathedral. Pierre de Chelles based his pier designs on abrupt collisions of twelfth- and

fourteenth-century forms-shifting capital sizes, shaft heights and diameters, the medley of moldings and foliate sculpture. While granting each component a limited autonomy that

highlighted the architecture's complexity, Bishop Simon's mason carefully disciplined the whole to reflect the hierarchy of the frame of ribs and moldings.

The equivocal balance of unity and autonomy that resulted from the composite character of the piers was raised to a

compositional principle on the exterior. The enormous



38 ART BULLETIN MARCH 1998 VOLUME LXXX NUMBER 1

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5 Notre-Dame, ambulatory, south side, looking east (photo: CNMHS, Arch. Phot., Paris/SPADEM)

windows, webs of tracery, and sharp gables seem firmly anchored in traditional rayonnant syntax; Pierre appears to be a faithful disciple of his predecessor (and relative?), Jean de Chelles, master mason of the north transept (Figs. 2, 13). Horizontal sills, cornices, balustrades, and vertical salients of the new chapels confirm, with minor adjustments, the build-

ing's existing lines and rhythms. Parts fuse together in an

integrated grid; follow, for example, the sharp, projecting moldings that rise up the lower chapel wall, ascend to frame the statue aedicules, then erupt above as diagonal buttress

pilasters (Fig. 13). Pierre then disguised the clarity of this rigid frame with an

overlay of spatially ambiguous screens. The chapel windows

appear to push outward beyond buttress walls that disappear behind an applique of tracery, sculpture, and shadowy niches. Gables crowning niches and windows rise from different levels and are pried apart by masonry. Tracery sexfoils and quadril-

obes in the chapels' lights contrast with the cinquefoils placed above the recesses. Painted arcades still visible under the

empty statue niches between the chapels of St-Remi and

St-Geraud, St-Pierre-St-Etienne and St-Jacques further under- mined the visual solidity of the wall (Fig. 13). Only the austere salients of the gallery buttresses retain an appearance as viable supporting elements. The mass of the main upright, broken into diagonally turned spurs flanking a recessed

center, dissolves behind diaper work, slim attached shafts,

cusped arches, miniature gables, and attenuated pinnacles. This marked increase in the ornamental volume of the

buttresses, characteristic of the choir in general, is, as we shall

see, less a reflection of personal style than a planned articula- tion of the symbolic topography of the building.

These rapid snapshots illustrate that the architecture of Pierre de Chelles at Notre-Dame developed from the specific structural, spatial, and formal imperatives of the cathedral




6 Notre-Dame, ambulatory, chapels of St-Etienne, St-Cr6pin-St-Cr6pinien, and St-Jacques (photo: CNMHS, Arch. Phot., Paris/SPADEM)

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choir. In the dialogue between the twelfth-century fabric and his design, the master mason married the tradition of visual

logic and clarity with an equal emphasis on ambiguity and contrast.28 Syncopated arrangements of architectural details activate crisply defined spatial volumes, smooth rounded forms are set off by sharp angles, wafer-thin surfaces are mounted in frames of swelling shafts and moldings reminis- cent of Early Gothic effects.

Finally, at a human level, the choir architecture at Notre- Dame reveals the hand of an imaginative designer, not a timid imitator. If, in addition to his work at the cathedral and his role as a structural consultant to Chartres Cathedral in 1316, Pierre de Chelles was the master mason of the Virgin Chapel of St-Mathurin at Larchant and the northern collateral chapels of St-Denis, then his career was spent in contact with twelfth- and early thirteenth-century structures.29 His intelli-

gent study of older architecture was joined with his experi-

ence as a designer of small-scale monuments, documented in his collaboration on the tomb of Philip III in 1307.30 The modish refinement and the unusual inflections he gave to

space and form in the Notre-Dame chapels parallel directions taken in other mainstream buildings, such as St-Urbain, Troyes, St-Etienne, Limoges, and Evreux Cathedral, that laid the groundwork for Late Gothic experiments.31

The Repairs to Notre-Dame: Jehan Ravy The second chapter in the fourteenth-century history of Notre-Dame opens with the advent of Jehan Ravy as master mason about 1318. During his twenty-six-year tenure, he continued work on the choir architecture and the choir enclosure.32 Entries in a fabric account for the years 1333

through 1340 record purchases of boatloads and cartloads of stone and expenses for large and small "pinnacles" (fiolas), presumably those that crowned the choir buttress uprights.33




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One can imagine the sound of the last chisel blows of two centuries of labor at the cathedral ringing over the Ile de la Cite as the final decorative touches to the flying buttresses are set into place. However, the stones of the cathedral itself and the account ledger tell a different story.

By 1300, structural difficulties plagued the Notre-Dame choir from its piers to its flying buttresses. As we have seen, the six piers along the eastern line of the crossing were rein-

forced, while new keystones signal the revaulting of the western bays of the choir aisles, reusing the twelfth-century ribs. The second pier of the south side arcade (Q3), the first

pier of the south aisle (R2), and its pendant in the north aisle

(02) were also rebuilt (Fig. 14). The style of the crocket

capitals of this north aisle support indicate a prior restoration at about the time of the south transept facade construction

(ca. 1258-65), and the menacing cracks opening through its base betray ongoing distress from shear forces (Fig. 14).

Although it is impossible to distinguish clearly the individual hands of the master masons, their work in the cathedral interior may parallel the construction of the choir enclosure.

Thus, Pierre de Chelles would have overseen the rebuilding of the transept and north aisle about 1300 through 1310, followed by Jehan Ravy's consolidation of the south side

supports in the 1320s.34

In 1333, the lodge's attention was centered exclusively on a certain "pingnaculo a parte curiae officialis." Marcel Aubert

interpreted this vaguely as "a pinnacle of the south transept" [un pinacle au croisillon sud] and classified it as belonging with the turrets and spires atop the new chapels.35 Another

payment from the same year adds "the gable otherwise called le pignon" [pignaculo alias vocato le pignon]. Together, the

ledger entries locate the "pignon," or gable, "on the side of the curia," that is, toward the bishop's palace on the south flank of the cathedral. In addition to the stone, which must

figure in earlier records, this gable required fifty-two livres' worth of carpentry, a "picture" (pictura), made by Jean d'Autheuil for thirty-five livres, and nearly ten tons of lead. The scale and materials of the purchases, as well as the commission of an expensive picture, surely indicate that

Jehan Ravy did not spend the year 1333 refurbishing one of the portal gables or making a statue tabernacle. Rather, he rebuilt the gable and roof of the south arm of the transept.

A photograph taken in 1852 by Henri LeSecq furnishes visual evidence for repairs to the apex of the south transept facade (Fig. 15). The cornice of the western slope of the roof

gable displays an ordered alternation of leaf and budding crocket forms consistent with the foliate bands of the lower levels. By contrast, leaves in a sparer, drier style closely resembling that of the capitals of the new choir chapels decorate the eastern side of the gable. Whether or not Ravy also rebuilt the "rose" of the gable remains conjectural. However, the rejection of the sharpened tracery designs of the lower levels of the facade as well as the thicker moldings of the buttress turrets indicate the touch of the fourteenth-

century mason.36 The entries of the account relate a terse but literal narrative

of an urgent campaign of consolidation. Evidently, the demolition of the weakened facade gable and repairs to the roof had begun in 1332. Carpentry work, perhaps the scaffolding, opens 1333, followed by the "picture" that would guide the actual construction. Building is then indicated by payments to the lodge for the work on the gable and other spots around the church. Finally, the purchase and transport of lead for the

roof, despite some labor problems, brought the project to a

speedy close, although activity continued on the crossing spire into 1334.37

Although Jehan Ravy was presumably in charge of the

construction and repairs in the 1330s as "maistre" of Notre- Dame, the fabric ledger reveals a division of tasks among specialists. According to Aubert, a certain Gu~rin, also called "master of the works" of the cathedral, executed the carpentry of the roof.38 By the fourteenth century, this separation of the posts of master mason and master carpenter became more common and paralleled the organization of the king's craftsmen.39 The canons' residences in the cloister, the

episcopal palace, and the chapter's extensive holdings of houses, mills, and other structures in and around Paris

required a full-time carpenter for their maintenance and

repair.40 Unless the scribe of the account book erred in recording

livres rather than sous,Jean d'Autheuil's "picture" must have been more than a simple parchment image. At thirty-five livres, it was significantly more expensive than contemporary




15 H. LeSecq, Notre-Dame, south transept facade prior to restoration, photograph (photo: CNMHS, Arch. Phot., Paris/SPADEM)

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architectural drawings. Only the sum of forty-three livres 10 sous paid on May 19, 1437, to Pierre Robin for his plans for St-Maclou in Rouen surpasses that paid for the Paris "pignon." The payment to Robin included wages for five months, expenses for parchment, and time.41 Second, plans and elevations executed at full scale or on parchment usually were made by the master masons themselves, and then entrusted to assistants, appareilleurs, or contractors. This is a rare instance in which an artist, apparently unconnected with the cathedral

workshop, was hired to provide a guide for the work.42

Jehan d'Autheuil (Johannes de Autholio) appears in the accounts of Charles IV for 1322, where he is qualified as

"pictor" and paid seventeen livres for paintings made in the "house of the king called Navarre." He was also paid by the

H6pital St-Jacques-aux-Pelerins in 1327 for painting two altars and "the chapel where the shells are."43 While three references hardly constitute an entire career, Jean d'Autheuil

possessed the skill to be hired repeatedly by the secular and ecclesiastical aristocracy on important projects. Perhaps it was

Jean's recognized talent as an exacting image maker and the

importance of precision in the repairs that led the chapter to

seek his expertise. A century later, Pierre Robi furnished

drawings for the facade of the chapel of St-Yves in Paris as well as for St-Maclou, Rouen, indicating his specialty as a "studio

designer" and project draftsman.44

Following the reconstruction of the south facade gable, the cathedral lodge returned to work on the choir, as well as

"several places in the church." During a fifty-two-week period in 1334-35, the chapter disbursed more than 161 livres for "the repair of the first chapels [primarum capellarum]," possibly those of the western or "first" choir bays, whose construction fell between the "old [antiquarum]" chapels of the nave and the "new [novarum] " chapels of the apse.45 With the rebuilding of piers and aisle vaults throughout the three western choir bays and the construction of buttresses above, these mid-thirteenth-century chapels may have required re-

pair. Modest outlays for stone and the purchase of tailor-made

pieces for seven small and a couple of large pinnacles refer to the new flyers of the choir, most likely the crowns of the

Y-shaped pilasters that face the vertical buttress walls (Fig. 9). Because the complete reconstruction of the choir flyers in the




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16 Notre-Dame, flying buttresses, north side of choir, looking west (photo: Davis)

nineteenth century erased the medieval masonry, the four-

teenth-century work is difficult to identify. Eugene-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc's comments and the 1843

plaster model in the Musee National des Monuments FranCais suggest that the choir flyers adjacent to the south transept survived intact from the twelfth century.46 The arches that abut the clerestory wall are capped by flat slabs and chevron decoration identical to that of the inner arches at gallery level. The stepped mass of the uprights of the south side and

turning bays of the chevet may represent the trunks of the

original Early Gothic buttresses (Figs. 2, 11).47 The flying buttresses on the north side complicate this

archaeological puzzle. The double-volley flyer (N2) adjacent to the north transept has been either advanced as the canonical form of Notre-Dame's thirteenth-century flying buttresses attributed to Pierre de Montreuil or connected to the fourteenth-century reconstruction (Figs. 2, 16).48 Preres- toration views of the north side of the choir clearly differenti- ate the simple aedicule of the buttress upright from fourteenth-

century work. Mounted on a tall pedestal, the open tabernacle resembled those at Reims Cathedral and may have sheltered the statue of the Three Magi dated to about 1260.49 The

placement of a freestanding column under the head of the inner arch as at St-Denis or Clermont Cathedral corroborates a date in the third quarter of the thirteenth century. This

unique two-arch flyer served as an emergency measure, for its intermediate upright aimed to stabilize the shifting pier below (02), rebuilt at the same time.50 Thirteenth-century repairs may have included six buttresses of the northern flank of the choir: their uprights rise as sheer vertical walls instead of stepped masses, and the aedicule of the fifth buttress matches that of the first (Fig. 2).

If this is an accurate reading of the masonry palimpsest of the choir buttresses, then Jehan Ravy's work focused on the

rebuilding of the arches of most of the main flyers and the decoration of their uprights. Begun in the mid-1320s, along with the reconstruction of the piers in the western choir, bays 1-3, the work had neared completion by 1332 when it was

interrupted by the repair of the south facade gable, and was then concluded in 1334 and 1335. Interior repairs likely were

finished by 1330, when the high altar of the cathedral was

rededicated.51 After putting all of the pieces together-the nine interior piers, the south arm of the transept, and the choir buttresses-a coherent picture of Notre-Dame's structural crisis begins to emerge. Like the cathedrals of Amiens and Beauvais, that of Paris experienced acute problems east of the crossing, at the juncture of the transept and the choir, where piers would be subject to forces exerted from several directions.52 Although the twelfth-century structure is thicker than that of the nave, and the configuration of main vessel, aisle, and gallery spaces is identical in both halves of the

building, the nave did not suffer comparable instability, perhaps because the massive facade block provided effective reinforcement through its entire length.53

Like Pierre de Chelles, Jehan Ravy based his design for the chevet flyers on a combination of extant cathedral forms and

up-to-date ornament (Figs. 2, 11, 12). The forty-degree pitch of the arches repeats the Early Gothic disposition while the method of water evacuation by means of a gutter on the arch extrados is similar to that used for the nave. As demonstrated

by Maury Wolfe and Robert Mark, this buttressing system of low buttress piers and steeply pitched flyers permitted a

significant reduction of masonry mass and material costs.54 Despite Notre-Dame's brush with structural disaster, Jehan pierced the head of each arch with an open trefoil, a detail that mocks earthly realities of weight and gravity.55

The last entries for 1335 record the purchase of nine cartloads and two boatloads of stone, apparently destined for

repairs to the flying buttresses of the nave. From 1336

through 1340, when the account breaks off, most references to the lodge concern the "old chapels" and the "pillars of the old chapels." Roofing materials bought in 1338 and 1340

point to the repair of collateral damage caused by the buttress reconstructions.56 In 1336 and 1337, the chapter spent little

money for stone and labor, while no sums were written under the headings of "lodge expenses" or "stone for repairs to the

pillars" in 1338 and 1339. But in 1340, 49 livres were disbursed for stone cut in the workshop and 144 livres were

paid to the lodge, indicating that the nave piers had become the object of extensive maintenance. Unfortunately, the termination of the fabric account and the nineteenth-century restoration made it impossible to determine the scope of

Ravy's work in the nave.

By 1340, Notre-Dame was complete: Pierre de Chelles added the last sixteen chapels of the choir and inaugurated the elaborate program of interior decoration, andJehan Ravy saved the cathedral from structural peril. But the physical completion of Notre-Dame tells only half the story. It is equally important to consider how and by whom the new spaces were used. The design of the interior illuminates

changes in medieval devotion and the cathedral clergy's attempt to control those practices by defining its role in the Christian social structure. Finally, by setting the fourteenth- century cathedral against contemporary projects in and around Paris, we return to the central issue of this study: the

meaning of Notre-Dame's architectural image.

Vision, Devotion, and the Cathedral Choir To the worshiper standing in the nave, the choir, raised by a

flight of steps, hovered on an elevated architectural plane




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(Fig. 17). Gables and blind tracery linked the east wall of the

transept, the choir screen, and the south transept into a

sumptuous interior facade as angels, stationed in niches, trumpeted arrival at this newJerusalem. Light flowing in from

stained-glass windows changed from deep blue and red to a

glowing silver-yellow grisaille; sculpture proliferated.57 Inside the choir, the new architecture mapped liturgical space in concentric layers that, like Augustine's City of God, graded the Christian community "according to their variously mer- ited honor and glory."58

The insertion of the eastern chapels and the erection of the new enclosure dramatically reorganized and expanded the sacred topography of the choir. Whereas the entire Early Gothic chevet appears to have been essentially reserved for the clergy, with such rare exceptions as the burials of Geoffroy of Brittany (1186), Isabella of Hainaut (1190), the latter's eldest daughter, and Philip of France (1218) in front of the

high altar, the fourteenth-century choir now embraced both the scheduled calendar of collective and personal services as well as freewheeling popular traffic.59 At the periphery of the cathedral, the choir chapels orbited the main altar of the

sanctuary as satellites in the performance of Notre-Dame's

corporate liturgy. As the calendar filled with high-ranking masses to local saints in the later thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries, they were integrated into processional itineraries. On feast days following High Mass, the clergy

paraded to the honored saint's altar, and on All Saints' Day after vespers, they stopped at the choir altars of St-Michel and St-Pierre-St-Paul.60

The chapels also defined discrete settings for private worship and display. Closed by grilles kept under lock and key, these richly appointed spaces remained accessible only to the cathedral's priests, wealthy donors, and the army of chaplains who chanted votive services in their memory.61 These privileged individuals showcased their rank in statues that stood

against the ambulatory piers at the chapel entrances, in lavish

sepulchral monuments, and in stained-glass portraits: Philip the Fair and his queen, Jeanne de Navarre, in the chapel of

St-Eutrope, Bishop Simon in the chapel of St-Nicaise, Cardi- nal Michel du Bec in the chapel of St-Michel, Cardinal Etienne de Suizy in the St-Etienne chapel, and Canon Eudes de Sens in the chapel of St-Pierre-St-Etienne.62 In company with their patron saints, they assembled like founders in the choir to offer their devotions to the Virgin and composed a

tangible representation of the accord between the clergy and the royal court.

Sandwiched between the gated chapels and the walled

sanctuary, the ambulatory was transformed into a multifunc- tional internal corridor (Figs. 1, 5). Relics such as the holy oils and the cranium of Saint Denis were exposed daily in the choir chapels to circulating worshipers; the sick flocked to the

Trinity altar located behind the main altar, in hope of a




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18 Christ Appears to the Holy Women, Notre-Dame, south wall of choir enclosure (photo: Davis)

cure.63 Thieves and unruly visitors occasionally were arrested in the choir.64 Was the laity then permitted to roam the

ambulatory freely in search of shrines or sacred music?

Stringent regulations governed movement of bishop and

chapter through the church as they battled over control of the

space. The bishop needed special permission to enter the claustral precinct, and the right of the chapter's sergeants to traverse the interior during the feast of the Assumption required a specific provision in an agreement of 1283.65 Although direct evidence is lacking, lay crowds were surely excluded, as they are today, during liturgical processions around the ambulatory, the entries and exits of the chapter through the Porte Rouge, or the bishop's passage from his door.66

If the public gained a tantalizing proximity to the holy objects and rituals in the choir, its physical contact remained unconsummated, for the new work at Notre-Dame defined a

complex of insistently partitioned cells. In place of the

twelfth-century cloth veils, the high stone barrier that encased the sanctuary created a private clerical church at the core of the cathedral.67 As canonical space retreated behind this enclosure, it simultaneously became more ostentatious. A new

reliquary of Saint Marcel was fashioned in 1262, just as the choir screen was being built between the eastern crossing piers, and sixty years later a silver retable, adorned with reliefs of the Coronation of the Virgin, the Annunciation, Saint

Stephen, and Saint Marcel accompanied the construction of the choir enclosure.68 Visible through an opening and above the wall, but out of reach, this dazzling exhibition of reliquaries and precious furniture proclaimed the status of this inner sanctum.

Begun by Pierre de Chelles, continued byJehan Ravy, and

completed byJehan le Boutellier in 1351, the choir enclosure defined a stage for devotion to the body of Christ expressed in the adoption of the feast of Corpus Christi. Officially established in Paris by the early 1320s, the feast proclaimed the real

presence of Christ in the sacramental elements of the bread and wine; at the same time, the divine body was shielded from

lay view behind walls that offered sculpture as a substitute for the direct contact reserved for the cathedral's clergy.69 The architecture of the enclosure made the message of its sculpture animate and actual.

The reliefs of the fourteenth-century enclosurejoined with

the thirteenth-century choir screen sculpture to represent the sacramental miracles performed by the priesthood.70 The narrative that wrapped the western half of the precinct recounted the life of Christ from the Annunciation to the Ascension. It is worth emphasizing that Notre-Dame's version of the Gospel, studied in detail by Dorothy Gillerman, insisted on "the revered dignity of priests, in whose hands the Son of God is incarnated as in the Virgin's womb."71 At each

performance of the Eucharist, the priest, like Simeon in the Presentation, received Christ into his hands at the altar. On the south side of the enclosure, Christ meets his Apostles three times around the table-at Emmaus, atJerusalem, and for a final meal at the Cenacle. They dine as an exclusive

"eating club" with the gravitas of ritual whose allusions to the

liturgy enacted at the sacramental table on the other side of the wall would be hard to miss.

The physical intimacy between Jesus and his male followers contrasts pointedly with his evasive relationship with the Holy Women, also represented along the south side (Fig. 18). In a ballet of gestures, the Marys draw close toJesus's swaying body yet do not touch him. Compare this with the digital stab of Thomas four scenes later. Caroline Bynum, Jeffrey Ham-

burger, and Miri Rubin have highlighted the Eucharistic fervor characteristic of female piety and the zeal with which women sought physical consummation of their devotion to the body of Christ.72 With equal insistence, the barrier of the enclosure and the message of its imagery confirm the prohibi- tions against women-or any other laity-taking that body into their own hands: this was the privilege of Thomas's

priestly heirs.73 As a setting for the enclosure's sculpture, Pierre de Chelles

andJehan Ravy developed an architecture that presented this sacred history with the immediate force of a dramatic performance. On the north side, the Gospel vignettes are enacted

against a blank wall raised above an arcaded dado, whereas on the south, pilasters frame each scene and the figures inhabit a real space created by a projecting canopy of gables (Figs. 18, 19). These shallow boxes resembling stage architecture found echoes on the pages of contemporary manuscripts, such as the Vie de Saint Denis.74 Finally, about 1325-30, Jehan Ravy designed the eastern curve of the enclosure, demolished in the early eighteenth century, as a stunning architectural screen.

With the guidance of surviving fragments and graphic evidence, the general outlines of this eastern perimeter can be resurrected. Although details such as the exact propor- tions, number of units per section, and configuration of the supports in the reconstruction offered as Figure 20 remain

conjectural, it is established that the wall was composed of three levels. First, a low bench rested on a molded base, about 35 to 36 centimeters high, with explanatory captions for an

alternating sequence of hexafoils and quatrefoils illustrating the story of Joseph. A blind arcade composed the second zone, amply documented by the engravings made by Louis Boudan for Roger de Gaignibres of Canon Pierre Fayel and Jehan Ravy (Figs. 21, 22). The canon, preserved in the Louvre, provides an index of scale: his 66-centimeter high figure is placed against an arcade of approximately 27- centimeter-wide arches, measured axis to axis (Fig. 21).




Roughly two meters high, these two lower levels of the enclosure were set behind a front plane of widely spaced shafts that rose to support the upper section of the wall.

Jacques Du Breul's enigmatic description of the eastern curve of the enclosure as "pierced [perce a iour]" may refer to these

open arcades of tracery.75 Scattered architectural remains make it possible to conceptualize the top section as a band of narrow arches, each about 18 centimeters wide, capped by exquisitely carved gables set against a backgound of miniatur- ized tracery (Fig. 23).76

If this reconstruction reflects the appearance of the eastern section of the choir enclosure, then its architecture illuminates fundamental aspects of the character and meaning of the choir as a whole. Using many of the individual forms of the western portions of the south choir wall, the design unfolded more aggressively in depth to define a series of

penetrable screens that echoed the facing ambulatory arcades across the chapel entrances (Figs. 6, 19, 20). Distinct visual tempos governed each layer and level of tracery to create spaces in which the viewpoint seemed to shift and slide

continually. An original polychromy must have intensified the

experience. Although all traces of paint have disappeared from the debris of the choir barrier, the decor of the transept may provide some hint of its color scheme. With projecting moldings painted blue, recesses red, and fillets black, walls

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19 Adoration of the Magi, Notre-Dame, north wall of choir enclosure (photo: Davis)

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20 Notre-Dame, eastern section of choir enclosure, hypothetical reconstruction, not to scale (drawing: Davis, with assistance from P. Zieja)

dissolved in a play of brilliant color that imitated the shimmer of stained glass.77

Mimicking the complex metal architecture of shrines or the painted frames in manuscripts and glass, the eastern section of the choir enclosure reminds us that the craftsmen who erected the late additions to Notre-Dame based their architecture on a calculated interplay of media. However, this architecture aimed at more than a representation of other

objects and materials and must be understood as more than a

parlor game of elegant invention. Contemporary theories of vision and devotion rather than anachronistic standards of

stylistic development suggest that it framed space and sight to orchestrate spiritual experience.

In the thirteenth century, optics and the science of vision attracted considerable attention as a dynamic branch of

scholarly investigation, especially at the University of Paris.78

Vision, it was explained, is produced from the interaction of a visible thing and a seeing person, the object participating actively in the process.79 This potential of every natural body to "diffuse its power radiantly into other bodies," termed

multiplication of species, makes the act of seeing simulta-

neously the act of receiving. As Roger Bacon wrote, "the

agent sends forth species into the matter of the recipient so

that, through the species it can bring forth ... the complete effect it intends."80 Architecture, no less than nature, radiated with a force that acted on the viewer; thus, we must look for an affective power in the cathedral choir's carefully calculated

optical effects.




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21 Louis Boudan, Figure of Canon Pierre Fayel, Notre-Dame, eastern section of choir enclosure. Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Collection Gaignieres

The Notre-Dame choir enclosure and chapels are not

programmatic architectural translations of the technical de- bate on vision and optics active in high intellectual circles. Yet, as A. C. Crombie has noted, "painters, sculptors, architects

... generated an effective context for seeing and solving exemplary technical problems shared by the mathematical sciences with the visual (and) plastic... arts. . .8. Just as such

pioneers of optics as Robert Grosseteste, Roger Bacon, and Theodorich of Freiburg sought their explanations of vision

through geometry, Pierre de Chelles andJehan Ravy manipu- lated scale, viewpoint, and color to create vibrant optical effects. The abrupt diminution of the figures of Fayel and

Ravy to approximately half life-size together with the implied shift in the angle of vision signaled by the syncopation of the arcade bands seem calculated to create an illusion and the

experience of looking into deep space.82 The integration of sculpture into the architecture was

crucial to the construction of an environment that simulated a process of spiritual illumination. Guided by images, the

spectator moved visually up and back into space through different levels of experience. Entering these aedicules, one faced reliefs of an extended Joseph cycle on the projecting bench (Figs. 20-22). An Old Testament appendix to the life of Christ, the message ofJoseph as an exemplum of the priest

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22 Boudan, Figure of Master Mason Jehan Ravy, Notre-Dame, eastern section of choir enclosure. Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Collection Gaignieres

seems tailor-made to address the elite class of chapel founders who played a key role in the royal administration.83 Extensive French captions lent the reliefs a tone similar to vernacular

"picture Bibles," devotional literature, or chronicles aimed at an educated laity.84

Above the bench, the viewer came acrossJehan Ravy on the north side near the Porte Rouge and the donor, Canon Pierre

Fayel, "behind the altar" (Figs. 21, 22).85 Gazing deeper into the structure, the viewer shifted from instructional vignettes of the past to present action, from a space in which the

liturgical offices could only be heard to a realm in which sight came into play. As Saint Bernard wrote, "the coming of the

Holy Spirit is said to have been perceived first by hearing, then by sight."86 The abbot, of course, was one of the most forceful spokesmen for imageless devotion, but by the early fourteenth century developing theories of perception created a climate that favored the expanded role of images in

religious practice. Such was the importance of vision, highest among the senses, that, according to Bacon, "nothing is fully intelligible unless it is presented before the eyes," and the eminent Franciscan theologian Peter Aureol asserted that ocular cognition, based on "color, direction, distance, presence, and existence ... makes things that do not really exist

appear as really existing."87 In lectures on Peter Lombard's




Sentences delivered in Paris between 1316 and 1318, Aureol declared that "the reality of a vision does not require the real

presence of an existent object, although the truth of the vision does. ... [In true vision], the image or res in apparent being is not distinguished [by the viewer] from the real thing."88 While these scholars did not address artistic practice, their ideas suggested that imagery, far from acting merely as a material diversion, served a legitimate role because it anchored devotional vision in truth.

The praying figure ofJehan Ravy testifies to the power of architecture and the act of its creation. He kneels, absorbed in a visionary experience, similar to the figures of Suger at

St-Denis, Matthew Paris in his self-representation at the feet of the Virgin and Child in his Historia Anglorum, or the donors in the painted tabernacles of the chapel windows glimpsed through the ambulatory arcade.89 Seeing the master mason

suspended in "that strange region" above our own earthly position, yet not quite in the purity of the choir, we acknowl-

edge that Jehan's skill has raised him to a higher level of

spiritual awareness. Looking toward the sancta sanctorum

through his own design, Jehan affirmed to the viewer that the

arts, whether building or theology, in the words of Hugh of St. Victor, "intend, namely, to restore within us the divine

likeness, a likeness which to us is a form but to God is his nature."90 The mason's practice became a performance of

God-given talent that transcended personal glorification to offer his fellow Christians a prospect of the higher world.9'

If Jehan Ravy's labor and Pierre Fayel's generosity raised them to a level of illuminative contemplation, their perception remained blocked by walls. In the spaces outside the

choir, images and objects mediated the worshiper's experience: the Resurrection frieze and enormous Crucifix of the choir screen broadcast the message of redemption into the

nave; in the ambulatory, the viewer might follow the example of Canon Fayel, shown adoring a metal relief of the Crucifix- ion set into the adjoining bay, or marvel at the glittering reliquaries displayed in the sanctuary.92

Only the priests within the choir enjoyed the state of

perfection that transcended the "veil of corporeal images."93 Barriers between past and present, heaven and earth dissolved as they shared their sanctuary space with the Apostles. Thomas Aquinas, author of the office of the Corpus Christi

feast, again offers a cogent theological parallel to the imagery in his discussion of the Eucharist: "the power of consecrating this sacrament on Christ's behalf is bestowed upon the priest

.. : for thereby he is put upon a level with them to whom the Lord said (Luke xxii.19): 'Do this for a commemoration of Me.' "94 Depicted in active two- or three-figure groups packed into each cusped niche (Fig. 17), the Apostles' nearly life-size scale contrasted with the diminutive figures facing the ambu-

latory to define their elevated status in the hierarchy of the Elect.95 Accompanied by the bishops hovering above in the

clerestory windows, earthly ritual became divine liturgy as the cathedral clergy achieved union with God through the sight, touch, and taste of the body of Christ.96

The same dynamic interaction of sight, architecture, and

imagery operated in the monumental architecture of the choir exterior, which composed a visionary frame for action and meditation. The optical fireworks of Pierre de Chelles

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23 Notre-Dame, fragment of gable from eastern section of choir enclosure. Paris, Rotonde de la Villette (photo:J.-L. Godard)

and Jehan Ravy aimed to evoke and broadcast multiple associations across Parisian city space. However, the details of the cathedral's messages, shifting according to viewer loca- tions determined by rank and estate, were at once inclusive and elite, embedded in and isolated from urban reality.

Approached from the east, the Notre-Dame chevet presented two tiers of gables and clusters of pinnacles that identified the cathedral as the Heavenly Jerusalem, an aristocratic edifice, and a shrine that housed relics of Saint Denis, Saint Marcel, Saint Stephen, Saint Louis, the Virgin, and the True Cross (Fig. 9).97 Of the scores of ecclesiastical edifices in medieval Paris, only Notre-Dame, Ste-Chapelle, and the papal church of the Bernardines wore architectural crowns of ornamental gables.

As the container of the body of Christ, the cathedral

represented the body of the Virgin. Associations of Mary with the architecture of the Church she symbolized occurred

frequently in medieval writing: Honorius of Autun likened the Mother of God to a column; Rupert of Deutz spoke of her womb as a sanctuary; William Durand called the Church a

Virgin, a Bride, and a Mother; and Francis of Assisi saluted

Mary with the words, "Hail his Palace/Hail his tabernacle."98

Jean Fouquet crystallized the equation of Notre-Dame, the

Virgin, and Eucharistic sacrament on the pages of the Hours of Etienne Chevalier, painted in the 1450s, when he set the Last

Supper and the Lamentation against the backdrop of the




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cathedral's east end (Fig. 24).99 The choir rises like a golden apparition above the surrounding city as the memorial translation of the room where Christ first celebrated the ritual of the bread and wine and, as the architectural echo of the

Virgin, the vessel for that sacrificial body. We can well imagine fourteenth-century viewers of the Paris skyline repeatingJean deJandun'sjudgments that "the overwhelming church of the most glorious Virgin Mary, mother of God, justly shines at the summit as the sun amid the stars," a beautiful simile that links

the cathedral with Mary, the woman clothed with the sun

(mulier amicta sole), of Revelation 12:1.100 At closer range, the chapel architecture exhibited reliefs,

sculpted figures, and ornamental masks and animals in a multilevel composition that resembled a screen or an altar-

piece (Fig. 13). Seven narrative relief panels, embedded in the lower wall of the chapels of St-Ferr6ol-St-Ferrutien, St-Michel, and Ste-Anne-St-Martin, compose a kind of pre- della. Although most scholars have judged these panels as




later inserts, possibly from a dismantled interior monument, their relation to the masonry confirms that they were an

integral part of the wall (Fig. 25).101 Set in quadrilobe frames identical to those of the interior Joseph scenes, the Dormi-

tion, Funeral, Assumption, Reception into Heaven/Christ

among Angels, Coronation of the Virgin, Christ in Majesty, and the Miracle of Theophilus glossed the rituals performed in the cathedral and the cloister to announce the roles of the

Virgin and her priests at Notre-Dame in the project of Christian salvation.

These scenes addressed an exclusive clerical audience, for

they faced an alley connecting the north transept portal and the Porte Rouge with the oratory of St-Denis-du-Pas, the site where the saint received his last communion from the hands of Christ on the eve of his martyrdom (Fig. 3).102 As part of the cloister that occupied the entire northeast quadrant of the Ile de la Cite, this area was the chapter's uncontested

private domain. Four gates blocked public thoroughfares and ten armed sergeants patrolled the streets.103 Domestics, trades-

men, and scholars were admitted for their daily labors or

examinations, but the chapter maintained the inviolability of the cloister through detailed statutes that dictated even the

height and window openings of neighboring houses.'04

Segregated from the secular city, ecclesiastical life unfolded before the magnificent scenae frons of the chapels. Frequent processions visited St-Denis-du-Pas throughout the liturgical year: as a prelude to Mass on Sunday, on selected feast days, in ceremonies surrounding the installation of the bishop, and for occasional funerals.105 Three times a week as they exited the chapter house, the canons confronted the Coronation of the Virgin set into the face of the projecting chapel buttress

(M7).106 Moving in and out of the choir, the clergy was reminded by these reliefs of the glory of their cathedral's

patronym, of their duties as guardians of her body, the

Church, of the redemption offered through the sacrament of

the Eucharist to sinful humanity like Theophilus. Above, the overlife-size niche figures between the chapels-

Virtues and Vices, Esther and Ahasuerus, David and Goliath, and Job--offered a typological program of the Church's

victory over sin and evil as well as additional political exem-

pla.1'07 As an ensemble, this most public of Parisian edifices offered a private program to its priestly audience that recorded the primacy of the Church and its ministers in society. The choir imagery conjured the vision of William of Au-

vergne, bishop of Paris, of a "city composed of a group of men so perfect that their lives consist entirely in rendering honor and service to God."los Enclosed by the gates of the cloister and embodied by the palace of the Virgin, this ecclesiastical

city-within-a-city, not the profane metropolis, represented the true reflection of the HeavenlyJerusalem.109

Rather than a retreat into mannerism or, worse, academic

pedantry, the Notre-Dame choir calibrated relationships between structure, space, and imagery to fit new and varied devotional patterns. On the one hand, the optically penetrable scaffolding of the chapels and choir enclosure invited the contemplation of layered zones of sculpture. Their fractured surfaces and shifting tracery screens marked thresh- olds that signaled a shift from literal vision to seeing "with the

eyes of the heart."'11 By 1300, as Jeffrey Hamburger writes,

such "visionary experience ... became a commonplace aspiration," and the new architecture and sculpture of the cathedral of Paris accommodated these contemporary expec- tations."11 At the same time, gates, walls, barriers, and images defined distinct spatial hierarchies in and around the choir to reiterate that the full revelation of the truth of hidden things remained the exclusive experience of the cathedral clergy.

The visual strategies coined in the fourteenth-century choir at Notre-Dame and other edifices had an enormous impact on later art. The antistructuralism of Flamboyant Gothic that Francois Bucher saw as an outgrowth of metal and wood monuments may find some of its roots in the architecture of Pierre de Chelles andJehan Ravy.112 But the ultimate legacy of their exploration of complex frames, spatial multiplicity, and

shifting scale can perhaps best be seen in the pages and panels of late medieval and Early Netherlandish painting. In the

pictures of a Jean Fouquet, Jan van Eyck, or Rogier van der

Weyden, as in the stone and glass of Notre-Dame, fragile architectural fragments drew the viewer into an illusionistic world in which the visionary became real.113

The Choir Chapels and the Architecture of Philip the Fair To complete this portrait of Notre-Dame, we must look finally at Parisian architecture in the early fourteenth century. The

meaning of the cathedral was constructed in relation to other

buildings past and present and to a particular place, Paris. By comparing the designs of Pierre de Chelles and Jehan Ravy with contemporary structures in and around the capital, we come to understand the field from which they made their formal choices.

Quite apart from questions of style, French kings histori-

cally maintained a special relationship with Notre-Dame,

visiting the cathedral on the first Sunday in Advent and

receiving communion from the bishop on Easter Sunday. Philip IV intensified its use as a public stage.114 As a prince, he

may have married Jeanne de Navarre in the cathedral, and he

probably stopped at Notre-Dame on his entry into Paris,

January 6, 1286, after his coronation at Reims."15 He presented charges against Boniface VIII at the first meeting of the Estates General "under the vaults" of the cathedral in

1302; in 1304, the king rode fully armed into the church to

give thanks to the Virgin after his victory at Mons-en-Pevdle. A

vigil was held at Notre-Dame on June 2-3, 1313, the night before the inauguration of the new royal palace and the

knighting of the king's three sons, and Philip spent the

penultimate night of his reign, December 1, 1314, lying in state at the cathedral."6 The bonds between sacerdos and rex, church and state, that informed royal spectacle found con- crete affirmation in calculated architectural links between

Notre-Dame and the projects of Philip IV. Speaking the same

language of form, these elite buildings, to paraphrase Georges Bataille, expressed the "ideal soul of society,... the logic and

majesty of authority...." that was not only religious but also

profoundly political.117 The most significant of the king's projects focused on the

Palais de la Cite. Begun in the mid-1290s, the refurbished

royal residence included a new chapel of St-Michel set into its

enlarged east wall (Fig. 26).11s Predemolition views depict a west window enriched by exactly the same tracery pattern,




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four lights grouped in pairs under inscribed quatrefoils with a six-lobed oculus above, as that seen in Notre-Dame's choir

(Fig. 13). The boxy exterior of St-Michel suggests a cubic interior volume similar to that of Pierre de Chelles's chapels. Moreover, gables adorned the windows of the Grand-Salle and stretched across the Galerie des Merciers, a feature

unique among civil edifices (Fig. 27). Intended to echo the architecture of the Ste-Chapelle and its treasury, Philip's gables adopt the same up-to-date fashion of openwork tracery as those at the cathedral.119

The abbey of St-Louis at Poissy, begun in 1298, represented the ecclesiastical jewel of Philip the Fair's reign (Fig. 28).120 As funds for this Dominican convent came directly from the

royal treasury, surely the king maintained an interested watch over its construction. Poissy's architecture rejected Mendi- cant simplicity in favor of an ornamental elaboration that identified it as a primary locus of the new cult of Saint Louis. Devotion to the sainted king was extended to the cathedral by Philip IV's donation of Louis's shirt and the bishop's rededication of one of the new choir chapels in his honor.121 The resemblances between Poissy and the Notre-Dame chevet are so extensive that one can imagine a planning committee of

Philip IV, Bishop Simon, Dominicans, Pierre de Chelles, and the Poissy master meeting to coordinate the architecture of these stations of the Saint Louis cult that decorated the heart

of the royal domain like monumental montjoies. Gables above the chapel and clerestory windows at Poissy enclose identical

tracery motifs; the chapel lights display the same patterns as the statue niches of the cathedral's choir; and thick fasces of

shafts, like those of Notre-Dame, compose the piers (Fig. 29). To judge from surviving graphic evidence, Poissy's design achieved a vivid contrast between a plastic structural skeleton of piers and arches and a brittle network of tracery and gables similar to the effect of the Notre-Dame chapels.

The abbey of St-Denis, site of the king's official tomb, marked a third venue of Louis's veneration. Elizabeth A. R. Brown has documented the monastic community's promo- tion of this royal cult, which triggered the construction of

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chapels in his honor: the first in the southeast angle of the

transept, contiguous to the choir, rose between 1298 and

1304/1305; the second was included among the suite of six

chapels erected from about 1320 to 1324 under Abbot Gilles de Pontoise along the northern flank of the nave (Fig. 30).122

These St-Denis additions display a repertory of forms almost

indistinguishable from those of the Notre-Dame chevet chapels and those of Poissy (compare Figs. 13, 28, and 30). Four-lancet tracery is the unwavering rule in all of the windows, and, as in the cathedral chapels, the glass is set flush with the plane of the wall and mullions extend down to a low socle. Base profiles closely match those of the later chapels of the Paris corona (Fig. 4p-r). On the exterior of the nave, the window gables, woven into the cornice and balustrade, are

separated from the flanking statue aedicules by the distinctive

wedges of masonry used by Pierre de Chelles. Here, they do not correspond to the mid-thirteenth-century buttress walls above. These shared details hint that Pierre de Chelles or one of his assistants designed and built the St-Denis chapels following his "retirement" as master mason of Notre-Dame in 1318.

Royal patronage also lay behind the hospital chapel of

St-.Slpullchre. hblilt fnr pilgrimg from Jeru;aItlem on the riue St-Denis on the Right Bank (Fig. 31). Louis, duke of Bourbon and grandson of Louis IX, acted as the principal benefactor of the project. The first-stone ceremony of May 18, 1326, drew a who's who of ecclesiastical and secular nobility, including, besides Louis, the archbishop of Auch, four bishops, the

dowager queen Cl6mence of Hungary, Queen Isabelle of

England, daughter of Philip the Fair, her son, Edward, duke of Aquitaine, and Blanche of Brittany, while the consecration

ceremony was presided over by Bishop Hugues de Besangon of Paris on June 25, 1330.123 Notre-Dame's transept portals clearly inspired the chapel's remarkable frontispiece, while the diagonally turned salients that punctuate the row of

gables demonstrate the impact of the cathedral's new choir

chapels on the design of St-Sepulchre's master mason, Gutrin de Lorcignes (Figs. 13, 31).124

This cohort of aristocratic buildings included the early fourteenth-century Chapelle de Navarre at Mantes of 1300/ 20, probably constructed by Philip IV's stepmother, Marie de Brabant, and the Virgin Chapel added to the pilgrimage church of St-Mathurin, Larchant, a dependency of the cathedral (Fig. 32). Dating the chapel to about 1300-1310, Jacques Henriet ascribed its design to Pierre de Chelles himself.'25 Both of these works share tracery patterns, reveal a similar

conception of pier design, and use openwork gables as the

primary vehicle for organization and enrichment. Other Parisian projects illuminate the coherence of this

subset of privileged structures as they reveal an unsuspected cliversity nrid vitality in the hbuilding indiu-try in the eiarly

fourteenth century. Masons and patrons found a broad range of models and vocabularies at their disposal as they approached new projects. The reconstruction of St-Jean-en- Grave, begun in 1326, realized one of the largest parish churches in the city (Fig. 33). Although its height of one




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hundred feet (approximately thirty meters) rivaled the scale of the cathedral, St-Jean banished pinnacles and gables from its sober exterior. Its interior elevation, represented in a

painting by Pierre-Antoine Demachy in the Musee Carnavalet

(Fig. 34), was composed of a dark triforium and contracted

clerestory, continuing a composition found in earlier parish churches in the city, such as the Holy Innocents and St-Pierre-

aux-Boeufs.126 At the other end of the spectrum, the church of the College

of the Bernardines stood completely outside Parisian tradition. Begun in 1338 by its loyal alumnus, Pope Benedict XII, this "chapel" advertised the elevated status of the Cistercians and presented the college as the model of the Order's contact with the world (Fig. 35).127 The square schematism of the

simple plan, the two-story elevation, and the columnar piers look to established Cistercian design. But the embellishment of the exterior and the carving of details attain a degree of finesse and elaboration unprecedented in the Order's architecture. Along with money from his Avignon coffers, Benedict drew his architects from the Midi: Bertrand Auseti from Mende and later Pons de Madieiras from Mirepoix.128 A southern flavor seasons the Bernardine church. Sheafs of filleted colonnettes compose aisle piers that recall those of the cathedrals of St-Nazaire in Carcassonne and St-Just in Narbonne and of the church of St-Didier in Avignon. The

deep scoops of the window embrasures and tracery forms

suggest the masters' familiarity with the clerestory of St-Just. Described by Guillebert de.Metz in 1407 as "a most beautiful




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church," the Bernardines remained an elegant foreign inter-

loper that did not have a lasting impact on the architecture of the capital.129

St-Benoit in the Latin Quarter, remodeled and reoriented around 1340, offered another alternative. Although a depen- dent of Notre-Dame, it recalls the character of civil architec-

ture, with the simplicity of its piers and capitals (Fig. 36).130 St-Leu-St-Gilles on the Grand-rue St-Denis was rebuilt from 1319 as a simple single-nave church.'3'

The formal austerity and ornamental minimalism of these Parisian parish churches no doubt reflect the constraints of modest construction budgets. On the other hand, Notre- Dame-des-Menus in Boulogne-Billancourt exemplifies an architectural decorum that tailored a building's appearance according to its rank.'132 The church enjoyed elite support, for

Philip IV apparently conceived it as a convenient "proxy" for the pilgrimage to the popular Marian shrine of Notre-Dame de Boulogne. Philip V authorized a confraternity to shoulder the expenses of construction, and on February 2, 1320, with his brother, Charles, and Philippe de Valois, he laid the first stone. Bishop Hugues de Besangon of Paris dedicated the

church, its fonts, and its cemetery in July 1330. Boulogne's cubic interior space, treatment of structural forms, and

geometric tracery reveal the hand of a Parisian mason (Fig.

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37). Doublet patterns in the apse and the triplets of the

straight bays replicate the tracery of the cathedral choir's statue niches and gallery; base profiles resemble those of Pierre de Chelles's chapels; and the fusion of the choir

respond colonnettes into a rippling solid echoes the supports in the galleries of the royal palace (Fig. 4t, u). It is tempting to think that either the king or Bishop Hugues, a member of the

building confraternity, entrusted the design of this seemly church to his master mason. However, because it is a parish church, Notre-Dame-des-Menus is stripped of exactly those

signs-four-light tracery compositions, exterior gables, and statue niches-that mark episcopal and royal buildings.

It is fully consonant with Philip the Fair's keen sense of his

public image and his penchant for careful organization that his projects should adopt appropriate architectural garb.133 One can almost hear the king repeating the words of Giles of Rome to his masons or clerical advisers that the ruler should "demonstrate magnificence in the buildings he erected."'34 Notre-Dame, the palace, St-S6pulchre, St-Louis in Poissy, St-Denis, the Chapelle de Navarre in Mantes, and St-Mathurin in Larchant were immediately recognized as exceptional by their repertory of architectural topoi-gables, tracery, sculpted portals, complex piers, and finely cut moldings. Sponsored by the king, the royal family, the bishop, and high-ranking



56 ART BULLETIN MARCH 1998 VOLUME LXXX NUMBER I

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clerics, they comprised an architectural court built by a small

group of shared masons. These masters were local men- Pierre de Chelles and Guerin de Lorcignes hailed from the immediate environs of Paris, while Jean de Cerens, master mason of the royal palace, may have come from St-Leu d'Esserent in the Ile-de-France-and their designs were firmly rooted in the Parisian idiom.'35

The charge of conservatism leveled at Paris after 1270 is, in

fact, a key to understanding its select structures. Just as Philip the Fair anchored his tombs and effigies at Poissy, St-Denis, and the cathedral to his grandfather's relics, the forms of his architecture maintained an active dialogue with the past.136 And despite their stylistic consistency, a complex memory nexus of prestigious contemporary, historical, and biblical models combined with patronal self-interest to project distinctive meanings into each court building. For the cathedral of

Paris, its bishop and chapter recorded their church's glorious past through architecture, imagery, and ritual as they built an

image of the Celestial City to come.

The Vision and Reality of Notre-Dame, Paris Palace of the Virgin, body of Christ, Ark of the Covenant,

royal cathedral, shrine-these were several of the "official"

roles played by the cathedral before its Parisian audience. In a

thirteenth-century poem, "On the Twenty-Three Types of

Villains," pickpockets before the west facade's Gallery of

Kings suspended their meditations on royal typology to fleece

unsuspecting victims: "The treacherous thief is he who goes before Notre-Dame in Paris and says, 'Look there Pepin, look there Charlemagne,' as he cuts a purse from behind."'37 This

picturesque glimpse of the perils of medieval urban life reminds us that while the cathedral towered above the city as the symbol of the Heavenly Jerusalem, throngs of beggars gathered at its portals, and the notorious red-light district of the rue de Glatigny as well as the criminal haunt, the Cour Robert de Paris, lay in its shadows. And if, forJean deJandun, Notre-Dame captured the incomparable splendor of the

capital in the fourteenth century, it had embodied shameful materialism to Peter the Chanter in the twelfth.138

If Notre-Dame, as completed around 1350, shone "as the sun amid the stars," the view of this solar system was controlled by rank and estate. The west facade offered the

only entrance for the public to the interior, the sanctuary was set off as the clergy's private stage where the holiest of Christian mysteries was performed, and the choir chapels reflected the rigid hierarchy of contemporary society. Al-

though integrated with the earlier fabric, they sheltered the masses and memorials of the highest stratum of a clerical and secular elite. The celestial symbolism that resonated in the ornate mode of the chapels' architecture expressed divine sanction of this stratified order which found its ultimate unity through the shared bond of Christianity.

I have argued that the fourteenth-century architecture of Notre-Dame which enclosed the spaces of worship also

performed as an active agent in devotional experience. The realization of this agenda was no simple task for such

experiential goals competed with aesthetic and structural demands for control of the design. Out of the intersection of

accident, intention, and necessity, the cathedral masons refashioned a choir of remarkable visual unity. The greater optical complexity they gave to a familiar vocabulary of form and their integration of sculptural imagery into the masonry frame invited the expectant viewer into an architecture that unlocked higher levels of spiritual awareness. Invention for its own sake, abstract notions of "progress" that have become critical mantras in the twentieth century had little relevance to the late medieval builders of Notre-Dame. We must

re-direct our approach to take into account the physical, functional, and symbolic factors that constituted the original project brief. Returning Notre-Dame to its urban, liturgical, social, political, and artistic environments brings us closer to the thoughts, words, and actions which gave its architecture

form, purpose, and meaning. To a greater degree, we recover the human dimension of the building, responding with Jean de Jandun "that this church offers such a subject of admira- tion to those who regard it attentively that the soul will never tire in its contemplation." '39

Appendix 1 Donors

Listed below are founders of chapels and chaplaincies recorded in the choir between 1296 and ca. 1336. The sources ofinforma-




tion, published and archival, are included following the year, name and profession of the founder, and location in the cathedral. I have also included the several institutions of Philip IV and other significant gifts.

1296 Simon Matifas de Bucy, bishop of Paris, foundation of the chapels of St-Marcel, St-Rigobert, and St-Nicaise (inscription on pedestal of statue; see n. 8)

Philip IV and Jeanne de Navarre, his wife, institution of mass for celebration of Saint Eutrope (Guerard, vol. 4, 182)

Petrus de Bangiaco or Baugiaco, canon (see below, 1300), chaplaincy at altar of St-Pierre-St-Paul (Paris, AN), LL 247, fol. 7v; Kraus, 1969, 129)

Geoffroy de Gien, canon, penitentiarius, chaplaincy at altar of

St-Rigobert (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 8v; Kraus, 1969, 130)

Gillette Arrode (Gileta Arodis), bourgeois of Paris, chaplaincy at altar of St-Rigobert (Paris, AN, S 92; Aubert, 145)

1299 Galerand le Breton (Brito), concierge of the royal palace, Paris, and Petronilla, his wife, chaplaincy at altar of St-Louis (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 6v; AN, S 87, nos. 1-3, 48, 57)

ca. 1300 Dudo (Guido?) de Lauduno, physician of Louis IX, chaplaincies of St-Andre at altar of St-Louis (Paris, AN, LL 247, fols. 3v, 6v, dated 1292; Guerard, vol. 4, 70; Lebeuf, vol. 5, 382)

1300 Petrus de Bangiaco or Baugiaco, canon (see above, 1296), and

Queen Marguerite de Provence, chaplaincy at altar of St-Pierre-St- Paul (A. Molinier, Obituaires de la province de Sens, vol. 1 (Paris, 1902), 178; Lebeuf, vol. 4, 35, 186; Kraus, 1969, 129-30)

1302

Philip IV, chaplaincies at altars of St-Eutrope and Decollation de

St-Jean-Baptiste(?) (Kraus, 1969, 123)

Etienne Haudry andJeanne, his wife, bourgeois of Paris, panetier (pantner) of Philip IV, chaplaincy at altar of St-Denis-St-

Georges(?) (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 4v; Kraus, 1969, 127)

1304

Philip IV, donation of 100 livres for masses to celebrate victory at

Mons-en-Pevele (augmented 1313) (Guerard, vol. 4, 147-51)

Simon Matifas de Bucy, bishop of Paris, testament bequests: 100 livres tournois to fabric; forgives loan of 200 livres tournois to fabric

"ad opus novarum capellarum" (to the work of the new chapels); recognizes 600 livres parisis given during lifetime for chapels of St-Nicaise, St-Marcel, and St-Rigobert (Guerard, vol. 4, 91-95)

1305 Eudes (Odo), archdeacon of Paris, a vineyard "to the work of the church of Notre-Dame" (Gubrard, vol. 2, 83)

1309

Radulph de Rosoyo or Roseto, canon, penitentiarius, chaplaincy at altar of St-Nicaise (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 6v; 1319 execution of testament, Gu~rard, vol. 3, 179)

1310 Robert de l'Isle Adam dit de Stampis, clerk of the choir, chaplaincy at altar of St-Cr~pin-St-Cr~pinien (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 3v, dated 1325; AN S 93, no. 12; Gu~rard, vol. 4, 87-90; Aubert, 145)

1311 Etienne de Suizy (Suciaco), archdeacon of Tournai, cardinal of S. Ciriaco in Terme, keeper of the royal seals, two chaplaincies at altar of St-Etienne (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 8v; Guerard, vol. 4, 198)

1312

Philippe le Convers (Conversi), canon, archdeacon ofEu, Meaux, godson of Philip IV, chaplaincies at altars of St-Eutrope and Decollation de St-Jean-Baptiste (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol 4v, dated 1327; AN S 89, nos. 3, 4; Kraus, 1969, 123)

1313 Girard de Courlandon (Collauduno), archdeacon, chaplaincies at altars of St-Nicaise-St-Rigobert (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 7v, dated 1319; AN, S 90, nos. 23-30; Guerard, vol. 4, 32-34; Lebeuf, vol. 2, 269; Aubert, 145)

by 1314

Philip IV (see above, 1302), chaplaincy at altar of St-Denis-St-

Georges (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 4v)

1316 Eudes de Corbeil (Odo de Corbolio), canon, chaplaincy at altar of Ste-Foy (Guerard, vol. 4, 115-17; Kraus, 1969, 122)

Eudes de Sens (Odo de Senonis), canon, "professor-es-lois," chaplaincy at altar of St-Remi (Aubert, 146-47)

1318 Michel du Bec (Becco), priest, cardinal, chaplaincy at altar of St-Michel (Guerard, vol. 4, 137-38)

by 1318

Jacques Boucel and Jeanne la Moutonne, bourgeois of Paris,

chaplaincy at altar of St-Pierre-Martyr (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 7v; Guerard, vol. 3, 218; Kraus, 1969, 127-28)

1320 Hugues de Besancon (Hugo de Bisuncio), chanter, bishop of Paris, chaplaincy at altar of St-Ferreol-St-Ferrutien (Paris, AN, LL

247, fol. 4v; Guerard, vol. 4, 79-83)

Guillaume d'Aurillac, bishop of Paris, chaplaincies at altars of St-Geraud and St-Martial (Paris, AN, LL 247, fols. 5v, 6v)

Simon de Guiberville (Symon de Guibervilla), doctor of theol-

ogy, chancellor, dean, 1000 livres parisis for silver retable for high altar; 40 livres tournois to cathedral fabric (Guerard, vol. 4, 111-13)

1321 Philip V, chaplaincy at altar of St-Anne-St-Martin (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 6v)

1322 Pierre de Cond6 (II) (Petrus de Condeto), archdeacon of Soissons, master of Chambre des Comptes, chaplaincy at altar of St-Anne-St-Martin (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 6v, dated 1329; Aubert, 148)

1326 Jean de Forgets (Johannes de Forgetis), archdeacon of Brie, master of Parlement (1316), chaplaincy at altar of D&collation de St-Jean-Baptiste (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 4v; AN, S 88, no. 69; Lebeuf, vol. 3, 441, 503)

1328 Geoffroy du Plessis (Gaufridus de Plesseyo), ambassador for Philip IV, notary of Pope John XXII, secretary of Philip V,




chaplaincy at altar of St-Cr&pin-St-Cr&pinien (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 3v)

Eudes de Sens (see above, 1316), chaplaincy at altar of St-Pierre-St- Etienne (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 7v, Lebeuf, vol. 4, 412)

1329 Pierre Millet or Mulet, knight, lord of Plessis, judge of Chambre des Enquetes, and Pernelle, his wife, chaplaincy at altar of St-Jean-Baptiste-St-Marie-Madeleine (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 5v; Kraus, 1969, 128)

by 1336 Martin des Essars, bourgeois of Paris, master of Chambre des

Comptes, two chaplaincies at altar of St-Eutrope (Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 4v)

Appendix 2

Expenses of the Notre-Dame Fabric, 1333-40

The following is a transcription of the expenses of the Notre- Dame fabric from 1333 to 1340, Paris, AN LL 270. Most of the payments of this brief account relate to repairs to the cathedral, and all are included in the transcription below. I have also included a selection of items that concern other projects, such as a silver retable or the translation of the wood of the Holy Cross. I rendered Roman numerals into Arabic, but otherwise I have maintained the spellings of the original document.

In the case of common words and names, abbreviations are written as they appear: dni. = domini; eccl. = ecclesia; epi. =

episcopi; d. = denarius (denier); 1. = livre, pound; paris., parisien. = parisius, parisiensis; s. = solidus (sous)

folio Ir.

Compotus officii fabricae Eccl. Paris. factus et redditus per ven(erabilis) et discret(ionis) viros Ms.Petrum Casalis et Guill (elmum) Essartis dictae fabricae provisores anno Dni. 1333.

folio Iv.

Expensa pro lapidus, 69 s.

Expensa pro carpent,4ria pingnaculi a parte curiae offici(a)l(is) Paris. incoepta anno ii. 1332, 52 1., 9 s., 8 d. Expensa pro pictura dicti pignaculiJ(ohann)o de autholio, 35 1.

Expensa pro tabula lignea pro tabula argentea videl(icet) pro marenno empto per G. pro dictis operariorum qui operati sunt in dicta tabula per sex septimanas et pro portagio ejusdem ad domumJo(hanni) de Montepessulano, 113 s., 9 d. Expensa facta in logia pro pignaculo alias vocato le pignon a parte curiae offici(a)l(is) Paris. et pluribus aliis locis per ecclesiam reincepta anno Dni. 1332, 82 1., 18 s., 11 d. Et totalis summa pro 42 septimanis, 1941., 4 s., 8 d.

folio 2r.

Expensa pro coopertura de plumbo pro pignaculo a parte curiae off(icialis) Paris. incepta anno Dni. 1332. Pro plumbo empto et habito per Arnulfum Braque Burgen. Paris. ponderis 19,713 1. Pro pondere et vectione dicti plumbi de domo dicti Braque ex que ad Eccl., 42 s., 2 d. Pro expensis factis contra pedagiarios seu constimarios riparia Secane qui impediebant dictum plumbium pro pedagium ha- beno videl(icet) pro sigillo cuiusdam littere Regis Navarrae impetuate(?) pro expeditione dicti pedagii 14 s. Summa totalis 1641., 28 s., 5 d.

Expensa pro tabula argentea Pro 24 marchis argenti emptis a Rob(erto) fieramort, marcha empta 53 s. valet 63 1.; 12 s. Summa totius argenti empti in isto anno presenti 91 marchae et 5 sterling. Summa pecunia 235 1., 13 s, 10 d. Item habuit Jo(hanne)s de Montepessulano super operatione predictae in isto anno 1101. Expensa pro parvo campanili 19 1., 19 s.

folio 2v.

Compotus ... factus et redditus per G. Herchel Poenitent. et P. Casalis can(onicus) Paris ... anno Dni. 1334 in vigil. B(eat)i J(ohannis) Bapt(iste). Expensa facta in logia in pluribus locis per ecclesiam, 1541., 11 s. Expensa pro lapidus pro admortizatione pilariorum novarum capellarum. Summa pro praedictis lapidibus, 17 1., 14 s. Expensa pro parvo campanili reincepta anno Dni. 1333, Summa 48 1., 2 s., 4 d.

ItemJ(ohann)o de foremosterio pictori pro pictura revestarii et aquila et letherino chori, 201.

folio 3r. Compotus officii fabricae Eccle. Paris. factus et redditus per Mrs. Guill(elmum) de Narbona cancellarium et Petrum Casalis poenitent anno Dni. 1335 in vigil. B(eati)J(ohannis) Bapt(iste).

folio 3v.

Expensa facta in logia pro admortizatione primarum capellarum reincepta anno 1334. Summa pro 52 septimanis, 161 1., 6 s. 10 d. Expensa pro domibus fabricae, summa 20 1., 11 s. Expensa pro lapidus pro amortizatione pilariorum capellarum novarum, scil(icet) Martino quarrerio pro 4 lapidibus de Gentil- liaco, 20 s. It(em) Nic(olo) Sele de Vitriaco pro lapidus facientibus 4 parvis fillolis et pro uno magno lapide p(er) espis, 16 s. It(em) eidem pro tribus lapidus facientibus espiz ad magnas fiolas et tribus parvis, 30 s. It(em) Steph(ano) le Gendre de S(anc)to Marcello pro 9 quadrigatis lapidum, 36 s. It(em) Nic(olo) Sele de Vitriaco pro duabus batellatis lapidum ponderis 34 tonellorum quolibet afforato 6 s. conductis in logiam valent, 10l., 4 s.

folio 4r.

Compotus factus per Mrs. Bertrandum et P. Casalis provisores anno D. 1336 in vigil(ia) B(eati) J. Bapt. Expensa facta in logia pro amortizatione antiquarum capellarum re(in) cepta anno 1335. Expensa pro lapidibus in logia paratis (seu operatis) pro amortizatione pilariorum capellarum. Hugoni anglico pro 4 magnis lapidibus de gentiliaco, 41. Expensa pro coopertura scolarum tam pro cooperitoribus quam pro tegulis, festeriis, mesteriis, clavis, et plastro, 59 s. Expensa communis: Pro 7 ponderib(us) ferri pro campanis vocatis Gilbert et Ludovic, 5s., 10 d.

folio 4v.

Comptus fabricae factus et redditus per...M. Bertaldum Sorelli et Petrum Casalis poenitent. anno 1337. Expensa in logia facta pro admortizatione antiquarum capellarum et pilariorum et per ecclesiam reincepta anno 1336. Expensa pro lapidus in logia operatis pro amortiza pilariorum.




J(ohann)o pro 10 lapidus ponderis 13 tonellorum adductis ad tornellam S(anc)ti Germ(ani) de Pratis et adductis de S(anc)to Lupo de Serans (St. Leu d'Esserant). Hugoni anglico pro 5 lapidibus de franc duorum pedum in latitudine, 25 s.

folio 5r.

Comptus fabrice per M. Bertrandum Sorelli et Petrum Casalis anno 1338.

Expensa dicti officii.

Expensa facta in logia pro amortizatione antiquarum capellarum et pilariorum reincepta anno 1337.

Expensa pro lapidibus pro amortizatione pilariorum... Expensa pro coopertura tegularum et asandalarum pro Belfredo et per Eccl.

folio 5v.

Compotus officii fabricae redditus per B. Sorelli et P. Casalis dictae fabricae provisores anno 1339.

Expensa facta in logia pro amortizatione antiquarum capellarum et pilariorum reincepta anno praedicto. Expensa pro lapidus etc.

folio 6r.

Compotus fabricae. . .per B. Sorelli et P. Casalis. . .anno 1340,

Expensa Expensa facta in logia pro admortizaone (sic) antiquarum capellarum et pilariorum summa 1441., 10 s., 1 d.

Expensa pro lapidus operatis in logia 49 1.

Expensa pro coopertura tegularum et ascendalar(um) per Eccle- siam

folio 6v. It(em) pro capsa S(anc)ti Marcelli descendenda et ascendenda die jovis ante festum S(anc)ti Luce propter rem existentem in

guerris. It(em) pro ligno S(anc)te Crucis q(uo)d fuit translatum a parva cruce in qua erat prius et repositum in alia majorem crucem que erat ponderis 7 marcharum 2 onc. quae fuit tradita Martino aurifabro ad reponendum dictum lignum in dictam crucem habuit dictus Martinus pro poena et labore, 10 1. It(em) pro 4 unc. 14 sterl. argenti, 64 s. It(em) pro b. Florenis(?) de Florentia ad dorandum, 61. M. Galtero Hovel carpentario pro cathedris quas fecit pro sacerdote Dyacono et subdiacono ex mutuo super factione dictarum cathedrarum, 91. Item pro capsa S(anc) ti Marcelli descendenda et ascendenda die D (omi) nica post festum S (anc) ti Sacramenti propter Regem.

Michael T Davis, professor of art history, received his Ph.D. from the

University of Michigan. He is completing a study of the career of the master mason Jean des Champs in southern France and working on

projects on Gothic design and the architectural history of Paris between 1250 and 1350 [Department ofArt, Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass. 01075].

Frequently Cited Sources

Paris, AN: Paris Archives Nationales LL 247: "De capellanis ecclesiae" LL 270: Fabric account, 1333-40, fols. 1-6v.

Paris, BDP: Paris Bibliotheque de la Direction du Patrimoine

Journal: Viollet-le-Duc, E.E., "Journal r6dig6 par inspecteur au chef des travaux de restauration de la M6tropole" (record of Notre-Dame restora- tions, 1844-63)

Aubert, Marcel, Notre-Dame de Paris, sa place dans l'architecture du XJIe au XIVe siecles (Paris: Henri Laurens, 1920).

Baltzer, Rebecca, "The Geography of the Liturgy at Notre-Dame of Paris," in

Plainsong in the Age of Polyphony, ed. Thomas Forrest Kelly (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 45-64.

Bruzelius, Caroline A. "The Construction of Notre-Dame in Paris," Art Bulletin 69 (1987): 540-69.

Clark, William, and Robert Mark, "The First Flying Buttresses: A New Reconstruction of the Nave of Notre-Dame de Paris," Art Bulletin 66 (1984): 47-65.

Du Breul,Jacques, Le th~dtre des antiquitez de Paris (Paris, 1639). Gilbert, A.P.M., Description historique de la basilique metropolitaine de Paris (Paris,

1821). Gillerman, Dorothy, The C16ture of Notre-Dame and Its Role in the Fourteenth-

Century ChoirProgram (NewYork: Garland, 1977). Gueffier, C. P. Description historique des curiositis de l'iglise de Paris (Paris, 1763).

The title page gives Gueffier as author, but the book reportedly was written

by the abb6 de Montjoye. Guirard, Benjamin, Cartulaire de l'glise de Notre-Dame de Paris, 4 vols.,

Collection des Cartulaires de France (Paris, 1850).

Hardy, Chantal, "Les roses dans l'616vation de Notre-Dame de Paris," Bulletin Monumental 149 (1991): 153-99.

Kraus, Henry, 1966-67, "Notre-Dame's Vanished Medieval Glass," Gazette des

Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., 68: 131-47, and 69: 67-78.

1969-70, "New Documents for Notre-Dame's Early Chapels," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., 74: 121-34, and 76: 271.

Lebeuf, Jean. Histoire de la ville et de tout le diocese de Paris, 7 vols. (Paris: F.

Bournon, 1883-93). Wright, Craig, Music and Ceremony at Notre-Dame ofParis, 500-1550 (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1989).

Notes

Research for this study was assisted by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities and from Mount Holyoke College. Portions of this work have been presented at Columbia University, Harvard University, and Rice

University. For advice and assistance, I thank Rebecca Baltzer, Bettina

Bergmann, Michael Camille, William Clark, Stephen Murray, Robert Mark, Linda Neagley, Abby McGee Poust, Lester Senechal, Janet Snyder, Craig Wright, and Peter Zieja. I am also grateful to the Art Bulletin readers for their

insightful comments. Unless otherwise indicated, translations are mine.

1. Victor Hugo, Notre-Dame deParis, 8th ed., vol. 1 (Paris, 1862), 162, 164. 2. Allan Temko, Notre-Dame of Paris (New York: Viking, 1959); also Willibald

Sauerlfnder, "Medieval Paris, Center of European Taste, Fame, and Reali-

ties," in Paris, Center of Artistic Enlightenment, ed. George Mauner et al.

(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1988), 13-44. This association is discussed byJean Bony, French Gothic Architecture of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 273-74.

3. Temko (as in n. 2), esp. 157-70, 209-33; and Whitney S. Stoddard, Art and Architecture in Medieval France (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), 143, among others, link the west facade and the military triumphs of Philip Augustus. In

papers delivered in a session on medieval Paris at the Thirty-second Interna- tional Congress on Medieval Studies (Kalamazoo, Mich., May 1997), Laura D.

Gelfand, "Bishop and King on the Portail Ste. Anne of Notre-Dame in Paris," and Cecilia Gaposchkin, "The King and Queen of Heaven: The Iconography of the Porte Rouge of Notre-Dame in Paris," argued that the images of Louis

VII and Louis IX, which appear on these respective portals, carried weight as visual confirmations of the legal and political accords between the cathedral community and the monarchy.

4. The most recent of the many studies of the cathedral is Alain Erlande-

Brandenburg, Notre-Dame de Paris (Paris: Nathan, 1991). However, it does not

replace Aubert's work of 1920. For the construction of the 12th-century cathedral, consult Francis Salet, "Notre-Dame de Paris: Etat pr&sent de la recherche," La Sauvegarde de l'Art Franfais 2 (1982): 89-113; Clark and Mark

Bruzelius; and the reply of William Clark and Robert Mark, "Le chevet et la nef de Notre-Dame de Paris: Une comparaison entre les premieres 616va- tions," Journal d'Histoire de l'Architecture 2 (1989): 69-88. For Jean de Chelles and Pierre de Montreuil, see Robert Branner, Saint Louis and the Court Style in Gothic Architecture (London: Zwemmer, 1965), 56-84; Dieter Kimpel and Robert Suckale, Die gothische Architektur in Frankreich 1130-1270 (Munich: Hirmer, 1985), 410-22; Anne Prache, "Un architecte du XIIIe siecle et son oeuvre: Pierre de Montreuil," Histoire et Archiologie: Dossiers 47 (1980): 26-29; Robert Suckale, "Pierre de Montreuil," Les batisseurs des cathedrales gothiques, ed. Roland Recht (Strasbourg: Editions Les Mus6es de la Ville de Strasbourg, 1989), 180-85; and Michael Bouttier, "La reconstruction de l'abbatiale de St-Denis au XIIIe siecle," Bulletin Monumental 145 (1987): 357-86. The




destruction and recovery of Notre-Dame's sculpture is discussed by Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, Les sculptures de Notre-Dame au Musie de Cluny (Paris: Minist&re de la Culture, Editions de la Reunion des Mus6es Nationaux, 1982); Alain Erlande-Brandenburg and Dieter Kimpel, "Le statuaire de Notre-Dame de Paris avant les destructions r6volutionnaires," Bulletin Monumental 136 (1978): 213-66; Michel Fleury, "Les sculptures de Notre-Dame de Paris

d6couvertes en 1977 et 1978," Cahiers de la Rotonde 1 (1978): 39-56; and Carmen Gomez-Moreno, Sculptures from Notre-Dame, Paris: A Dramatic Discovery (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1979). For the destruction of the gallery figures within the context of the ritual mutilation of images, see Carl Nylander, "Who Mutilated Sargon's Head?" American Journal of Archaeology 84 (1980): 332-33.

5. Only Aubert, 137-77; and Gillerman, 154-76, have detailed 14th-century construction at the cathedral. Lisa Schfirenberg, Die kirchliche Baukunst in Frankreich zwischen 1270 und 1380 (Berlin: Klinkhardt and Biermann, 1934), 192-93; and Erlande-Brandenburg, 1991 (as in n. 4), 205-6, write briefly of the chapels erected by Pierre de Chelles, who may have been related toJean de Chelles, master mason at Notre-Dame ca. 1245-57, who built the cathedral's north transept facade. Henry Kraus, 1969-70, documents the religious foundations in these chapels.

6. Branner (as in n. 4), 137. Harry Bober, "A Re-Appraisal of Rayonnant Architecture," in The Forward Movement of the Fourteenth Century, ed. Francis L. Utley (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1961), 9-30, summarizes attitudes toward late 13th- and early 14th-century architecture.

7. The contemporary insults to Philip, made by Bernard Saisset, bishop of Pamiers, are recounted in Georges Digard, Philippe le Bel et le Saint SiWge de 1285 d 1304, vol. 1 (Paris: Librairie du Recueil Sirey, Soci6t6 Anonyme, 1936), 52-53. The view that Philip was dominated by his counselors has been expressed forcefully by Robert-Henri Bautier, "Diplomatique et histoire politique: Ce que la critique diplomatique nous apprend sur la personnalit6 de Philippe le Bel," Revue Historique 259 (1978): 3-27.

8. Aubert, 143-44, published the foundation date of the chapels recorded on the pedestal of the bishop's statue at the entrance to the chapel of St-Nicaise. For the rededication of the Marcel chapel to Saint Louis, see Paris, AN, L 535.

9. Branner (as in n. 4), 104-5; and Dieter Kimpel, Die Querhausarme von Notre-Dame zu Paris und ihre Skulpturen (Bonn, 1971), 86-91.

10. Gu6rard, vol. 4, 37-38. 11. Gu6rard, vol. 2, 478-82. 12. For the downturn in building in the 1270s, see Caroline A. Bruzelius,

The Thirteenth-Century Church at St-Denis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 136-37. Du Breul, 460, relates that construction of the monastery in Paris of the Carthusian order was delayed by a shortage of masons and stonecutters in the city in the late 1250s. Work on this monastery in the 1270s indicates the availability of the required craftsmen.

13. Gu6rard, vol. 3, 29. For the location of the lodge and the enlargement of the episcopal palace, see Gu6rard, vol. 3, 29, and vol. 4, 94; and Gilbert, 428-30. See Gu6rard, vol. 3, 91-95, for the testament of Bishop Simon.

14. Gu6rard, vol. 4, 79-83. 15. Gillerman, 170-71. 16. Aubert, 176. The new windows framed grisaille glass given by Michael de

Darancy (Darenciaco), chaplain of St-Ferr6ol, whose image appeared in one of the lights. The chaplain's 1358 testament may provide an approximate date for his donation; see Gilbert, 166-67.

17. Jean deJandun, quoted in A.J. V. Le Roux de Lincy and L.-M. Tisserand, Paris et ses historiens aux XIVe et XVe sidcles (Paris, 1867), 44-45.

18. See App. 1 for the list of chapel patrons. After 1254, the only other foundation by a donor outside of both the clergy and royal administration was made by Odeline or Adeline Coquillibre, for which see Paris, AN, LL 247, fol. 4v; and S 87, no. 30. Aubert, 137-47; Henry Kraus, 1967, 68; and idem, 1969-70, 121-34, also list donors. See Henry Kraus, Gold Was the Mortar (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979), 18-38, for a broader investigation of burgher patronage at the cathedral.

19. Boucel's payment of more than 20 livres in 1297 placed him among the ten richest households in the city. See Raymond Cazelles, Nouvelle histoire de Paris de lafin du regne de Philippe Auguste a la mort de Charles V(Paris: Hachette, 1972), 112, 398; and Karl Michaelsson, Le livre de la taille de Paris l'an 1297, Romanica Gothoburgensia, vol. 9 (G6teborg: Almqvist and Wiskell, 1962) for information on the wealth of the Boucels.

20. The notion of participation in government according to rank and the leading role of the honorable men (honorabilitates) was articulated by Marsilius of Padua, Defensor Pacis, trans. Alan Gewirth (Toronto: University of Toronto Press with the Mediaeval Academy of America, 1980), 45-46.

21. For Pierre de Chelles, consult Victor Mortet, "L'expertise de la cath6- drale de Chartres en 1316," Congris Archiologique deFrance67 (1900): 4-6. He is qualified variously as master of the fabric of the church of Notre-Dame de Paris ("Magister fabricae ecclesie B. Mariae Parisiensis"), master of the works of Paris ("mestre de l'oeuvre de Paris"), and master of the city and suburbs of Paris ("magister civitatis et suburbani parisiensis"). See also Aubert, 156; idem, "Les architectes de Notre-Dame de Paris," Bulletin Monumental 72 (1908): 427-41. Pierre is not named directly in any of the cathedral documents, and the hypothesis that he was the designer of the chapels is based on their formal unity, which does not indicate a change in workshop leadership between 1296 and the advent ofJehan Ravy about 1318.

22. Bruzelius, 543, and Kimpel and Suckale (as in n. 4), 152, following Eugne-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, proposed nichelike chapels in the manner of Bourges Cathedral for the 12th-century cathedral ambulatory. This has been disputed by Clark and Mark (as in n. 4), 72, who argue against the inclusion of radiating chapels in the Early Gothic plan. Erlande-Brandenburg, 1991 (as in n. 4), 65-80, adopts the essential features of this hypothesis. In a paper delivered at the Charles T. Mathews lecture at Columbia University in 1990, "Music in the Physical Space of Notre-Dame: What We Can and Cannot Know," Craig Wright argued that only the high altar and the altar to the Trinity, both within the sanctuary, were located in the east end of Notre-Dame prior to the construction of chapels beginning in the mid-13th century. The absence of any mention of additional altars in processionals that reflect liturgical practice of about 1220 (Brussels, Bibl. Roy. 4334 and 1779) strongly suggests that there were no ambulatory chapels in the 12th-century cathedral.

23. Eugane Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, "Entretien et restauration des cath6- drales de France: Notre-Dame de Paris," Revue Genirale de l'Architecture et des Travaux Publics 9 (1851): 14; and idem, Dictionnaire raisonni de l'architecture

franfaise du XIe au XVIsiecle, vol. 2 (Paris, 1856), 293, stated that the buttresses were extended by about one and a half meters. One of Viollet-le-Duc's working drawings for the Notre-Dame restoration, Attachement de Mafonnerie, no. 7, 1849 (Paris, BDP, 55.769), shows a dimensioned plan of the buttress pilaster in which the flaring mass of the unit is 1.66 meters deep. Stephen Murray, "Notre-Dame de Paris and the Anticipation of Gothic" (forthcoming), will revisit the problem of the flying buttresses of the 12th-century choir. My thanks to Professor Murray for sharing his work prior to its publication.

24. Bruzelius, 549-53 and fig. 15, argues that gallery flyers were added at an early stage of choir construction, while Clark and Mark, 50-54, reconstruct the choir with concealed quadrant arches above the gallery vaults. See also Jean Bony, "Essai sur la spiritualit6 de deux cath6drales: Notre-Dame de Paris et St-Etienne de Bourges," in ChercherDieu, Rencontres, vol. 13 (Lyons: Editions de l'Abeille, 1943), 150-67. Hardy, 179-84, surveys the distribution of saw-toothed ornament at the cathedral and comments on the choir structure, its alterations, and its restoration. Viollet-le-Duc (as in n. 23), 15, stated that the 14th century was responsible for "the repair of all the small flying buttresses that support the circular part of this triforium."

25. The axial chapels of the cathedral (ca. 1220) and abbey of St-Germain at Auxerre (begun 1277), as well as the transept chapels of St-Pierre-es-Liens at Mussy-sur-Seine (ca. 1300), offer additional examples of interior column screens, while the facade porches of St-Nicaise, Reims (1240s), and St-Urbain, Troyes (begun 1262), and the south porch of St-Jean-Baptiste, Chaumont (ca. 1280), exhibit their exterior application.

26. For Simon Matifas de Bucy, consult Dictionnaire de biographiefranCaise, ed. M. Prevost and R. d'Amat, vol. 7 (Paris: Letouzey at Ane, 1956), 610; Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 2 (Munich: Artemis, 1983), cols. 897-98. The bishop's role in Philip IV's administration is mentioned byJoseph Strayer, The Reign ofPhilip the Fair (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), 211-12; andJohn Benton, "Philip the Fair and the Jours of Troyes," Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 6, (1969): 281-344.

27. The depth of the trapezoidal chapels was measured from the front step to the back wall; the height was taken from Emile Leconte, Notre-Dame de Paris (Paris, 1841-43). The freestanding piers at the chapel mouths are 2.15-2.20 meters deep and 1.45-1.50 meters wide. Compare this with the hemicycle piers at Limoges Cathedral, at 1.50 meters deep by 1.40 meters at their broadest point. The transverse arches of the chapels are about .75 meter thick.

28. Werner Gross, Die abendldndische Architektur um 1300 (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1948), 103-48, tackles the rise of an architectural current based on complex division and rhythmic organization.

29. See below for the discussion of the 14th-century chapels at St-Denis. The attribution of the Virgin Chapel at Larchant was made byJacques Henriet, "La chapelle de la Vierge de St-Mathurin de Larchant, une oeuvre de Pierre de Chelles?" Bulletin Monumental 136 (1978): 35-47. In establishing connections between Paris and Larchant, Henriet reads the miniature of Saint Veranus exorcising demons painted byJean Fouquet in the early 1450s for the Hours of Etienne Chevalier (Paris, Mus6e Marmottan, Fondation Wildenstein) as a document of the original state of the east wall of the cathedral's north transept.

30. Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, Le roi est mort: Etude sur les fundrailles, les stpultures, et les tombeaux des rois de France jusqu 'a la fin du Xlle sitcle (Geneva: Droz, 1975), 171-72. Francois Bucher, "Micro-Architecture as the 'Idea' of Gothic Theory and Style," Gesta 15 (1976): 71-89, explores the relationship between metallic and monumental masonry architecture.

31. Schfirenberg (as in n. 5); Gross (as in n. 28); and Roland Sanfagon, L'architecture flamboyante en France (Quebec: Presses de l'Universit& Laval, 1971), remain the fundamental studies of French Late Gothic architecture.

32. Information onJehan Ravy comes from the inscription beside his figure, now destroyed, which was placed on the north side of the choir enclosure near the Porte Rouge. See Fig 22. The dates of his tenure as master mason of the cathedral, 1318-44, follow Aubert, 156-57, but must be taken as approximate.

33. Paris, LL 270. See App. 2 for a transcription of this account. 34. For shear force, consult Robert Mark, Experiments in Gothic Structure

(Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1982), 52-53. Aubert, 173-76, ascribed the first rebuilding of pier 02 to Pierre de Montreuil, pointing out that the small depressed spurs in the plinth and the crocket capitals of the north and east sides of 02 echo forms found in the interior of the south transept. He credits




Jehan Ravy with the later work, while Gillerman, 170, dates these consolidation measures to ca. 1300 and attributes them to Pierre de Chelles.

35. Aubert, 148, repeated by Gillerman, 127. Abbot Suger used the term

propugnacula to refer to the crenellations of the St-Denis facade. See Erwin

Panofsky and Gerda Panofsky-Soergel, Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St-Denis and Its Art Treasures (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 46; and Summer McKnight Crosby, The Royal Abbey of St-Denis from Its Beginning to the Death of Suger,

475-1151 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 282. 36. Aubert, 154, remarked that he recognized the hand of Pierre de

Montreuil in some of the details in the upper parts of the south transept facade. Since Pierre likely built the entire facade above the socle, as posited by Kimpel and Suckale (as in n. 4), 411-21, Aubert may, in fact, have been noting the alterations effected byJehan Ravy.

37. For the later restoration of the crossing spire, see Lynn T. Courtenay, "Viollet-le-Duc et la fl&che de Notre-Dame de Paris," Journal d'Histoire de l'Architecture 2 (1989): 53-68.

38. Aubert, 148. A man named "Guerin le Charpentier, maistre des euvres de Nostre-Dame de Paris" owned a house at the "croix de fer" in 1334, as cited

by Ernest Coyecque, L'H6tel-Dieu de Paris au Moyen-Age, Histoire et documents, vol. 1 (Paris, 1889), 204.

39. See Etienne Boileau, Les mitiers et corporations de la ville de Paris au XIIIe siecle (Paris, 1879), 86-88, for the regulations pertaining to carpenters, 88-92, for those of masons. For the king's master masons and carpenter, the latter of whom lived in a house in the Cour de Mai of the royal palace, see Jean Gubrout, "Le palais de la Cite

' Paris, des origines a 1417: Essai topographique

et archologique," Fediration des Sociitis Historiques et Archiologiques de Paris et de

'lle-de-France: Memoires 1 (1949): 174, 2 (1950): 129-30. 40. See Gurard for repairs to the chapter's real estate. 41. Payments for drawings are listed in the documents of Troyes Cathedral

published by Stephen Murray, Building Troyes Cathedral, the Late Gothic

Campaigns (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987). These range from 5 sous to 20 sous for Henry de Bruisselles's portraits of a rood screen in 1383

(127, 129). In 1456, slightly more than 28 livres were spent for a twelve-day trip made by five men to Reims, Amiens, and Notre-Dame, Paris, to look at facade towers. This included horse expenses, 11 livres to Master Bleuet for two sheets of parchment for an image of towers and portals, and salary for 11 days (150). In 1323-24, 22 livres were disbursed at St-Denis "for pictures by masons and

scaffolding in front of the new chapels"; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "The Chapels and Cult of Saint Louis at St-Denis," Mediaevalia 10 (1984): 299 and n. 77. The documents for Pierre Robin are published and discussed by Linda E. Neagley, "The Flamboyant Architecture of St.-Maclou, Rouen, and the Development of a Style," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 47 (1988): 379.

42. Kimpel and Suckale, (as in n. 4), 227-29, summarize the use of drawing in the Gothic workshop. Additional studies of Gothic architectural drawing have been written by Roland Recht, "Sur le dessin d'architecture gothique," in Etudes d'art mididval offertes c Louis Grodecki, ed. Sumner McKnight Crosby (Paris: Orphrys, 1981), 233-43; Franklin Toker, "Gothic Architecture by Remote Control: An Illustrated Building Contract of 1340," Art Bulletin 47

(1985): 67-94; and Les bdtisseurs (as in n. 4). 43. For Jean d'Autheuil's work for Charles IV, see Les journaux du trisor de

Charles IV le Bel, ed. Jules Viard (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1917), col. 85 n.

401; see also FranCoise Baron, "Enlumineurs, peintres, et sculpteurs parisiens des XIVe et XVe si9cles, d'aprhs les archives de l'H6pital St-Jacques-aux- P~lerins," Bulletin Archiologique du Comiti des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, n.s. 6 (1970): 91; idem, "Le decor sculpte et peint de l'H6pital St-Jacques-aux- P~lerins," Bulletin Monumental 133 (1975): 35, 52, 56, 58. Baron, 1975, 35, attributed the portal project of the hospital toJean d'Autheuil on the strength of a payment made in 1319 "To masterJehan d'Ausoirre to depict the portal, XX s."

44. Linda E. Neagley, "Elegant Simplicity: The Late Gothic Plan Design of St-Maclou in Rouen," Art Bulletin 74 (1992): 423-40.

45. The term used to describe these activities, admortizatione or amortizatione, from admortizare, can mean destruction, completion, or repair; Charles du Fresne, sieur Du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis, vol. 1 (Paris, 1884), 86; F. Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue franCaise et de tous ses dialectes du IXe au XVe siecle, vol. 1 (Paris, 1880), 278. The directors of the Notre-Dame fabric agency seem to have used the term when referring to both

repairs and the completion of work. A further expansion of meaning can be found at Troyes Cathedral, where work in 1361-62 involved the "amortisse- ment," that is, "the base" of the first pinnacle of a flying buttress. In 1495, the cathedral master made a trip to the quarry of Tonnerre to show two masons the plans for the "amortissements," in this case the springers for the flying buttresses; Murray, (as in n. 41), 120, 169.

46. Eugene Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, "Rapports" of 1845, Paris, AN, F19, 7803 and 7805; Ferdinand de Guilhermy and E. Viollet-le-Duc, Description de Notre-Dame, cathidrale de Paris (Paris, 1856), 92; S. Murray (as in n. 23). Restoration of the cathedral began in April 1845 with the buttresses of the south flank of the choir, as detailed in Viollet-le-Duc'sJournal, Paris, BDP.

47. Hardy, 179. Bruzelius, 551, and Murray (as in n. 23 above) argue that the stepped uprights are part of the 12th-century construction, not later reinforce- ments.

48. See Viollet-le-Duc, 1856 (as in n. 23), vol. 2, 288-93, for the hypothesis of

double-volley flyers in the 12th century. Aubert, 172-73, connected this flyer with the work of Pierre de Montreuil; and Francois Loyer, "Notre-Dame

lavee," L'Oeil, 208 (April 1972): 16, dated its rebuilding to about 1260. Hardy, 198 n. 69, linked it with flyers rebuilt in the 14th century. Despite the restored decorative details, the two-arch form is clearly original. Neither the plaster model (Fig. 2) nor plates 19-20 in Leconte (as in n. 27) show a pinnacle above the intermediate upright.

49. Viollet-le-Duc created the present form of the canopy of N2. However, in Emile Leconte's view of the north side (as in n. 27), plate 19-20, and also Paris, Mus&e Carnavalet, Topo PC 079 D, the outer face of the pier buttress is clearly different from the 14th-century forms. Charpentier, Description historique et

chronologique de l'glise mitropolitaine de Paris (Paris, 1767), 3, mentions that "the last of the flying buttresses on the side of the crossing is hollowed out by a niche for a statue." The Three Kings statue is discussed by Willibald

Sauerlinder, La sculpture gothique en France, 1140-1270, trans. Jacques Chavy (Paris: Flammarion, 1972), 153; and Erlande-Brandenburg, 1982 (as in n. 4), 94-96.

50. The apparent abandonment of the arch from the intermediate upright to the east wall of the north transept, discussed by Clark and Mark, 58, may reflect the attempt to avoid adding further stress to pier 02, which continued to shift after its second rebuilding in the 1320s.

51. For the 1330 dedication, see Paris, LL 92, fol. 2v, quoted in Wright, 127, n. 138.

52. The Beauvais collapse is analyzed by Mark (as in n. 33), 58-77; and

Stephen Murray, Beauvais Cathedral: Architecture of Transcendence (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989), 112-20. Amiens's structural difficulties are treated by Stephen Murray, Notre-Dame, Cathedral of Amiens: The Power of Change in Gothic (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 38-39, 66-74.

53. Clark and Mark (as in n. 4), 78, remark that the nave gallery piers are

only 60 percent as large as those of the choir. Bruzelius, 550, hypothesized "probable inadequacies in the foundations." According to Gueffier, 256, 369, the foundations of the exterior walls are 24 feet deep, whereas the choir arcade foundations descend 18 feet and are set on firm clay. As a comparison, the substructures at Amiens are around 8 meters (25-26 feet) deep. The eastern wall of the transept continued to prove a structural headache, as shown by the urgent consolidations effected by Etienne Godde in 1817 (Paris, F19, 7803) and the work at the cathedral undertaken by Viollet-le-Duc in 1846 and 1847 at the outset of restoration. See Paris, BDP, Journal, 25-119; also

Paris, BDP, dossier 1185. 54. Maury I. Wolfe and Robert Mark, "Gothic Cathedral Buttressing: The

Experiment at Bourges and Its Influence," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 33 (1974): 17-26; See also Louis Grodecki, "Les arcs-boutants de la cathdrale de Strasbourg et leur origine," Gesta 15 (1976): 43-51.

55. Hardy, 198 n. 69, noted that the four western flyers on the south side of the choir, according to the plaster model, were not pierced by trilobes, a detail confirmed by an engraving of 1833 by Nicolas Chapuy (Paris, Mus6e

Carnavalet, Topo GC 019). However, one of these buttresses was rebuilt in

1817, as signaled by Gilbert, 131. In light of the precarious state of the south side of the choir, additional buttresses may have been rebuilt or strengthened prior to the 19th century as when the south rose was renewed and extensive

repairs were carried out under Cardinal de Noailles in 1726-27. See Gueffier, 223-24.

56. The reroofing of the "scolarum," in 1335, if designating the houses of the choirboys constituted routine maintenance since these structures were

safely to the east of the cathedral choir; see A. Outrey, "Le cloitre Notre-Dame au XVIe si~cle," Bulletin de la Sociiti de 'Histoire de Paris et de I'le-de-France, 73-77

(1946-51): 57-59; and Abbe Francois L. Chartier, Lancien chapitre Notre-Dame de Paris et sa maftrise (Geneva: Minkoff Reprints, 1971), 51-52.

57. For the cathedral glass, see Pierre Le Vieil, L'art de lapeinture sur verre et de la vitrerie (Paris, 1774); Marcel Aubert et al., Les vitraux de Notre-Dame et de la

Sainte-Chapelle (Paris: Caisse Nationale des Monuments Historiques, 1959), 13-67; Kraus, 1967; and Gillerman, 159-66. Aubert et al., 16, cite Le Vieil's

mention of "clear windows" in six bays of the gallery and his identification of a

number of clerestory windows, "especially on the north side," as dating from the 14th century. The view Fouquet (as in n. 29) painted of the east wall of the

transept and north choir aisles offers a glimpse of the atmosphere and coloration of the cathedral's interior. See Claude Schaefer, Jean Fouquet: An der Schwelle zur Renaissance (Basel: Verlag der Kunst Dresden, 1994), 126-27, for a discussion and illustration of this extraordinary miniature. An "angelic head"

acquired by the Cloisters, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, NewYork, in 1990 and dated to about 1250 may be an additional piece of the Gothic interior

setting. See Charles T. Little, "Recent Acquisitions, 1990-1991," Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 49 (Fall 1991): 8.

58. Augustine, The City of God, trans. H. Bettenson (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1984), 541, bk. 22, chap. 30. The liturgical life of Notre-Dame is presented by Wright, esp. 41-139; R. A. Baltzer, 45-64; and idem, "Performance Practice, the Notre-Dame Calendar, and the Earliest Latin Liturgical Motets," in Das Ereignis "Notre-Dame" (forthcoming).

59. Wright (as in n. 22). For aristocratic burials in the choir, consult Gubrard, vol. 4, 29, 109; and Erlande-Brandenburg (as in n. 30), 77, 90, 92, 181-82.

60. Baltzer. 61. The 1326 testament of Canon Eudes de Corbeil (Odo de Corbolio)

includes a provision for custody of the Ste-Foy chapel's keys. Consult Gubrard, vol. 4, 117. Paul Binski, Medieval Death: Ritual and Representation (Ithaca, N.Y.:




Cornell University Press, 1996), 70-122, discusses the spatial issues surrounding the display of the dead.

62. Kraus, 1967, 131-47; Gillerman, 110-12. Statues of Bishop Simon, Michel du Bec, and Etienne de Suizy stood outside the chapels of St-Nicaise, St-Michel, and St-Etienne, respectively. Kraus, 140-43, argues that statues of Saints James the Greater, Paul, John the Baptist, Thomas Becket(?), Simon, and Philip in the panel of theJeanJouvenal des Ursins family in the collection of the Musee des Thermes et de l'H6tel de Cluny (dip6t du Mus&e du Louvre, Paris) represent additional figures adossed to the ambulatory piers. Charles

Sterling, La peinture midiivale d Paris, 1300-1500, vol. 2 (Paris: Bibliotheque des Arts, 1990), 30, proposed that the panel was mounted above the tomb ofJean Jouvenal des Ursins and his wife, Michele de Vitry, in the chapel of St-Remi at Notre-Dame. He identified the statues with those that still exist within the chapel.

63. Evidence for the exposition of relics appears in later texts but may mirror early 14th-century practices. For the display of the holy oils in the axial chapel, see Gueffier, 176; for the bone of Saint Denis, mentioned in a text of 1397, see Guerard, vol. 4, 375. A Ceremoniale, Paris, LL 253, fols. 22-23, relating the translation of the relics of Saint Cloud, states that the feretory was placed on the altar of St-Jacques inside the cathedral ("reponetur ipsum feretrum in capella S(anct)i Jacobi infra parisien. Ecclesiam"). Since there were altars to SaintJacques in both the nave and the choir, it is unclear where this event occurred. See Du Breul, 23.

64. Pierre-Clement Timbal and Josette Metman, "Ev~que de Paris et chapitre de Notre-Dame: Lajuridiction dans la cathedrale au Moyen Age," in Huitieme centenaire de Notre-Dame de Paris (Paris: J. Vrin, 1967), 126.

65. Timbal and Metman (as in n. 63), 122-30; Guerard, vol. 2, 483; H. Lot, "Une querelle de l' veque de Paris et du chapitre de Notre-Dame aux XIIIe et XVe siacles," Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes 26 (1865): 149-62.

66. Wright, 12-14, implies relatively free access to the ambulatory of the choir, but in a letter to the author dated March 11, 1992, Professor Rebecca A. Baltzer has expressed skepticism that such was the case. Eighteenth-century views illustrated in Bruzelius, 553, figs. 16, 17, show gates at the arcades of the eastern wall of the transept.

67. Wright, 13-17, discusses draperies that were hung in the church. Texts indicate that the liturgical choir was enclosed with low walls by the late 12th century.

68. For the reliquary of Saint Marcel, see Gueffier, 212-14. The gift of 1,000 livres by Simon de Guibervilla, former chancellor and dean of the cathedral, for the silver retable in 1320 is published by Guerard, vol. 4, 111-13; and the display of reliquaries in the choir ca. 1500 is detailed in Paris, Bibl. Nat. lat. 13704, cited by Andre Marty, L'histoire de Notre-Dame de Paris d'apres les estampes, dessins, miniatures, tableaux executies aux XV XVI, XVII, XVIII, et XIX siecles (Paris, 1907), 28.

69. Gillerman, 60-63, 154-55; and Wright, 12-14, discuss the importance of the feast of Corpus Christi in Paris. For a broader consideration of the devotion to the body of Christ, see Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance ofFood to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 45-60; and Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)

70. See Gillerman, 53-103, for the enclosure program as a whole. Marcel Aubert, "Les troisjub6s de Notre-Dame de Paris," La Revue de l'Art Ancien et Moderne43 (1923): 105-18, attributed the choir screen design to the early 14th century and Pierre de Chelles; A. Erlande-Brandenburg, "La sculpture a Paris au milieu du XIIIe si&cle," Bulletin de la Socidtd de l'Histoire de Paris et de l'Ile de France97 (1970): 39-40; and idem, "Lejube de Notre-Dame de Paris," Bulletin de la Socidti Nationale des Antiquaires de France (1975): 35-36, has argued convincingly for a date of 1250-60 on the basis of the sculptural style.

71. Bynum (as in n. 69), 268-69. 72. Caroline Walker Bynum, "Women Mystics and Eucharistic Devotion in

the Thirteenth Century," in Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion, (NewYork: Zone Books, 1991), 119-50;J. Hamburger, "The Visual and the Visionary: The Image in Late Medieval Monastic Devotions," Viator20 (1989): 161-82; and Rubin (as in n. 69).

73. Thomas Aquinas, The Summa Theologica, vol. 17, trans. Fathers of the English Dominican Province (London: Burns, Oates, and Washbourne, 1923), 417: "the dispensing of Christ's body belongs to the priest ....

74. Bibl. Nat. ms fr. 2090-2092; Charlotte Lacaze, The "Vie de St. Denis" Manuscript (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. frt 2090-2092) (NewYork: Garland, 1979), 163-74.

75. See Gillerman, 40-48, for a discussion of the eastern section of the cl6ture and figs. 45-52 for the fragments of the screen's base. Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England c. 1400-c. 1580 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 97-100, offers examples of "squint holes" through choir enclosures.

76. I am grateful to Michel Fleury for drawing my attention to these pieces, and to Didier Busson andJean-Luc Godard for spending a pleasant afternoon with me in the basement of the Rotonde de la Villette photographing them.

77. Bernard Fonquernie, "Cath~drale Notre-Dame de Paris, existence d'un d~cor polychrome sur les murs des bras nord et sud du transept," Bulletin Monumental 143 (1985): 65-66.

78. David C. Lindberg, Theories of Vision from al-Kindi to Kepler (Chicago, 1976), 107-8; and Katherine H. Tachau, Vision and Certitude in the Age of

Ockham: Optics, Epistemology, and the Foundations of Semantics, 1250-1345 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988), 3-81.

79. See Lindberg (as in n. 78), passim, for the theory of vision as a process involving reception; see also Alistair C. Crombie, Science, Optics, and Music in Medieval and Early Modern Thought (London: Ronceverte, 1990), 149-50; and Tachau (as in n. 78), 3-20.

80. Roger Bacon's words are quoted by Carolyn Collette, "Some Aesthetic Implications of Multiplication of Species," AVISTA Forum 9, no. 1 (1995): 4. See also Gareth B. Mathews, "A Medieval Theory of Vision," Studies in Perception: Interrelations in the History of Philosophy and Science, ed. Peter K. Machamer and Robert G. Turnbull (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1978), 186--99, for an overview of theories of vision.

81. Crombie (as in n. 79), 12-13; also Michael Camille, Gothic Art: Glorious Visions (New York: Abrams, 1996), 21-25.

82. See Crombie (as in n. 79), 184-205, for a discussion of the importance of geometry in the explanation of the mechanism of vision; Folke Nordstrom, "Peterborough, Lincoln, and the Science of Robert Grosseteste: A Study in Thirteenth-Century Architecture and Iconography," Art Bulletin 37 (1955): 241-72, for an attempt to relate the study of vision with architecture and painting; and Erno Marosi, "Zum Prinzip des 'pars pro toto' in der Architek- tur des Mittelalters," in Architektur des Mittelalters, ed. Friedrich Mobius and Ernst Schubert (Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1983), 298-306, for architectural illusionism.

83. Gillerman, 78-83, emphasizes the priestly character of the Joseph legend. Meyer Schapiro, "The Joseph Scenes on the Maximianus Throne in Ravenna," Gazette des Beaux Arts, 6th ser., 40 (1952): 27-38, stresses Joseph as the model for the ideal counselor; William Chester Jordan, "The Psalter of Saint Louis (BN MS Lat. 10525): The Program of the Seventy-Eight Full page Illustrations," in The High Middle Ages, ed. Penelope C. Mayo (Binghamton, N.Y.: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, State University of New York at Binghamton, 1983), 65-91, interpreted the Joseph cycle in this royal manuscript as a metaphor for the king's life.

84. Gillerman, 78-96. See also Bernard Guenbe, "Les Grandes Chroniques de France: Le roman aux rois (1274-1518)," La nation, vol. 1, pt. 2, Les lieux de mimoire, ed. Pierre Nora (Paris: Gallimard, 1986), 189-214; Gabrielle Spiegel, "Pseudo-Turpin, the Crisis of the Aristocracy, and the Beginnings of Vernacular Historiography in France," Journal of Medieval History 12 (1986): 207-33; and Anne D. Hedeman, The Royal Image: Illustrations of the Grandes Chroniques de France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), xix, xx, 9-47, for the rise of vernacular history at the royal court.

85. Gueffier, 361. See Fig. 21 for the inscription. 86. Saint Bernard, Sermons on the Song of Songs, 3, quoted in Michael Camille,

"'Him Whom You Have Ardently Desired You May See': Cistercian Exegesis and the Prefatory Pictures in a French Apocalypse," in Studies in Cistercian Art and Architecture, vol. 3, ed. M. P. Lillich (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Cistercian, 1987), 142.

87. Roger Bacon, quoted in Camille (as in n. 81), 22. The quotation of Peter Aureol is taken from Tachau (as in n. 78), 107-8.

88. Tachau (as in n. 78), 101-2. 89. Martin Stevens, "The Performing Self in Twelfth-Century Culture,"

Viator 9 (1978): 193-212, studies the rise of the artist as a subject of his own work. For the way in which the eyewitness served to validate the manual dexterity of an artist, see Linda Seidel, Jan van Eyck's Arnolfini Portrait (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 141-53.

90. Hugh of St. Victor, The "Didascolicon" of Hugh of St. Victor, trans. Jerome Taylor (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1961), 62, bk. 2, chap.1.

91. The idea of art for the honor of God informs the writings of Theophilus Presbyter, The Various Arts: De Diversis Artibus, ed. and trans. C. R. Dodwell (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986), 1-4, 61-63. See also Conrad Rudolph, The "Things of Greater Importance": Bernard of Clairvaux's "Apologia " and the Medieval Attitude Toward Art (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), 28-38, 63-68.

92. See Marcel Aubert, "Les dates de la cl6ture du choeur de Notre-Dame de Paris," in Mdlanges Bertaux (Paris: E. de Boccard, 1924), 23; Dorothy Gillerman, "The C16ture of the Cathedral of Notre-Dame: Problems of Reconstruction," Cesta 14 (1975): 52-56. See Gueffier, 361, for a description of the copper relief of the Crucifixion.

93. Camille (as in n. 86), 144-47. 94. Thomas Aquinas (as in n. 73), vol. 17, 413-14. Rubin (as in n. 69),

185-96, discusses Aquinas's authorship and liturgy of Corpus Christ. 95. Guillebert de Metz, Description de la ville de Paris, ed. A.J.V. Le Roux de

Lincy (Paris: 1855), 50; Du Breul, 13. The fragment of three feet, illustrated by Erlande-Brandenburg, 1982 (as in n. 4), 107, fig. 290, might be the remains, along with fig. 289, of figures of the eastern section of the enclosure. Their tight grouping and scale seem compatible with the rendering in the Marot engraving (Fig. 17) and in the Boudan engraving for the Gaigniares of the tomb of Bishop Pierre d'Orgemont (Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes,

r(s. Pe. II. a,

fol. 193), published by J. Adh(mar,

"Les tombeaux de la collection de Gaignibres," Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6th ser., 84 (1974): 180, no. 1011.

96. The 18-foot-high clerestory bishops are discussed by Aubert et al. (as in n. 57), 15-16. The dating of these figures remains uncertain because of the combination of 12th- and 14th-century glass in these windows.

97. See Gubrard, vol. 3, 375-76, for a list of the cathedral's relics ca. 1400.




98. See Bynum, (as in n. 69), 268, for Francis's "Salutation of the Blessed

Virgin"; also idem, (as in n. 72), 101, 212; and Teresa G. Frisch, Gothic Art 1140-c. 1450 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971), 35, for William Durand's treatise on church symbolism; and Carol J. Purtle, The Marian

Paintings of an van Eyck (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 34, 146-47 for Honorius of Autun and additional architectural symbolism associated with the Virgin.

99. Trenchard Cox, Jehan Foucquet, Native of Tours, (1931, repr. New York: Books for Libraries Press, 1972), 74, recognized Notre-Dame in the back-

ground of these two miniatures. Charles Sterling and Claude Schaefer, The Hours ofEtienne Chevalier, trans. Marianne Sinclair (New York: Braziller, 1971), pls. 19, 30, called the structure a generic "Gothic cathedral." Most recently, Schaefer (as in n. 57), 98-100, 108, unequivocally identified the building as Notre-Dame.

100. One of the most striking examples of the mulier amicta sole appears on fol. 64r of the Rothschild Canticles, discussed by Jeffrey Hamburger, The Rothschild Canticles (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 100-104.

101. Gillerman, 104-5, and Erlande-Brandenburg, 1991 (as in n. 4), 206, believed these seven reliefs to have been inserted from another setting. See Michael T. Davis, "Canonical Views: The Theophilus Story and the Choir Reliefs at Notre-Dame, Paris," in Reading Medieval Images, ed. E. Sears and T. Thomas (forthcoming). For the cloister, consult Outrey (as in n. 56), 57-59; and Wright, 27-37.

102. For St-Denis-du-Pas, founded in the 6th century, possibly rebuilt in the

mid-12th, and demolished in 1813, see Du Breul, 80-81; Lebeuf, 18-29; and Anne Lombard-Jourdan, Montjoie et Saint Denis (Paris: Presses du CNRS, 1989), 187-89, 197-200. An entry in the cathedral's Obituary for December 23 of about 1180 (in Guerard, vol. 4, 201-2), notes that Master Simon de Poissy "repaired the oratory of St-Denis-du-Pas."

103. J. Emmanuel des Graviers, "Messeigneurs du chapitre de l'6glise de Paris a l'apoque de la Guerre de Cent Ans," in Huitieme centenaire de Notre-Dame de Paris (Paris:J. Vrin, 1967), 196-203.

104. Guerard, vol. 1, 348. 105. Processions to St-Denis-du-Pas are discussed by Wright, 339; and esp.

Baltzer. If the 18th-century routes, described by Gueffier, 309-12, 413-15, indicate medieval practices, the new bishop, after Sext, processed with the

chapter to the chapel by way of the north transept doorway. The evidence for

funerary rituals is circumstantial: Gilbert, 389 n. 2, states that "vestiges of the old cloister could be seen in the charnel house that enclosed the cemetery of the church of St-Denis-du-Pas prior to the demolition of chapter buildings in

1803"; and Lebeuf, vol. 1, 19, saw two "remarkable tombs" inside of St-Denis-du-Pas prior to 1735.

106. See Graviers, (as in n. 103), 211,for chapter meetings. 107. See Lebeuf, vol. 1, 9, for the niche figures. The martyrdom of Stephen

was placed in one of the niches on the south side near the episcopal palace. The name of Esther is painted onto the niche immediately to the east of the Porte Rouge and remains of the large female statue in the Mus6e de Cluny in

Paris may represent the Old Testament queen, as proposed by Erlande- Brandenburg, 1982 (as in n. 4), 105. See also Erlande-Brandenburg and

Kimpel (as in n. 4), 234-38, for the deposition of the niche figures in 1793. See Adolf Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Programs of Chartres Cathedral (Balti- more: Norton, 1959), 67-73, for the interpretation of the right portal of the north transept at Chartres, which includes some of the same scenes and themes.

108. William of Auvergne, "De sacramento in generali," quoted byJacques LeGoff, "An Urban Metaphor of William of Auvergne," in The Medieval Imagination, trans. A. Goldhammer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 177. See Pierre-Clsment Timbal, "Civitas Parisius, Communis Patria," Economies et sociitis au Moyen Age. Mdanges offertes d( Edouard Perroy (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1973), 662, for the bishop's claim of primacy in the kingdom.

109.Jean deJandun (as in n. 17), 56, likened the royal city to paradise in his famous wordplay, Parisius-paradisus. See Charlotte Lacaze, " Parisius-Paradisus, an Aspect of the Vie de St. Denis Manuscript of 1317," Marsyas 16 (1972-73): 60-66. Note the pertinent remarks of Nicola Coldstream, "The Kingdom of Heaven: Its Architectural Setting," in The Age of Chivalry: Art in Plantagenet England, 1200-1400, ed. Jonathan G. Alexander and Paul Binski (London: Royal Academy of Fine Arts, 1987), 92-97, which emphasize the multimedia extravagance of contemporary English architecture.

110. Madeline H. Caviness, "Images of Divine Order and the Third Mode of Seeing," Gesta 22 (1983): 115.

111. Hamburger (as in n. 72), 181. 112. Bucher (as in n. 30), 71-89. For the relationships between painted

frames and figures in stained glass, see Rudiger Becksmann, "Le vitrail et l'architecture," in Les bdtisseurs (as in n. 4), 297-305.

113. Craig Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist: Northern Renaissance Art in Its Historical Context, (NewYork: Abrams, 1995), 34-42.

114. See Wright, 196-98, for the interlocking liturgical relationship between the court and the cathedral.

115. Guillaume de Nangis, Chronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis de 1113 &

1300, ed. H. Geraud, vol. 1 (Paris, 1843), 262, says only that the 1284 marriage of Philip andJeanne took place "in Paris." For Philip's entry, see L. M. Bryant, "La c&r~monie de l'entrie i Paris au Moyen Age," Annales Economies, Soci~tis, Civilisations 41 (1986): 513-42.

116. See Digard (as in n. 7), vol. 2, 99, for the Estates. FranCoise Baron, "Le cavalier royal de Notre-Dame de Paris et le probleme de la statue equestre au

Moyen Age," Bulletin Monumental 126 (1968): 141-54, discusses the wooden

equestrian statue placed against the easternmost pier on the south side of the nave as the commemoration of the victory at Mons. For the knighting ceremony of Philip's sons, consult P. Lehugeur, Histoire de Philippe le Long, vol. 1 (Geneva: Slatkine Megariotus Reprints, 1975), 13; and Elizabeth A. R. Brown and Nancy F. Regalado, "La grant feste: Philip the Fair's Celebration of the

Knighting of His Sons in Paris at Pentecost of 1313," in City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe, ed. Barbara Hanawalt and Kathryn Reyerson, Medieval Studies at Minnesota, vol. 6 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 56-86. Philip IV's funeral is related by C. Baudon de Mony, "La mort et les funirailles de Philippe le Bel d'apres un compte rendu de la cour de

Majorque," Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes 57 (1897): 5-14. 117. Georges Bataille, Oeuvres completes: I. Premiers icrits, 1922-1940 (Paris:

Gallimard, 1970), 169. 118. For the Chapel of St-Michel, see Guerout (as in n. 39), vol. 2, 26-27, 40,

70, 187-90. 119. Michael T. Davis, "Desespoir, Esperance, and Douce France: The New

Palace, Paris, and the Royal State," in Fauvel Studies, (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 1997), 187-213. Although differing in details, the engravings by T. de Froideau, Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Ve 53g, r~s. fol. 126 (1020), and

Jacques Thierry, Ve 53g res. fol. 127 (1021), render the windows of the western two bays on the south side of the Grand-Salle in the form of twin-lancet

openings crowned by a gable enclosing a trefoil. Presumably the remaining windows were rebuilt by Solomon de Brosse in 1619-38 following the 1618 fire in the Grand-Salle. Figure 27, a drawing by Etienne Martellange of the Grande Cour and the Ste-Chapelle (Oxford, Ashmolean Museum inv. no. C.Lar.II.117), depicts gables atop the windows of the Galerie des Merciers. Their complex' tracery suggests that they were added in the 14th century during Philip IV's construction campaigns. Consult J. J. L. Whiteley, "Architectural Views by Etienne Martellange and Francois Stella," Master Drawings 33 (1995): 367-87, and fig. 23.

120. Branner (as in n. 4), 135; Suzanne Moreau-Rendu, Le prieuri royal de St-Louis de Poissy (Colmar: Imprimerie Alsatia, 1968); and A. Erlande-

Brandenburg, "La priorale St-Louis de Poissy," Bulletin Monumental85 (1971): 85-112.

121. Gillerman, 183. 122. Brown (as in n. 41), 279-99. 123. The ceremonies at St-S6pulchre are described in "Chronique parisi-

enne anonyme de 1316-1339," Mimoires de la Socidtd de l'Histoire de Paris et de I'le-de-France 11 (1884): 103, 134. Also consult Du Breul, 987-88; Jaillot [publisher; J.-B.-R. Renou de Chauvign6, author], Recherches critiques, histo-

riques, et topographiques sur la ville de Paris depuis ses commencements connusjusqu'd prhsent, vol. 3 (Paris, 1772), 22-25; and Yvan Christ, Eglisesparisiennes, actuelles et disparues (Paris: Tel, 1947), 43.

124. According to Du Breul, 988, an inscription at the doorway read, "Lan de grace mcccxxvii le Vendredy devant Noel fut chant~e la premiere Messe de

ceste Eglise et les fondements levez, si comme il appert par Maistre Guerin de Lorcignes, qui erigea ce portail et le fonda premiorement etc." (Year of the grace 1327, the Friday before Christmas, the first mass of this church was sung and the foundations raised by Master Guerin de Lorcignes, who built this

portal.) Lourcine was just outside the city walls to the south, in the vicinity of the church of St-Marcel.

125. Dates for the Chapelle de Navarre at Mantes range from ca. 1300 to ca. 1350. I find the arguments of Meredith P. Lillich, "European Stained Glass around 1300: The Introduction of Silver Stain," in Europiiische Kunst um 1300, Akten des XXV. Internationalen Kongresses fur Kunstgeschichte (Vienna: H. Bohlan, 1986), 45-60, who proposes construction under Marie de Brabant, ca. 1300, most compelling. Robert Branner, "La place du 'style de cour' de Saint Louis dans l'architecture du XIIIe sicle," in Le siecle de Saint Louis (Paris: Hachette, 1970), 123, places the chapel ca. 1325; while Luc Bresson, "La

chapelle royale de Navarre de la Collegiale Notre-Dame de Mantes: Re- cherches pour une nouvelle oedatation," Annales Historiques du Mantois 2 (1977): 24-45, advanced a date of 1350-60. For Larchant, see Henriet (as in n. 29).

126. Lebeuf, vol. 1, 255-56; F. de Mallevoue, "St-Jean-en-Grive au temps d'Henri IV," La Cit• 13 (1914): 414-30; H. Lemoine, "L'~glise St-Jean-en- Grve: Ses cimetifres et sa d Bmolition," Bulletin de la Soci'te de l'Histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France 49 (1922): 2-8. Demachy's view of the Holy Innocents can be

found in Paris, Bibl. Nat., Estampes, Ve 53e, t. III, 374; St-Pierre-aux-Boeufs: Estampes, Ve 53e, res. fol. III, 505, 510.

127. Philippe Dautrey, "L'•glise de l'ancien college des Bernardins de Paris et son image," in Milanges d la mimoire de pere Anselme Dimier vol. 3 Architecture

cistercienne (Arbois: B. Chauvin, 1982), 497-514; Eugene MiCntz, "Le Coll8ge des Bernardins et les artistes parisiens du XIVe siGcle," M.moires de la Sociiti de l'Histoire de Paris et de lIle-de-France 26 (1899): 196-210; and Christ (as in n. 123), 26.

128. Records of the project for 1339-42 survive in Vatican City, Archivio

Segreto de Vaticano, "Introitus et Exitus" no. 181. 129. Guillebert de Metz (as in n. 95), 58. Extensive graphic records of the

church can be found in the Bibliothique Historique de la Ville de Paris

Dossiers Vacquer, mss 234, 252; and Paris, Mus~e Carnavalet, Topo PC 87F and G.




130. For St-Benoit, see Albert Lenoir, Statistique monumentale du vieux Paris, vol. 1 (Paris: 1867), 117-24; Christ (as in n. 123), 29; C. Lamy-Lassalle, "Les anciennes eglises suburbaines de Paris (IV-X siecles)," Fderation des SociOtis Historiques et Archdologiques de Paris et de l'le-de-France, Mimoires 11 (1960): 79-84; and Denis Grisel, "St-Benoit de Paris: Le chapitre, la paroisse, et l'eglise du XIe si&cle ! 1854," Ecole nationale des chartes: Positions des thises, 1973: 105-11.

131. Abb6 Vachon, Notice historique et descriptive de l'glise et de la paroisse de S. Leu-S. Gilles (Paris, 1843); and Yvan Christ, "Eglise Saint-Leu-St-Gilles," in Dictionnaire des iglises deFrance, (Paris: R. Laffont, 1968), vol. 4, C, 85.

132. Maurice Dumolin and Georges Outardel, Paris et la Seine (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1936), 289-90; Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, "Communica- tion de M. Erlande-Brandenburg sur l'6glise Notre-Dame de Boulogne-sur- Seine, 2 December 1968," Commission du vieux Paris: Procis-verbaux (Paris, 1968), 67-72; and M. Miniaou Bosquet, "L'6glise Notre-Dame-des-Menus, Boulogne-Billancourt avant les restaurations du 191me sikcle," Memoire de maitrise, Universit6 de Paris IV, Sorbonne, 1984.

133. Philip the Fair's character has been studied by Heinrich Finke, "Zur Characteristik Philipps des Sch6nen," Mitteilungen des Insituts dur 6sterreichische Geschichtsforschung 26 (1904): 20-204; Malcolm Barber, "The World Picture of

Philip the Fair," Journal of Medieval History 8 (1982): 13-27; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, "The Prince Is Father of the King: The Character and Childhood of

Philip the Fair," Medieval Studies 49 (1987): 282-334; and idem, "The Case of

Philip the Fair," Viator 19 (1988): 219-46. 134. Brown, 1988 (as in n. 133), 232.

135.Jean de Cerens or d'Esserent is discussed by Gubrout (as in n. 39), vol. 2, 56-57; and Henri Stein, "L'architecteJean de Cerens," Bibliothique de l'Ecole des Chartes 98 (1937): 209-10.

136. Brown, 1987 (as in n. 133), 310-15, 326-28, 332; idem, 1988 (as in n. 133), 226-28; and idem, "Philippe le Bel and the Remains of Saint Louis," Gazette des Beaux Arts, 6th ser., 95 (1980): 175-82. One of Saint Louis's ribs was awarded to Notre-Dame.

137. Bronislaw Geremek, The Margins of Society in Late Medieval Paris, trans.

Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 108. 138. John Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the

Chanter and His Circle, vol. 1, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 64-72.

139. Jean deJandun (as in n. 17), 46.

