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SPIRIT POSSESSION IN HAITI

Affi KIEV, M.D.1

Spirit possession is a phenomenon knownto manldnd since Biblical times. It refers toa relationship existing between spirits andhumans manifested by the possession or in-corporation of the human being by thespirit, so that the behavior of the humanis taken as the behavior of the spirit. Thisphenomenon is widely present throughoutthe world and has been reported not onlyin Africa and Asia but on other continentsas well(10). Perhaps the most completesurvey of the subject was undertaken byT. K. Oesterreich who published the classicvolume Possession in 1930 wherein he con-sidered the phenomenon among primitiveraces, in antiquity, in the middle ages andin modern times( 14). The behavioral char-acter of the phenomenon, most writersagree, has much the same range of appear-ances from one society to another. Explana-tions have always differed, however, as haveattitudes toward the possessed. Oesterreichhas suggested that throughout the ages andat all levels of civilization the phenomenonhas been a manifestation of a psychic com-pulsion.There is an extensive literature on the

subject which has been analyzed in a num-ber of ways. All the theories, metaphysical,theological or psychological have been char-acterized by a necessity to explain theorigin of the new personality emergent inthe possessed. Thus the Biblical interpre-tation concerned notions of the Devil anddemons, explanations which persisted inthe Western world late into the 19th cen-tury. Moving from animistic assumptionsof spirit movements, psychological inter-pretations have sought the explanation inpsychic processes. Thus possession has beenexplained by psychoanalytic theorists as areturn of the repressed, wherein Id repre-sentatives overwhelm the Ego in a stateof dissociation(8, 10). Others, describingthe phenomenon in Haiti, have consideredit as theatre( 13), as a confessional playedbut not spoken( 13), and as a controlled

1Henry Phipps Psychiatric Clinic, The JohnsHopkins Hospital, Baltimore, Md.

means for communication normally withthe supernatural(6). Perhaps most interest-ing in the literature on Haitian possessionare the personal accounts of individualswho have themselves become possessed. Inone subjective account one senses the em-phasis placed on the situational stimulinecessary to enter into the trance state ofpossession(2).The phenomenon of possession has an

important role in Voodoo.2 For adepts itis the means by which the Voodoo ba (spir-it deities) interact with mankind. Throughpossession of a member of the congregationthe loas enter the midst of the congregantsto punish, admonish, reward and encour-age them as well as treat and cure theirifis and worries. For the adept the boas arerecognizable by their appearance, behaviorand temperament and other human quali-ties and characteristics as they are mani-fested in their human agents(4).Possession occurs when a boa selects “to

mount” or “enter the head” of his cheval(person possessed). The soul of the person(gros bon ange) is replaced by the boa. Thepossessed loses all individuality and be-comes the vehicle of the boa. All histhoughts and behavior are attributed tothe ba. Many speak in African dialects, thelanguages preferred by most boas. Somepossessed by Datnbabba, the snake god,may perform extraordinary feats of agilityand balance, such as tree climbing andbranch swinging, often climbing down thetrunk head first. Others may hold hot ironsin their hands, chew broken glass or walkbare-footed over hot coals. After the posses-sion, most are amnesic for the precedingevents( 11). As Madame Tisma Innocence,an old and revered mambo (Voodoo priest-2Vocdoc, the Haitian folk religion, is derived

from a syncretism between African animism andCatholicism. This religion is an elaborate one con-taining a hierarchical structure of gods, saints andangels, a sacred cult, propitiatory rites, templesand a stratified clergy. It has been practiced se-cretly for many years because of religious andpolitical pressures but currently enjoys relativefreedom, and ceremonies take place under theaegis and approval of public officials.

134 SPIRiT POSSESSION IN HAiTI 1 August

ess), said: “You loss your consciousness.You have only your body. Your soul isreplaced by the boa. The boa controls yourbrain, you forget everything.”The disorganized, theatrical and histrion-

ic quality of possession varies from one in-dividual to another, but usually the moreexperienced individuals have smoother andless chaotic transitions to possession. Excep-tions to this exist and depend on the natureof the boa possessing the adept so that aviolent boa will be expected to possess hischeval in a violent stormy way. The strug-gle the chevab has in bearing his “mount”is considered as manifestation of this diffi-culty of “bearing a boa.” Most Voodooaudiences show great sympathy for theperson struggling with a boa.

Possession is a usual feature of ceremo-nies but it is also seen during divination andtreatment situations in the hungan (Voodoopriests) who invoke the power of their boasfor these purposes. Occasionally some haveobserved it in such non-religious surround-ings as market places( 13). Others haveidentified the phenomenon outside Haitioccurring in Negroes many generationsremoved from their African heritage(1).

POSSESSION OF A HUNCAN

For purposes of divination, fortune tell-ing and curing, most hungan invoke theirboas through incantations, prayers and sym-bolic offerings. In the hounfort (temple)and seated before his altar with visitorsseated behind him, the hungan performssuch rituals as reciting the rosary, drop-ping holy water in patterns of three andlighting candles. He gradually becomesabsorbed in prayer, softly singing religiouschants and crossing himself innumerabletimes. There is then gradually and pro-gressively an involvement of his back,shoulder, neck and face muscles whichcontract first independently and then inunison, the hungan progressing to a stateof shaking tension where his entire bodyseems involved. Previously articulate speechturns to grunts and his face is painfullytwisted until it is unrecognizable. Whenpossessed, the hungan turns and greets hisaudience with his boa’s characteristic salu-tation. Henceforth communication is be-tween the boa and the audience. All de-

mands for money, sacrifice, adherence toparticular treatment regimens, etc., are re-quests of the boa, not the hungan.The characteristic feature of the hungan’s

possession is the facility and ease of transi-tion to such a state. This can best be attri-buted to his familiarity and extended ex-perience in entering such states. Save forthe changed voice, posture and facies, mosthungans preserve an amazingly keen aware-ness and consciousness of the ongoing sit-uation and their role in it, and are able torely on their vast resources of knowledgeand intuitive talents in diagnosing and treat-ing, while being possessed.Throughout the ceremony the partici-

pants depend on the hungan who bothencourages their self abandonment and con-trols the limits. The hungan himself wouldseem to be able to do this by virtue ofthe authority vested in him by his officeas priest and undoubtedly because of thebelief the congregants have in him. Usuallyhe is a sincere individual. Occasionally,however, he is a psychopathic individualwho consciously recognizes the culturallydefined needs of his congregants which hemanipulates for his own profit. In the case ofthe sincere hungan his possession is mildbecause of the minimum anxiety he feelsin becoming possessed. There is little diffi-culty for him to control his behavior in thisculturally sanctioned role. In essence mosthungaris can readily give up those char-acteristics defining them as individuals,making themselves into religious person-ages, and becoming thereby culturally rec-ognizable individuals only. All hungans ineffect are known by the spirits possessingthem and not for their own personalityattributes.

POSSESSION OF AN ADEPT

Most Voodoo ceremonies begin as thehungan kneeling before his altar invokesthe spirits and gradually becomes possessed.During the ceremony, influenced by thedancing, drinking, singing and convivialatmosphere, the other congregants fre-quently become possessed. Their crises,however, are marked by a greater loss ofself control and consciousness than arethose of the hungan. During one ceremo-nial, I was able to observe closely the

1 11 AflI kIEV 135

behavior of a hunsi (adept) who becamepossessed. The main feature of the cere-mony was the ritual sacrifice of a goat,without a knife. The hungan had donned abright red military uniform and all thefemale congregants were brightly garbedin red dresses. The ceremony had been go-ing for several hours and there had beenmuch dancing and drinking.As the seemingly “drugged” goat fell

to the floor and convulsively died, a hunsilurched forward through the crowd andscreamed. As if crazed by the death of thegoat, she threw herself on the floor besideit and lay dishevelled on the floor, her bodywrithing and arms and legs flailing. Sheseemed out of contact with her surround-ings and quite unconcerned with the possi-bilities of self injury. As she stumbled upfrom the floor her swinging arms brushedclosely by the bystanders. She doubled up,her face contorted into a mask of agony,and kicked her feet wildly in all directions.Her head bobbed to and fro and she spitblood from a bleeding nose. She was con-strained from further violence by two maleassistants who gripped her arms tightly. Intime she calmed down and only slowlyseemed to regain her senses and composure.According to the congregants this woman

had become possessed by the spirit of thedead goat. The hunsi’s behavior is indistin-guishable from hysterical or dissociativebehavior trends. This hunsi seemed lesscomfortable and less in control of her be-havior during possession than did the hun-gan and unlike the hungan did not retaincomplete control of her consciousness. How-ever she undoubtedly felt sufficiently com-fortable in the role of the possessed topermit herself this self-abandonment.

POSSESSION OF A NON-ADEPT

Not infrequently persons several genera-tions removed from a milieu of Voodoobelief and custom present what to believersare clearly the manifestations of possession.These people, unlike adepts who view suchexperiences as divine approbation, struggleagainst these manifestations. They refuseto “accept the call of their boa” according toVoodoo belief.

Of interest in regard to this phenomenonof possession outside of Voodoo circles is

the description of a clinical syndrome re-cently described in Haiti, a syndrome quitecomparable to the Voodoo possession andlabeled as such by Voodoo adepts.

L’antite clinique la plus frequente est cer-tainment la psychose aigue rappelant Ia des-cription de la “bouff#{233}e d#{233}lirante aigue”:Installation bruitale, confusion marquee, exci-tation psychomotrice avec conduite, denudavveet aggressive et souvent d#{233}lirereligieux hallu-cinations visuelles et auditives parfois; le toutde courte dur#{233}eet ne laissant que peu on pasde deterioration(15).

This description corresponds almost ex-actly to that of a hungan who characterizedthis illness as a form of possession due tothe individual’s unwillingness to accept aboa. According to Sanseigne and Desros-iers, such patients initially diagnosed ashysterical often deteriorate into chronicschizophrenics after repeated episodes. Thehungan too, stated that the course wasusually short but that occasionally thepatient remained “crazy as a punishmentfrom the boa.”

Of interest is that oftentimes this pictureof bouff#{233}edebirante aigue is accompaniedby paranoid elements with religious de-lusions based in general on the themes ofVoodoo and associated with delusions ofpersecution. Here it would seem thatthough such individuals are still affectedby elements of Voodoo culture which callforth marked anxiety reactions, they aresufficiently alienated from the peasant cul-ture to be unable to use the cultural mecha-nisms of anxiety reduction through suchrecognizable role playing.

NATIVE THEORY OF INSANITY

According to popular belief, human be-ings are composed of the body, the big goodangel (soul) and the small good angel(guardian spirit)(7). It is the big good an-gel which can leave the body without deathoccurring. This sometimes occurs duringsleep. When an individual is ceremoniallypossessed, the boa supplants the big goodangel in the head of the individual. Sixni-laxly a sorcerer can force the big goodangel from the head of a victim usingvarious magical means, with the soul ofa dead person or animal causing the in-

136 SPIRIT POSSESSION IN HA jAug t

dividual to lose his mind, his insane be-havior being considered as the manifesta-tion of the dead soul or animal spiritreincarnated in him. This is one of the maincauses of supernatural fobie. The othercause which follows from ignoring thedictates of a boa follows a similar pattern,the boa supplanting the big good angel andrefusing to leave until the individual hasaccepted Voodoo, although this does notguarantee surcease of the illness.

In both instances of supernatural foliethe mechanism of replacement of the biggood angel by an outside entity producinginsanity is identical with the replacementby the boa during ceremonial possession.This fact suggests a close tie between gen-uine fobie and ritual possession. Furtherevidence suggestive of a close associationbetween the two phenomena is the oftrepeated and commonly acknowledged factthat the first indications that a man isreceiving the call to be a hungan from a boaare indistinguishable from fobie. If the in-dividual does not accept the call of the boahe may be punished in the form of sicknessor insanity. Further suggesting the tie isthe fact that hungans are believed to bemore prone to folie than anyone else.

DIscussIoN

We have here sketched out three differentpatterns of behavior and the native theoryof insanity all of which share in common theVoodoo explanation of spirit possession.Certain features related to a predispositionto possession seem clear. Firstly, certainpersonality traits would seem to predisposean individual to possession phenomena.Secondly, early and long enduring observa-tion of the possession of others makes forfamiliarity and acceptability of it. Lastly,practice and experience in becoming pos-sessed makes for relative ease in negotiatingthe transition from the normal to the pos-sessed state.

Furthermore, certain features of the syn-drome seem clearly definable. Possessionis usually characterized by a reduction ofhigher integrative functions such as articu-late speech, social inhibitions and muscularcoodination with a concomitant increase ofreflex behavior such as trembling, convul-sive movements, muscle twitching, teeth

grinding and sucking movements. In manyinstances of possession, a sensory anesthesiaexists allowing the individual to exposehimself to noxious stimuli which normallywould be harmful. Such phenomena havebeen explained in terms of hysterical orauto-hypnotic losses of perception. Injurydoes, however, often occur according tomany Haitian physicians who frequentlysee burn cases following Voodoo rites( 12).

The question arises on the basis of theexamples cited as to whether the phenome-non of possession is a form of psychiatricdisorder or merely a culturally acceptablepatterned role playing. The hungan entersinto a well-controlled, learned, complex andrefined, self-induced trance, through auto-suggestion, probably on the basis of a per-sonal propensity. In the hunsi it has thequality of a dissociative state precipitatedand reinforced by a highly charged emo-tional atmosphere accompanied by an ex-cessive barrage of sound, light and drugstimuli. The last type cited, that of bouff#{233}ede’lirante aigue would seem to representa disorganizing psychotic illness in a cul-turally alienated individual. These threedifferent explanations, although somewhatreasonable in themselves, fail to considerthe unifying cultural aspects of this phenom-ena. If in Haiti all such behavior is ex-plainable in terms of a single notion ofspirit possession, then any discussion ofpossession should perforce include such aunifying cultural insight.

A concept of a culturally recognized andaccepted way of “going crazy” would seemto best incorporate both sets of notions.3From this viewpoint the role of the pos-sessed is a culturally sanctioned and gov-erned role, applauded in some circumstances(as in ceremonies), vaguely tolerated inother situations (as in market places), andfrowned upon or condemned in other con-texts and when differing in degree (as informs of foble. It is a role offering opportu-nity for the expression of much repressedand suppressed feeling and thought. It

8 The concept of a culturally acceptable formof “going crazy” was suggested by Linton’s re-marks on “patterns of misconduct”( 9) and Dever-eux’s remarks on the borrowing from culture bygenuinely ifi people “the means for implementingtheir subjective derangement in a conventionalway”(3).

1961] Am 137

provides the poor, downtrodden and op-pressed peasantry with an opportunity toenact the parts of gods, becoming for briefperiods lordly, omnipotent figures. For thepossessed and for observers who can vi-cariously participate in the possession ofothers and share the good fortune of beingin the company of the gods, possession isa cathartic and spiritually uplifting expe-rience.

Indeed from an early age the peasantchild is exposed to ceremonial possessions.He is made aware of the prestige of thehungan and the possessed. He sees how ap-plauded are the possessed and learns oftheir good fortune. Observing the posses-sions of his elders, a Haitian peasant childgrows up with the hope that some day hetoo will be possessed. As one well educatedHaitian told me: “Everyone in Haiti istrying to catch a boa”(5). It is obvious thatfor the non-literate, uneducated peasant“catching a boa” by possession is far easierthan it is for those more educated, intel-lectual and sophisticated.

We have presented evidence suggestingthat possession is a learned pattern ofrole playing. The selection of roles and theappearance of the possession are seen asdependent on personal factors. The rangeof boa is so great that a great number ofpatterns are acceptable as boa possessions.This fact accounts for the recognition ofthe possession in non-Voodoo adepts suchas Maya Deren and for the frequent con-fusion of hysterical or psychotic behaviorwith possession. Although selection of thisrole suggests that the role is compatiblewith the possessed person’s personality, it isnot in itself sufficient evidence for makinga clinical pychiatric diagnosis. The hystericor psychotic cannot however control theonset, the extent and the completion of hisuncontrollable behavior as can the pos-sessed.

The impromptu nature of ceremonial be-havior further suggests the conscious roleplaying aspects of possession. There is fre-quently much personal imaginativenessexpressed by the possessed and much inter-play with the congregants who join in themerrymaking, solemnity or other prevailingmoods of the ceremonies. The same individ-uals are possessed year in and year out

by the same boas. Occasionally an individ-ual is possessed by several different boasin the same evening but this too is char-acteristic for the specific individual. Eachadept is identified with a specific boa orbehavioral pattern from the time of his orher first possession and it is truly rare foran individual to become possessed out ofcontext, possession being considered ex-pected behavior for ceremonials only.

According to most natives the boas prefer“to mount” people who are most like them-selves. Thus aggressive individuals aremounted by stormy boas and passive mildmannered individuals by gentle and friend-ly boas. Occasionally the opposite takesplace as if by “reaction formation.” Metrauxin his recent work has suggested a numberof points which argue against the dissocia-tive quality of the possessions( 13). He haspointed out such things as the retention ofmemory of events during the possession,the self protective caution against bodilyharm during possession and the expressionof feelings by the boa consistent with thepossessed person’s personal attitudes to-wards others.

CoNcLusIoN

Possession as seen in Haiti is a culturallysanctioned, heavily institutionalized andsymbolically invested means of expressionin action for various ego dystonic impulsesand thoughts. It provides a behavioral out-let for much of the impoverished and sup-pressed peasantry of Haiti. For those whoare Voodoo devotees it provides legitimizedpublic roles for private repressed impulsesand needs. It serves different needs fordifferent people. For the hungan it providesa flexible and recognizable set of ideaswhich makes possible the translation ofprivate needs into a publically acknowl-edged religious chosenness. For the hunsiit is an opportunity for the expression ofbehavior and emotions. The last type ofindividual “possessed by a boa” would seemto be unable to channel his uncontrollableimpulses into such an acknowledged anduseful role for various reasons, usually oneswhich have alienated him from the main-springs of the Voodoo cult.

In essence, possession is a useful andculturally sanctioned form of role playing

138 SPIRIT POSSESSION IN EA I [August

which serves public as well as privateneeds and is legitimized only insofar as itoccurs in the context of Voodoo and in thecorrect proportions. For those who are outof touch with Voodoo or for those whosepossessions last longer than the ceremo-nials warrant it is not legitimized and isconsidered a form of fobie. The similarityof possession phenomena and psychiatricillness plus the identical explanations forboa possession and supernatural fobie sug-gests a strong relationship between thetwo and adds weight to our formulation ofritual possession as an acceptable form of“going crazy.”

BIBLIOGRAPHY1. Andre, Jacques: Department of Interior,

Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Personal Communica-tion.

2. Deren, Maya: Divine Horsemen: TheLiving Cods of Haiti. London: Thames andHudson, 1953.

3. Devereux, George: Normal and Abnor-mal. In Some Uses of Anthropology: Theore-tied and Applied, Washington, D. C., 1956.

4. Dorsainvil, J. C.: Vodu et Nevroses,Port-au-Prince, Impr. “La Presse,” 1931.

5. Douyon, Dr. Lamarque: Centre Du Psy-chiatrie, Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Personal Com-munication.

6. Herskovits, Melville: Life in a HaitianValley. New York : Alfred Knopf, 1937.

7. Hyppolite, Michelson-Paul: Une etudesur le foildore haitien, Port-au-Prince, 1954.

8. Jones, Ernest: Nightmare, Witches andDevils. New York: W. W. Norton, 1931.

9. Linton, Ralph: Culture and Mental Dis-orders, C. C Thomas, 1956.

10. Mars, Louis and Devereux, George:Psychoanal. Rev., 38: 334, 1951.

11. Maximilien, Louis: Le Vodou Haitien,Imprimerie de l’Etat Port-au-Prince, 1945.

12. Mellon, Dr. Larimer: Albert SchweitzerHospital, Borel, Haiti. Personal Communica-tion.

13. Metraux, Alfred: Voodoo, Oxford Uni-versity Press, 1959.

14. Oesterreich, T. K.: Possession. NewYork: Smith, 1930.

15. Sanseigne, Main, and Desrosiers, Max:Evaluation de M#{233}dicaments Psychopharma-ceutiques Dans Un Pays en Course de De-veloppement, Conferences prononcees au Con-gres de Psychiatrie d’Atlantic City le 12 Mai1960.