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A 12 page essay on the dynamics in the development of school shootings. Automatically generated using SCIgen, an automatic computer science paper generator. Built upon context-free grammars. The website shown below will take you to the webpage that can generate these same documents and offer insight to running the source code on your own machine.http://pdos.csail.mit.edu/scigen/index.html
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International Journal of Developmental Science 8 (2014) 3–24DOI 10.3233/DEV-140129IOS Press
Systematic Review – Target Article
Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflictswith Teachers: The Crucial Role of SocialDynamics in the Development of SchoolShootings – A Systematic Review†Friederike Sommer∗, Vincenz Leuschner and Herbert ScheithauerDepartment of Educational Science and Psychology, Freie Universitat Berlin, Berlin, Germany
AbstractA plethora of studies have appeared which argue that, prior to their attack, the perpetrators of school shootings had experienced intense conflictsand problematic relations (e.g. bullying) with peers and teachers, and were on the periphery of the schools’ social life. This in turn resulted inthe perpetrators’ view of themselves as marginalized victims. However, methodological problems and inconsistencies mark many studies, andfindings vary. In an attempt to clarify the role of perpetrators’ negative social experiences with peers and teachers prior to their attack, we haveundertaken a systematic search of the literature, including 35 international primary studies on school shootings. In selecting the studies we limitedourselves to ones which deal with at least two (Range: 2–39) cases in which a violent targeted attack was carried out by a current or formerstudent who chose their school or university as the site of the attack. A total of 126 cases (128 perpetrators) from 13 countries (USA, Canada,Germany, Finland, Brazil, Argentina, Australia, Bosnia, Greece, Hungary, Netherlands, Sweden, and Thailand) were examined. The mean ageof the perpetrators was 19 (Range: 6–62 years, SD = 8.72), and in 121 cases the perpetrators were males. Detailed information relating on thesocial dynamics that contributed to the attack was found in 67 case reports. Our analysis revealed that in 88.1% of cases the future perpetratorexperienced social conflict within the school environment. A minority of perpetrators (29.9%) were physically bullied, while 53.7% experiencedpeer rejection, verbal and otherwise. Romantic rejection was only found in 29.9% of cases. Conflicts with teachers (43.3%) proved a decisivefactor. In order to better understand the role of social dynamics in the developments leading up to school shootings, it is necessary to analyze theperpetrators’ position within their social network and the ways in which they experienced interaction with their peers and others at the school. Inaddition we must obtain precise information on their views of themselves as victim over a period of time.
Keywordsschool shooting, bullying, social rejection, severe targeted school violence, systematic review
Introduction
The main question asked in the wake of school shoot-ings is always why they happened, and mental healthprofessionals, policy makers and researchers have
∗Address for correspondenceFriederike Sommer, Freie Universitat Berlin, Department of Edu-cational Science and Psychology, Habelschwerdter Allee 45, 14195Berlin, Germany. E-mail: [email protected]†See endnote at the end of the manuscript.
worked hard to explain why adolescents commit massmurder at their schools. While some have approachedthe question from the angle of individual pathology(Harding, Mehta, & Newman, 2003; Langman, 2009) orculture (Brown, Osterman, & Barnes, 2009; Kimmel,2008), others have focused on the “social dynamics”that eventually culminated in shootings (Newman, Fox,Harding, Mehta, & Roth, 2004).
Empirical evidence shows that violent attacks atschools and university campuses are rarely sudden,
ISSN 2192-001X/14/$27.50 © 2014 – IOS Press and the authors. All rights reserved 3
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with Teachers
impulsive acts, but are rather the result of a longdevelopment involving a multitude of interacting fac-tors (Leuschner et al., 2011; Vossekuil, Fein, Reddy,Borum, & Modzeleski, 2002). Verlinden, Hersen, andThomas (2000) reviewed studies which looked at youthviolence in general and the risk factors which can leadto it. The list they proposed included amongst othersimpulsiveness, hyperactivity, abuse in childhood, aca-demic failure, access to weapons, and the experienceof being bullied. In examining the role of these fac-tors, they selected nine cases involving violent massassaults carried out in schools. In addition to individualrisk factors such as the feeling of being let down bytheir families, adverse social and environmental condi-tions, and acute strain arising from various sources, theyfound problem-laden social relationships in the schoolenvironment in the perpetrators’ histories, for which weuse the term social dynamics.
Detailed investigation of perpetrators’ social rela-tionships in the school they attended makes sense, asthe perpetrators deliberately chose it as the scene oftheir violent act. When it comes to social dynamics, theprimary factor discussed is the perpetrators’ perceptionof themselves as victims of physical or verbal bullyingprior to their attack. Bullying is defined as long-termrepeated victimization, with an imbalance of powerbetween the bully and victim (Olweus, 1994). It canbe physical, verbal or psychological in nature. A multi-tude of studies have revealed that bullying can result infeelings of helplessness, loneliness, anxiety and depres-sion, and can lead to psychosomatic disorders, eatingdisorders or even suicide (also referred to as bully-cide). Truancy and a decline in academic performanceare also common as are problems in relationships;aggressive, delinquent and anti-social behavior; datingviolence and excessive risk-taking (for a summary seee.g. Hess & Scheithauer, in press; Scheithauer, Hayer,& Petermann, 2003; Ttofi, Farrington, & Losel, 2012).Research has confirmed that being bullied has a stronglynegative effect on children’s psychosocial development,thus it is reasonable to assume that it plays a role inschool shootings. On the website StopBullying.gov itis stated that “a very small number of bullied childrenmight retaliate through extremely violent measures. In12 of 15 school shooting cases in the 1990s, the shootershad a history of being bullied” (“Effects of Bullying”,2014). Indeed, many case studies, especially from theU.S., have indicated that peer rejection is most likelythe key risk factor in the development of future per-petrators (Fast, 2009; Kidd & Meyer, 2002; McGee &DeBernado, 1999). According to Larkin (2009), more
than half of the perpetrators he studied were seekingrevenge for mistreatment they had suffered at the handsof their peers and that they specifically targeted peo-ple who had tormented them. The perceived socialrejection might have been linked to a lack of socialskills, which caused the future perpetrator to founderin social situations, setting him or her off on a down-ward spiral of increasing isolation and rejection (Kidd& Meyer, 2002; Nansel et al., 2001). This assumptionis confirmed by results obtained in a case study pre-sented by Leary, Kowalski, Smith, and Phillips (2003),who described the strong link between interpersonalrejection and aggressive behavior in general, therebysupporting the thesis that school shootings are com-monly provoked by real or imagined rejection in theform of teasing, ostracism, or unrequited love. In onlytwo of the fifteen incidents they analyzed there was noperceivable pattern of ongoing ostracism, bullying, ormalicious teasing. Thus, the authors argued that rejec-tion alone does not suffice as a cause of violence, butwhen it appears along with other factors such as psy-chological problems, fascination with weapons and/orthemes of death, the risk of violence is higher.
These findings are consistent with those obtained bythe U.S. Secret Service, who found evidence of bully-ing, ostracism, and social rejection in over two-thirdsof the 37 cases they reported in their Safe School Initia-tive (Vossekuil et al., 2002). The authors argued that theexperience of being bullied most likely had a significantimpact on the perpetrators’ motivation in committingtheir attack. Leary et al. (2003) agreed on this, statingthat the key findings in the U.S. Secret Service reportsuggest that prior to the shooting, the future perpetratorshad experienced repeated bullying, reportedly border-ing on torment. In a study carried out by Newman etal. (2004), social marginality – the shooter’s percep-tion of himself as extremely marginalized in the socialworld that matters to him – was discussed as one of fivekey factors on the path to school shootings. There wasevidence of social marginality in all but one of the 25cases studied by Newman et al. (2004): 67% had feltmarginalized and 63% had been bullied or teased. Oneparticular type of bullying is discussed by Kimmel andMahler (2003), who support the thesis that future perpe-trators failed to measure up to prevailing norms of mas-culinity. They found that nearly every one of the 31 per-petrators they analyzed in their study had been accusedof being gay because they were not tough enough. Thisfinding lends credence to the claim that most of theshootings represented a violent response to what theperpetrator perceived as attacks on his masculinity.
4 International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with Teachers
Since most school shootings have been carried outby males, it is important to investigate the role of gen-der in school shootings. In the work by Leary et al.(2003) mentioned above, it is argued that one particularform of rejection, namely unrequited love, can serveas a risk factor culminating in a violent act. Klein’s(2012) finding revealed that in about half of the casesshe discussed, the future perpetrator had suffered from aromantic breakup or unrequited love. Klein found thatthe shooters’ motives were at least partly linked withrejection, jealousy, frustration, perceived failure withgirls or a desire to protect them. Thus, in numerousincidents, the perpetrators targeted and killed girls theyfelt had rejected them.
In general, school shooters have been commonlydescribed as loners (Meloy et al., 2001; Newman et al.,2004) with few friends or none at all. As Levin andMadfis (2009) stated in their description of mountingstrain in the personal development of school shooters,long-term frustration experienced early in life can leadto social isolation. With social support systems lacking,strain can become unbearable. Newman et al. (2004)argued that the perpetrators were not loners so muchas “failed joiners, who always tried to fit in” (New-man & Fox, 2009, p. 19). By contrast, in shootingsthat occurred on college campuses the perpetrators wereapparently more disconnected and had stopped tryingto integrate into groups (Newman & Fox, 2009).
Recently, Dumitriu (2013) divided school shoot-ers into three distinct groups. Interestingly 71 of the163 school shooters she analyzed had no friends,experienced difficult relationships with girls, and suf-fered repeated bullying at school. In contrast, 22 weredescribed as “perfect students” who had friends andgenerally normal relationships, and who did not sufferbullying. The third type (n = 70), typically 31 years oldor over, a former student who had been an outsider atthe school, is not discussed in detail by Dumitriu’s, whodrew the following conclusions from her study:
“School shootings are more complex than usuallyportrayed in many studies and especially in mediaaccounts which proceed from the assumption that aschool shooter is a shy student who had been bulliedby some of his peers and whom he or she shot in anepisode of rage” (Dumitriu, 2013, p. 306).
The precise role of social rejection in school shoot-ings remains a matter of controversy (Rocque, 2012).While the studies cited above give evidence of the cru-cial role social rejection plays in the development ofschool shooters, others do not consider social dynamics
in their list of key risk factors. For example, Langman(2009) argued that only 6% of the 35 attackers in hiscase study targeted specific students who had picked onthem. Thus, even if the shooters were victims of bully-ing, this did not necessarily mean that the mistreatmentcaused the attack. Dutton, White, and Fogarty (2013)found evidence of paranoid thinking in self-reports ofmass shooters who explained that they had sufferedpsychologically from rejection. While there was littleevidence of actual bullying incidents, offenders seemedobsessed with the idea that they had been rejected bytheir peers (Dutton et al., 2013). The three types of rejec-tion listed by Leary et al. (2003) – ostracism, bullying,and romantic rejection – were less evident in inves-tigations of more recent school shootings (Weatherby,Strachila, & McMahon, 2010). In fact, some researcherssuggested that in a number of cases school shooters hadbeen bullies themselves, and that others seemed quitepopular among their peers (Dumitriu, 2013; Fast, 2009;Langman, 2009; Newman et al., 2004). At least 41% ofthe shooters in the study done by Vossekuil et al. (2002)socialized with mainstream students or were consideredmainstream students themselves.
Another form of marginalization still not properlyunderstood involves teachers and school administra-tors (see also Bondu & Scheithauer, 2014). Given thefact that at least 150 parents, teachers, administrators,coaches and other adults were killed or wounded in166 school shootings that occurred between 1979 and2009 (Klein, 2012), we need to explore more closelythe relationship between the perpetrators and their adultvictims. The conflicts between perpetrators and theirteachers and other school staff varied in manner andintensity. In some cases teachers and administrators hadmerely ignored or dismissed the bullying suffered by thefuture schoolyard assailant and had failed to intervene,while in others the teachers played a more active role, atleast in the eyes of the perpetrators. Klein (2012) statedthat in at least 24 of the 166 incidents she had studied,the perpetrators said they were responding to what theysaw as academic or disciplinary injustices inflicted onthem. In particular, European shooters and perpetratorson college campuses had frequently received negativeschool reports or punishment of various kinds (Bondu,2012; Bondu & Scheithauer, 2014; Fox & Savage, 2009;Hoffman, Roshdi, & Robertz, 2009). Thus, being sus-pended from school may have been the reason for someshootings in which the attackers targeted teachers andadministrators (Newman et al., 2004).
As most students who experience rejection, eventhose who are bullied and ostracized by peers or teach-
International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24 5
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with Teachers
ers, do not resort to lethal violence, it seems likely thatadditional risk factors play a role. Nevertheless mostof the primary studies conducted thus far confirm thatmany perpetrators had experienced some kind of socialrejection.
The purpose of this paper is to systematically reviewand summarize research findings on school shootings,focusing on the role of social dynamics. We have con-sidered all primary studies which deal with at least twocases of school shootings, defined as offenses commit-ted by a current or former student who deliberatelychooses his or her school or university as the site of anattempt to kill one or more people (cf. Bondu, 2012).Sincefindings relating to socialdynamics in the researchon school shootings remain inconsistent, we have notformulated any hypotheses in advance, but remain opento any links that might become apparent in the data.
Method
Our review of the literature is based on criteria for-mulated in the PRISMA statement (Moher, Liberati,Tetzlaff, Altman, & the PRISMA Group, 2009), our aimbeing to identify and examine all the relevant researchstudies in a systematic manner. Hopefully this will helpresolve disagreements arising from contradictory find-ings in the various studies (Klassen, Jadad, & Moher,1998) and will contribute to a more objective appraisalof research results (Egger, Smith, & O’Rourke, 2001).
Literature Search
We only included those primary studies in our reviewwhich (1) focused on school shootings, (2) containedinformation on the personal development of the perpe-trators, providing both qualitative as well as aggregateddata, (3) appeared between January 1990 and Decem-ber 2013. We began our search with the help of theelectronic databases PsychNET, PsychINFO, Pubmed,Scopus, Google Scholar, and ScienceDirect, using thesearch terms school shooting, homicidal violence, ram-page, severe targeted school violence, and amok. Nextwe went through the reference lists we found in thosestudies which met our criteria, and contacted experts inthe field. In the end we collected a total of 454 journalarticles.
Inclusion Criteria and Study Selection
In a second step two raters read the abstracts of the454 publications and gathered further information fromthe full publication to decide whether a certain publi-
cation was eligible. Studies were included if they metthe following criteria: (1) they dealt with at least twoschool shootings committed by a current or former stu-dent who deliberately chose their school or university asthe site of their planned attack, (2) they were publishedin English or in German, (3) they met certain researchstandards (we excluded articles and papers which sim-ply listed incidents or had appeared in newspapers oron the Internet). Studies were excluded if (1) the casesdiscussed did not involve at least two incidents thatoccurred in an academic institution, but instead focusedin incidents like family killings, (2) secondary analyseswere not based on a sampling of cases, but simply sum-marized previous research, (3) they were dissertations,(4) they focused exclusively on global questions con-nected with school shootings, like prevention efforts orprevalence.
All the studies that fulfilled our criteria were markedfor review. The final decision on whether to include aparticular article was made after reading the full text. Inthe end a total of 35 studies were selected. Table 1 givesreference information and lists the key characteristicsof the studies.
Characteristics of Primary Studies Reviewed
Twenty nine of the 35 primary studies were in Englishand dealt primarily with cases in the U.S., only occa-sionally discussing cases elsewhere [primary studies1:1–18, 20–22, 24, 28, and 30–35]; five were in German,four of which focused exclusively on cases in Germany[19, 23, 25, and 29], one on cases in other countries [26].One of the studies in English focused on Finnish cases[27]. Twenty five primary studies [1, 4, 7, 8, 10–14,16, 17, 20–27, 29–33, and 35] contained detailed qual-itative data for each incident analyzed, while ten otherstudies named the cases they analyzed, but did not pro-vide detailed information on the incidents [2, 3, 5, 6,9, 15, 18, 19, 28, and 34]. In examining these studieswe only considered aggregated information relating tosocial conflicts experienced by the perpetrators.
The data sources referred to in the primary stud-ies varied considerably. In four studies no informationcould be obtained on data sources [2, 8, 15, and 23]. Theanalyses in six primary studies relied solely on mediaaccounts [6, 10, 12, 22, 24, and 33], while in six studiesthe data was collected from the media, scientific articlesand previous research [11, 16, 21, 26, 30, and 32]. In atotal of 19 studies [1, 3–5, 7, 9, 13, 14, 17–20, 25, 27–29,
1Number of primary study according to Table 1
6 International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with TeachersTa
ble
1In
clud
edP
rim
ary
Stud
ies
Ref
eren
ceD
ata
sour
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ran
alys
isD
efini
tion
for
inci
dent
sN
umbe
rof
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alyz
edG
ener
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sitio
non
soci
aldy
nam
ics
inin
form
atio
nsc
hool
shoo
tings
1.M
cG
ee&
DeB
erna
do(1
999)
“Lim
ited
amou
ntof
frag
men
tary
data
and
unco
nfirm
edan
ecdo
tala
ccou
nts
deri
ved
from
offic
ialp
olic
ere
port
san
dth
epo
pula
rm
edia
”(p
.7)
Non
-tra
ditio
nals
hoot
ing
inci
dent
sw
hich
occu
rred
inth
eU
.S.m
iddl
ean
dhi
ghsc
hool
s
18ca
ses
(199
3–20
01)
Prec
ipita
ntdi
scip
line/
reje
ctio
n,bu
llyin
g:10
0%;s
ocia
lout
cast
:100
%;t
ease
d/fe
ltvi
ctim
ized
:100
%
2.B
and
&H
arpo
ld(1
999)
No
info
rmat
ion
avai
labl
eN
oin
form
atio
nav
aila
ble
8ca
ses
“The
yfe
ltre
ject
edby
othe
rsan
dso
ught
reve
nge
orre
talia
tion
for
real
orpe
rcei
ved
wro
ngs
done
toth
em.T
hey
appe
ared
tobe
lone
rs,a
vera
gest
uden
ts,a
ndsl
oppy
orun
kem
ptin
dres
s.T
hey
had
apr
open
sity
todi
slik
epo
pula
rst
uden
tsor
stud
ents
who
bully
othe
rs.”
(p.1
4)3.
O’T
oole
(199
9)“A
sum
mar
yof
the
inci
dent
,tap
esor
tran
scri
pts
ofin
terv
iew
sw
ithth
eof
fend
er(s
),w
itnes
sst
atem
ents
,in
terv
iew
sw
ithpe
rson
sw
hokn
ewth
est
uden
tsan
dfa
mili
esan
dpr
ovid
edin
form
atio
nab
outo
ffen
ders
’ba
ckgr
ound
,cou
nsel
ing
and
psyc
hiat
ric
repo
rts
and
eval
uatio
ns,
scho
olre
cord
san
dcl
ass
wor
k,in
terv
iew
sw
ithla
wen
forc
emen
tand
scho
olpe
rson
nel.”
(p.3
4)
“18
scho
olsh
ootin
gca
ses
arou
ndth
eco
untr
y(i
n4
the
stud
ento
rst
uden
tsin
volv
edpl
anne
da
shoo
ting
and
mad
esi
gnifi
cant
prep
arat
ions
,but
wer
ede
tect
edan
dpr
eem
pted
byla
wen
forc
emen
t).T
heca
ses
invo
lved
sing
lean
dm
ultip
leof
fend
ers.
”(p
.34)
18ca
ses
(14
actu
al,4
pree
mpt
ed)
The
thre
atas
sess
men
tmod
ellis
tsce
rtai
nty
pes
ofbe
havi
or,p
erso
nalit
ytr
aits
,and
circ
umst
ance
sin
the
fam
ily,s
choo
l,an
dco
mm
unity
envi
ronm
entt
hats
houl
dbe
rega
rded
asw
arni
ngsi
gns.
Soci
aldy
nam
ics
conn
ecte
dto
scho
olsh
ootin
gsm
ight
be:F
aile
dlo
vere
latio
nshi
p,in
just
ice
colle
ctor
,clo
sed
soci
algr
oup,
peck
ing
orde
ram
ong
stud
ents
,pee
rgr
oups
.
4.V
erlin
den,
Her
sen,
&T
hom
as(2
000)
Con
vict
ions
in4
case
s,in
form
atio
nob
tain
eddi
rect
lyfr
omth
eco
urts
(int
ervi
ews,
vide
otap
es,c
ourt
docu
men
ts)
in2
case
s,se
arch
oflo
cal
and
natio
nalm
edia
“Mul
tiple
vict
imvi
olen
tass
aults
insc
hool
sth
atha
veoc
curr
eddu
ring
the
past
3sc
hool
year
san
dha
vein
volv
edus
eof
firea
rms.
”(p
.27)
10ca
ses
(199
6–19
99)
Inni
neof
ten
case
sth
epe
rpet
rato
rfe
ltre
ject
edby
peer
san
dpe
rsec
uted
;in
eigh
tof
ten
case
sth
epe
rpet
rato
rw
asso
cial
lyis
olat
ed.
5.M
eloy
,Hem
pel,
Moh
andi
e,Sh
iva,
&G
ray
(200
1)
Cou
rtro
omte
stim
ony,
scie
ntifi
car
ticle
s,ac
adem
icbo
oks,
vide
oan
dau
diot
apes
,in
terv
iew
s,m
edia
Ado
lesc
entm
ass
mur
der:
“Int
entio
nal
killi
ngof
atle
astt
hree
vict
ims
(oth
erth
anth
epe
rpet
rato
r)in
asi
ngle
inci
dent
byan
indi
vidu
al19
year
sol
dor
youn
ger.
Indi
vidu
als
who
used
afir
earm
,cut
ting
inst
rum
ent,
orbl
unt
obje
ctw
ithor
with
outo
ther
wea
pons
.”(p
.720
)
34(8
scho
olsh
ootin
gsin
the
sam
ple)
adol
esce
ntm
ass
mur
der
(195
8–19
99)
70%
lone
rs(“
self
-lab
elin
g,if
hesh
owed
am
arke
dte
nden
cyto
spen
dtim
eal
one
rath
erth
anw
ithot
hers
”),1
7%hi
stor
yof
bully
ing
othe
rs,4
3%w
ere
bulli
edby
othe
rs(“
long
-ter
mvi
ctim
izat
ion
ofa
stud
entb
yhi
spe
ers,
incl
uded
both
phys
ical
and
psyc
holo
gica
latta
cks”
).(p
.721
)6.
Dan
ner
&C
arm
ody
(200
1)M
ajor
new
spap
ers,
artic
les
publ
ishe
dw
ithin
two
wee
ksof
the
even
tSa
mpl
eof
infa
mou
ssc
hool
viol
ence
case
sin
clud
edhe
rein
med
iaac
coun
tsof
the
Jone
sbor
osh
ootin
gs.
9ca
ses
(199
7–19
99)
“The
mos
tfre
quen
texp
lana
tion
for
the
shoo
tings
was
“res
pons
eto
bully
ing”
.Thi
sfr
ame
capt
ures
expl
anat
ions
that
desc
ribe
dth
eof
fend
ers’
viol
ence
asa
resp
onse
tobe
ing
pick
edon
orbu
llied
byfe
llow
stud
ents
.”(p
.103
)
International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24 7
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with TeachersTa
ble
1(C
onti
nued
)
Ref
eren
ceD
ata
sour
cefo
ran
alys
isD
efini
tion
for
inci
dent
sN
umbe
rof
case
san
alyz
edG
ener
alpo
sitio
non
soci
aldy
nam
ics
inin
form
atio
nsc
hool
shoo
tings
7.K
idd
&M
eyer
(200
2)“I
nter
view
sw
ithof
fend
ers,
fam
ilym
embe
rs,v
ictim
s,w
itnes
ses,
orot
hers
clos
ely
invo
lved
inth
eca
se,r
epor
tsfr
omth
em
ore
repu
tabl
ena
tiona
l,re
gion
al,o
rlo
caln
ews
sour
ces.
”(p
.5)
Off
ense
sin
aru
ralo
rsm
allt
own
com
mun
ity:“
Cas
esw
ere
limite
dto
thos
ew
hich
invo
lved
mul
tiple
stud
ent
fata
litie
son
scho
olca
mpu
ses
duri
ngno
rmal
oper
atin
gho
urs.
”(p
.3)
8ca
ses
(199
6–19
99)
“Afe
elin
gof
peer
reje
ctio
nw
asa
char
acte
rist
icsh
ared
amon
gsi
xof
the
eigh
toff
ende
rs.A
few
offe
nder
sta
rget
edpa
rtic
ular
vict
ims
who
had
teas
edth
em,o
rth
eyre
port
edse
ekin
gre
veng
efo
rth
ela
ckof
resp
ecta
ndm
altr
eatm
entt
hey
rece
ived
from
peer
s.Fe
elin
gsof
reje
ctio
nal
sooc
curr
edaf
ter
seve
ralo
ffen
ders
wer
eap
pare
ntly
spur
ned
bya
love
inte
rest
.”(p
.7)
8.W
ater
man
(200
2)N
oin
form
atio
nav
aila
ble
“The
rece
ntsc
hool
shoo
tings
wer
epr
emed
itate
dhi
gh-p
rofil
eaf
fair
sin
whi
chvi
ctim
sw
ere
mor
eor
less
chos
enat
rand
om.”
(p.4
)
8ca
ses
“In
each
case
,bul
lyin
gan
dto
rmen
ting
occu
rred
ona
daily
basi
s,ye
ttea
cher
san
dad
min
istr
atio
nsdi
dno
thin
g,or
even
wor
se,p
unis
hed
the
vict
ims
for
reta
liatin
g.”
(p.1
9)9.
Vos
seku
il,Fe
in,
Red
dy,B
orum
,&
Mod
zele
ski
(200
2)
Inve
stig
ativ
e,sc
hool
,cou
rt,a
ndm
enta
lhe
alth
reco
rds,
supp
lem
enta
lin
terv
iew
sw
ith10
ofth
epe
rpet
rato
rs.
“Inc
iden
tsof
targ
eted
viol
ence
insc
hool
setti
ngs:
Scho
olsh
ootin
gsan
dot
her
scho
olba
sed
atta
cks
whe
reth
esc
hool
was
delib
erat
ely
sele
cted
asth
elo
catio
nfo
rth
eat
tack
and
was
not
sim
ply
ara
ndom
site
ofop
port
unity
.C
urre
ntst
uden
tor
rece
ntfo
rmer
stud
enta
ttack
edso
meo
neat
his
orhe
rsc
hool
with
leth
alm
eans
(agu
nor
akn
ife)
and
the
stud
enta
ttack
erpu
rpos
eful
lych
ose
his
orhe
rsc
hool
asth
elo
catio
nof
the
atta
ck.”
(p.1
3)
37ca
ses,
41pe
rpet
rato
rs(1
974–
2000
)“4
1%so
cial
ize
with
mai
nstr
eam
stud
ents
orw
ere
cons
ider
edas
mai
nstr
eam
stud
ent
them
selv
es,2
7%w
ere
cons
ider
edto
bea
part
ofa
frin
gegr
oup,
12%
had
nocl
ose
frie
nds,
24%
lone
rs,7
1%fe
ltpe
rsec
uted
,bu
llied
,thr
eate
ned,
atta
cked
orin
jure
dby
othe
rspr
ior
toth
ein
cide
nt.”
(p.2
4)
10.H
arte
r,L
ow,&
Whi
tese
ll(2
003)
Med
iaac
coun
tsM
ajor
Scho
olsh
ootin
gssi
nce
1996
10ca
ses,
12pe
rpet
rato
rs“A
com
mon
feat
ure
inth
ehi
stor
ies
ofth
esc
hool
shoo
ters
has
been
that
they
each
had
ahi
stor
yof
bein
ghu
mili
ated
bype
ers,
aro
man
ticot
her,
ora
teac
her.
Ince
rtai
nca
ses,
the
actu
alpr
ecip
itatin
gev
entw
assu
chvi
ctim
izat
ion,
lead
ing
tore
veng
e.”
(p.5
)11
.Kim
mel
&M
ahle
r(2
003)
Ana
lysi
sof
the
exta
ntco
mm
enta
ryan
dlit
erat
ure
onsc
hool
viol
ence
and
seco
ndar
ym
edia
repo
rts
“Ran
dom
scho
olsh
ootin
gs:A
youn
gst
uden
tope
nsfir
eon
scho
olgr
ound
s,ap
pare
ntly
rand
omly
,and
shoo
tste
ache
rsan
dst
uden
ts.”
(p.1
456)
31ca
ses
(198
2–20
01)
“Nea
rly
allo
fth
esc
hool
shoo
ters
had
stor
ies
ofbe
ing
cons
tant
lybu
llied
,bea
tup,
and,
mos
tsig
nific
antly
for
the
anal
ysis
“gay
-bai
ted”
.Fiv
eof
the
scho
olsh
oote
rsha
dw
hatt
hey
felt
was
seri
ous
girl
trou
ble,
espe
cial
lyre
ject
ion.
”(p
.144
5,p.
1454
)
8 International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with Teachers
12.L
eary
,K
owal
ski,
Smith
,&Ph
illip
s(2
003)
Nat
iona
lnew
sm
edia
,new
spap
ers
from
the
loca
lare
a,w
orld
wid
ew
ebsi
tes
“All
wel
l-do
cum
ente
dca
ses
ofsc
hool
viol
ence
inth
eU
.S.S
hoot
ing
inci
dent
mus
thav
eoc
curr
edat
asc
hool
duri
ngth
esc
hool
day,
mus
thav
ebe
enpe
rpet
rate
dby
stud
ents
and
resu
lted
inin
jury
orde
ath
toat
leas
tone
stud
ent.
Inci
dent
sin
whi
chth
eon
lyvi
ctim
sw
ere
nons
tude
nts
wer
eno
tcon
side
red
beca
use
we
wer
eex
plic
itly
conc
erne
don
lyw
ithst
uden
t’sag
gres
sion
tow
ard
thei
rpe
ers.
”(p
.204
)
15ca
ses
(199
5–20
01)
“Mos
tof
the
shoo
ters
(12
of15
)ha
dex
peri
ence
dan
unus
ually
high
amou
ntof
bully
ing
and
ostr
acis
m,t
hatw
aspa
rtic
ular
lyre
lent
less
,hum
iliat
ing,
and
crue
l.In
addi
tion
man
yca
ses
invo
lved
ongo
ing
ostr
acis
mth
atle
ftth
epe
rpet
rato
ron
the
peri
pher
yof
the
scho
ol’s
soci
allif
e.In
abou
thal
fof
the
epis
odes
the
perp
etra
tor
had
also
expe
rien
ced
are
cent
reje
ctin
gev
ent.
Inon
lytw
oca
ses
was
ther
eno
evid
ence
wha
tsoe
ver
that
the
perp
etra
tor
had
been
reje
cted
orm
istr
eate
dby
othe
rpe
ople
.”(p
.210
)13
.Moo
re,P
etri
e,B
raga
,&M
cLau
ghlin
(200
3)
Rec
ords
,cou
rtre
port
s“Y
oung
peop
lear
min
gth
emse
lves
and
open
ing
fire
onth
eir
scho
olm
ates
and
teac
hers
,kill
ing
orse
riou
sly
inju
ring
them
.The
inci
dent
soc
curr
edin
the
hallw
ays
and
com
mon
area
sof
scho
ols
and
ata
scho
ol-s
pons
ored
even
t.”(p
.249
)
8ca
ses
(199
1–19
99)
“In
4of
8ca
ses
the
perp
etra
tor
was
avi
ctim
ofbu
llyin
g,in
the
sam
eam
ount
ofca
ses
hew
asa
bully
him
self
,and
inth
ree
case
she
suff
ered
from
are
cent
peer
reje
ctio
n.Y
etth
esh
oote
rspe
rcep
tions
seem
edto
have
little
basi
sin
real
ity,o
r,if
they
wer
ere
al,t
hey
wer
eno
twid
ely
unde
rsto
odan
dsh
ared
byot
hers
.The
yw
ere
notb
eing
thre
aten
edw
ithph
ysic
alvi
olen
ceat
the
time
they
shot
.In
thre
eca
ses
ther
eha
vebe
endi
scip
linar
ypr
oble
ms
with
teac
hers
.”(p
.251
)14
.New
man
,Fox
,H
ardi
ng,M
ehta
,&
Rot
h(2
004)
Nat
iona
lDat
abas
eof
scho
ol-a
ssoc
iate
dvi
olen
cede
aths
byth
eC
ente
rsfo
rD
isea
seC
ontr
olan
dPr
even
tion,
repo
rtby
the
U.S
.sec
rets
ervi
ce,o
wn
data
set
bym
edia
acco
unts
and
othe
rca
sest
udie
s
“Dea
dly
assa
ults
onan
inst
itutio
n-th
esc
hool
.An
inst
itutio
nala
ttack
take
spl
ace
ona
publ
icst
age
befo
rean
audi
ence
,is
com
mitt
edby
am
embe
ror
afo
rmer
mem
ber
ofth
ein
stitu
tion,
and
invo
lves
mul
tiple
vict
ims,
som
ech
osen
for
thei
rsy
mbo
licsi
gnifi
canc
eor
atra
ndom
.”(p
.232
)
29ca
ses
(197
4–20
02)
Asc
hool
shoo
ters
are
nota
lllo
ners
and
they
are
nota
llbu
llied
,but
near
lyal
lex
peri
ence
dos
trac
ism
and
soci
alm
argi
nalit
y:5%
wer
epo
pula
r,pr
eppi
es,
jock
s,or
athl
etes
;Lon
er11
–34%
;no
clos
efr
iend
s:12
%;F
ring
eor
outc
ast:
52%
;M
argi
nal7
8–96
%;V
ictim
ized
:53%
;B
ullie
dor
teas
ed:6
3%;F
elt
vict
imiz
ed/m
argi
naliz
ed:6
7–71
%;
Mas
culin
itych
alle
nged
:63%
.The
reis
anot
her
form
ofm
argi
naliz
atio
n:B
eing
push
edou
tof
the
inst
itutio
nal
toge
ther
,w
hich
expl
ain
som
esh
ootin
gsin
whi
chth
eat
tack
ers
mor
eex
plic
itly
targ
eted
teac
hers
and
adm
inis
trat
ors.
”(p
p.23
9–24
2)15
.Fox
,Lev
in,&
Qui
net(
2005
)N
oin
form
atio
nav
aila
ble
Tabl
ew
ithse
lect
edsc
hool
mas
sacr
es:
Ada
pted
and
repr
inte
dw
ithpe
rmis
sion
from
Tim
eM
agaz
ine,
31.5
.199
9.
8ca
ses
The
reha
sbe
ente
asin
gin
six
ofei
ghtc
ases
,ro
man
ticre
ject
ion
inha
lfof
the
case
san
din
one
case
the
perp
etra
tor
was
expe
lled
from
scho
olbe
fore
hew
ento
nth
em
assa
cre.
International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24 9
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with Teachers
Tabl
e1
(Con
tinu
ed)
Ref
eren
ceD
ata
sour
cefo
ran
alys
isD
efini
tion
for
inci
dent
sN
umbe
rof
case
san
alyz
edG
ener
alpo
sitio
non
soci
aldy
nam
ics
inin
form
atio
nsc
hool
shoo
tings
16.K
lein
(200
6)“A
llne
ws
cove
rage
and
rese
arch
was
syst
emat
ical
lyga
ther
edon
scho
olsh
ootin
gca
ses.
”(p
.45)
“Cas
esw
ere
atle
astt
wo
peop
leha
vebe
enki
lled
and/
orth
ere
wer
efo
uror
mor
evi
ctim
s.”
(p.4
5)
10ca
ses
(199
6–20
01)
“Gay
hara
ssm
entc
onsi
sten
tlyap
pear
sas
am
otiv
atin
gfa
ctor
.In
five
ofth
ete
nca
ses,
stud
ents
wer
ero
utin
ely
calle
dga
y,fa
ggot
,an
dth
elik
e.In
near
lyal
lof
the
shoo
tings
,bo
y’s
mas
culin
ityw
assy
stem
atic
ally
chal
leng
edvi
aha
rass
men
tand
/or
nam
e-ca
lling
.”(p
.46)
17.F
ast(
2008
)D
ocum
enta
ryev
iden
ce,a
rtic
les
from
com
mun
ityne
wsp
aper
s,le
gal
docu
men
ts,a
ndpe
rson
alac
coun
ts
“The
shoo
ter
and
the
vict
ims
had
tobe
onsc
hool
grou
nds
duri
ngth
ecr
ime,
the
assa
ilant
sha
dto
bead
oles
cent
s,an
dth
evi
ctim
sha
dto
num
ber
two
besi
des
the
shoo
ter,
had
heco
mm
itted
suic
ide,
too.
”(p
.14)
15ca
ses
“Nea
rly
ever
yca
sein
volv
esbu
llyin
g,an
dth
eob
viou
sch
ain
ofca
usat
ion,
from
bully
ing
tohu
mili
atio
nto
rage
tore
veng
e,m
ade
this
one
ofth
efir
stch
arac
teri
stic
sof
scho
olra
mpa
gesh
oote
rsto
beid
entifi
ed.”
(p.1
3)18
.Fox
&Sa
vage
(200
9)“D
ata
glea
ned
from
the
FBI’
sU
nifo
rmC
rim
eR
epor
ting
prog
ram
and
the
U.S
.D
epar
tmen
tof
Edu
catio
n’s
reco
rds
man
date
dby
the
Cle
ryA
ct,a
sw
ella
sde
taile
dm
edia
repo
rts
gath
ered
from
sear
chin
gel
ectr
onic
new
spap
erda
taba
ses.
”(p
.146
7)
“Sho
otin
gin
volv
ing
mul
tiple
fata
litie
son
colle
geca
mpu
ses
inth
eU
nite
dSt
ates
.”(p
.147
6)
76ca
ses
(199
0–20
08),
13ar
ena
med
“Sho
otin
gsat
high
scho
ols
ofte
npr
ecip
itate
dw
hen
stud
ents
feel
bulli
edor
pers
ecut
edby
thei
rcl
assm
ates
and/
orte
ache
rs.H
owev
er,
the
perp
etra
tors
ofm
ass
shoo
tings
atco
llege
san
dun
iver
sitie
sar
eof
ten
grad
uate
stud
ents
-old
erin
divi
dual
sw
hotu
rnto
viol
ence
inre
spon
seto
wha
tthe
ype
rcei
veto
beun
bear
able
pres
sure
tosu
ccee
dor
the
unac
cept
able
real
ityof
failu
re.”
(p.1
475)
19.H
offm
ann,
Ros
hdi,
&R
ober
tz(2
009)
Cri
me
and
cour
trec
ords
Seve
reta
rget
edsc
hool
viol
ence
isde
fined
asan
inte
ntio
nally
dead
lyof
fens
eag
ains
tspe
cific
pers
ons
orgr
oup
ofpe
ople
.The
scho
olas
the
site
toca
rry
outt
heat
tack
isch
osen
bypu
rpos
e.
7ca
ses
(199
9–20
06)
71.4
%of
the
Ger
man
offe
nder
sha
vebe
ente
ased
and
hum
iliat
ed(a
ndha
vebe
ense
nsiti
veto
this
),57
.1%
have
been
perc
eive
das
lone
rs(b
utha
dfe
wfr
iend
sfr
omtim
eto
time)
,57.
1%w
ithdr
awal
from
thei
rso
cial
cont
acts
prio
rto
the
atta
ck,8
5.7%
had
disc
iplin
ary
confl
icts
with
teac
hers
.Im
min
entt
oth
eho
mic
ide
the
perp
etra
tor
expe
rien
ced
are
ject
ion
(by
agi
rl,c
lass
mat
esor
susp
ensi
onfr
omsc
hool
).20
.New
man
&Fo
x(2
009)
“Lis
tsof
shoo
tings
from
the
Vir
gini
aTe
chR
evie
wPa
nel’s
com
pend
ium
offa
tals
choo
lsho
otin
gsin
the
Uni
ted
Stat
esan
da
vari
ety
ofm
edia
com
pila
tions
ofsu
chev
ents
.”(p
.3)
“The
loca
tion
ofth
ein
cide
ntis
apu
blic
stag
e,ei
ther
onth
esc
hool
prop
erty
orat
asc
hool
rela
ted
func
tion,
the
shoo
ters
mus
tbe
curr
ento
rfo
rmer
stud
ents
ofth
esc
hool
,the
rem
ustb
em
ultip
levi
ctim
s(a
lthou
ghth
ein
juri
esdo
noth
ave
tobe
fata
l)or
atth
eve
ryle
ast,
mul
tiple
targ
ets.
”(p
.2)
9ca
ses
(200
2–20
08)
Soci
alm
argi
naliz
atio
nis
one
ofth
efiv
eke
yfa
ctor
s:“T
hepr
otag
onis
tsw
ere
lone
rsor
frin
gefig
ures
(cer
tain
lyno
tpop
ular
),te
ased
/bul
lied,
subj
ecte
dto
mas
culin
ityte
sts
that
they
faile
d,or
felt
mar
gina
lized
even
ifth
ere
islit
tleev
iden
ceto
this
effe
ct.”
(p.9
)
10 International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with Teachers
21.L
arki
n(2
009)
Aca
dem
icre
sear
ch,v
ario
usm
edia
outle
tsan
dIn
tern
etsi
tes,
arch
ives
oflo
cala
ndre
gion
alne
wsp
aper
s
“Ast
uden
tor
afo
rmer
stud
entb
ring
sa
gun
tosc
hool
with
the
inte
ntio
nof
shoo
ting
som
ebod
y,th
egu
nis
disc
harg
edan
dat
leas
tone
pers
onis
inju
red,
and
the
shoo
ter
atte
mpt
sto
shoo
tmor
eth
anon
epe
rson
,atl
east
one
ofw
hom
was
nots
peci
ally
targ
eted
.”(p
.131
0)
36ca
ses,
38pe
rpet
rato
rs,2
are
nam
ed(1
974–
2012
)52
.6%
wer
em
otiv
ated
byre
veng
eag
ains
tbu
llyin
g,ha
rass
men
t,an
din
timid
atio
nby
thei
rpe
ers.
The
shoo
ters
peer
stat
usw
asde
term
ined
in25
of38
case
s.O
fth
ose
84%
wer
eei
ther
outc
asts
orlo
ners
who
wer
ere
ject
edby
thei
rpe
ers
eith
eras
indi
vidu
als
oras
mem
bers
ofid
entifi
able
low
-sta
tus
colle
ctiv
ities
.22
.Kal
ish
&K
imm
el(2
010)
Sam
plin
gof
med
iare
port
s“A
whi
tebo
y(o
rbo
ys)
brin
gsse
mi-
auto
mat
icri
fles
oras
saul
tw
eapo
nsto
scho
olan
dop
ens
fire
oncl
assm
ates
and
teac
hers
,see
min
gly
atra
ndom
.Sch
ools
hoot
ings
that
culm
inat
ein
the
suic
ide
ofth
eas
saila
nt(s
).”(p
.452
)
3ca
ses,
4pe
rpet
rato
rs(1
999–
2008
)“N
earl
yal
lhad
stor
ies
ofbe
ing
cons
tant
lybu
llied
,bea
ten
up,a
nd“g
ayba
ited”
.”(p
.455
)“I
nal
lthr
eeca
ses,
the
shoo
ters
felt
both
vict
imiz
edby
othe
rsan
dsu
peri
orto
them
.”(p
.459
)“I
twas
notj
ustt
hatt
hey
wer
ebu
llied
and
hara
ssed
and
intim
idat
edev
ery
day,
itw
asth
ead
min
istr
atio
ns,
teac
hers
,and
com
mun
ityco
llude
dw
ithit.
”(p
.462
)23
.Wie
czor
ek(2
010)
No
info
rmat
ion
avai
labl
eD
eadl
yvi
olen
ceth
atoc
curr
edin
scho
ols
9ca
ses
(196
4–20
09)
Inse
ven
ofni
neca
ses
soci
alri
skfa
ctor
s(m
ostly
disc
iplin
ary
prob
lem
s)co
uld
beco
nduc
ted.
24.W
eath
erby
,St
rach
ila,&
McM
ahon
(201
0)
New
spap
ers
from
the
day
ofth
esh
ootin
gto
seve
nda
ysla
ter
Eac
hca
seex
amin
edw
asco
mm
itted
bya
mid
dle
scho
olor
ahi
ghsc
hool
stud
ent
ina
lear
ning
envi
ronm
entw
ithin
the
Uni
ted
Stat
es.
12ca
ses
(200
1–20
08)
“The
reis
less
evid
ence
ofex
trem
ete
asin
gor
ostr
acis
mth
anL
eary
,eta
l.(2
003)
foun
din
thei
rst
udy.
Whi
leth
ese
findi
ngs
diff
er,
both
stud
ies
doill
ustr
ate
that
reje
ctio
n,te
asin
g,an
dos
trac
ism
can
bepr
omin
ent
fact
ors
insc
hool
shoo
tings
.The
rem
aybe
othe
rfa
ctor
s,ho
wev
er.”
(p.1
1)25
.Ros
hdi&
Hof
fman
n(2
011)
Cou
rtre
cord
s,in
terv
iew
sSe
eV
osse
kuil
etal
.(20
02)
10ca
ses
(199
9–20
09)
Six
outo
fte
npe
rpet
rato
rsfa
ced
prob
lem
sw
ithin
the
scho
olco
ntex
t(di
scip
linar
ypr
oble
ms,
confl
icts
with
teac
hers
),tw
ope
rpet
rato
rsex
peri
ence
dbu
llyin
g,an
dth
ree
perp
etra
tors
wer
epe
rcei
ved
aslo
ners
.26
.Bru
mm
e(2
011)
Scie
ntifi
cre
sear
ch,m
edia
acco
unts
Cur
rent
orre
cent
form
erst
uden
t,w
hopu
rpos
eful
lyse
lect
edan
dta
rget
edhi
sor
her
scho
ol.M
ultip
levi
ctim
s(t
arge
ted
orki
lled
byra
ndom
),th
atw
ere
chos
enby
thei
rsy
mbo
licco
nnec
tion
toth
ein
stitu
tion.
14ca
ses
(199
5–20
09)
Mos
tof
the
perp
etra
tors
had
been
teas
edor
hum
iliat
edby
peer
s.N
otal
lwer
elo
ners
,m
ostly
they
had
afe
wbu
tluk
ewar
mfr
iend
ship
s.O
ffen
ders
felt
isol
ated
and
mar
gina
l.
27.K
iilak
oski
&O
ksan
en(2
011)
“Pre
-inv
estig
atio
nre
port
sby
the
Finn
ish
polic
ean
dth
ere
port
sby
the
gove
rnm
entc
omm
issi
ons
crea
ted
toin
vest
igat
eth
esh
ootin
gspr
ovid
edba
ckgr
ound
mat
eria
l”(p
.32)
No
info
rmat
ion
avai
labl
e2
case
s(2
007–
2008
)“A
llFi
nnis
hsc
hool
shoo
tings
wer
eas
soci
ated
with
nega
tive
and
viol
ent
expe
rien
ces
insc
hool
.The
shoo
ters
tend
edto
feel
mar
gina
lized
and
tola
ckpe
ergr
oup
appr
oval
inth
eir
scho
olca
reer
s.”
(p.3
3)
International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24 11
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with Teachers
Tabl
e1
(Con
tinu
ed)
Ref
eren
ceD
ata
sour
cefo
ran
alys
isD
efini
tion
for
inci
dent
sN
umbe
rof
case
san
alyz
edG
ener
alpo
sitio
non
soci
aldy
nam
ics
inin
form
atio
nsc
hool
shoo
tings
28.L
ankf
ord
(201
2)Pr
evio
ussc
hola
rshi
p,go
vern
men
tre
port
s,m
edia
repo
rts
“The
stud
yw
asde
sign
edto
anal
yze
terr
oris
m,r
ampa
ge,w
orkp
lace
,and
scho
olat
tack
sth
atin
volv
edsu
icid
eat
tem
pts
and
occu
rred
inth
eU
.S.”
(p.2
57)
Defi
nitio
nof
scho
olsh
ootin
gs:“
Indi
vidu
als
who
atta
cked
ata
scho
ol,c
olle
ge,o
run
iver
sity
that
they
had
ever
atte
nded
.”(p
.258
)
16ca
ses
(199
1–20
08)
75%
Soci
alM
argi
naliz
atio
n(l
oner
s,bu
llied
,te
ased
,did
noth
ave
clos
efr
iend
s,fe
ltso
cial
lym
argi
naliz
edor
soci
ally
isol
ated
);88
%W
ork/
scho
olPr
oble
ms
(str
uggl
ing
tosu
ccee
din
wor
kor
scho
ol,w
ere
angr
yor
upse
tabo
utst
h.at
wor
kor
scho
ol,o
rha
dbe
ensu
spen
ded,
fired
orot
herw
ise
disc
iplin
edat
wor
kor
scho
ol).
29.B
anne
nber
g(2
012)
Polic
ean
dco
urtr
ecor
dsR
ampa
gesh
ootin
gsof
adol
esce
nts
with
unkn
own
mot
ive
18ca
ses
ofad
oles
cent
mas
sm
urde
rer,
11ca
ses
occu
rred
inan
inst
itutio
n(1
992–
2009
)
Perp
etra
tor
felt
hum
iliat
edan
dbu
llied
,but
also
with
draw
nfr
omso
cial
cont
acts
and
did
notw
antt
ofit
in.I
nso
me
case
sdi
scip
linar
ypr
oble
ms
with
teac
hers
occu
rred
.In
four
ofel
even
case
s,sh
oote
rsw
ere
perc
eive
das
lone
rs,t
wo
expe
rien
ced
aro
man
ticre
ject
ion
prio
rto
the
atta
ck.
30.S
chill
er(2
013)
Art
icle
s,bi
ogra
phie
s,bo
oks,
med
ia,
inte
rvie
ws,
docu
men
tari
es,r
epor
ts,
and
Secr
etSe
rvic
efin
ding
s
“Any
inci
dent
whe
rea
curr
ents
tude
ntor
rece
ntfo
rmer
stud
enta
ttack
edso
meo
neat
his
scho
olw
ithle
thal
mea
ns,a
ndw
here
the
stud
enta
ttack
erpu
rpos
eful
lych
ose
his
scho
olas
the
loca
tion
ofth
eat
tack
.”(p
.102
)
12ca
ses
(197
8–20
00)
“Sho
oter
sar
ety
pica
llyyo
ung
men
who
feel
mar
gina
lized
.Man
yof
the
shoo
ters
stat
eth
atth
eyw
ere
bulli
edor
hum
iliat
edat
scho
olby
thei
rpe
ers
orbe
little
dby
adul
tsw
how
ere
clos
eto
them
.In
11of
17ca
ses
bully
ing
was
foun
d,in
one
case
the
perp
etra
tor
was
seek
ing
reve
nge
for
the
puni
shm
ento
fa
teac
her.”
(p.1
05)
31.L
angm
an(2
013)
Stud
entj
ourn
als,
polic
ere
cord
s,co
urt
docu
men
ts,o
ffici
alre
port
s,bo
oks,
and
artic
les
inbo
thsc
hola
rly
jour
nals
and
new
sou
tlets
“Atta
cks
atsc
hool
sin
whi
chth
ere
wer
em
ultip
levi
ctim
s.T
hevi
ctim
sin
clud
edpe
ople
who
wer
esh
otra
ndom
ly,a
sw
ella
sso
me
who
wer
esp
ecifi
cally
targ
eted
.The
perp
etra
tors
inal
mos
tev
ery
case
wer
eei
ther
curr
ento
rfo
rmer
stud
ents
atth
esc
hool
sth
eyat
tack
ed.I
ntw
oca
ses
the
perp
etra
tors
wer
eno
tstu
dent
sof
the
scho
ols
they
atta
cked
.”(p
.131
)
35ca
ses
(197
5–20
11)
“Onl
y6%
targ
eted
asp
ecifi
cst
uden
twho
had
pick
edon
them
,mor
efr
eque
ntly
they
targ
eted
fam
ilym
embe
rs,f
emal
es,a
ndsc
hool
pers
onne
l.E
ven
ifth
eyw
ere
teas
edan
d/or
bulli
ed,t
his
does
notm
ean
that
the
mis
trea
tmen
tcau
sed
the
ram
page
.”(p
.145
)
12 International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with Teachers32
.Dut
ton,
Whi
te,
&Fo
gart
y(2
013)
Perp
etra
tors
’di
arie
san
dw
eb-s
ites
No
info
rmat
ion
avai
labl
e4
case
s,3
ofth
emsc
hool
/un
iver
sity
shoo
ter
(199
9–20
11)
“The
rear
ese
vera
lele
men
tsin
the
thin
king
ofsc
hool
shoo
ters
that
sugg
esta
para
noid
pers
onal
itydi
sord
erbl
ende
dw
ithm
alig
nant
narc
issi
sm.P
aran
oid
pers
onal
ities
have
ape
rvas
ive
mis
trus
tof
othe
rs,a
resu
spic
ious
and
hype
r-vi
gila
ntfo
r“d
isre
spec
t”an
dac
tivel
yse
ek“e
vide
nce”
.The
ype
rsis
tent
lyfe
elw
rong
ed-
avi
ctim
ofso
cial
inju
stic
ean
dar
ese
ethi
ngw
ithan
ger
whe
nth
eyre
coun
tth
ese
inju
stic
es.T
here
islit
tlere
fere
nce
tosp
ecifi
cex
peri
ence
sof
bein
ga
vict
imof
bully
ing.
”(p
.551
)33
.Mad
fis&
Lev
in(2
013)
Med
iaac
coun
ts“A
naly
ses
incl
udes
only
thos
epe
rpet
rato
rsw
hoth
emse
lves
,att
hetim
eof
the
atta
ck,w
ere
enro
lled
inor
wer
ere
cent
lyw
ithdr
awn
from
the
mid
dle
scho
ol,h
igh
scho
olor
colle
geth
atth
eyta
rget
ed.M
ultip
lehu
man
targ
ets
wer
eki
lled
orin
jure
don
scho
olpr
oper
tyby
ast
uden
tor
rece
ntfo
rmer
stud
ento
fth
eta
rget
edsc
hool
.”(p
.80)
12ca
ses
(199
9–20
11)
“The
cata
lyst
for
scho
olsh
oote
rsis
mos
tof
ten
ahu
mili
atin
glo
ssof
face
,are
ject
ion
bya
girl
frie
nd,a
loss
ofac
adem
icst
andi
ng,a
nev
ictio
nfr
oma
com
mun
ityof
peer
s,or
even
am
ajor
illne
ss.A
tlea
st7
ofth
e12
inci
dent
sin
volv
edlo
ng-t
erm
bully
ing
asan
expr
essi
onof
the
kille
r’s
chro
nic
stra
inan
dlo
ngst
andi
ngde
sire
toge
teve
n.B
ully
ing
was
not,
how
ever
,the
only
form
oflo
ng-t
erm
frus
trat
ion
expe
rien
ced
bysc
hool
ram
page
shoo
ters
inth
ein
tern
atio
nals
ampl
e.”
(pp.
82ff
.)34
.Dum
itriu
(201
3)G
over
nmen
talr
epor
tsof
inqu
irie
sin
toth
ese
even
ts,p
olic
ere
port
s,co
urt
reco
rds,
scho
olre
cord
s,ne
wsp
aper
artic
les
and
arch
ival
docu
men
ts,fi
eld
data
(int
ervi
ews
and/
orfo
cus-
grou
ps)
“Mul
tiple
-vic
timac
tof
extr
eme
viol
ence
perp
etra
ted
onsc
hool
prem
ises
,ge
nera
llyby
asc
hool
-rel
ated
perp
etra
tor
who
care
fully
plan
sth
eac
tin
adva
nce.
”(p
.301
)
160
case
s,10
sele
cted
for
inde
pth-
qual
itativ
eca
sest
udie
s(1
900–
2013
),31
perp
etra
tors
are
refe
rred
“The
resu
ltsre
veal
edth
atsc
hool
shoo
tings
are
muc
hm
ore
com
plex
than
are
port
raye
din
mos
tres
earc
hst
udie
san
dof
ficia
lre
port
sin
the
field
,and
acco
rdin
gto
whi
chth
ece
ntra
lcha
ract
eris
ash
yst
uden
twho
had
been
bulli
edby
som
eof
his
peer
san
dw
hom
hesh
otin
anep
isod
eof
rage
.”(p
.306
)35
.Mal
kki(
2013
)“P
ublic
lyav
aila
ble
com
mun
icat
ion
byth
epe
rpet
rato
rs,o
ffici
alre
port
san
dpo
lice
inve
stig
atio
ndo
cum
ents
inth
ein
cide
nts,
med
iare
port
sas
wel
las
prev
ious
rese
arch
onth
ein
cide
nts.
”(p
.188
)
“Atl
east
part
lyin
disc
rim
inat
esh
ootin
gspe
rpet
rate
dby
form
eror
curr
ent
stud
ents
ofth
atsc
hool
.The
stud
ent
has
brou
ghtt
hegu
nto
the
scho
olw
ithth
ein
tent
ion
ofsh
ootin
gso
meb
ody,
atle
asto
nepe
rson
(oth
erth
anth
esh
oote
r)ha
sto
bein
jure
dby
abu
llet,
and
that
the
shoo
ter
atte
mpt
sto
shoo
tm
ore
than
one
pers
on,a
tlea
ston
eof
who
mw
asno
tspe
cific
ally
targ
eted
.”(p
.188
)
28ca
ses
(199
9–20
11)
Thr
eety
pes
ofsc
hool
shoo
ters
:“1.
Polit
ical
scho
olra
mpa
gesh
ootin
gs:T
hepe
rpet
rato
rsex
pres
san
grily
thei
rre
sent
men
tof
the
way
they
have
been
trea
ted,
argu
ing
that
they
wer
epu
shed
toth
eir
acto
fve
ngea
nce.
From
the
desc
ript
ion
ofth
epe
rson
alsi
tuat
ion
emer
ges
anim
age
ofa
faile
djo
iner
,who
trie
dto
fitin
butw
asbu
llied
,tea
sed,
and
reje
cted
.Ats
ome
poin
t,th
eyun
ders
tood
that
they
did
note
ven
wan
tto
fitin
toth
em
ajor
ityan
dliv
ein
aw
orld
like
that
.”(p
.200
)2.
Col
umbi
ne-I
nflue
nced
Shoo
tings
.3.I
sola
ted
shoo
tings
.
International Journal of Developmental Science 8/2014, 3–24 13
F. Sommer et al. / Bullying, Romantic Rejection, and Conflicts with Teachers
31, 34, 35] analyses of cases were based on officialprimary sources including police-, school-, court- andmental health records. In addition, personal accountswere consulted, along with interviews with familymembers, school staff and perpetrators themselves.
In reviewing the 35 selected studies, we identified 126different cases of school shootings, involving 128 per-petrators. Of these 126 attacks, 112 attacks occurred inschools, (88.9%), 14 (11.1%) on university campuses.The earliest case included in the primary studies tookplace in Volkhoven (Germany) in 1964, the latest inNewtown (USA) in 2012. The mean age of perpetratorswas 19 (SD = 8.72) and the median age of perpetratorswas 16. The youngest perpetrator was six years old, theoldest 62. A total of 121 shooter were males (94.5%)while seven offenders were females (5.5%). Most of theattacksoccurred(n = 97) in theU.S. (75.3%).Therewere14 in Germany (10.9%), four in Canada (3.1%), three inFinland (2.3%), two in Brazil, and one shooting each ineightadditionalcountries (Argentina,Australia,Bosnia,Greece, Hungary, Netherlands, Sweden, and Thailand).
One important task was to determine how often indi-vidual perpetrators were included in the various primarystudies selected. Our results showed an unequal dis-tribution of cases: 63 of the 128 perpetrators (49.2%)were included in one study only, 22 (17.2%) in two,33 in three to ten studies (25.8%), and, finally, tenperpetrators were included in more than ten studies(7.8%). The ten most frequently reported cases wereEric Harris: Columbine 1999 (included in 22 stud-ies); Dylan Klebold: Columbine 1999 (20 studies);Luke Woodham: Pearl 1997; Michael Carneal: WestPaducah 1997; Andrew Golden and Mitchell Johnson:Jonesboro 1998; Kipland Kinkel: Springfield 1998 (17studies); Barry Loukaitis: Moses Lake 1996 (14 stud-ies); Thomas Solomon: Conyers 1999 (13 studies) andEvan Ramsey: Bethel 1997 (11 studies).
Categories and Content Analysis
In order to analyze the social dynamics which mighthave played a role in the various cases, we chose thosewhich contained detailed information on social posi-tion, as well as on personal relationships and conflicts–questions like whether the perpetrator had been a loner,had been bullied or had experienced conflicts withteachers. As ten studies presented only aggregated data[2, 3, 5, 6, 9, 15, 18, 19, 28, and 34] particular categorieswere not applicable in all of the 126 cases. We excludedthose studies which contained either no detailed quali-tative information on the cases or only aggregated data.
In addition, four cases were excluded from analysis,either because they did not fit our definition of a schoolshooting. In addition, four cases were excluded fromanalysis, either because they did not fit our definition ofa school shooting or the attack had been thwarted. Asstated in the introduction, we define school shootingsas offenses committed by a current or former studentwho purposely chooses his or her school or universitycampus as the site of an attempt to kill one or morepersons.
The list was narrowed down to 65 school shootings,committed by 67 perpetrators discussed in 25 studies,including 59 attacks in schools (90.8%) and six on uni-versity campuses (9.2%). The mean age of perpetratorsincluded in this reduced sample was 18 (SD = 7.38)and the median age of perpetrators was 16 years. Theyoungest perpetrator was 11 years of age, the oldest62. Sixty three perpetrators were males (94.0%) andfour were females (6.0%). The percentage of casesfrom the USA was slightly lower compared to the ini-tial sample (46 cases = 70.8%), and the perpetrators inthe reduced sample came from a smaller number ofcountries (Germany: nine cases = 13.8%; Finland: threecases = 4.6%; Canada and Brazil: two cases = 3.0%;Australia, Greece, and Thailand: one case each). Theaverage case involved 2.83 fatalities (excluding perpe-trators’ suicide) and 5.81 injuries. Twenty perpetrators(29.9%) committed suicide.
In the most recent list to be published, Bockler,Seeger, Sitzer, and Heitmeyer (2013) attributed 63% ofschool-shootings worldwide to the U.S. In our samplethe proportion is slightly higher, at 70.8%. In contrastto many primary studies (e.g. McGee & DeBernardo,1999; Newman et al., 2004; Vossekuil et al., 2002)we included female perpetrators in our sample (n = 4).The majority of perpetrators (83.6%) were adolescents(between 12 and 21 years of age) – a common find-ing in the literature on school shootings. The averageof 2.83 dead and 5.81 injured victims per attack corre-sponds roughly to the average rate of victims per offensebetween 2000 and 2010 as reported by Bockler et al.(2013). Likewise, the proportion of perpetrators in oursample who committed suicide (29.9%) was approx-imately the same as that reported by Bockler et al.(2013), with 33 out of 123 perpetrators (27%) takingtheir own lives. Thus we can conclude that our sampleis in line with findings which are commonly found inthe literature on school shootings.
In analyzing the contents of case reports, we devel-oped a coding scheme based on descriptions of riskfactors which frequently appear in the literature. All
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categories and concepts bearing on the perpetrator’ssocial position, personal relationships and conflictswere collected from the literature and consolidated ina coding scheme.
The first step in our analysis was to select fromthe primary studies all qualitative information relatingto social dynamics and to list it according to case. Iftwo perpetrators carried out an attack, we analyzed thesocial dynamics observable in each one. Thus, in the fol-lowing remarks the term “cases” refers to the number ofperpetrators, rather than the number of incidents. Sec-ondly, two experts on school-shooting research workedindependently, using our coding scheme in rating infor-mation. Subsequently they discussed the ratings theyobtained, case by case, until they reached consen-sus. Thus, analyzing the reliability of ratings was notappropriate. In reconstructing the perpetrator’s profile,specific categories like “loner” or “bullying victim”were described as either “present” or “not present”. Weapplied the classification “inconsistent data” in caseswhere the information contained in the primary studieswas contradictory.
In examining the social dynamics in each case, welooked at the following categories:
• Loner (self-report): The perpetrator sees him- orherself as someone who prefers to be alone andconsequently either does not actively seek humaninteraction or deliberately avoids it. The sources weconsulted included diaries and interviews.
• Loner (external report): Here we consulted externalsources, including the accounts of peers, teachers,and other individuals in the case descriptions.
• No friends: In describing the social relationships ofschool shooters, many researchers have stated thatthey had no friends at all. As cultural differences canbe reflected in definitions of what a friend is, we onlyapplied this category when there was evidence incase descriptions that the perpetrator had no friends.
• Physical bullying: Any kind of bullying resulting inphysical pain or damage to property. There was noway of knowing exactly how the term was defined inthe various primary studies we examined, (e.g. as ithas been defined by Olweus, 1994), so we acceptedthe researchers’ use of the word in describing a per-petrator or in referring to beatings suffered by theperpetrator at the hands of peers.
• Verbal and/or relational peer rejection: Thisincludes teasing, name calling, gay bating, andostracism. Whether or not these forms of peer rejec-tion are covered by the definition of bullying used
in the individual case studies remains unclear. Mostgive no detailed information on the frequency orduration of such incidents or on the relationship ofthe perpetrator to those who rejected him or her. Weapplied the term if the perpetrator had been teased,picked on, “gay-baited”, or otherwise rejected by hisor her peers according to the information containedin the primary studies.
• Romantic rejection: This describes a romanticbreakup or a case of unrequited love prior to theschool shooting, which apparently had a bearing onit.
• Conflict with teachers or school system: Open con-flicts with an individual teacher or other schoolauthorities, including the school principal (disci-plinary or academic injustices, personal conflicts,suspension from school).
• Bully: Evidence that the shooter had bullied others.• Model student: We borrowed this category from
Dumitriu (2013), who described perfect (honored)students as well-socialized individuals (male), whohave friends as well as relationships with girls,and who are generally regarded as polite, mild-mannered, respected, model students.
• Social marginality (self-report): Social marginality,the most important feature postulated in the workof Newman et al. (2004), refers to the perpetrator’sown self-perception as extremely marginal in thesocial world that matters to him.
• Urge for revenge: Revenge as a motive can provideinformation on perpetrators’ suffering as a resultof social exclusion and/or personal conflicts. Thisfeature was included if studies explicitly mentionedthat revenge was a motive in the shooting.
In addition to these categories, we also reviewedevidence for concepts often used in school shooting lit-erature. Concepts combined several categories within atheoretical framework:
• Any marginalization: Under this category, Newmanet al. (2004) list evidence that the “protagonist was(a) loner or fringe figure (certainly not popular), or(b) teased/bullied, or (c) subjected to ‘masculinitytests’ that he failed, or (d) felt marginalized evenif there is little evidence for this effect” (Newman& Fox, 2009, p. 9). In order for us to give a rat-ing on this, information relating to the categories“loner” (either self or external description) and/or“physical bullying” and/or “verbal and/or relationalpeer rejection”, and/or “social marginality” had tobe evident from the case descriptions.
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• Peer rejection: Here Leary et al. (2003) includephysical bullying, teasing and other forms of peerrejection (verbal, romantic, and other). We con-cluded that this applies when there is evidence of“physical bullying”, and/or “verbal and/or relationalpeer rejection”, and/or “romantic rejection” in thecase description.
• Any interpersonal conflicts: This includes all inci-dents that we interpreted as personal conflicts(“physical bullying”, and/or “verbal and/or rela-tional peer rejection”, and/or “romantic rejection”,and/or “conflict with teachers or school system”).
Findings
The rating of information – and subsequently the inter-pretation of our findings – was hampered by the fact thatthe primary studies we selected did not always includeinformation for every category which was of interest tous. In such cases there was no way of knowing whetherthe researchers were unable to access the informationwe wanted or whether they had found no evidence ofcertain features relating to social dynamics. For thisreason we decided to pursue a two-pronged strategyin analyzing individual studies. In a so-called “con-servative analysis” we interpreted only the informationwhich the authors of the primary studies provided. In a“progressive analysis” we assumed that if the authorsof the primary studies did not report any informa-tion which fell under a specific category that meantthat they did not find any evidence of its presence.In this case we rated “no information”, meaning “noevidence”. Assuming that the authors of such primarystudies would normally report all of the informationthat emerged and was regarded as relevant, we use the“progressive analysis” in the following description andinterpretation.
Regarding the perpetrators’ social position withintheir respective social networks, discrepancies werediscovered between their self-appraisals and thosegiven by others. In 47.8% of cases, perpetrators weredescribed as loners or social outcasts. Some degree ofsocial marginalization, as reported in external descrip-tions, was found in 85.1% of cases. In contrast to theseexternal reports, only in 23.9% of cases did perpetra-tors describe themselves as loners, and in only 55.2% ofcases was there evidence that perpetrators themselveshad felt socially marginalized. In addition, in eight cases(11.9%) feelings of marginalization, in five cases feel-ings of being a loner were explicitly excluded in theprimary studies. Thus, an all-encompassing social iso-
lation/marginalization of the perpetrator is apparentlyrelatively rare. Additionally, there was almost no casein which the perpetrator had no friends at all (4.5%,n = 3). However, this finding does not mean that perpe-trators were popular among their peers. In most studiesresearchers found that the perpetrators had few friends,with only two out of 67 perpetrators (3.0%) describedas being a model student (cf. Dumitriu, 2013).
We found little evidence that there had been physicalbullying (29.9%), and in 31.3% of the cases, physicalbullying was explicitly excluded. Other forms of peerrejection such as teasing, provoking, name calling and“gay bating” were reported more often (53.7%). In only10 cases (14.9%) they were explicitly excluded. Theseresults indicate that there are school shooting cases inwhich bullying definitely played no role, while in ninecases (13.4%) perpetrators were described as bullies,without being bullied themselves.
In connection with peer rejection, romantic rejectionmust also be considered. Leary et al. (2003) mentionedromantic rejection as a third category of peer rejection– alongside teasing and ostracism – and found this formof rejection in about half of the cases analyzed. In ourreview we found evidence for romantic rejection in only29.9% of the cases. It is worth noting that in some cases(n = 6), romantic rejection was apparently the only formof interpersonal conflict within the network of relation-ships at school prior to attack. Altogether, in 67.2%of the cases, we concluded that peer rejection cursiveinstead in some form – whether physical bullying, ver-bal abuse, or romantic rejection – was present.
Researchers have commonly neglected the signif-icance of student-teacher problems and interaction(Bondu & Scheithauer, 2014). In our review we foundthat conflicts with teachers (in 43.3% of the cases)prior to the attack might have been a key factor influ-encing the negative development of a future assailant.In 88.1% of the cases there were interpersonal prob-lems/conflicts in some form (bullying, teasing, romanticrejection, and/or conflicts with teachers) within theschool environment. In four cases (6.0%), findings wereinconsistent, and in only two cases was there no evi-dence of such problems or conflicts.
Analyzing possible motivating factors can also tell ussomething about the self-perception of the perpetratorswith regard to social dynamics prior to their attack. Ifperpetrators saw their shooting as revenge for mistreat-ment suffered at the hands of significant people in theirsocial environment, we can assume that social relation-ships were a source of suffering. In our review, scholarsdescribed urge for revenge as a motive for 26 perpe-
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trators (38.8%). In one case revenge as a motive wasexplicitly excluded. In the majority of cases (59.7%)no information was given on the perpetrator’s motives.
Discussion
Our study indicates that, in analyzing the impact ofsocial dynamics prior to a school shooting, it is impor-tant to include different kinds of relationships and toexamine how they are interconnected. As stated above,bullying and peer rejection are very important, but theyare not the only forms of conflict. Conflicts with teach-ers – and with the school system as a whole – arealso of key significance. In addition, the perpetrators’social position and subjective perception of victimiza-tion and marginality can be crucial factors on the pathtoward violent school attacks. For our content analysisof school shooting cases reported in primary studies, weused common categories and concepts of risk factorsrepresenting significant experiences within the domainof “social dynamics”. From our perspective, these cate-gories rated with our coding scheme can be allocated to– at least – three different superior classes of concepts:
Under one superior class we place conflicts and otherforms of negative interaction experienced by the per-petrators (conflicts with peers and teachers, bullying,romantic rejection); a second class includes their socialposition within the social network at school (whetherloner, outcast, or model student) and finally perceptionsof the perpetrators themselves serve as a third superiorclass of concepts (feelings of marginalization, of beinga loner, of wanting revenge).
From our perspective it seemed useful to discuss ourfindings along these classes in order to allow a greaterunderstanding of the social dynamics prior to an inci-dent of school shooting and to find categories whichcould be functional equivalent.
Negative Interaction and Conflict
There is general consensus in the literature on schoolshootings on the key role of negative events and dis-turbed personal interaction prior to school shootings.Our findings suggest that a broad constellation of eventsand developments must be included in our analyses.Only a minority of perpetrators (29.9%) experiencedactual physical bullying and/or other extreme formsof mistreatment. More frequently perpetrators sufferedfrom a general feeling of being rejected by peers.However, the overall rate of verbal and relational peer
rejection we discovered was slightly lower (53.7%) thanreported in some of the individual studies included inour review. Thus our findings are more in line with thoseof Weatherby et al. (2010), who found ongoing teasingor ostracism in only half of the cases in their sample.
Considering the prevalence of rejection in general,expressed in various ways, (e.g. Hess & Scheithauer, inpress; Scheithauer, Haag, Mahlke, & Ittel, 2008; Scheit-hauer, Hayer, Petermann, & Jugert, 2006), the questionarises as to whether this particular kind of negative inter-action with peers might be a significant and necessaryrisk factor in the development of the school shooter, asis commonly maintained in the literature on the sub-ject and in the media. It is important to note here thatsome of the perpetrators were described as being bul-lies themselves (13.4%). This finding casts doubt onmodels which place sole emphasis on the victim sta-tus of perpetrators (Levin & Madfis, 2009). Researchon bullying confirms that bullies are or were also vic-tims (so called bully-victims; e.g. Hess & Scheithauer,in press; Scheithauer et al., 2003; Scheithauer et al.,2006). In our sample we found only one perpetrator outof nine who was described as a bully and whose actionsincluded physical abuse, while five had experiencedpeer rejection in some form.
Another form of negative social interaction whichmight play a role is romantic rejection, often catego-rized under the term “peer rejection”. In the cases weinvestigated, romantic rejection (29.9%) did not appearto be as widespread as Leary et al. (2003) stated intheir study (in about half of the cases). Nevertheless,in some of the cases, romantic rejection and unrequitedlove were the only forms of interpersonal conflict inthe perpetrator’s history (n = 6). Nor did our findingson peer rejection (in 67.2% of the cases) correspond tothose of Leary et al. (2003), who found peer rejection in13 of 15 cases (86.6%). Instead they were in line withthe findings of Vossekuil et al. (2002), who discoveredevidence of bullying, ostracism, and social rejection inover two-thirds of the cases analyzed.
Apart from peer rejection or disturbed relationswith friends, our findings suggest that another typeof negative social interactions within the school envi-ronment must be taken into account (cf. Bondu &Scheithauer, 2014): In 43.3% of the cases, perpetra-tors experienced ongoing conflicts with teachers andschool officials. This finding was remarkable, con-sidering that researchers have commonly overlookedstudent-teacher problems and interaction as a signifi-cant risk factor in the development of later perpetratorsleading up to a school shooting. Furthermore, despite
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Table 2Findings1
Categories No Any Inconsistent Sum No Sumevidence evidence finding2 conservative information progressive
Loner (self report) N 5 16 21 46 673
Conservative 23.8% 76.2% 100.0%Progressive 7.5% 23.9% 68.7% 100.0%
Loner (external report) N 8 32 4 44 23 67Conservative 18.2% 72.7% 9.1% 100.0%Progressive 11.9% 47.8% 6.0% 34.3% 100.0%
No friends N 29 3 4 36 31 67Conservative 80.6% 8.3% 11.1% 100.0%Progressive 43.3% 4.5% 6.0% 46.3% 100.0%
Physical bullying N 21 20 7 48 19 67Conservative 43.8% 41.7% 14.6% 100.0%Progressive 31.3% 29.9% 10.4% 28.4 100.0%
Verbal or relational peer rejection N 10 36 8 54 13 67Conservative 18.5% 66.7% 14.8% 100.0%Progressive 14.9% 53.7% 11.9% 19.4% 100.0%
Romantic rejection N 5 20 1 26 41 67Conservative 19.2% 76.9% 3.8% 100.0%Progressive 7.5% 29.9% 1.5% 61.2% 100.0%
Conflicts with teacher/school N 3 29 32 35 67Conservative 9.4% 90.6% 100.0%Progressive 4.5% 43.3% 52.2% 100.0%
Bully N 8 9 1 18 49 67Conservative 44.4% 50.0% 5.6% 100.0%Progressive 11.9% 13.4% 1.5% 73.1% 100.0%
Model student N 10 2 2 14 53 67Conservative 71.4% 14.3% 14.3% 100.0%Progressive 14.9% 3.0% 3.0% 79.1% 100.0%
Urge for Revenge N 1 26 27 40 67Conservative 3.7% 96.3% 100.0%Progressive 1.5% 38.8% 59.7% 100.0%
Social marginality (self report) N 8 37 4 49 18 67Conservative 16.3% 75.5% 8.2% 100.0%Progressive 11.9% 55.2% 6.0% 26.9% 100.0%
Any marginalization N 4 57 61 6 67Conservative 6.6% 92.4% 100.0%Progressive 6.0% 85.1% 9.0% 100.0%
Peer rejection N 9 45 6 60 7 67Conservative 15.0% 75.0% 10.0% 100.0%Progressive 13.4% 67.2% 9.0% 10.4% 100.0%
Any interpersonal conflict N 2 59 4 65 2 67Conservative 3.1% 90.8% 6.1% 100.0%Progressive 3.0% 88.1% 6.0% 3.0% 100.0%
1Findings are presented in the table as follows: The first line of every category shows the frequencies. The second line (conservative) indicates thepercentage for a conservative analysis of frequencies, interpreting “no information” to mean that information was lacking. The second line showsthe percentage for a progressive analysis of frequencies, interpreting “no information” as no evidence for the particular category. 2“Inconsistentfinding” = scholars made divergent statements about the evidence of an individual factor. 3N = 67 cases (perpetrators) with detailed informationregarding social dynamics.
all the literature on school shooters and their relation-ship to the school system in general (Adams, 2000;Staples, 2000; Thompkins, 2000), little attention hasbeen given to teacher-perpetrator relations in case stud-ies on school shootings in the U.S. In contrast, in variousGerman studies (Bondu 2012; Bondu & Scheithauer,2014; Hoffmann et al., 2009; Wieczorek, 2010) con-flicts between teachers and future perpetrators, along
with feelings of injustice suffered at the hands of schoolstaff, are well documented. Thus, the German cases sug-gest that loss of status within the school environmentas reference system is an important key factor. In ourreview, we found evidence of this in U.S. cases as well(41.7% of U.S. cases).
In conclusion, in most of the cases analyzed (88.1%),perpetrators experienced conflicts and other forms of
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negative social interaction within the school environ-ment as reference system. Such negative interactionincluded (1) physical mistreatment and/or social exclu-sion by peers, expressed verbally or otherwise, (2)romantic rejection, (3) feelings of being treated unjustlyby teachers and school officials. While in a few cases(n = 7) all three types of negative interaction werepresent, in 41 of the 67 cases examined only onewas found (bullying/verbal and relational peer rejectionn = 19; romantic rejection n = 6; conflicts with teachersn = 16). As these results indicate, it remains to be seenwhether these three types of negative interaction arefunctionally equivalent on the development of perpetra-tors. This is a hypothesis which might be investigatedin further research, in which case analysis should focuson the personal relationship between the perpetrator andselected victims before and during the act of violence.
Social Position
Typically school shooters are described as marginalizedloners, or social outcasts. Our results only partially con-firmed these descriptions. While 47.8% of perpetratorswere characterized as loners or outcasts, 11.9% werenot. Thus, perpetrators were not completely isolated,but in fact had social contacts and were not as lonely asone would normally expect a “loner” to be. Moreover,there is evidence that, in some cases, the perpetrators’friends could be labeled “deviant”. Sometimes thesefriends played a significant role in the social dynamicsthat lead up to the attack, in that they either directlyor indirectly expressed support for the future perpe-trator, either by procuring weapons, placing bets onwhether the attack would be carried out and/or increas-ing the pressure to act by making light of threats. Thus,in line with Vossekuil et al. (2002), we can concludethat peer interaction and friendship patterns varied allthe way from being socially isolated to being popular.On the other hand we disagree with Dumitriu (2013),who claimed that a relevant number of school shoot-ers were “perfect (honored) students”: in our sampleonly two perpetrators fitted the description model stu-dent. In contrast, Dumitriu identified 22 (13.5%) outof a total of 163 school shooters as model students. Itshould be noted, however, that methodological differ-ences between her study and our review2 make directcomparison difficult.
2Her study did not allow for a direct assignment from character-istics to cases, she included cases from 1900 to 2013.
Our findings confirmed the concept of “marginaliza-tion” developed by Newman et al. (2004), with 85.1%of the cases in our review fitting that concept. At thesame time, Newman combines self-reports of marginal-ization and bullying on the one hand, and externaldescriptions of the perpetrator as being a loner, onthe other, in one single concept. In our opinion, thisis problematic, as it prevents us from seeing how thetwo are interrelated. It becomes impossible to deter-mine whether the marginal position of the perpetratorwas the result of peer rejection or whether it was “self-chosen withdrawal”. Thus, marginalization becomes a“catch-all” category, which is very difficult to interpret.Overall, there is some evidence that a majority of attack-ers were marginalized among their peers, but we mustbe careful in making generalizations. In our review weeven found descriptions which suggested that the per-petrators were by no means loners or outcasts and werenot at all marginalized.
Subjective Perception of Perpetrator
Some authors argued that there was no objectiveevidence of peer rejection in some cases, while the per-petrators themselves felt rejection, a factor which mighthave played a role in the decision to attack (e.g. Duttonet al., 2013; Langman, 2013). This divergence might beexplained by personality traits such as narcissistic ten-dencies or excessive sensitivity to perceived injustice(Hoffmann et al., 2009). Following this presumptionone would expect reports of self-reported victimizationto outnumber external ones. However, our findings sug-gest the opposite: Perpetrators described themselves asloners less often than others perceived them as such(23.9% self-report vs. 47.8% external report), and lessoften as marginalized (55.2% self-report of marginal-ization vs. 85.1% report of any marginalization; cf.findings by Newman et al., 2014, who found the self-description “loner” in 34% of the cases, “marginalized”in 67%). Thus, from the perspective of the perpe-trator, revenge resulting from interpersonal conflictsmight have been a driving motive. In fact, in 38.8%of cases perpetrators cited revenge as a motive – asomewhat lower rate than that reported by Vossekuilet al. (2002), who concluded that more than half ofthe attackers were driven by revenge. In our analysiswe were unable to determine, in retrospect, whetherperpetrators themselves cited “revenge” as a motive orwhether researchers did so. Here we must rememberthat in many cases there were no self-reports, as theperpetrators had died at the scene of the violent act.
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Additional Findings
Additionally to the content-related findings, we havefound some other noteworthy aspects in the primarystudies:
First, as conceded by the researchers themselves (e.g.Harding, Fox, & Mehta, 2002), studies on school shoot-ings have been largely limited to small samples, withall the consequent methodological difficulties. Manyof the primary studies we reviewed investigated moreor less the same ten cases (Moses Lake, Bethel, Pearl,West Paducah, Erfurt, Jonesboro, Littleton). All of thesecases dated from the late nineties, occurred in the U.S.and were analyzed in the first wave of school shootingresearch published between 1999 and 2004. Thus mostof our knowledge of school shootings stems from justa few case studies from the same time and place. Sixtythree out of a total of 128 perpetrators (49.2%) wereincluded in only one single study, which means thatlittle consideration was given to half of all cases thatqualified. Integrating these cases into one comprehen-sive review might lead to different results, especiallyas it is not clear why some cases were included in theprimary studies and others were not. It is possible thatthose cases were selected that were prototypical, whilethose which deviated from the perceived norm weredisregarded.
Second, the mode of data collection is potentiallybiased, as information was mainly obtained from pressreports, which may reflect reporters’ personal theoriesregarding the causes and dynamics of the shootings,instead of delivering objective information. Journaliststend to look for the typical, for prototypes that rein-force existing images and stereotypes. In doing so, theysometimes ignore or downplay other explanations ofviolence (Danner & Carmody, 2001). These limitationsaffect a total of 12 primary studies in our review whichmostly relied on media accounts. Furthermore, due tothe need for retrospective analysis focusing on this phe-nomenon, the data that was obtained by court-, police-,or school reports may also be biased.
Third, definitions proved a problem in carrying outour review. In most of the primary studies, the term“school shootings” is defined in advance, and casesare selected accordingly. The definitions vary widely– resulting in very different lists of cases regardedas “relevant”. There was disagreement with regard tothe number of victims (multiple vs. single casualties),choice of weapon (solely firearms vs. lethal means ingeneral), the question whether the attack was premed-itated or spontaneous (school deliberately chosen vs.
random selection), the status of perpetrator (studentor former student vs. non-student), the outcome of theattack (thwarted vs. carried out), and the country whereit took place. The only feature common to all the defi-nitions is the site of the violent act, which is a school oruniversity. In short, we realized that the cases we under-took to compare probably differed in many respects.Thus we were careful to include only those cases whichfit our basic definition of a school shooting. We left openthe questions as to the country where the attack tookplace, the choice of weapon, the number of victims andthe outcome.
Conclusion: From Risk Factors Towards aDevelopmental Perspective
The comprehensive review we have undertaken revealsthat the social dynamics which can play an importantrole in school shootings are much more varied thanindicated in any one primary study. Although there aremany similarities between the individual cases (perpe-trator felt marginalized, experienced peer rejection, andsaw his or her attack as an act of revenge) there werealso cases which do not fit this description (perpetra-tor was a bully, had not experienced peer rejection, hadbeen characterized as model student). These atypicalcases merit particular attention and analysis. Thus, inexamining the social dynamics as they developed priorto a school shooting, we found numerous differencesamong perpetrators and discovered that differing pathshad led them to the shooting incident (equifinality; cf.Cicchetti & Rogosch, 1996). Having taken a close lookat the literature, we concluded that, among the factorsinvestigated, there was no single one which was presentin all cases, which means that these are no necessaryconditions when it comes to school shootings. Whatwe see instead are multiple risk factors from differ-ent domains, interacting with each other in a complexmanner, including such things as individual person-ality traits and specific situations. Grouping togetherindividual factors into more “general” concepts suchas “social marginality of the perpetrator” (85.1% ofcases) or “negative social interaction within the schoolenvironment” (88.1% of cases) we can conclude thatmost of the cases fulfilled the criteria. Further studiesshould investigate if all social dynamics perform thesame function in the developments which culminatein a school shooting, including factors like bullying,romantic rejection, and conflicts with teachers.
With the exception of several in-depth case studies(e.g. Fast, 2009; Larkin, 2009; Newman et al., 2004)
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the primary studies we included approached risk fac-tors as “existent” or “non-existent”, without asking forexample who had assessed them (perpetrator, special-ists, scientist, etc.) or what time frame was involved(early childhood, the period leading up to the shoot-ing). All of the risk factors are looked at individuallyand analyzed separately in determining whether theyincrease or reduce risk. Thus, complex social dynamicsare divided up into isolated parts in an “a-theoretical”manner (Fox & Burstein, 2010). Real understandingof the factors leading to violent acts such as schoolshooting we will require a careful analysis of the linksconnecting social position, social interaction, and thesubjective self-perception of the future perpetrator overa period of time. Whether or not romantic rejection, forexample, can be considered a contributing factor, willdepend on the perception of the perpetrator. Thus, anapproach is needed which takes into account the vari-ous contributing factors and their respective impacts onthe psychosocial development of the individual.
Limitations and Prospects
Research on school shootings has been commonlybased on retrospective, incomplete data, and these lim-itations hamper any content analysis of the primarystudies. Some researchers supply a great deal of infor-mation on certain cases, while others provide little ornone. Thus, giving ratings on the basis of a codingscheme was quite simple in some cases, but challeng-ing in others. Without knowing whether, for example,bullying involved repeated physical, verbal or psycho-logical attacks or some other form of intimidation whichwent on for a long period and reflected an imbalanceof power, we cannot speak of bullying per definition.The extent to which the victimization experience neg-atively impacts on the psychosocial development ofan individual depends in part on his or her copingstrategies, emotional regulation, and further contextualfactors (Mahady Wilton, Craig, & Pepler, 2000). Fur-ther research on the impact of bullying experiences orother social difficulties on the perpetrator’s develop-ment to violence should therefore focus more on theimpact of victimization perceived by the perpetratorthan on the bullying experience itself.
The present comprehensive review was conductedwith the aim of shedding light on the crucial role ofsocial dynamics in school shootings. Other individ-ual and contextual factors were left out of the picture,although they no doubt also contribute to social con-flicts and emotional strain. Investigating these factors
and the ways in which they interact over time will benecessary if we are to gain a comprehensive understand-ing of school shooting cases. Finally, it is likely that wehave not given due consideration to cultural factors.What is seen as social marginalization and conflict inone country or culture might not be seen as such inanother, a fact which should be born in mind when themedia and court reports in one country register fewersigns of social marginalization and conflict than else-where, in attempting to explain school shootings (cf.Lankford, 2012). Further analyses should address thedifferences between cases in the U.S. and those thatoccurred in other countries, in attempting to clarify therole of cultural influences in the developments that leadto school shootings. Recent research has delivered anal-yses of school shootings, comparing them with otheracts of homicide (Lankford, 2012). These are promis-ing efforts which should contribute to our understandingof the phenomenon, by specifying the particular con-stellation of causes and contributing factors which turnyoung people into school assassins.
Acknowledgments
The present study is part of the interdisciplinary three-year research project TARGET (2013–2016), fundedby the Federal Ministry of Education and Research(BMBF) of Germany (funding code 13N12646).
Conflicts of Interest
There are no conflicts of interest.
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Bio Sketches
Friederike Sommer is a psychologist working as a research asso-ciate in the TARGET project at Freie Universitat Berlin, DivisionDevelopmental Science and Applied Developmental Psychology.
Dr. Vincenz Leuschner is a social scientist working as coordi-nator of the TARGET project at Freie Universitat Berlin, DivisionDevelopmental Science and Applied Developmental Psychology.
Dr. Herbert Scheithauer is Professor for Developmental and Clin-ical Psychology at Freie Universitat Berlin and Head of the DivisionDevelopmental Science and Applied Developmental Psychology.
Endnote: Errata
In an earlier version of this target article we describedthe category “conflicts with teacher and the school” asfollows:
“Open conflicts with an individual teacher or otherschool authorities, including the school principal,which were not related to academic performance.”Consequently, Jessie Klein criticized in her commen-tary on the target article:
“In short the paper misses (…) (3) The impact ofperceived academic failure (…)”
“Sommer et al. include school shooting cases relatedto rage at being suspended or otherwise punished; butexclude cases related to academic performance.”
“Nonetheless, in their study the authors onlyincluded: “Open conflicts with an individual teacheror other school authorities, including the school princi-pal, which…” were explicitly “not related to academicperformance”
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After reading Klein’s critique, we realized that we useda misleading description of the category. Thus, we mod-ified the description in the final version of the targetarticle to make sure that the category is not describ-ing the decline in school performance only (which isoften described as a risk factor present in later perpe-trators), but rather also includes conflicts with teachersthat result from poor academic performance.
Thus, we changed the description of the categoryin the present version of the target article as follows:“Open conflicts with an individual teacher or otherschool authorities, including the school principal (dis-ciplinary or academic injustices, personal conflicts,suspension from school)”.
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