APPROVED:

SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS AND SEX PREFERENCE

IN NORTHERN MINDANAO

by Marie Lou Bautista

Thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the

Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

in

Sociology

Dr. John A. Ballweg Chairman

Dr. Alan C. Acock

Dr. George A. Hillery Dr. Peggy A. Shifflett

August 1983 Blacksburg, Virginia

SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS AND SEX PREFERENCE IN NORTHERN

MINDANAO

by

Marie Lou F. Bautista

(ABSTRACT)

The present study was expected to provide empirical evidence on

the sex preference of Filipino parents given their socio-economic status

and type of residence. Data from Tan's (1981) study of Northern Min-

danao were utilized while a historical perspective provided explanation

for the possible presence of preference. Utilizing multiple regression

the results indicated that SES, contingent on residence, did not affect

preference. However, residence did affect preference with rural resi-

dents slightly preferring males while urban and semi-urban preferred

females. An attitude of non preference was evident in the findings and

this was attributed primarily to the Malayan tradition of the Filipinos.

The persistence of nonpreference was due mainly to the fundamental

attributes of children: their economic productivity and support of pa-

rents in old age.

to_my_ beloved_mother and father for their loving guidance, their understanding and the many sacrifices

my deares.t tito manoling and tita baby for their unselfish capacity to share the meaning of family closeness and the value of education

to my brothers and sisters and my best friend Aida

for just being there

iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. John A. Ballweg for

serving as my thesis committee chairman. Without his advice, support

and gentle prodding I would not have advanced in my studies and re-

search. Dr. Ballweg has extended so much help, not only in terms of

the financial aspect, but especially in encouraging and mentally prepar-

ing me for such a research exercise. His genuine interest in and fond-

ness for my country, the Philippines, has also made me more enthusias-

tic than ever in advancing with the study.

Dr. Alan Acock' s advice and assistance on the methodology and

analysis sections are truly invaluable. He has helped me realize how

enormous the realm of sociology is.

My heartfelt thanks to Dr. George Hillery and Dr. Peggy Shifflett

who have been so patient and have painstakingly gone through every

page of my paper, offering their comments both on the text and espe-

cially on the editing.

am profoundly grateful to Dr. Clarita Tan who has unselfishly

shared her time and, not to forget, the data of her study. Th rough

her I have come to better understand and appreciate the region I come

from and its people.

Special acknowledgement to the Rockefeller Foundation Population

and Development Policy Research Program for the support it has ex-

tended to this study.

iv

am especially indebted to Dr. Dan Bradburd for offering his in-

sights and expertise in the field of Anthropology and studies of

groups.

Finally, my special thanks to Sheila A. Easter for having patient-

ly typed portions of my manuscript and Manoo Urs for helping me so

much with my computer work. To my colleagues in the Sociology De-

partment - particularly Robert Johnston, Alma Williams, Lourdes Albar-

illo, Jim Hughes, Jerri Bullard, Matt Kessler, Marvin Pippert, Jeff

Murray and LeGrande Gardner- my sincerest thanks for having shared

so much of their knowledge. wou Id not have bravely gone th rough

the rigors of thesis defense without their encouragement.

V

TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION .....

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE ...... .

Chapter

I.

11.

111.

IV.

V.

INTRODUCTION

Purpose of the Study Importance of the Study

CULTURAL VARIATIONS IN STUDIES OF SEX PREFERENCES

United States Korea Taiwan India SUMMARY

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

Early History . . . . Administrative Division Population Composition The North Mindanao Region The Filipino Family and The Meaning of the Child

TRENDS IN PARENTAL PREFERENCE IN SEX OF CHILDREN

Pre-Colonial Period ..... Colonial Period . . . . .

Spanish Colonial Period ( 1521-1898) American Period ( 1898-1946)

Present Period HYPOTHESES

METHODOLOGY .

Operational Definitions Socio-Economic Status (SES) Sex Preference . .

vi

iii

iv

vi

X

page

1

2 3

6

7 8

10 11 13

15

15 16 17 18 20

23

24 31 31 40 43 47

57

57 57 59

Place of Residence Education

Statistical Procedure Sampling Design . Interview Schedule Sample of Subjects

VI. SEX PREFERENCE IN NORTHERN MINDANAO

Bivariate Findings . . . . ....... . Socio-Economic Status on Sex Preference Place of Residence on Sex Preference . Education on Sex Preference . . . . . . Place of Residence on Socio-Economic Status

Multivariate Findings . . . . . ..... . SES on Sex Preference Contingent on Place of

Residence ......... . A. SES and Rural Residence(D 1X) on Sex

Preference. . . . . . . . . . .. B. SES and Urban Residence(D 2X) on Sex

60 61 62 63 65 65

69

69 69 70 72 74 75

75

. .. 77

Preference ................. 77 Education on Sex Preference Contingent on Residence 82

A. Education and Rural Residence (D 1X) on Sex Preference. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

B. Education and Urban Residence (D2X) on Sex Preference. 82

Summary 86 Interpretation of the Findings 88 Recommendations . . . . . . . 94

BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................... 97

vii

LIST OF TABLES

Table

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

SES and Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents . .

Per Cent Distribution of Respondents' Sex Preference by SES

Per Cent Distribution of Respondents' Sex Preference by Residence ................. .

Per Cent Distribution of Respondents' Residence by SES

Covariance Table

Covariance Table

viii

page

67

71

73

76

81

85

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure

1 .

2.

3.

Predicted Plot of Sex Preference by SES and Residence

Plot of Sex Preference by SES and Residence

Plot of Sex Preference by Education, Contingent on Residence

ix

page

64

79

84

PREFACE

To dance before the the church of Obando or, better still, to

make a pilgrimage and pray to the Virgin of Antipolo are some of the

traditional rituals that Filipinos still believe and indulge in to truly be

assured of bearing a child.

A child is eagerly desired, lavishly showered with love and atten-

tion. It is said that there is no sweeter and more soothing music than

the gurgling sound of a child. A Filipino home, it seems, is never

complete without him.

His arrival, then, 1s anxiously awaited. Months before he is to

be born his father is already handing out cigars while beaming with

pride. "Of course it will be a boy." Meanwhile his mother silently

prays for him to be a girl, hoping, of course, his father will not hear

her.

A child is a child - no matter what, and yet Filipino parents -like

any other in the world- long, not for it, but more specifically for him

or for her. They desire for a particular sex of child.

Sex preference as a phenomenon had been the focus of numerous

studies in fertility both in developing countries such as Korea, Taiwan,

India and the Philippines and a developed country such as the United

States. The present study on sex preference, specifically on the

Northern Mindanao region of the Philippines, is an attempt to look into

X

sex preference from a historical perspective, and examine it based on

the effect of the different socio-economic classes and economic sectors

that emerged during the course of Philippine history.

xi

Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

In times of slow economic growth being experienced by a develop-

ing country such as the Philippines and in the absence of a government

system to care for the country's aged citizens, the arrival of a child

(of a particular sex) into the family will somehow determine the kind

and extent of contribution that he or she can offer.

A desire for a particular sex of a child may come about when ex-

amining the socio-economic class to which a family belongs - the socio-

economic class which reflects its lifestyle, a lifestyle that has its eco-

nomic, social and cultural considerations. With the advent of

export-oriented industries and pursuits, for instance, the child who can

provide the society with its heeds, participate in the labor force earli-

er, and stay there longer before getting ·married and starting a family

of his or her own may well be preferred because of the help extended

in support of the family.

Along with economic concerns of classes must be considered the

social or cultural values they hold. In this instance the sex that will

best suit the values held by the components of a social class will be

preferred. Filipino traditional values, of course, may be changed or

replaced as exposure to modern ideas and ways increase, the extent of

which will depend on the classes' accessibility to media and to educa-

1

2

tion. With differences in exposure to media and particularly in levels

of education, differences in the lifestyle, outlook and views held by

classes somehow emerge. Each class then becomes quite distinct from

the other.

In dealing with cultural values and the economic system, the ex-

perience of the country and its people must be examined. Thus, taking

into consideration status and sex preference on a historical perspective

would be helpful.

1. 1 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The present study endeavors to look into the following questions:

1. Does the socio-economic status of parents affect their prefer-

ence or nonpreference for a particular sex of child?

2. How does socio-economic status affect the parents' sex pre-

ference or nonpreference?

3. To what extent do the upper and middle classes differ in

their preference from those of the lower class?

4. What social and economic conditions in Philippine history may

have paved the way for changes in parents' sex preference to take

place?

5. Are there other factors that may be highly correlated to so-

cio-economic status that could affect parental preferences on sex of

children?

3

6. What insights on the Filipino family can be offered by this

study of sex preference?

1.2 IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY

Sex preference has been the focus of much attention recently.

Its significance has been looked into by demographers, and family plan-

ning policy makers among others because of its implications ion the fol-

lowing areas: (1) social and economic; (2)psychological; and (3)fertility

and mortality.

First, in a society where one sex is preferred over the other the

woman's status may depend primarily on her ability to produce the pre-

ferred sex. If a woman is unable to do so, she and her husband may

be treated dis respectfully and even pitied by kin, friends and other

members of society (Williamson, 1978; Guthrie and Jacobs, 1966; Yu

and Liu, 1980). A sonless couple (in a son-preferring society) may

also lack any particular child to provide for them in their old age. On

the part of the child, if the child is of the sex desired by the family

s/he is welcomed enthusiastically and later given more attention in terms

of food, clothing, medical care and even education (Williamson,

1978: 14).

Second, preference for a particular sex may have a great psycho-

logical effect on both the unwanted and wanted child. For instance, in

a family where the father may not have a desired son he may raise his

4

daughter Ii ke a boy. A more dramatic effect is emotional disturbance of

children who are unwanted because of their sex. In the same light,

their self-esteem may be affected (Williamson, 1978:14)

Third, in developing countries the effect of sex preference may

be felt in the acceptance of family planning programs. Couples who

have not produced the desired sex of child may reject or hesitate to

use family planning methods thereby increasing their family size ( Bha-

tia, 1978; Ballweg, 1973). Sex preference may also influence child

spacing since parents may want to produce a child sooner after the

birth of one whose sex has not been desired (Williamson, 1976:29;

Ballweg and Ward, 1975: 155-157; Yu and Liu, 1980: 102-110).

Finally, an effect of sex preference may be apparent on infant

and early childhood mortality rates. The neglect of undesired sex of

child may lead to higher death rates for that particular sex. Inferring

from here it may be said that a particular sex in a given society may

be less appreciated an'd cared for (Williamson, 1978; Scrimshaw, 1978;

Tan, 1981).

A limited number of studies have examined the possible existence

of sex preference in Philippine society. The existence of limited litera-

ture may be because the country has often been described as a child-

oriented society; one where every child's arrival is welcomed by parents

and other close kin and even by friends and neighbors (Guthrie and

Jacobs, 1966). But even given such a description of Philippine society,

an underlying preference may still be present. Thus it is expected

5

that this study will provide empirical evidence regarding the possible

presence of sex preference among Filipino parents of different socio-

economic classes. The parents' preference for a particular sex of

child, as noted in the previous discussion, touches the nerve of the fa-

mily, but more importantly it negates the ideal of every child a wanted

child.

It is hoped that this study may contribute in enlightening the

presence of sex preference in different socio-economic classes. It is

desired that with it the readers may gain better understanding of the

meaning of a child for Filipino parents, likewise, get a glimpse of the

Filipino family in today's modern world.

Chapter 11

CULTURAL VARIATIONS IN STUDIES OF SEX PREFERENCES

A preference for a particular sex of child has existed in most so-

cieties for a long period of time. Traditions have at times been built

around it, inheritance laws have been fashioned after it and the alloca-

tion of prestige, political and economic powers has somehow been shaped

by it (Wyon and Gordon, 1971; Potts and Selman, 1978; Williamson,

1978; Hsu, 1948; Nair and Chow, 1980; Minturn and Hitchcock, 1963).

Because of the importance attached to one sex over the other, the sub-

ject has become the focus of studies in family life, sex roles, child-

rearing practices and family planning, among others.

This chapter explores some of the studies that have been con-

ducted on the subject of sex preference in a developed country such as

the United States and in developing countries such as Korea, Taiwan

and India. This is designed not only to examine the specific preference

in these countries but to explore why the preference exists. The so-

cial, economic and psychological imp I ications of these preferences will

help draw attention to the shared views of a particular society concern-

ing the role of the family structure, the expectations in a child and the

differences in the treatment of male and female children which may be

based on the different roles that men and women play in adult life.

6

7

With the exploration on sex preferences in other countries it is

hoped that a perspective for examining Filipino parents' preference on

the basis of their socio-economic status may be developed.

2.1 UNITED STATES

Williamson (1978:6-8) reported a number of characteristics which were

evident among families in the United States. First, preference for one

sex over the other did not appear to have changed in recent decades.

Few Americans wanted only one child but if they did they wanted a boy

over a girl. If there were two children they preferred a boy and a

girl, while those who wanted three desired two boys and a girl. Sec-

ond, the preference for boys over girls among American parents did not

mean that they were not egalitarian since boys and girls were wanted

for different reasons. Boys were wanted for continuity of family and

its name and to bring honor to the family; girls were valued for their

immediate traits of lovableness and obedience.

Studies by Winston (1931), Whelpton and Patterson (1966), Wes-

toff and Rindfuss (1974) noted that when the respondents were asked

about the ideal sex ratio the resu Its consistently showed that more boys

( ranging from a low 106 to a high 165 males to 100 females) were pre-

ferred. The findings indicated that son preference was "quite perva-

sive in American culture" (Williamson, 1978).

8

Williamson (1978) wrote that it might seem odd that even in the

1970s many Americans still preferred boys. She noted that preference

for sons in a country such as the United States stemmed mainly from

emotional and psychological considerations rather than from economic

consideration. In a developed country boys were rarely economic assets

and seldom could be counted on to support the parents in old age or to

protect the family interests. But males did tend carry on the hus-

band's name, had higher prestige in the society, and therefore given

more power and opportunities than females. In line with this, Unger

( 1979: 168) reported that among college-educated women the preference

for male offsprings persisted mainly because of their dissatisfaction with

the female role.

2.2 KOREA

Chung, Cha and Lee's (1974) study of South Korea indicated that there

was an overwhelming preference for sons. This desire for a specific

sex of child had a very long and vivid history in Korea that could be

reflected in fol kl ore and customs. Praying for sons was common but an

even drastic measure to assure a son was described:

salts and musk powder were mixed with wheat flour dough ... then placed over the navel of a woman from whom a son was desired and cauterized with salt moxa. Usually 200 or 300 cauteries were prescribed for son less women. Sometimes cautery was carried to an extreme by a zealous husband who believed that the more salt burned, so much the better. Instead of burning the moxa or the navel, the husband brought a red-hot iron rod against the navel of

9

his wife and held it there while the wife screamed in unbearable pain ... Seeding of sons through cautery over the wife's navel was practiced fairly widely as late as the first two or three decades of the present century. (Williamson, 1978: 10)

Emotional satisfaction had traditionally been the primary motive

behind son preference in a developing country like Korea. Korean pa-

rents derived satisfaction in knowing that they would not be taken ad-

vantaged of by others - such as local tradesmen- since there would be

sons to· reckon with. Also, children would have no reason to taunt or

show disrespect to them simply because they were son less. A sign of

great disrespect was the use of a person's first name instead of a

proper address placed before a person's name (Williamson, 1978).

Preference, however, went beyond mere emotional satisfaction; fa-

mily economic needs took precedence. For one, since there was no go-

vernment welfare system in Korea the traditional way of holding the

oldest responsible for support of aged parents was expected. The

great preference for sons was especially true in rural areas where kin-

ship and inheritance laws continued to favor sons for the very reason

that they could fulfill their responsibilities. Emotional security, family

structure, religious. emphasis, family laws and lack of alternative insti-

tutions gave emphasis on the continuity of the male line (William-

son, 1978:20-21).

10

2.3 TAIWAN

In Taiwan the situation was quite similar to Korea although the prefer-

ence was weaker. Preference of parents was demonstrated in the early

years of childhood. The male child might be carried on the mother's

back for two or three years and the female for a shorter length of

time. In terms of household duties the daughter would have a work

load at the age of 6 or 7 and at the age of 12 or 13 already carried a

considerable portion of their mother's burden. Meanwhile the boys at

age 12 or 13 could still be found roaming freely (Guthrie and Jacobs,

1966:28-31).

The desire for male offsprings was due to a number of reasons.

First, the parents relied on their sons in their old age. Second, sons

were also useful in farming and in family businesses (Williamson,

1978). Third, sons were very important in Chinese ancestral. worship.

Hsu (1948) wrote that Chinese life revolved around the spiritual world

of the ancestors so that the family was conceived as a continuation of

past generations. Since the female was seen as carrying all the uncle-

anliness associated with sex and childbirth, she was excluded from the

spiritual and ancestral system of rewards. A female held a subordinate

position to that of the father-son identity sytem which formed the basis

of the Chinese social structure. The father-son relationship was based

primarily on mutual duties - the father raised the son in the tradition

of his ancestors to perform duties properly in both the material and

spiritual worlds; the son, in turn, was expected to honor and obey his

11

father and after his death carry out the proper rituals related to the

spirit of his dead father.

The effects of preference on Taiwanese life had been shown in

different ways. Nair and Chow (1980) found that son preference posed

an obstacle to lower fertility in Taiwan. They found that the desire

for additional children or additional fertility was closely related to the

number of living sons that the Taiwanese al ready had (Nair and Chow,

1980:258-259). Freedman and Takashita (1969) reported that past and

current contraceptors in Taichung ( a major Taiwanese city) had more

living sons than the typical Taiwanese woman and that pregnancy rates

were higher for women without sons.

2.4 INDIA

A strong preference for males is also evident in India. The reasons for

this were several: First, the son played an important religious part.

In the Hindu funeral rite, for instance, the son was designated the

task of lighting his dead father's funeral pyre. With the lighting of

the pyre reincarnation and eventual achievement of Nirvana were said to

be fulfilled (Gore, 1965). Second, sons were a source of investment

by the parents. Dowry and gifts were not only provided by the

bride's parents to the bridegroom before marriage, but added help

around the house was also received by the man's parents upon the

woman's arrival to his parents' household (Gore, 1965). Finally, the

12

solidarity and unity of the patrilineal extended family was emphasized in

India. Since the stress was on the male line women were relegated to

an inferior status (Minturn and Hitchcock, 1963).

Son preference had several consequences in early India including

female infanticide, stripping of right of ownership in family property

among women, and the determination of the woman's rank by her hus-

band's status (Gore, 1965; Wyon and Gordon, 1971}. Among the Raj-

put culture, where female infanticide was banned at the turn of the

century, preference for male children was still evident in the differen-

tial treatment of children. Midwives, for one, were paid twice as much

for delivering a boy, and sons alone were given elaborate birth ceremo-

nies. With regards to the discipline of the children the mother took

charge but she became quite ineffective with sons when they reached 13

or 14 years of age since boys, now aware of the low status of their

mother, became rude and unmanageable (Gore, 1965; Wyon and Gor-

don, 1971; Scrimshaw, 1978).

As in the case of Taiwan, son preference influenced the pace of

child bearing in India. Couples had a child sooner after a girl than

after a boy, possibly indicating less satisfaction with the girl (Pakrasi,

et al., 1970; Khan, 1973).

13

2.5 SUMMARY

The studies in the United States, India, Taiwan and Korea have

shown that there is a preference for sons - the degree of which differ

from country to country.

The preference in these selected countries, according to William-

son (1978), has not changed drastically over the years. The reasons

behind the preference may vary, though, according to whether a coun-

try is developed or not. For instance, in the case of the United

States, emotional or psychological reasons for having male children out-

weigh the economic value of the sons. In the case of the developing

countries cited, the economic value of the son to the family is more im-

portant. As noted in the discussion no alternative institutions have re-

placed the major functions of the son in a traditional family. Sex pre-

ferences persist in societies where (1) labor intensive activities (as

farming) are engaged in; (2) sons still bring in extra economic support

in the form of the dowry and the wife; (3) sons are the ones still ex-

pected to take care of the parents in their old age; and (4) where un-

changing religious emphasis reinforces the preference.

In the same token societies, studied by Williamson (1978:21), that

may be characterized as daughter-preferring persist with their tradition

for the same reasons: the daughter's economic productivity, lineage

and support of parents.

In the following chapter a glimpse of the Philippines' physical,

cultural and historical setting will be given. It would be quite appro-

14

priate to provide a description of the country before Philippine litera-

ture on sex preference will be examined.

Chapter 111

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

The Philippine archipelago is composed of about 7, 100 islands and

extends over 1,000 miles from north to south totalling a land area of

300,000 square kilometers. The South China Sea is located to the west

and north of the country, the Pacific Ocean to its east and the Celebes

Sea to the south (Cheetham and Hawkins, 1976). The largest island,

Luzon, totals 107,000 square kilometers while Mindanao is 97,000 square

kilometers.

3.1 EARLY HISTORY

The negrito pygmies were the first human inhabitants of the islands but

these earliest inhabitants were later over-run by Malayo-Mongoloids who

occupied and brought their language and ethnology to the Philippines

(George, 1980). The records of China, India, Japan and Malaysia

showed that the islands, now known as the Philippines, became the de-

pendency of successive Hindu-Malayan empires in lndo-China, Sumatra

and Borneo from about the year 200 until 1325. Thereafter until 1405

they were subjects of the Javanese empire of Madjapahit. During the

next 35 years they were a dependency of China under the Ming Dy-

nasty. From 1440 to 1565 nothern Luzon was sometimes held by Japa-

15

16

nese adventurers and from Manila southward the islands were dominated

by Mohammedan Borneo (Forbes, 1945:20).

Magellan's discovery of the Philippines in 1521 opened visions of a

new empire to the Spanish monarch. Spain's conquest of the country,

which lasted for 300 years, left it Christianized yet wanting in economic

growth and national independence. Another colonial power took over

the Philippines on August, 1898. The American colonial period intro-

duced changes in the economic, political and social aspects of the coun-

try. It was an occupation that worked toward informed democratic par-

ticipation and efficient government based on expanded education and

political and administrative experiences. Independence was finally

granted to the Philippines and the country became a commonwealth on

July 4, 1946 (Vreeland, et. al., 1976).

3.2 ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISION

Today, the country's basic political geography is based on the reorgan-

ization of the population distribution. There are at least 3 or 4 levels

of magnitude for the administrative units. The pyramid of areal units

(derived from the Spanish period) consists of the following in ascending

order: barrios, poblaciones (city district), municipalities, cities, pro-

vinces and regions 1 At the top of the pyramid is the civil division,

The areal units are defined as: barrio: the smallest recognizable poli-tical area; pob/acion: usually the center of a municipality and is com-monly the site of the administrative government agencies; city and muni-

17

then the region and, at the broad base, the small locality.

There are now 73 provinces, 60 cities, 1,445 municipalities or

towns grouped into 13 regions. (Concepcion, 1977:3).

3.3 POPULATION COMPOSITION

The estimated population of the Philippines for mid-year 1983 is 52.8

million (Kent, 1983). Crude birth rate is 34 and total fertility rate is

4.8. Urban population is placed at 3990 (Kent, 1983).

The 1978 employment figure showed that the employed number of

persons (in thousands) by major industry totalled 16,668. There were

10,677 males and 5,991 females. The major male-dominated industries

were agriculture, fishery and forestry (males=G,393; females=2,309);

mining and quarrying (males=62; females=5); manufacturing (ma-

les=l ,002; females=914); electricity, gas and water (males=49;females=5);

construction (males=470; females=lO); and transportation (males=652; fe-

males=29). The female dominated only two industries - wholesale and

retail trade (females=l, 144; males=601) and community, social and per-

sonal services (females=l ,450; males=l ,210) (National Census and Sta-

tistics Office, 1978).

cipalities: autonomous units that make up a "province"; province: the larger administrative subdivision which when grouped together based on geographic proximity and socio-economic integration form a ''region" (Concepcion, 1977:3).

18

3.4 THE NORTH MINDANAO REGION

The second largest island, Mindanao, is located in the south of Luzon

and Visayas. It has a land area of 97,000 square kilometers. Its very

irregular shape is characterized by a number of sizable gulfs and bays

and several peninsulas that give it an extremely long coastline.

Northern Mindanao region is located along the coastal plain of the

island of Mindanao. It is composed of the provinces of Agusan del

Norte, Agusan del Sur, Bu kid non, Misamis Occidental, Misamis Oriental

and Surigao del Norte (Palma, et al., 1981). The people of Northern

Mindanao engage in hill beef farming, rice paddy farming, fishing and

logging. Important crops grown are corn, rice, coconuts, bananas and

pineapples (Cheetham and Hawkins, 1977; Madigan, 1972).

The 1980 survey showed that in Region 10 the total population

was 2,338,680. There were 1,178,779 males and 1,159,901 females. Sex

ratio was reported to be 101.6 (Palma, 1981).

According to the 1979 survey there were approximately 386,000

households. Of the 386,000 households 88.2% were in the lower class

( ru ral=74. 996; poblacion=9. 7%; u rban=3. 690); 11. 096 were middle class

(rura1=8.6 9o; poblacion=l.2°o; urban=l.2<"._;); while 0.8 90 were in the upper

class ( ru ral=0. 6°0; poblacion=0. 1°0; u rban=0. 190) (Palma, 1981). Median

monthly income for 1980 was P 306.00; (or aboutl .00 = P7 .00); median

level of education received by household heads for this year was 5.6

(Del Fierro, 1981). The fertility rate for all women in Region 10

(Northern Mindanao) in 1979 was 6.15 while fertility for all currently

19

married women in the Philippines was 10. 10. Broken down by residen-

tial area, in the urban areas of Northern Mindanao total fertility rate

for all women ( for the same year) was 3. 58 and for currently married

was 10.28. In the rural areas it was 6.41 for all women and 10.08 for

all currently married (Costello, 1981). With regards to total number of

chi Id ren per 1,000 ever-married women by social class, the 1980 ( Region

X) figure showed that in the lower class it was 5,023; in the middle

class it was 4,870 and the upper class 3,937 (Del Fierro, 1981).

Marital status distribution, according to the Area Fertility Survey

of Region X for 1980, showed that of the total population of women

(n=543,822) 62.3'l) were currently married, 2.5 96 were widowed, 0.8 96

were separated and 34.4 90 were never married. The highest concentra-

tion of never married women were in the 15-19 age level (87. 9% of the

total n=134, 176) while currently married were at the age group of 35-39

(91. 9%; total n=55, 166). By stratum 47. 7% of the total number of women

in the urban areas (n=46,648) were currently married while 48.3 9a were

never married. In the rural areas, of the 426,724 total number of

women 64.9 96 were currently married while 31.7 96 were not (Palabrica-

Costel lo, 1981).

20

3.5 THE FILIPINO FAMILY AND THE MEANING OF THE CHILD

The basic social and economic unit of Philippine society is the family

composed of the father, mother and the unmarried children. Although

the majority of Filipino households are nuclear, it is not unusual to

have one or more close relatives living in the household (Fox,

1963:346). In this sense even if the Filipino family is a nuclear unit it

does not avoid extensions or situations where several families may live

and work under the same head and the same family ( Brandew-

ie, 19 73 : 9- 10) .

The strong kinship ties among the people give rise to another

feature of the Filipino family -- its bilateral structure. In such a

structure both the patriline and matriline are recognized and therefore

significant. This gives rise to a kindred which is a group of relatives

without clear boundaries or limits.

Solidarity and loyalty are values which are held very high by the

family and the kinship groups. Mutually reinforcing obligations assure

the web of interpersonal relations, created by the extended family sys-

tem, to be strong so that an individual will aid his kin when possible

and if he does, he will be rewarded by loyalty and even obedience.

Nonrelatives may also be brought into a kinship-like relationship

through godparenthood where individuals are sponsored by godparents

(padrinos) and godmothers (madrinas) in baptism, confirmation or in

marriage creating a bond between two families (Vreeland, et. al.,

1977).

21

In a Filipino family the mother's primary obligation is the mainte-

nance of the household, raising children and caring for the needs of

the family while it is the father's duty to provide for the family's eco-

nomic well-being. With this picture the Filipino family may be described

as patricentric. The father is the head of the household and the family

decisions, although arrived at by consensus and careful consideration of

the opinion of the mother and adult children, are formulated and voiced

by the father (Fox, 1963:352).

The patricentric family, however, is changing rapidly. An egal-

itarian and joint-with-husband pattern of decision-making emerges be-

cause of the key position that the wife plays as the family's treasurer.

Being in such a position she has increasing "institutionalized power" as

treasurer and indirect power as wife-partner in a marital relationship.

With her control of the family budget all income ts turned over to her,

making it vital that she be consulted in every decision made. Her par-

ticipation in decision-making though may either be substantive or cere-

monial. Where she has expertise, as in the case of being educated and

being employed, -her role is substantive but in cases where she is

"naive" her participation may just be ceremonial (del Castillo,

1979:561).

But no matter how economically well-off a Filipino family may be

nor how successful the couples are, a home is said not to be complete

nor be truly happy unless a child is born. Procreation, therefore, is

considered the natural and desired outcome of marriage.

22

For a society which is known to be child-centered, what does a

child mean to the family? For Filipino parents, children mean joy and

happiness. Their laughter, kisses and embraces wipe away the cares,

worries and even the tiredness of their parents. They are also gifts

from God, treasures that no money can buy. Children are the source

of inspiration and motivation for parents to strive harder and earn more

in order to provide the best for them. They also strengthen the bond

between husband and wife and, at times of serious quarrels, pave the

way for reconci I iation.

At soon as they are big enough to help around the house children

lighten the burden of household chores for the mother and the heavy

manual work for the father. But their usefulness also goes beyond the

performance of their household chores because they contribute to the

household income as soon as they are able to earn a livelihood. With

the financial and material assistance they extend to the family they be-

come the parents' sources of support for old age -financially, emotional-

ly and physically (del Castillo, 1979:435-437; Ballweg and Ward,

1973:37-73).

An ideal child in the Philippines can be described as possessing

the positive traits that society expects -politeness, kindness, generosity

and obedience. These traits, though, are not important if the child is

not aware of his economic obligations to his parents and his kins. The

ideal child helps increase the socio-economic level of the family -a mis-

sion that must take precedence over others (Castillo, 1979: 443).

Chapter IV

TRENDS IN PARENTAL PREFERENCE IN SEX OF CHILDREN

A PHILIPPINE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

The Philippines today presents a blend of east and west. Three

hundred years of Spanish domination and forty years of American rule

have brought with them influences that have seeped into the people's

traditionally Malayan lifestyle· - a blend uniquely Filipino.

Though the core of the Filipino's family life remains Malayan or

pre- colonial a veneer of the West cannot help but be added to suit the

changing economic, social and political emphasis of the country in the

course of time. The emphasis of the society has moved from one

steeped in subsistence living then commercial agriculture, to one

stressing export-oriented industries. With the changes on emphasis the

measures of wealth have varied, along with the com.position of the socio-

economic classes.

In the passing of years the lifestyle of the different socio-eco-

nomic classes have somehow affected the traditional Malayan outlook.

The variation from the traditional lifestyle may have negatively affected

the ideal of each child, a wanted child.

The different phases of Philippine history provide a portrayal of

the changes and developments that have occurred in the people.

23

24

Changes not only in terms of religious beliefs but also in terms of the

family's adjustment to the economic, educational trends in the country

and even the status of women. With certain changes affecting sex

roles, values and beliefs, traditional laws and the labor force require-

ments of the society the relative economic value of each child to the

family has somehow been influenced, altering to a certain extent the

preference of parents for a particular sex of child.

At this point an exploration of the Philippines' past and present

will be made. The periods of Philippine history are divided into three

eras, namely: (1) Pre-colonial period; (2) the Colonial Period

(1521-1946); and (3) the Present Period (1947 to present)

4. 1 PRE-COLONIAL PERIOD

Even before the Christian Era cultural developments had ta ken

place. A system of reading and writing based on the Malayan alphabet

was said to have developed (Blair and Robertson, 1903:54). Aside from

this, a political and social organization existed based on kinship ties al-

ready existed. The basic unit of social structure was the "barang_ay"

(from the Malay word balangay meaning boat), a kinship headed by the

datu (chief) (Vreeland, et al., 1976:44; Constantino, 1975:281).

A distinguishing feature of the baranganic society was the ab-

sence of private ownership of land (Constantino, 1975:36). The prac-

tice of slash-ar,i.d- burn agriculture using relatively simple implements

25

did not involve any concept of individual landownership. Even in areas

of settled cultivation, control of the land and the use of the land under

cultivation were communal (Vreeland, et al., 1976:45). Each individual

then participated in the community ownership of the soil and the in-

struments of production as a member of the barangay while the chiefs

or datus were considered merely as their administrators. The economics

at this period had production geared fundamentally to the use of pro-

ducers and to the fulfillment of kinship obligations and not toward ex-

change and profit. The means of production as shown were decentral-

ized and familial. With such a trend the source of wealth was not

based on the system of production but instead on the accumulation of

gold and the ownership of slaves (Constantino, 1975:36). It was said

that after gold no property was held in greater esteem than slaves be-

cause of the many comforts that were enjoyed in this mode of living

(Blair and Robertson, 1903:93-95).

With this type of economy three broad divisions came into exis-

tence within the barangay; stratification that was not rigid. First, the

nobles (including the chiefs). Second, the freemen. Third, the de-

pendents or debt peons (as opposed to the chattel slaves in the Euro-

pean sense) who were either "aliping saguiguilir" or "aliping namama-

hay" (Vreeland, et al., 1976:44). The former were bought but were

not properly slaves. They served the datus yet could not be sold by

them. They could also live in their own house with their wife and chil-

dren, and were basically the lords of their own property, lands and

26

gold (Blair and Robertson, 1903:95). The latter were the real slaves.

They could not own anything and could be sold at the whim of their

masters. Another separate class that emerged which did not quite fit

in any of the mentioned strata was the priestly class. This class was

composed of persons called "babaylan or catalonan" who were usually

elderly women; the few men who practiced the priestly function were

ordinarily transvesvites (Phelan, 1967: 22; Blair and Robertson,

1903:76).

The early history of the Philippines depicted a society that re-

volved not on economic pursuits of the natives but on the perpetuation

of the kinship ties. Being so, such a society recognized the equal sta-

tus of men and women (Krober, 1928:154). As Krober (1928) pointed

out, among all the pagans encountered by the Spaniards the native at-

titude may be defined as complete freedom from the assumption that

men and women differed in rank (Krober, 1928:151).

Although the woman's primary duty during that period was the

family and the children, nonetheless, they were not excluded from en-

gaging in political, economic, social, much less religious activities.

First, men and women worked hand in hand in the fields. They were

farmers, rice cultivators, vegetable growers. The women were also

shrewd in trading and in the arts of weaving, needlework and embroid-

ery (Blair and Robertson, 1903). Even the system of reading and

writing developed during the period was accessible to men and women

and it was written . that scarcely a man, much less a woman, did not

27

know and practiced their reading and writing (Blair and Robertson,

1903: 54).

Second, political positions were likewise opened to women. With

regards to the datuship, although the eldest son had priority in the

succession line the daughter could succeed for want of male children or

on the occasion of the death of the eldest son during office. Some of

the women who did succeed (and others who got involved in the politi-

cal affairs of the barangay) were very able leaders; in fact so promi-

nent were their (and the women of the period in general) roles that the

Philippines was known as the "Queen country of Ancient Asia" because

so many of the rulers were women (Gleek, 1976:46).

A third manifestation of this equality in Ancient Malay Philippines

-one that still exists today- was their manner of sp~ech. The natives

never said "tu" (thou) or spoke in the second person -singular or

plural- but always in the third person (thus) (Blair and Robertson,

1903:56-57). The Tagalog dialect, for instance, utilized only one word

for "he" and "she" and that was "siya'' The usage of such a word as

"siya" somehow reduced the likelihood of one sex being superior over

the other. Likewise, Tagalog terms such as "anak" (child) and "apo"

(grandchild) and the Kalinga term "olitog" (child) were used for either

male or female (Guthrie and Jacobs, 1966; Dozier, 1942:24). Only at

times when sex was specifically emphasized were words "male" (lalake)

or "female" (babae) added; so that the term "anak/apo na lalake" (li-

terally translated to "child who is male") meant "son/grandson" while

28

"anak/apo na babae" meant "daughter/ granddaughter" ( Krober,

1928:152). Another word is "asawa" (husband/ wife). To specify sex

one would either gauge it from the sex of the speaker (my husband/

wife) or from the personal name after the word such as "asawa ni Ruby

(the husband of Ruby) or "asawa ni Renato (the wife of Renato). Such

manner of speech was interwoven with other words to show reverence

and courtesy both to males and females. It was said that verbal in-

sults, especially to chiefs, women and elders, were regarded as deserv-

ing the severest kind of punishment and that it was difficult to obtain

the pardon of the aggrieved (Blair and Robertson, 1903 :358; Brandew-

ie, 1975).

Fourth, turning to pre-colonial families it was documented that

the women were not abused nor subdued by the men, but instead were

allowed an amount of liberty that could hardly be equaled by women in

other Eastern countries (Census, 1903:500). The women, for instance,

enjoyed economic independence rather than dependence on the husband.

They inherited property from their parents just like their brothers and

unmarried sisters; property that could be passed on to their children

without any claim upon it by their husbands. The husbands ~ould only

enjoy use of their wives' property as a trustee for their children and

did not have any right to sell it (Krober, 1923: 154). As could be

gauged here the children, as long as they were legitimate, inherited

equally in the property of the parents (Blair and Robertson, 1903:91).

29

With regards to the responsibilities in the home, it was character-

istic in this period for the women and the girls (and some younger

boys) to be burdened with hard work in the fields and the home while

the men and the boys lounged or sat around, watched and talked with

other men, occasionally attending to the children, to housebuilding and

house repairs. This was so because the men had to be free and ready

to defend the village in case there was an enemy attack, especially in

the mountain areas where headhunting was a way of life

er, 1967: 19).

(Dozi-

And fourth, with the emphasis on the perpetuation and increase

on the number of members of the kinship groups rather than on the sex

of the members, the acquisition of more wealth and the preservation of

individual family names, the descent groups from both the maternal and

paternal sides (bilateral descent) were recognized 2 In such a kinship

arrangement the whole group and its members, regardless of sex, were

regarded as important contributors to the preservation of the kinship

group. With this type of society opportunities for free participation in

the political, economic, social and religious activities were opened to all

members.

Both male and female children, could then be considered wealth

by the clan and the family. Preference for a particular sex of child

seemed not to exist because both male and female children were valued

Family names were introduced only during the Spanish periods to facili-tate primarily taxation and other legal procedures (such as ownership of lands, etc.).

30

for being hard workers - the man and woman in the fields, the man

specifically in his headhunting expeditions, and the woman in her home,

trade and gardening activities. Not only that but they were also

sources of real wealth and prestige of the clans. The men, on one

hand, brought prestige and honor to their clan through the number of

heads (trophies) they had accumulated in headhunting expeditions.

The women, on the other, brought wealth and prestige by the bride-

price given by the husband-to-be 3 •

An observation that could be made with regards to this period

was that in such a huge social unit, age -rather than sex of the mem-

bers- was an important basis in according greater prestige and status.

Looking in the family, for instance, birth order determined power dis-

tribution (e.g., the eldest daughter would command the respect of the

younger siblings even if the latter were all males because of her posi-

tion) so that in all periods of life the younger obeyed the older (Guth-

rie and Jacobs, 1966:42). Old age was so venerated that the elders of

the village were precluded from work. If ever the elderly found them-

selves destitute they could just take up their quarters with any of their

children, clan members, or even neighbors. Once they had taken up

residence they would be .considered members of the family, ones who

could freely remain with them until their death (Blair and Robertson,

A dowry, in the form of gold, slaves or service rendered the amount of which was determined by the woman's parents, was given by a suitor to the woman's parents. Brideprice was practiced in this period because of two reasons: ( 1) payment for the loss of a good worker for the fami-ly; and (2) the perpetuation of the woman's own kinship group when this was used as payment for the son's marriage.

31

1903:496). At this period, then, support for parents in their old age

was not a problem at all for the elderly and their children.

However, the vigorous, dynamic and progressive soul of the Fili-

pinos became shrouded when colonial rulers came to Philippine shores.

4.2 COLONIAL PERIOD

4.2.1 Spanish Colonial Period (1521-1898)

March 16, 1521 marked the discovery of the Philippines by the

Spaniards (Vreeland, et al., 1976:46). With the Spanish establishment

of permanent settlements in the archipelago came about changes in the

economic, social, political and religious life of the people - changes that

had greatly affected the Malayan tradition and the woman's status in

society.

Spanish expansion in the Philippines, according to Phelan

(1967:4), was first, geared primarily towards Christian conversion and

territorial acquisition, and second, military in character. The Christian

friars (rather than the Spanish government officials) wielded considera-

ble power and authority in the execution of policies -- policies that

would not only subjugate and educate the natives but change their

pre-colonial I ifestyles.

32

In order to hasten colonization and conversion the Spanish friars,

along with the Spanish government, formulated the "reduccion" or poli-

cy of resettlement designed to consolidate the population in larger vil-

lages. Cabaceras or population centers were built with the cathedral or

church at the heart of the village. The Filipinos, though, at first re-

sisted this because they were subsistence -not surplus- farmers. They

needed to live close to the land they tilled and near the water where

they caught fish to supplement their diet. Compact villages were

therefore deemed impractical and contrary to their traditional life pat-

tern (Constantino, 1975:59; Hollnsteiner, 1970). The friars tried to

persuade the natives to move to the cabeceras by offering them gifts,

promising free housing, granting land to the datus and their heirs and

even by threatening or frightening the people. Through these methods

some of the natives left their barangays and moved to the cabaceras or

the population centers (Constantino, 1975:59). Among the first to set-

tle at the centers or poblaciones were the nobility and some freemen.

The upper classes recognized the political, economic and cultural ad-

vantages that existed in these places (Wernstedt and Spence,

1967: 122).

With the establishment of the cabaceras new symbols of wealth and

power emerged - land ownership and education. The lifestyles of the

people gradually moved away from the communal one based on impor-

tance of kinship ties to that of a European lifestyle with feudal charac-

teristics based on the importance of the wealth in land and education.

33

The significance of the kinship ties therefore was replaced by the sig-

nificance of commercial agriculture, profit and exchange.

With the development of commercial agriculture and the availability

of education components of the pre-colonial social classes were somehow

altered. First, a cacique class emerged. This was the rich and edu-

cated landowning class. Members were described to live in European

style, to surround themselves with luxuries, patronize music and the

arts and to send their children to the local universities or even abroad;

generally freeing themselves from both the old Malayan background and

the medieval ism of less educated Spaniards (Keesing, 1937:36). Sec-

ond, the educated but small landowning group who led relatively com-

fortable positions. And third, farm laborers, servants, fishermen - the

poor and the ignorant. This was said to be the laboring class who still

retained their primitive civilization and therefore were fanatical and su-

perstitious (Census, 1903:525-526; Keesing, 1937:36; Malcolm, 1951 :36).

Although it could be said that the change in economic activities

was the primary reason for the emergence of new measures of wealth

(which in turn dictated who could gain access to education and the

land) it was primarily the type of education that the Spanish friars in-

troduced that had imprinted in the natives' mind a way of thinking that

was in sharp contrast with their pre-colonial concepts. Spanish Cathol-

ic education imbued the concept that men and women had different rank

and status. Man was a "public being" while the woman was a "private

being" and this being so man was basically superior over woman. Eco-

34

nomic, social, political and religious opportunities then became more

available to men than to women.

First, the education of the Filipina became confined to only "pri-

mary" and "secondary" instruction while men received "superior" in-

struction where they could earn degrees in law, medicine and theology.

The quality of women's education. was also considered less academic.

The women's educational institutions, according to the U. S Census of

1903, were more houses of recreation or rest where women (single and

married) went merely to pass time, renew their clothing and learn the

customs and social manners of the capital (U.S. Census, 1903; Ortega,

1963).

Second, The customs and social manners of the capital were, of

course, a reflection of the European lifestyle. The manner of dressing

for women, for instance, changed from pre-colonial outfit of just a small

shirt with sleeves (thought immodest by the friars because of its short-

ness) to a long white skirt gathered into folds at the waist (Census,

1903: 61). Aside from this was the radical change in the moral stan-

dards. During pre-colonial periods women usually initiated courtship

and did not consider virginity and purity important norms for women.

Instead it was deemed essential for pre-colonial women to have lovers in

order to protect themselves from aggressors and to assure them of ho-

nor and credit. It must be added, though that while it was honorable

to have lovers it was dishonorable to give the liberty of the body freely

(Blair and Robertson, 1903:88, 364). With the imposition of Spanish

35

moral standards the practice of pre-marital sex was denounced and the

importance of virginity and purity was preached (Forbes, 1945: 10-11).

Ironically, a double-standard of morality sprang with the women expect-

ed to be pure and true to the men in their lives while the men freely

engaged in other love affairs 4 •

Third, the consequence of such teachings was that during the

Spanish period it was difficult and unusual for women to be employed

outside the home. Cash-crop agriculture centered on the mobilization of

the men, restricting the women's participation from the main economic

activity of the time. The women thus became less involved in agricul-

ture despite the fact that du ring the Malayan period the women and the

children were the ones often toiling in the fields while the men watched

over them. Aside from this, the women became less active and gradu-

ally less important in political and government affairs, just as their re-

ligious responsibilities in the barangay were taken over by the priests

of the Catholic church.

Fourth, the limited power of the Filipina women extended even to

their married and family life. Whereas in the pre-colonial period power

in the family rested in both the father and the mother, during the

Spanish period the patriarchal power dominated. The father's absolute

power was said to extend not only to the children but also to the moth-

er. In marriage the woman entered a new kind of parental power

represented by the husband - power that gave the husband the right

This is known as the ''querida'" or mistress system.

36

to administer and dispose of her property as if it were his own,

required the husband's intervention and authorization in any business

or contract she made (no matter how insignificant), and allowed the

husband to treat the wife with kicks and blows "as she deserved", ac-

cording to Friar San Agustin (Blair and Robertson, 1903:519).

And fifth, with the subjection of women (both mother and

daughter) to paternal power their rights to inheritance became limited.

Upon the death of the father and the distribution of his property the

sons received the best and the largest portions (Blair and Robertson,

1903:519). Basing on Spanish standards these measures were important

to make the women better, prudent and comformable to their position of

being subject to men (Blair and Robertson, 1903:236).

As already noted the limited participation of women in the politi-

cal, religious, education and economic sectors of the country led to

their rather low status in that period. Yet some of the accounts during

that period and the early pa rt of American era showed contrasting pie-

tu res of women as wel I as of men.

The· Spanish accounts showed that though the Filipino men

possessed worthy characteristics such as courage, generosity, extreme

hospitality 5 , skill or workmanship, and dedication to their family, they

also had some unfavorable qualities. The greatest defect of Filipino

This was a trait common to all Filipinos -men and women- which made it possible for the elderly members of the community to make their resi-dence with any of their children and other kinsmen. Taking care of the pa rents, and even of other relatives, in their old age, continued to be an important responsibility of the younger members and one which they did not take lightly.

37

men was, according to Feodor Jagor a German ethnologist, was their in-

dolence and dis Ii ke for any body exertion. Filipino men were said to

give in to work only if necessary and therefore were only anxious about

providing their immediate needs. Because they did not entertain ambi-

tious thoughts they did not worry about tomorrow but left everything

to happen as it might with resignation. Another defect repeatedly stat-

ed in the accounts was their extreme fondness for vices, especially

cockfighting and gambling. Even if the natives did not drink to excess

they nonetheless had such passion for gambling that it was said they

would stake their last bit of property, even wager their wife and chil-

dren for their favorite cock. In several instances men allowed their

wives and children to perish in flames when their homes burned but

they would not allow this to happen to their roosters. The training of

game cocks was supposed to occupy daily the players and the men who

made a living from it (Census, 1903:493-519).

While the men lazily stroked their roosters the Spaniards wrote

that the women were aggressively involved in business and trade. The

women were observed to be industrious, active and were not only good

helpmates for men but even competed with them in household industries

such as small retail stores. In the country, the Spaniards observed, it

was the women who supported the men so that when a family rose from

the lower ran ks to a position of comparative affluence it was usually

because of the tact, energy and close attention to business of the fe-

male member. Archbishop Nozaleda commented that the women were

38

better than the men in every way - more intelligent, virtous, hard-

working and a great deal more economical. Because of these attributes,

he continued, if any rights or privileges were to be granted to the na-

tives they should be given instead to the women than to the men

(Census, 1903:500-531).

Obviously two contrasting pictures of women had been depicted

by the Spanish writings. Pictures that might have affected the sex

preference du ring that period. Looking at the lower and middle classes

(since the latter cannot really be equated with the upper class) it was

found that they had retained, to a certain extent, Malayan traditions

and concepts particularly freedom from the assumption that men and

women differed in rank and status. But while this concept prevailed a

slight preference for female children might have emerged. Male chil-

dren might have been important to carry the family name but the fe-

males, rather than the men, were the aggressive economic contributors

to the family's income and wealth. The female members continued to

work with the men in the fields. or engage in trade in order to better

provide for the family and elevate its social position. Aside from this,

the women continued to bring to their families "bride price" or "bride

service", despite the fact that the friars tried to stop its practice

among the uneducated classes (Phelan, 1967:64; Census, 1903:519-520).

The persistence of the traditional courtship and marriage rituals among

the lower classes might be due to the fact that with limited income from

the farms (they being mere tenants) the two customs somehow brought

39

in extra money or help that could span for several years. With the be-

nefits derived from such customs, accounts on early Philippines rev-

ealed that parents from these classes had a habit of allowing their chil-

dren to marry at a very early age -12 years up married to boys 14 or

15. It was not rare also to contract marriages for children before pu-

berty, to be consummated at age 12 (Census, 1903:527).

Turning to the upper class the women might not have been pre-

ferred. First of all they were unable to carry on the family name.

Second, the adherence to European lifestyle had put a stop to the

practice of brideprice and bride service, thereby reducing their eco-

nomic value to their family. And third, the rigid upper class standards

that confined the educated women's activities to the home had prevented

them to help bring in income. Even if the women might have engaged

in small-scale trade the income generated from this would not be an im-

portant family contribution since the men would resent the idea of their

wives having to work and consider it a threat to their position as sup-

posedly the family's sole breadwinner. Confinement to the house,

though, would not imply that the women were less hardworking or in-

dustrious since they might have redirected these qualities in the man-

agement of the home and the children.

40

4.2.2 American Period (1898-1946)

Great strides in American industries and manufacturing were ush-

ered in the last twenty years of the 19th century. With the increase in

output of manufactured goods the internal demand for U.S goods great-

ly lowered so that there arose an urgent need for new markets. Con-

stantino (1975) wrote that it was the search for new markets (particu-

larly the need for a convenient base for the China trade) and events

such as the American economic depression that began in 1893 that led to

the attack on the Spanish fleet at Manila Bay, thereby signalling the

start of American colonial rule in the Philippines (Constantino,

1975:283).

When Dean C. Worcester (Secretary of the Interior in the insular

government) first visited the country in -1887 he observed that the na-

tives were hopelessly indolent, a characteristic attributable to the kind

of climate they lived in and the abundance of natural resources. Their

laziness, however, cou Id be remedied -according to Worcester- by in-

creasing the natives' necessities (Census, 1903:499). During this per-

iod the Philippines thus became the United States' new market and the

base of its export products - textile, mining, sugar and construction

materials (Constantino, 1975:290). But before new tastes and consumer

demands (for American products) could be made the standard of living

had to be improved and the people given American education. I nfras-

tructure development soon followed -roads, highways and bridges were

built, health of the people improved and educational facilities expanded

41

(Salamanca, 1968; Vreeland, et al., 1976:59). With the degree of ur-

banization increasing the size of the middle class grew to include great-

er number of civil servants, teachers, and small-scale entrepreneurs.

The middle class that emerged received modest incomes and emulated the

elite in dress, manner and acquisition of small parcels of land (Vree-

land, et al., 1976:59). Few basic economic changes took place, howev-

er, since American rule mainly emphasized cash-crop economy -particu-

larly agricultural products such as sugar, copra, timber and hemp.

The consequences of American rule had very positive impacts on

the status of the Filipino women. The woman's image and role changed

radically from a shy "convent-bred" girl to a vivacious, talkative and

gregarious educated "dormitory" girl. With liberal public and coeduca-

tional instruction the women were given more opportunities to obtain

better education (Gleek, 1976:48). The Filipinas, thus, entered the

fields of medicine, dentistry, law and nursing and freely participated in

sports, industry, and social activities (Malcolm, 1951; Arcilla, 1972;

Valpena, 1972). The political arena became opened to them ever since

the day they won the right of equal suffrage in the plebescite of April,

1937 - the first women in the orient to do so.

By the end of the American period the preference for male chil-

dren among educated upper and middle class parents had slowly disap-

peared. The new attitude towards relative freedom of the women

(which was compatible with Malayan tradition) brought new meaning to

the role of the women in society. Somehow the educated Filipina women

42

no longer accepted the practice of being inferior to the men because of

their limited potentialities and activities. In the family their role as the

treasurer (or keepers of the purse strings) and home managers had

been further enhanced by their education which enabled them to take a

more active part in family decision-making.

Turning to the lower classes, the growing number of poor tenant

farmers caught in an economy that emphasized labor-intensive industries

had brought about a trend for preferring male children. This was a

more practical or realistic view since male children could provide better

the manpower needed in sugar, timber and manufacturing industries.

The Spanish attitude of giving greater importance to the male

child might also have contributed to a gradual change in preference.

The Spanish value somehow engulfed the Mcilayan or American values

because the lower class had less access to American liberal education

and therefore absorbed more the values that their parents had handed

down to them - Spanish values that were relatively ·more recent and

perhaps more acceptable in their present lifestyle.

A clash of values might have taken place at this time when ur-

banization was beginning, leaving the lower class women (especially the

rural) at a greater disadvantage. This era might have been a difficult

time for them because they neither had the education nor the qualities

to compete with the men in labor-intensive industries.

In retrospect the Spanish and American colonial heritage left be-

hind conditions that profoundly affected the course of Philippine devel-

43

opment. It left the economy compartamentalized into 2 parts: a modern

export- oriented sector (urban) and a large traditional agricultural sec-

tor (rural) (Vreeland, et al., 1976:254). Also, by the end of colonial

rule Filipino lifestyle had been affected by the situation initiated by the

three traditions -- Malayan tradition of nonpreference and the Spanish

tradition of male preference caught in a tradition (American) which va-

lued freedom and liberty to all yet gave opportunities only to those

who could provide what the system wanted. A clash, and at times a

blending, of traditions and values had continued on to the present per-

iod.

4.3 · PRESENT PERIOD

Rapid industrialization did not occur in the aftermath of World

War 11 or after political independence in 1946. Instead the prewar com-

modity structure persisted with exports concentrated .in processed su-

gar, copra, abaca and raw materials and imports consisting mainly of

finished textiles, petroleum, machinery, automobiles, trucks and pro-

cessed food products (Vreeland, et al., 1976:255).

The dual colonial economic structure could not support indepen-

dent Philippines so that there came about changes in the economic poli-

cies especially emphasizing the industrial and manufacturing sectors.

The manufacturing sector soon responded as new market opportunities

grew. During the 1960s the economy grew at an average rate of about

44

690 with the real GNP per capita reaching P200 by 1970 compared to

-,.155 in 1960. The growth in output included an industrial expansion

of about 590 a year, growth in agricultural exports and a large increase

in the services sector (Vreeland, et al., 1976:256).

The noted economic growth might have been an indication of sa-

tisfactory performance but was actually a disappointing one for a nation

whose population greatly swelled. In 1948 the population was placed at

19,234,182 but by 1960 it had increased to 27,087,685 making the fertil-

ity rate for the period 1958-1962 6.46% (Concepcion, 1977:13). The

economy did not provide sufficient employment for the expanding labor

force leaving the benefits of the growth unevenly distributed. The be-

ginning of late 1950 to the beginning of 1970 the top 1096 of the popula-

tion received 37. 190 of the total family income while the income position

of the lowest 20% of the population deteriorated to 3. 696 (Vreeland, et

al., 1976:258). The lowest 20% of the people were predominantly in-

volved in the agricultural sector which somehow reflected that, though

foreign exchange needed for the heavily import-dependent industrialized

process was provided by the agriculture and related processing indus-

tries, growth in this sector has been quite minimal. Vreeland, et al.

(1976:261) reported that the slow economic development of the agricul-

tural sector was due to the unequal distribution of land, the prevalence

of tenant farmers, and the uncertain nature of the world market for

Philippine products which tended to discourage priva.te investment in

agriculture. Thus employment in agriculture (farm) declined from 65.6 96

45

(total n= 7,944,450) in 1960 to 53.0% (n= 6,022,386) (Concep-

cion, 1977: 108). The main shift of labor was in the service industries

and in white collar jobs (Vreeland, et al., 1976:258; Concep-

cion, 1977: 108). With job openings in these industries there was a sub-

stantial movement of population from the rural areas to the urban areas

where migrants were largely absorbed in various service occupations at

low-level earnings (Vreeland, et al., 1976:258).

The ushering of industrialization, the rapid population growth and

the limited availability of land resources and employment are important

bases for sex preference of modern day parents. When viewing the si-

tuation of the upper classes the parents would not have any pre-

ference at all since children (as long as they are educated) are poten-

tial income earners for the family. The occupations open to their

particular class -white collar jobs such as in professional, technical,

administrative, executive managerial, clerical and sales works- assure

equal access of both men and women. However, in the age group 25-34

there is a noted decline in women participation which is not apparent in

the part of the male (Concepcion, 1977:106-109). The trend is attri-

buted to the occurrence of marriages and the start of a famliy in this

age group. However, it could be reasoned that persistence for nonpre-

ference may still occur since married women, in the case of those who

are unemployed or are housewives, could be a source of indirect wealth

to their families by marrying men who have higher education, more

prestigious occupations and higher status than them. The trend of

46

marrying men who are better in the respects mentioned could mean

bringing into the family extra services. For instance, if a woman mar-

ries a lawyer she will be able to extend free legal services to her family

through her husband. The kinship ties and traditional value such as

"pakikisama" (mutual obligation) obligates the husband to extend aid

and assistance any time.

The extension of assistance by the children may be further shown

when the children have their parents in the home. Residence for the

elderly parents may not be a problem at all nor be a basis for prefer-

ence among the upper class since the parents can stay with any of

their children.

When turning to the lower classes there might be a greater pre-

ference for male children given the difficult economic situation of the

country. The jobs opened to the lower classes, particularly blue-collar

and farm, are still dominated by the men. The women's low participa-

tion in the labor force indicates to a certain extent that they probably

contribute less to the family income. This is not to say, though, that

even a small contribution means a lot to a poor family. The major con-

tribution of a lower class woman may be her responsibilities in the home

and the help she extends to its management.

Since a lower class woman does not contribute much to the family

income, she may be inhibited to extend assistance to her own family.

The woman's parents taking this into consideration might then prefer to

stay with their son since he is the head of the family (a Spanish tradi-

tion) and the family's breadwinner.

47

4.4 HYPOTHESES

The economic pursuits and the emphasis of Philippine society had

changed over the years as the country went through different phases

in its history. Along with these came about changes also in the Filipino

men and women's experience, roles and status.

The different periods of Philippine history show that women, on

one hand, went through changes in their social positions and emerged

stronger and aggressive. The stereotype view of the Filipina's role had

become, in the course of time, that of a solicitious mother concerned

about the welfare of her children and husband. She held her family

together yet at the same time she found ways to improve her family's

social position. Today's ideal woman/wife possesses necessary qualities

such as "industriousness" and "a good household manager (Lynch and

Maki I, 1968). A Filipina woman can claim to the near-ideal rating be-

cause she endeavors to manage her household well while at the same

time she tries to find ways to help augment family income. What the

Filipina has lost, however, in the passing years is the progressive Ma-

layan spirit to put herself on equal footing with the man rather than be

contented to stay in the background while earnestly achieving her

goals. The man, on the other hand, has sufferred as he became the

primary scapegoat of colonial oppression and forced labor. The man

was the primary beneficiary of progress during the colonial period in

48

that more opportunities were given to him. The role of a man in Phi-

lippine society has therefore become a pivotal one. Leadership, discip-

line and decision-making are his responsibilities. The male stereotype,

though, does not picture him as a strong, willful person. Rather the

male is one who is morally weak and somewhat irresponsible. Somehow

the male falls short of the qualities appropriate to his roles. In a

Lynch-Maki! survey of family roles the reasons for the man's lower po-

sition are based on his penchant for gambling, drinking and other wom-

en, his neglect for his family, and his lack of understanding and love

(Lynch and Makil, 1968). These negative qualities of the male can be

traced from colonial experiences that have been carried to the present.

The contrast between the female and male experiences could not

be understood, however, unless it is taken in the context of the Malay-

an, Spanish or American traditions. The core of the Filipino family re-

mains Malayan yet a veneer of the west had seeped through as a res-

ponse of the family to the changing economic pursuits of the modern

world. The Malayan tradition, however, is in contrast to the western

tradition for the former is founded on the ideal that social, political,

economic, religious, cultural opportunities are opened to both male and

female, thereby bringing status to their positions. With equal opportu-

nities came about high status. The western tradition somehow changed

the pre-colonial tradition by creating inequality in opportunities in

which case status was acquired by new bases of wealth -education and

landholdings. Leadership roles became a man's main function which led

49

to his higher status. The woman had, in the latter period, acquired

high status but it was not equal to the man's status and was based on

her possession of the bases for wealth.

With the Philippines entrenched in contrasting traditions and va-

lues a clash between these two traditions may occur with one becoming

more dominant over the other. The occurence or non-occurence of this

clash, however, as illustrated in the country's history, depends pri-

marily on the opportunities opened to the different socio-economic class-

es. When inequality in resources and opportunities occurs it creates a

great impact on the man and woman's role and importance in society;

hence the preference for a particular sex of child.

In another light, the compartamentalized economy (urban-rural

sectors), left behind by the western colonial rule, has affected socio-

economic status. With dual economy the access to the bases of wealth -

better education, more prestigious and high paying jobs- has been af-

fected and along with it the parents' preference especially if they lived

in an area where agriculture is the predominant industry.

An understanding of sex preference and the importance of the

child, thus, can be reached by looking at the availability of resources

that affected the traditional values and the experience of men and wom-

en. Given the historical background and present studies in fertility

and sex preference the following hypotheses will be formulated.

First, the middle and upper class parents are likely not to have a

preference for a particular sex of child while lower class parents are

likely to prefer male offsprings.

50

Closely linked to the above hypothesis is the subhypothesis: the

educated parents are likely not to have a preference for a particular

sex of child while the less educated or uneducated parents are likely to

prefer male children.

Among the upper and middle classes both male and female children

can be said to be sources of wealth, income and help in the parents'

old age. Educational and job opportunities available to both men and

women assure both of fulfilling the basic requirements of industrializa-

tion and the work force. With greater access to opportunities a blend

of, instead of a clash between, Malayan and western traditions occurs.

Turning to the components of socio-economic status, education has

been recognized since the Spanish times as an important means for so-

cial mobility. Owing to the importance attached to it, education has

been utilized by both the rich and the poor as a means of investment.

By providing the preferred children with education the children would

feel more· indebted to their parents, thereby obliging them to take care

of their parents in their old age and later look after other brothers and

sisters when the parents are gone. According to the education profile

of 1970 it was found that 44.3 9a of the total number of college graduates

were male while 55. 790 were female (Concepcion, 1977:55). This figure,

according to Hollnsteiner (1970) showed that parents may prefer women

more since they invest more on them than on male off springs. The

education and labor force participation profiles taken together may indi-

cate that though there are more women graduating in college or pursu-

51

ing graduate studies it may be due to upper class women wanting some-

thing better to do. In the case of the men, education can be regarded

as a necessary tool to improve one's job position.

Yu and Liu (1980) and Williamson (1978) noted that among these

classes there is a preference for having at least an equal number of

boys and girls. Paz's study (1974) of educated women in urban Manila

showed that there is a preference for girls. Labor force participation,

as already mentioned, is evident among both sexes, with some higher

status women turning to wholesale and retail trade (National Census

Statistics Office, 1978). Upper and middle class women, because of

their upbringing, adhere to the equal status of men and women in mar-

riage and the family. They do not accept the role of the woman who

sacrifices a great deal as do the lower class, which means that their

decisions have equal weight as that of the husband's and their prefer-

ences likewise considered (Guthrie and Jacobs, 1966:38).

In the case of the lower class women an interplay of Malayan and

western traditions is present, but what . appears to dominate is the

western value of attaching greater status and importance on the sex (of

child or adult) who could participate better in the economic pursuits.

Lower class upbringing, for one, dictates that the child should be able

to take care of himself as early as possible; individual members must

use all possible means to meet the demands of bare existence (Liu and

Yu, 1980:115). In the lower class, then, a greater preference for male

offsprings can be expected.

52

In Yu and Liu's (1980) study they found that lower class mothers

of Cebu preferred boys because they can help sooner than girls, are

bigger and stronger and are relatively freer in society. The labor

force profile of 1978 showed that male dominated the jobs which are

opened to the lower class - farm, blue collar and service occupations.

The major industries in the country, particularly farm and blue collar

jobs were dominated by them (male=7,976,000; female= 3,243,000) while

the women dominate trade and service (male=l,811,000; fe-

male=2,594,000). With men participating more in the labor force and

being considered by society as the family's breadwinner, parents are

more likely to stay with them than with their female children.

The lower class parents' access to education can affect their pre-

ference. Since their exposure to the latest educational system is limited

their values then tend to be more Spanish (rather than liberal) orient-

ed. Spanish traditional values vividly surface when husbands in the

study of Yu and Liu reason that they do not prefer female children be-

cause they are concerned about their daughter's reputation. A strong

sexual standard and stress on the importance of pre-marital chastity is

followed by the lower class; violation of such a standard will bring dis-

grace to the family's reputation and can only be restored by early mar-

riage of the daughter and therefore less economic benefits from her.

Another Spanish colonial value is shown when males are preferred over

females simply because the husbands want more sons to carry their

names. The women's response is to submit to their husbands' wishes.

53

It is believed that women should be good, submissive housewives who

must concede to their husbands' wishes to prevent marital conflict (Yu

and Liu, 1980).

Second, rural people are likely to prefer a male child over a fe-

male child while urban parents will have no preference at all.

Agriculture in the Philippines remains basically a man's domain.

Harrowing paddy fields and nursing seedlings are done by them aside

from fertilizing, irrigating and controlling paddy fields and nursing li-

vestock where the women and children might help (Takaho-

shi, 1970:61-63). In Takahoshi's study he found that in farming house-

holds the womenfolk are engaged only in domestic work and not farm

work. Only during the busiest seasons will they be employed as agri-

cultural laborers. In the rural areas, then, the male will be a definite

contribution to the farm (Vreeland, et al., 1976).

As indicated previously the inheritance laws in the country desig-

nated equal distribution regardless of sex (Fox :351). But equal inheri-

tance leads to extreme fragmentation of a family's land and so the ten-

dency of parents is to will the land to those children who have

remained at home and farmed the land. The will usually favored the

child with whom the parents have lived in their old age. Del Castillo

(1977) noted that in the rural areas the husband's immediate relatives,

particularly his parents, are more likely to reside with the family than

the wife's immediate relatives. With such an arrangement distribution of

inheritance among the lower class may somehow be biased toward the

male child.

54

Aside from these since the man tend to farm his parents land a

man's family would most probably be living in the man's community (del

Castillo, 1979; Fox, 1963). The man's family will therefore benefit from

his wife's and the children's added labor. The present patrilocal resi-

dence observed in the lower class is in contrast to the Malayan period

when matrilocal residence was observed. In the pre-colonial era a new-

ly married couple had to reside in the woman's place first since the wife

had to give birth to a child first (to ensure the man of her productivi-

ty) before final residence -whether matrilocal or patrilocal- was decided

on (Keesing, 1937). In the rural areas also the age at marriage of a

woman is lower than that of the man. Sex preference will thus be in-

tensified since her early marriage will deprive her family of help earlier

(Pascual, 1971).

In comparison to the rural parents the urban parents will not

have a preference for a particular sex of child because of the diverse

economic occupations in that sector and the many educational opportuni-

ties. For instance, the urban factories employ largely women while

other blue-collar jobs employ mostly men (Fox, 1963; Concepcion, 1977).

Given such condition the Malayan and the western traditions blended

together so that nonpreference is Ii kely observed.

And third, urban upper and middle class parents, on one hand,

will have a slightly stronger nonpreference for a particular sex of child

than the rural upper and middle class parents. The rural lower class

parents, on the other hand, will have a stronger preference for a male

child than the urban lower class parents.

55

The subhypothesis on education is Ii kewise stated: the more

educated urban parents, on one hand, will have a slightly stronger

nonpreference for a particular sex of child than the educated rural pa-

rents. The less educated rural parents will, on the other hand, have a

stronger preference for a male child than the less educated urban pa-

rents.

The upper and middle class parents staying in an urban area can

provide more opportunities to both their children. Such conditions al-.

ready discussed enable such particular group of parents to have no

preference at all. The difference between urban parents having a

slightly stronger nonpreference may basically be due to the traditions

and values that are no longer very strong in the urban areas. Greater

availability of education and a more western lifestyle c;:an account for

nonpreference. Somehow there is a blending of the Malayan and the

western traditions in the urban areas, especially so among the upper

and middle class parents. In the case of the rural upper and -middle

class, however, parents have to more or less comply with the traditions

of the sector which means the acceptance (to a certain extent) of such

an attitude as the "high but not equal status of women" Education

and economic positions may render rural upper and middle class parents

to reluctantly accept traditional values; but as a felt difference in fe-

male-male experiences exist in such a setting, their liberal attitude may

only be slight compared to the urbanites.

56

With the rural lower class families, primarily the economic pur-

suits of the sector and the traditional Spanish values attached to the

man and woman's role will enable them to have a greater preference for

males than the urban lower class. At least in the urban areas if the

parents only had the money to support all their children they would be

able to provide for their education and therefore enable them to invest

equally on their children and not have any preferences at all. But

given the urban setting -where there exists a blend of the Malayan

tradition and the American liberal attitude- they may only have a slight

preference for males. Economic importance of the male child in an in-

dustrial setting will primarily influence the choice of urban lower class

parents.

Chapter V

METHODOLOGY

The research has been undertaken to find out the relationship of

socio-economic status and residence with the parents' sex preference.

Data for this study were collected in 1980 under a grant from the

Rockefeller Foundation Population and Development Policy Research Pro-

gram. Setting for the study was the Northern Mindanao region of the

Philippines. The present study undertakes an expanded analysis of

data from the original project (see Tan, 1981).

5.1 OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS

5. 1.1 Socio-Economic Status (SES)

The variable socio-economic status is measured as the average weighted

household SES score that was developed by Madigan (Madigan, 1979).

Three statuses are assumed: (1) lower, (2) middle; and (3) upper.

Item scores a re then assigned: lower SES is given a score of 1, middle

SES is given a score of 2, and upper SES a score of 3. Nine indica-

tors or items are then used and combined to come up with just one so-

cio-economic score. These indicators and the weights assigned to them

are the following:

57

58

1. Occupation of household head - 7

2. Household income - 6

3. Highest grade completed by household head - 5

4. Total number of rooms in the household segment of dwelling

unit - 1

5. Type of toilet facility available to household - 1

6. Type of lighting used in household - 1

7. Appliances owned by household - 3

8. Predominant materials of which walls of dwelling units are

constructed - 3

9. Predominant materials of which floors in dwelling unit are

constructed - 3

The average weighted score of SES of a household is equal to:

Z:(indicator score) * (weight)

Z:(weights)

The cut-off points for the different SES are: (1) lower is given a score

range of less than 1. 74 and 2. 69; (2) middle is given a score range of

between 1. 74 and 2. 69; and (3) upper is between 2. 70 and 3. 00.

(Tan, 1981 :138-139; see Madigan, 1979 for more detailed guide to Status

Category of Occupations of Household Heads and guide to Status Cate-

gories by Income.)

In the study since there is only a small number of respondents

from the upper class categories the categories of middle and upper

59

classes have been combined into one. The main categories then are:

(1) lower; and (2) middle and upper.

5.1.2 Sex Preference

The Coombs Sex Preference Scale is utilized in the study. This scale

does not rely on the respondent's first choice about the sex of the

child but asks a series of questions to get at the respondent's underly-

ing preference.

The question " ... If you were to have exactly three children alto-

gether, how many would you want to be boys and how many girls;

would you prefer to have 3 girls, 1 boy and 2 girls, 2 boys and 1 girl,

or 3 boys?" was followed by a series of questions: "If you didn't

have that combination, would you rather have 3 girls, no boys or 2

boys 1 girl?" and so on until the respondent chose O or 3 (Coombs,

1974, 1979; de la Paz, 1974).

The Coombs Preference scale utilizes a scale for sex of children

that has a range of O to 7. The respondents may vary in the scale va-

lues from Q:...2.99 (0 indicating strong preference for girls), 3-4.99 (non

preference), to 5-7 (7 indicating a strong preference for boys) (see

Tan, 1981).

60

5. 1.3 Place of Residence

Residential strata in the country are divided into: (1) rural; (2) semi-

urban; and (3) urban. Such divisions are identified by some of the

following criteria: (1) types of facilities available to residents (e.g.,

church, school, health clinics, etc.); (2) the frequency of commodity

exchange or trade; and (3) the government administrative power that is

directly responsible for its management.

In the rural sector the "sitio" and "barrios" are the unit of social

organization. Most barrios are made up of between 50 and 200 house-

holds divided into several sitios of about 50 and 30 households. A lar-

ger cluster may consist of a small school that provides 4 years elemen-

tary education, a general store and a small chapel. A poblacion, which

is the administrative seat of a municipality, is comprised of several bar-

rios, a large church, the area High school, a weekly market, and the

homes of the elite (Vreeland, 1976: 102).

Semi-urban areas are composed of several municipal poblaciones or

city districts. The municipality is controlled by the provincial go-

vernment and has less autonomy than the chartered city. The munici-

pal government, which is under the mayor, is situated in the poblacion

that handles law and order. However, provincial health, agricultural

services, health, education and public works are managed by the na-

tional government.

Urban sectors a re composed of poblaciones of cha rte red cities.

Chartered cities generally have more and broader taxing powers. The

61

city is headed by the mayor who has the power to appoint positions

dealing with engineering and public works, finance and assessment,

public health and schools (Vreeland, 1976:204-205).

Given such a definition of residence the respondents are asked on

the barangay, city/municipality, and province that their present resi-

dence belongs to. From here the stratum is identified.

For the nominal level variable place of residence a set of dummy

variables is then created. The categories (1) rural; (2)urban; and (3)

semi-urban will be assigned arbitrary scores of O and 1. A score of 1

will be given to rural on a dummy variable that represents rural and 0

on all others, and so on. Semi-urban will be assigned a score of 00 so

that:

5.1.4

Place of Residence

rural

urban

semi-urban

Education

Dummy variable

01 D2

1

0

0

0

1

0

The education of the respondents is identified by asking them the

question "Has (name) ever attended school, (if yes) what was the high-

est grade or year or school he/she has completed?

62

The educational levels are coded: (0) no education received; ( 1)

Grades 1-6; (2) Vocational 1 and 2, and Elementary graduate; (3) 1st

year to 3rd year High School; (4) High School graduate; (5) 1st year

to 3rd year College; (6) College graduate; and (7) Some post-graduate

studies, Masters degree and studies beyond Masters' level.

5.2 STATISTICAL PROCEDURE

The analysis of bivariate data, where both the independent and depen-

dent variables are interval, utilizes regression for the descriptive sta-

tistic, providing the F-test as a measure of significance, and R2 (coef-

ficient of determination) for measure of association. Level of significance

to.be used is .05.

For a more descriptive discussion of bivariate relationships simple

crosstabulation (where percentages are shown) and chi square (x 2 ) will

be given.

For multivariate analysis of data, multiple regression is utilized.

In the regression procedure a predictor variable (SES) and a set of

dummies representing categorical variables (place of residence) are in-

cluded. The saturated regression model will be used. In such a model

the multiplicative terms in the regression equation are included. The

multiplicative terms represent the "joint effect" of the independent and

control variable (Nie, et al., 1975; Cooley and Lohnes, 1962). Using

the saturated model, in which all the interaction terms are included, the

predicted value of Sex Preference may be written as:

63

where:

A = slope

B = Beta coefficient

D, = Dummy variable for rural

D2 = Dummy variable for urban

X = SES

Y = Sex Preference

The regression model provides the regression equation for each of

the categories which are:

Ya= A + s3x Yb= (A+B 1) + (B 3 +B4)X

Ye= (A+B 2) + (B 3 +B5)X

for semi-urban

for rural

for urban

The predicted interaction between the variables is illustrated in

Figure 1.

5.3 SAMPLING DESIGN

Two-stage cluster sampling was used in the selection of sample areas.

The first stage involved the selection of barangays from a sampling

frame used in the Area Fertility Study. Finally 25 barangays made up

the sample -- 11 from Agusan del Norte, 6 from Misamis Oriental and 8

from Bukidnon. From these barangays 8 were designated as urban

64

7 (A+B1)

(A) 6

5 (lJ

(A+B2) u rural C 4 (lJ semi-urban s.. (lJ

(lJ urban s.. 3 c... X (lJ

(./)

2

1

1 2

Socio-economic Status

Figure 1: Predicted Plot of Sex Preference by SES and Residence

65

(composed of poblaciones of chartered cities), 8 as semi-urban (com-

posed of municipal poblaciones) and 9 rural.

The second stage entailed the systematic sampling of households

from the 25 barangays chosen. Since 1,000 households was the desired

sample size forty households were to be interviewed in each barangay.

Selected through systematic sampling, the households were then as-

signed numbers. Only on occasions when out-migrant households or

when all adult members were away for the entire interviewing period

was replacement permitted. Finally, a total of 1,077 households were

selected -- 339 in urban sample, 386 in semi-urban and 352 in the rural

(see Appendix A )

5.4 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

A Cebuano Binisaya schedule was developed along with its English ver-

sion. The Binisaya version was pre-tested twice after which the re-

vised schedule was finally adopted for actual interview.

5.5 SAMPLE OF SUBJECTS

There were 1,026 ever-married women aged 15-54 who were interviewed.

From these 15 were pregnant for the first time and 24 had never been

pregnant while 1 refused to be interviewed. This resulted in a total

of 986 women who were interviewed.

66

The age of the respondents ranged from 16 to 54 with median age

of 34.96. In the sample 4.4 90 (n=43) married between the ages of 10-14,

46.6% (n= 459) between 15-19, 36.4% (n=359) between 20-24, 9.7% (n=96)

between 25-29, 2.2 90 (n=22) between 30-34 while only 0.6% (n=6) married

at the age of 35 or more. Most of them (69. 6%; n=686) came from the

lower classes, while 29.2% (n=288) came from the middle class and 1.2°0

(n=l2) from the upper class. The household monthly income of the

respondents ranged from '19"1.00-1"'499 (47.7 90,n=470)1=P7.5); ii"SOO--r-999

(34.9 90,n=344); .P1,000-''19"1,499 (11.9 9o,n=117); to f»'l,500 and more (5.6 90).

Within the sample 34.3 90 (n=338) came from the urban area, 34.1 90

(n=336) from the semi-urban and 31.6% (n=312) from the rural area. A

majority of the women (94.5°0, n=932) were married, 3.8(1, (n=37) were

widowed while 1. 796 (n=17) were separated from their husbands.

With regards to education 2.0°0 (n=20) had no formal education,

47.3% (n=467) had elementary or primary education (which range from

1-6 years), 39.1 90 (n=309) had high school or secondary education

(ranging from 1-4 years), and 10.8 90 (n=183) had college education or

more. Only 0.3°0 (n=3) had vocational training. The employment profile

showed that a majority (72.3°a; n=713) of the respondents were not em-

ployed or are full time housewives, while 27. 690 were employed either

away from home (18.0 90; n=177), at home (7.8 90; n=77) or both at home

and away from it (1.8 90; n=18).

67

TABLE 1

SES and Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents

CHARACTERISTICS NO. OF CASES PERCENT

COMMUNITY TYPE Urban 338 34.4 Semi-urban 336 34.1 Rural 312 31.6 Total 986 100.0

MARITAL STATUS Married 932 94.5 Widowed 37 3.8 Separated 17 1. 7 Total 986 100.0

AGE AT FIRST MARRIAGE 10-14 43 4.4 15-19 459 46.6 20-24 359 36.4 25-29 96 9.7 30-34 22 2.2 35 and over 6 0.6 N.R. 1 0. 1 Total 986 100.0

AGE LAST BI R TH DAY 16-19 16 1.6 20-24 139 14. 1 25-29 195 19.8 30-34 133 13.5 35-39 147 14.9 40-44 152 15.4 45-49 107 10.9 50-54 97 9.8 Total 986 100.0

SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS Low Class 686 69.6 Middle Class 288 29.2 High Class 12 1.2 Total 986 100.0

(continued)

68

HOUSEHOLD MONTHLY INCOME 001-449 470 47.7 500-999 344 34.9

1000-1499 117 11. 9 1500 and over 55 5.6 Total 986 100.0

HIGHEST GRADE COMPLETED No formal education 20 2.0 Attended elementary 225 22.8 Elementary graduate 242 24.5 Attended H. S. 194 19.7 H. S. graduate 115 11. 7 Attended college 76 7.7 College graduate 103 10.4 Graduate school 4 0.4 Vocational 3 0.3 N.R. 4 0.4 Total 986 100.0

EMPLOYMENT Yes, work at home 77 7.8 Yes, away from home 177 18.0 Yes, both at home and away 18 1. 8 No 713 72.3 N.R. 1 0. 1 Total 986 100.0

Chapter VI

SEX PREFERENCE IN NORTHERN MINDANAO

FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The study undertaken has been focused on an examination of pa-

rental sex preference with data collected from Northern Mindanao region

of the Philippines. It is designed to find out the effect of socio-eco-

nomic status on sex preference, contingent on place of residence. How-

ever, in order to discover the possible relationship existing in the gen-

eral hypothesis generated the simple bivariate relationships must be

examined initially.

6.1 BIVARIATE FINDINGS

6. 1. 1 Socio-Economic Status on Sex Preference

HYPOTHESIS 1: The middle and upper class parents are likely

not to have a preference for a particular sex of child while lower class

parents are likely to prefer male offsprings.

A simple bivariate regression to test the relationship between SES

and sex preference reveals in the T-test that there is no significant

relationship existing between socio-economic status and sex preference

69

70

( P=0. 1756) so that correlation is not present at al I ( R=0. 0429). Socio-

economic status could only explain 0.2 90 of the variation in sex prefer-

ence.

However, a simple crosstabulation of these variables shown in Ta-

ble 2 indicates that 29.0% of the low income and 23.8 96 of the middle and

upper had a slight preference for females. The means show that among

the upper and middle class parents (x=3.3742) and even among the

lower status respondents nonpreference is desired ('5<=3. 2575). The

results of the mean response show that both groups have no particular

preference for any sex of child although their responses are more in-

clined toward the female preference continuum than toward the male

end.

6. 1.2 Place of Residence on Sex Preference

HYPOTHESIS 2: Rural residents are likely to prefer a male child

over a female child while urban parents will have no preference at all.

In a simple crosstabulation the frequency distribution shows that

the hypothesis is true (shown in Table 3). The urban and semi-urban

residents, though, have preferences that are inclined towards female.

The urban residents (36.4%) display a fairly higher inclination toward

females than the semi-urban residents (24.9°6). A slight preference for

males exists among the rural respondents with 26.6 96 responding to

71

TABLE 2

Per Cent Distribution of Respondents' Sex Preference by SES

Sex Preference*

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Column Total

Socio-Economic Status

1

3.30 12.90 29.00 11.50 13.50 19.80 7.30 2.60

69.70 ( n=696)

X 2 = 7. 7397 P = 0.3561

2

4.60 13.20 23.80 8.90 14.20 21.20 10.60 3.30

30.30 ( n=302)

Row Total

3.70 13.00 27.50 10.70 13.70 20.20 8.30 2.80

100.00 (n=998)**

* 0-2 = female preference; 3-4= non preference; 5- 7 = male preference

** The 15 respondents who were pregnant for the first time during the study were asked and therefore included in the sample size. The total number of respondents is 1,001.

72

slight preference for males. The average response of rural parents is

placed at 3. 6171 indicating their higher preference for males than fe-

males. A chi-square test reveals that there is a significant relationship

between the variables beyond the .01 level (P=0.0000).

6. 1 .3 Education on Sex Preference

SUBHYPOTHESIS lA: The educated parents are likely not to have

a preference for a particular sex of child while the less educated and

uneducated parents are likely to prefer male children.

Testing on the relationship between education and sex preference,

it was found that no significant relationship exists between education

and sex preference (P=0.8066), and that education could only explain

0. 790 of the variance in sex preference.

The mean responses of the different groups, however, show that

non preference is prevalent among a majority of the groups. Those

who received no education had a mean response of 4.050 which indicate

their nonpreference but higher inclination toward the male preference

continuum. The means of those who have some elementary education

(x=3.2580), an elementary diploma (x=3.500),some high school education

(x=3.1465), a high school diploma (x=3.1565), some college education

(x=3.2911) and a college degree (x=3.2549) indicate an inclination to

nonpreference. Unlike those who are uneducated the group just men-

tioned - especially among those who have high school education, high

73

TABLE 3

Per Cent Distribution of Respondenti Sex Preference by Residence

Sex Preference

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Column Total

Place of Residence

Urban Semi

2.60 5.90 13.80 15.20 36.40 24.90 9.40 8.80 13.20 14.70 16. 70 17.90 6.70 9.40 1.20 3.20

34.20 34.20 ( n=341) (n=341)

X 2 = 48. 5763 P = 0.0000

Row Total

Rural

2.50 3.70 13.20 13.00 23.80 27.50 14.20 13.30 13.30 13.70 26.60 20.20 8.90 8.30 4.10 2.80

31. 70 100.00 (n=316) (n=998)

74

school diploma and a college degree- tended toward female preference.

Those who received graduate school education have a mean of 5. 50

which shows that they have a high preference for males. The most

educated group (graduate school) and the uneducated groups, however,

compose a very small part of the sample (graduate=0.4 9o; uneducat-

ed=2.0%).

6.1.4 Place of Residence on Socio-Economic Status

Although no hypothesis has been specifically formulated to show

the relationship of residence on socio-economic status the study is

nonetheless interested in looking into this relationship. In the review

of literature section, the place of r.esidence may affect socio-economic

status because the accessibility to greater opportunities (and therefore

higher status) may depend on one's place of residence. Thus, it is

hypothesized that the urban areas, having more opportunities for edu-

cation and jobs, will have a wideli distribution of. people among the

different social classes than the rural residents.

A simple crosstabulation table (shown in Table 4) shows that most

of the respondents come from low social class fami I ies. Among the u r-

ban respondents 72.2°a come from the lower class, while there are 67 .0%

in the semi-urban and 69. 79c> in the rural. The semi-urban residents

appear to be better off than the rural and urban residents.

75

The chi-square reveals that no significant relationship exists bet-

ween these two variables (P=0.3260). The insignificant relationship may

be due to the predominance of lower class respondents among the sam-

ple. The existence of a greater number of lower class may not neces-

sarily be a sample bias; rather it may be reflective of the actual reality

or the situation in the country where about 6090 of the people belong to

the lower classes.

As indicated by the findings one's place of residence does not af-

fect socio-economic status.

6.2 MULTIVARIATE FINDINGS

The findings on the bivariate relationships have prepared the test

on the study' s general hypothesis: the effect of socio- economic status

on sex preference, contingent on place of residence.

6. 2. 1 SES on Sex Preference Contingent on Place of Residence

HYPOTHESIS 3: Urban upper and middle class parents, on one

hand, will have a slightly stronger nonpreference for a particular sex

of child than the rural upper and middle class parents. The rural low-

er class parents, on the other hand, will have a stronger preference

for a male child than the urban lower class parents.

76

TABLE 4

Per Cent Distribution of Respondents' Residence by SES

Place of Residence

urban semi rural

Column Total

Socio-Economic Status

1

72.20 67.00 69.70

69.60

x 2 = 2.24162 P = 0.3260

2

27.80 33.00 30.30

30.40

Row Total

34.20 34.20 31.70

100.00

77

However, before proceeding with the multivariate findings the

results on the relationship between interaction terms and sex preference

will be discussed.

6.2.1. 1 A. SES and Rural Residence(D 1X) on Sex Preference.

A significant relationship exists between the interaction term o1x and

sex preference beyond the .05 level (P=0.02). The joint effect of rural

residence and socio-economic status accounts for 11. 5% of the variation

in sex preference.

6.2. 1 .2 B. SES and Urban Residence(D 2X) on Sex Preference.

The interaction term for urban residence and socio-economic status

(D2X) does not have a significant relationship with sex preference

(P=0.175). Urban residence and social class explains 9.0% of the varia-

tion in sex preference.

From the bivariate findings a saturated regression model is for-

mulated to contain the interaction terms.

Y= A + B D 1 1

From the formula data is plugged in. Thus,

Male Preference= 2.508 + 1.348 (rural) + 0.353 (urban)

+ 0.509 (SES) + - 0.692 + - 0.402

78

The regression equation for each of the dummy variables:

y = A + B3X a y =

b (A+ B1) + (B + B )X 3 4 y = (A + B2) + ( B + B )X

C 3 5

So that given SES=2:

semi-urban male preference= 2.508 + 0.509 (SES)

= 2.508 + 0.509 (2)

rural male preference

urban male preference

= 3.688

= (2.508 + 1.348)

(0.509-0.692) SES

= 3.86 - 0.18 (2)

= 3.60

= (2.508 + 0.353)

(0.509-0.402)SES

= 2 . 86 + 0 . 11 ( 2)

= 3.08

The regression model is illustrated by Figure 2.

semi-urban

rural

urban

79

7

6

5 (1J u c:: (1J

(A+B1)4 s.. semi-urban (1J 4- rural (1J s.. urban 0. (A+B2)3 X (1J (A) V1

2

,1

1 2

Socio-economic Status

Figure 2: Plot of Sex Preference by SES and Residence

80

Analysis of covariance for hypothesis testing is summarized in the

covariance table (Table 5).

The diagram of the regression equations shows that there is a

very slight interaction among the variables. The slopes of the different

social classes according to place of residence differ slightly with the

slope of semi-urban slightly steeper than the rest. The diagram indi-

cates that among the lower class urban and semi-urban the preference

is for female. Among the rural lower class there is no preference at

all, although their response is inclined toward the male continuum. As

SES increases however, the urban and semi-urban's preference for fe-

male is changed to nonpreference. In the case of the rural residents

when social class is increased the trend for male preference is lessened

and non·preference intensified. The semi-urban has a more noticeable

change in preference. Among the lower class there is a preference for

females but as the social class increases there is also higher nonpre-

ference among the respondents.

An examination of the regression equations verifies what has al-

ready been stated- a higher male preference for males among the rural

residents. Rural, semi-urban and urban residents tend to increase in

their non preference as their social class increases. The regression

equation and the diagram show that interaction was very slight so that

socio-economic status, reg a rd less of place of residence, has no effect on

sex preference.

81

TABLE 5

Covariance Table

Sources of variation SSquares

(1) S S due to z and x SSy * (0.0276) saturated model

(2) S S due to z and x SSy * (0.0222) additive model

(a) SS due to z SSy * (0.0222-0.0018) adjusting for x

( b) S S due to x SSy * (0.0222-0.0201) adjusting for z

(3) SS due to interaction SSy * (0.0276-0.0222) lack of homogeneity of slopes

(4) SS residual SSy * (1-0.0276)

*** significant at the . 001 level

tt significant at the .01 level

OF F

5 5.50tt*

3 7.40tt*

2 6.S0tt

1 2.10

2 2.70

992

82

The F values in the analysis of covariance table show that the

interaction effect is not significant, that socio-economic status does not

have any effect on sex preference and it is only place of residence that

is the significant factor.

6.2.2 Education on Sex Preference Contingent on Residence

It is hypothesized that the urban educated parents, on one hand,

will have a slightly stronger non-preference for a particular sex of

child than the rural educated parents. The rural less educated pa-

rents, on the other hand, will have a stronger preference for males

than the urban less educated.

Before the multivariate findings are given the results on the rela-

tionship between interaction terms and sex preference are examined.

6.2.2.1 A. Education and Rural Residence (D 1X) on Sex Preference.

The interaction term of rural residence and educational attainment

(D 1X) does not have any significant relationship with sex preference

(P=0.0747). The joint effect these variables could account for 7.8% of

the variance in sex preference.

6. 2 .2. 2 B. Education and Urban Residence (D2X) on Sex Preference.

Urban residence and educational attainment's joint effect was not signi-

83

ficant (P=0.3613), and this variable could explain 7 .39a of the variance

in sex preference.

To proceed with the examination of the joint effect of education

and place of residence on sex preference a saturated regression model

is utilized. The interaction terms are plugged in:

Male preference= 2.9218 + 0.0932 (educ)

+ 0.79642 (rural) - 0.0062 (urban)

- 0.15351 - 0.0664

The regression equations for the dummy variables, given if Edu-

cation is equal to 7, is given below. The equations are illustrated in

·Figure 3.

Semi-urban male preference = 2.9218 + 0.0932 (7)

= 3.572

Rural male preference

Urban male preference

= (2.9218•0.7964)

(0.0932-0.1535) * 7

= 3.3

= (2.9218-0.0062)

(0.0932-0.0664) * 7

= 3. 13

Analysis of covariance table to test the hypothesis is shown in

Table 6.

QJ u C: QJ s.. QJ

4--QJ s.. c.. X QJ

V)

Figure 3:

84

7

6

5

(A+Bf) semi-urban

3 rural (A+B2) urban (A)

2

1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Educational Level

Plot of Sex Preference by Education, Contingent on Residence

85

TABLE 6

Covariance Table

Sources of variance SSquares

( 1) SS due to z and x, SSy * (0.02410) saturated model

(2) S S due to z and x SSy * (0.02091) additive model

(a) S S due to z SSy * (0.02091-0.00005) adjusting for x

(b) SS due to x SSy * (0.02091-0.0201) adjusting for z

(3) SS due to interaction SSy * (0.02410-0.02091) lack of homogeneity of slopes

(4) SS residual SSy * (1-0.02410)

*** significant at the .001 level

** significant at the .01 level

DF F

5 4.8785tt-k

3 7. 1122***

2 10.6428**

1 1.6275

2 1 . 6143

987

86

In the relationship between education and sex preference,

contingent on place of residence, the diagram and analysis of covariance

table show that the relationship is very significant but that there is lit-

tle interaction effect on sex preference. Education then does not have

any effect on sex preference at all, regardless of place of residence.

As the diagram illustrates the urban and semi-urban respondents

with no education has a rather weak preference for females that in-

creases to non preference as education increases. Rural residents with

no education have no particular preference for the sex of child although

the tendency is toward the male continuum - a response that does not

change much as education is increased.

Thus, the diagram and the F values in the analysis of covariance

table (Table 6) indicate that the interaction effect is not significant,

education has no significant effect and that it is only place of residence

that has a significant effect.

6.3 SUMMARY

To summarize the findings of the study:

(1) No significant relationship was found to exist between socio-

economic status and sex preference.

(2) Place of residence had a significant relationship with sex pre-

ference. However, rural place of residence and sex preference was

87

found to have a fairly strong positive correlation (indicating male end

of preference continuum). Urban place of residence and sex preference

showed a negative correlation (indicating female end of continuum).

(3) Place of residence had· no significant relationship with socio-

economic status.

(4) Educational attainment had no significant relationship with sex

preference.

(5) The effect of socio-economic class, contingent on place of re-

sidence, on sex preference was not significant. The diagram of the re-

gression equation, however, showed that the lower class rural and

semi-urban residents', on one hand, had a weak female preference.

The lower class rural residents', on the other, had no particular pre-

ference although their response is more inclined. toward the male end of

the continuum rather than the female. The diagram further showed

that as socio-economic status increased nonpreference of the respon-

dents somehow strengthened and the social classes' preferences (either

for male or female) decreased.

(6) The effect of educational attainment, contingent on place of

residence, on sex preference was not significant. The diagram of the

regression equation indicated that urban and semi-urban uneducated

had a mild female preference while the rural uneducated had no parti-

cular preference - a response that was inclined more toward the male

end of the continuum. Even as level of education was increased there

was only a slight change in preference. The increase in educational

88

level, though, indicated weak non preference among semi-urban and ur-

ban educated and slightly stronger non preference among rural educat-

ed.

6.4 INTERPRETATION OF THE FINDINGS

The study on sex preference in the Northern Mindanao region of

the Philippines has revealed that among the low income rural residents

there was no preference for a particular sex of child, although they

were inclined more towards male preference. This inclination, however,

decreased to greater nonpreference as, the socio-economic level in-

creased. In the case of the urban lower class the respondents had a

slight preference for females but increased to nonpreference as the so-

cio-economic class was elevated. The interaction, though, among the

factors of socio-economic class and place of residence had been quite

slight so as to show that social class did not have any effect on sex

preference, regardless of place of residence.

In the analysis what was shown was that there was a prevalence

of non preference among the respondents. The presence of non pre-

ference in Philippine society could be seen as giving an important in-

sight into the Filipino family, one that could point out its unique his-

torical experience and its difference from most of its sister Asian

countries.

89

Looking at the lifestyle (or economic social standing) of the Fili-

pino mothers in the study, it had been shown that despite the social

class of the mothers they desired no particular sex of child. It was

hypothesized that parents who belong to the lower social class would

desire a male child because of more economic benefits that could be

derived from sons. But what the study found was that this was not

true and that preference may even be inclined towards the female con-

tinuum. Looking at a component of social class such as education,

non-preference was found to be true also among the majority of the

educated women. As Hollnsteiner (1970) mentioned, a slight preference

for females (especially among the lower classes) may be true because of

the unique experience of the females in the society. The woman's home

training alone indicates that the girls are given more work load than

the boys and at an earlier age. Aside from their home training is em-

bedded a greater sensitivity of Filipino women to traditional values of

"debt of gratitude" (utang na loob) and "shame" (hiya) that make them

even more aware of their responsibility towards and over their family.

Thus it is not an uncommon practice among girls to give their full

paycheck to their parents or for them to help in the education of youn-

ger siblings (Madigan, 1976). Among boys, though, the common prac-

tice, according to Hollnsteiner (1970), had been to set aside some -if

not most- of their paycheck for vices such as drinking out with

friends. This inclination to vice and lack of responsibility of boys

could be a basis for the majority of the educated respondents in the

90

study to be inclined slightly towards preferring females. Thus, most

parents may prefer to see their daughters through college rather than

their sons as evident in the greater number of female college

graduates in the country.

The image of the man and the woman in today's society reflects

somehow the changes that have taken place in the country's history.

How the different sexes have tried to more or less approximate the ideal

norm of the society as each of them went through certain eras has been

shown. For instance during the Spanish period the men had been por-

trayed as being lazy, unambitious and inordinately fond of gambling.

Today in most soap operas the men are also portrayed as such - weak,

irresponsible, lazy and excessively fond of drinking and gambling. The

women, however, a re often portrayed as the long-suffering wife who,

despite their husbands' failings, continue to be faithful to them. They

work hard to keep the family intact and prevent the children from go-

ing hungry.

However, a different picture emerges as place of residence is

studied in terms of its effect on sex preference. As the study revealed

there is a significant relationship between these two variables, with

rural residence indicating a positive correlation while urban residence

shows a negative correlation.

A difference in preference thus becomes apparent as the variable

place of residence is introduced. When place of residence (which signi-

fies differences primarily in economic activity) is considered the rural

91

mothers in the study had a slight preference for males while the urban

and semi-urban mothers preferred females. Such a difference may be

due to the fact that in the rural area the predominant economy is agri-

culture. Agriculture, as al ready mentioned in the previous discussion,

remains a male's domain and one in which, like other Asian developing

countries, the male plays an important role. However, in the urban

and semi-urban areas, where industrialization encourages the use of any

available resources basically · for increased production, the woman may

be more preferred. The reasons for female preference (e.g., home

training, obedience, sense of obligation, sense of responsibility) are the

key points that encourage the desire for females.

As the joint effect of socio-economic status and place of residence

is introduced the sex preference of parents from different socio-eco-

nomic classes and places of residence _is identified. The lower class

semi-urban and urban respondents prefer a female offspring while in

contrast the lower class rural respondents have no preference at all

(although the response is inclined toward males), It is quite apparent

from the response of urban and semi-urban mothers that regardless of

their socio-economic class their preference is stiil for or inclined toward

the female child. In the case of the lower class rural what was yielded

from the joint effect was a blend of male preference (attributable to

rural residence) and non preference (due to lower class status)' or

weak nonpreference with tendency toward desiring a male child. How-

ever, as socio-economic status increases, non preference, despite the

respondents' place of residence, becomes a more favored choice.

92

The strong non preference • among the respondents may be a

reflection of the historical experience of the people - a strong Malayan

core. The Malayan core highlights the equal investment placed on the

child. It seems that both children are valued and each one is regarded

as a prospective investment. At birth, both children are welcomed and

no clear-cut thought of whom to invest on is made. It is perhaps only

when the children are really able to help around the house -either in

household labor or in terms of salary- or when they begin to exhibit

better character will parents begin to invest in them. Investment may

be in such ways as putting them through college or assuring them of

inheriting greater portion of the family land.

The Malayan tradition, thus, is intimately involved in the Filipino

family's core. Yet the fact that the Western veneer is also present (at

times reinforcing the Malayan core or even weakening it) can not be ig-

nored. The very fact that the country is divided into dichotomous eco-

nomic activities show that influences may vary. Therefore it may be

found that though parents may not have any preferences they may have

very slight tendencies toward preferring either male or female.

In the rural areas, for instance, it may be expected that the

home training of the girls would be more rigid than those in the urban

areas. But even if the girls are subjected to more rigid and earlier

responsibilities than the urban girls they may be less preferred because

of the economic base of this sector. In such a sector the girls are

given earlier responsibilities than boys but the latter, by the age of

93

about 13, would begin to have greater responsibilities by helping the

father manage the family's source of income - the farm. In terms of

values, both the boys and girls are subjected to Filipino values of

"debt of gratitude" and "shame" but more may be expected from the

boys because of the greater responsibilities and higher expectations of

their pa rents.

In the urban areas, however, there is a slight preference for

girls. The tendency to prefer girls, . especially among the lower class

respondents, could stem from the fact that the girls' apparent greater

sense of responsibility and commitment to work would make them a bet-

ter choice. In the urban areas where diversed economic activities are

present the girls, from all walks of life, are more free to compete in

economic activites where they usually exce!i -e.g., services and trade.

Even unemployed married women can still help their parents because of

their position as treasurer of the family. Unlike the husbands who

have to account for partial paychecks the women are seldom questioned

by the husbands on budgeting. Women are thus able to extend mone-

tary help to their families if need be. It must be noted,. though, that

this preference is slight and that boys could also be preferred as much

as the girls. The non preference tradition of the country, however,

like the male preferring tradition of other Asian countries continue to

be observed because of the economic benefits derived from it. It can

not be denied that nonpreference, like male preference in India, Tai-

wan, or Korea, persists because of the male and female children's eco-

nomic productivity and support of the parents.

94

An interplay of Malayan and Western traditions is thus apparent

given the economic situation in the country. The Malayan tradition,

however, is the core of the Filipino family. Though western influences

may come and go, and in the process form a cover over the core, the

Malayan values of nonPreference will still emerge.

6.5 RECOMMENDATIONS

In conducting research on sex preference there are a number of

recommendations the author would like to make. First, not only should

the mothers be interviewed with regards to preference but the fathers

should also be asked. This is important since the preference of the fa-

thers may be totally different from those of the mothers. We might ex-

pect a preference for a particular sex of child based on the sex of the

respondent. A preference for girls, for instance, in this study might

have something to do with the sex of the respondents. Girls may be

preferred by mothers because they could lighten the latter's work load

more than the boys. In the same manner the boys may be preferred by

the fathers because the boys could extend more help to their kind of

work.

Second, the sex of the respondents' children should be examined.

Such a consideration might affect the responses of the interviewees

since they may subconsciously prefer a particular sex of child since

they do not have it yet.

95

Third, additional information should be included in the survey

with regards to the respondents own parents and their own children.

On the respondents' parents it would be pertinent to find out if there

are parents (or in-laws) living in the house with the respondents. In

this way the kind of relatives actually living in a home - whether it is

urban or rural, poor or rich- will be found. In this way the study will

actually get information on which of the married children are extending

direct help. Questions on indirect help, in the form of extending mo-

ney to relatives, should also be included. On the respondents' children

it would be important to find out the work load of the children, the

services they extend to the family and even how the parents character-

ize their children by sex. It would also be important to find out

whom among the respondents' children they would invest in in terms of

education and the reasons behind such a response. Another pertinent

question that must be asked is which particular child the respondents

would actually live or choose to live with after retirement or during

their old age. The reason for such a choice should also be included.

In dealing with the topic of sex preference it is deemed by the

author that the Coombs Preference Scale may not be enough. Open-

ended as well as closed-ended questions should be used together to find

out not only what the respondents' preferences are but enlighten the

readers on why their preferences are such. When dealing with sex

prefernce, it may be important to elaborate on the interplay of tradi-

tional views and values. Sex preference is a phenomenon that has a

96

history in itself. In tracing its history and understanding the present

economic trends of a country it is deemed that better comprehension

and appreciation of the choices that parents make concerning the family

and children may be reached.

Arcilla, Jose 1972

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107

APPENDIX A

MAP OF THE l PROVINCE" Of'"AGUSM DEL ~ 1, PHILIPPINES \

'L-t:CllND:

* ClfY • it•OvutCIII.. C.&P•fAI,, * IIVII..C.1,-•I.ITT

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108

BUTUAN CITY

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--- .. ----

) (

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,.

I I

I

Q

.... __ ... ···•-•·•-·---· Map of the Province of Agus.:in Del 1-lortc, Philippines

' JUIUIAO

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\

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IC

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MAP OF.THE

PROVINCE OF BUKIONON-·

PHILIPPINES

' .,

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--... -- '

109

.------MAl"AYAG

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.,.

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,

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Map of the Province of Bukidnon, Phi 1 ippines

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t.CAP OF THE PROVINCE OF MISAMl6 ORIENT AL f-HILIPPINES

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Map of the Province of Misamis Oriental, Philippines

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111

$ketch Map of an Urban Sample Area

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Sketch tlap of a Semi-Urban Sample Area

.... .... ,.,_,

IIARRIO

- _____ _;____ . .• "' . AN DEL NORTE,

WENAVISTA, AGUS PHILIPPINES - BARRIO SAH~AY, SICETCtl MAP OF

WULAWAWAN

fa Rural Sketch Map o Sample Area

1

114

APPENDIX B

Al

A2

A3

A4

A5

AG

A7

AB

A9

115

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

UNWANTED FERTILITY AND THE UNDERINVESTMENT HYPOTHESIS A PHILIPPINE STUDY

BLOCK A IDENTIFICATION

Sample Household number in Barangay

Sample Barangay Number

Stratum

Province

City/Municipality

Baran gay

No. of ever married women 15-24 yrs old

Respondent ( Last name) (First name) (middle name)

Complete Address

BLOCK B: OCCUPATION AND EDUCATION OF HOUSEHOLD HEAD

AND HOUSING CHARACTERISTICS

Bl Is (household head) working at present? 1 __ (yes)

82 Has (household head) ever worked

since January 1, 1975?

2 (no)

1 __ (yes)

2 (no)

83 Would you please describe what he does (did) in his main

work (employment) activity? For example, if a farmer how

large (ha.) is (was) his farm and is (was) he an owner,

116

part-owner, tenant or agricultural laborer? If he is (was)

working in a business, what kind of work or job does (did) he do?

(Details of main occupation)

B4 Has (name) ever attended school,

(if yes) what was the highest grade

or year of school he has completed?

(highest grade or year)

(yes) ---1

2 (no) ---

B5 Excluding the bathroom and toilet, how many rooms do you

have in this house? (exact number)

B6 Do you have a private toilet?

0 (none) ----1 (yes, outside the house)

(yes, inside the house) ----2

B7 Do you own any of the following appliances?

0 ( none)

1 (radio)

2 (electric iron)

3 (electric fan)

4 (stereo/tape recoder/cassette)

5 (refrigerator)

6 (television)

7 (air conditioner)

B8 What is the material of which the walls of house are made?

---- (scrap materials)

2 ---- (nipa, other thatch)

117

3 (sawali, other bamboo)

4 ____ ( rough-hewn timber and/or

poorly fitted plan ks)

5 (painted and/or ----well-fitted boards)

6 (hollow blocks, cement, ----other expensive materials)

(others, specify) ----7

B9 What is the material of which the floor is made?

1 (linoleum, tiles) ----2 (wood) ----3 (cement) ----4 ( bamboo) ----5 (earth)

6 (others, specify)

B10 Approximately what is your total monthly income in cash? Please

· include contribution and payments from members of the family

and other sources Ii ke investment on land.

0 (001-249)

1 (250-499)

2 (500-749)

3 (750-999)

4 (1,000 -1,249)

5 (1,250 -1,499)

6 (1,500 -1,999)

118

7 (2,000 and over) ----B 11 Have you ever attended school?

1 ___ (yes)

2 ___ (no, go to 813)

812 (If yes) what was the highest grade or year of school

you have completed?

(highest grade)

B 13 Did you work at any time after you first married?

1 ___ (yes)

2 ( no, go to Block C) ----814 Are you presently doing something to earn money?

1 ____ (yes, at home)

2 (yes, away from home) ----3 (yes, both at home and ----

away from home) (continue)

4 (no, go to Block C) ----815 Would you please describe what you do in your main work

(employment activity)? For example, if a factory worker,

what kind of work do you do and what kind of factory

is it?

(Details of main occupation)

BLOCK C PREFERENCE QUESTIONNAIRE

Cl Sometimes the number of boys and girls make a difference.

If you were to have exactly three children altogether, how

119

many would you want to be boys, and how many girls? Would

you prefer to have 3 girls, 1 boy and 2 girls, 2 boys and

1 girl, or 3 boys?

3 girls( go to CG) (PSl) -------- 1 boy, 2 girls (go to C2)

---- 2 boys, 1 girl (go to C4)

3 boys (go to CG) ( Ps8) ----

---- 4 indifferent (Probe: if you

had to make a choice which

would you like best?)

C2 If you didn't have that combination, would you rather

have 3 girls, no boys or 2 boys 1 girl?

3 girls, 0 boys (go to CG) (PS2) ----

---- 2 boys 1 girl (go to C3)

C3 If you didn't have that combination, would you rather

have no boys, 3 girls or 3 boys no girls?

---- 0 boys 3 girls (go to CG) ( PS3)

---- 3 boys O girls (go to CG) ( PS4)

C4 If you didn't have that would you rather have 1 boy,

2 girls or 3 boys no girls?

---- 1 boy 2 girls (go to CS)

---- 3 boys O girls (go to CG)

cs And if you didn't have that, would you rather have no boys,

3 girls, or 3 boys no girls?

---- 0 boys 3 girls (go to CG) ( PSS)

120

____ 3 boys O girls (go to CG) ( PSG)

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