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Chapter I
Socio-Economic conditions of Vilavancode Taluk
before 1956
The social and religious condition that prevailed in Vilavalcode
Taluk was not different from the other parts of Travancore. The society
was divided into various caste groups. They came under two broad
subdivisions, the high caste and the low caste, viz. Savarnas and the
Avarnas. The Savarnas consisted of the Brahmins, the Nairs and the
Vellalas. The Avarnas consisted of the Nadars, the Ezhavas, the Parayas,
the Pulayas, the Chetties and others. Harijans, Fishermen and various
artisan groups like Goldsmith, Blacksmith and Carpenter. These
communities, though lived together, they had their caste rules customs,
manners and conventions.
1.1 The Brahmins
The Brahmins occupied a dominant position in the society.1 The
term Brahmin is derived from the mouth of Brahma the creator God.2 Five
sects of the Brahmins were found in South India. They were known as
1 James Hough, The History of Christianity in India, Vol. II, London, 1839, p.
226.
2 Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. III, p. 247.
30
Pancha Dravidas or Pancha Gudas.3 They were Malayala Brahmins,
Telugu Brahmins, Tamil Brahmins, Canares Brahmins and Maharashtra
Brahmins. Among them the Malayala Brahmins are considered to be
superior in the society. There were several ootupuras scattered in different
parts of Vilavancode Taluk.4 Other communities were forced to keep a
distance of at least thirty-six feets away from the Brahmins, violation of
this led to punishment.5 Kuzhithurai, Kaliyakkavilai and Venkanji were the
important Brahmin settlement in Vilavancode Taluk.
It is believed that the Namboodiri Brahmins are the true Aryans of
South India. Parasurama ruled out that all Namboodiri women should carry
with them an umbrella wherever they go out, to prevent their being seen by
the other sex. They should invariably proceed with a Nayar woman.6 The
Namboodiri woman should be covered with a cloth from neck to foot, and
they should not wear jewels. Hamilton observes that Namboodiri Brahmins
stood first in both the capacities of church and state and some of them were
3 Census of India, 1911, Trivandrum, Part I, 1912, p. 252.
4 Oottupuras: Oottupuras for the liberal entertainment centre of Brahmins.
Free feeding centres meant for the Brahmins found in the temple premises. If
found in the campus of most of the Siva Temple.
5 Jacob Canter Visscher, Letters from Malabar, Madras, 1862, pp. 91-92.
6 Elemkulam Kunjan Pillai, P.N., Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970,
p. 315.
31
popes and sovereign princes.7 The Namboodiris are not exceeding one
percent of the population, they are found in all the Taluks of Travancore.
Their chief center is Muvattupuzha, Alangad, Ettumanoor and Kunnatnad.
Potti is a Tamil word signifying reverence, and this term is used to
designate all Malayala Brahmins except Namboodiri Brahmins.8 There are
three classes of Potti Brahmins corresponding to the three periods of their
settlements in the country. Among them are: (i) those who settled in
southern part of Travancore known as Pottikhanadam. They are the
greatest landholders in the state corresponding to the jenmis of the British
Malabar, (ii) the later immigrated into Travancore from Canarese country
first settled in Thiruvalla known as potties, (iii) the third sect are the
Embrans of the Taluks of Uppinangadi and Kasargod in South Canara.
Among the Brahmins, next stood the Paradesi Brahmins. They are non-
Malayalee Brahmins speaking the Tamil, Kanarese, Telugu and Marathi
languages.
7 The Nayar woman accompanying Namboodiri woman is ‘Vrisali’.
8 Edgar Thurston, op.cit., Vol. 5, p. 156.
32
Next to the Brahmin community stood two classes of people, viz. the
Aryapattars and Pattattiyars. The term Aryapattar literally means superior
Brahmins. They were only two Aryapattar families in 1906.9
1.2 The Nairs
Next to the Namboodiris the Nairs claimed superiority in
Vilavancode Taluk.10
They were also equally powerful.11
Certain practices
peculiar to this caste made them a unique community with power and
influence.12
They got special rights from the royal authority to adorn their
name with Pillai, Thampi and Menon.13
They were once the feudal lords of
this Taluk.14
Nair women were very attractive, pretty looking and clean in
their habits. Polyandry15
was in practice among women where as men of
9 Edgar Thurston, op.cit., Vol. 5, p. 156
10 Nagam Aiya, V., The Travancore State Manual, Vol. III, Trivandrum, 1996,
p. 345.
11 Samuel Matteer, S., Native Life in Travancore, London, 1883, p. 111.
12 Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerala History, Madras, 1998, p. 83.
13 Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., p. 368.
14 Joy Gnanadhason, A Forgotten History, Madras, 1994, p. 22.
15 Polyandry: Practice of a women keeping marital contact with more than one
man is known as polyandry.
33
that community practiced polygamy.16
The community as a whole
followed matrilineal line of succession.17
The Nairs form the most numerous of the non-Brahminical Hindus
in Travancore.18
The Census Reports of 1816, 1836 and 1854 recorded
their strength about thirty percent of the total population. The first
scientific census of 1875 calculated them about twenty percent. In 1911,
they are numbered 593,489 and the number rose to 690,495 in the census of
1924. They are found in all parts of Travancore except Thovalai,
Agasteeswaram and Shenkottai Taluks. They are numerous in Trivandrum,
Neyyattinkara, Mavelikkara, Thiruvalla and Quilon.
Kerala Mahatmyam and Brahminical tradition say that the Nayar
caste is the result of the union between the Namboodiris and Deva
Gandharva and Rakshasa women19
introduced by Parasurama.20
K.M.
Panikkar hold another view that before the arrival of Namboodiris, a fierce
war like tribe whose racial origins are shrouded in obscurity, worshipping
16 Polygamy: Practice of a man marrying more than one wife is called
polygamy.
17 Sreedhara Menon, A., Social and Cultural History of Kerala, Delhi, 1979,
p.83.
18 Census of India, 1931, Travancore, Part I, Report, p. 290.
19 Ibid., Part I, p. 145.
20 Ibid., p. 290.
34
nagas, and deriving from economic of Nagar (later Nayar), occupied the
country, enslaving the original inhabitants and keeping them bound to
Nairs.21
They are considered as a mixed trace of Aryans and Dravidian.
The term ‘Nayar’ is derived from the Sanskrit word ‘Nayaka’ meaning a
leader.
Another theory relates them with Naga tribes of Scythian origin.
The Nagas and the Nairs worship snake. The Sinhalee, a sect of the people
of Ceylon who are considered as Naga descendants have the system of
kinred through the females as in the case of Nairs. There is a scope to
consider that the peculiar institution of sexes and inheritance prevalent
among the Nairs were descended from their Schthian ancestors.22
Though
there are many theories about their origin, whether true or false, they
dominated the political scene for some times.
Most of the feudal chiefs were Nairs.23
They were first mentioned in
three copper plates and inscriptions of seventh to ninth century A.D.24
and
rose to the position of small kings by the mid-thirteenth century.
21 Thulaseedharan, K., op.cit., p. 34.
22 Panikkar, K.M., A History of Kerala, 1498-1801, Annamalainagar, 1960, p. 3.
23 Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. 2, p. 348.
24 Panikkar, K.M., op.cit., p. 3.
35
Kublakhan, a Chinese Emperor had trade relation with Travancore through
two coastal Nair chiefdoms with strategic ports.25
The Nairs with other
indigenous castes formed a long standing army of the state.26
There are four main sub-divisions of Nairs in Travancore. Found in
large number, the Illakkars are the highest sub-class of Nairs. The
Swarupam Nairs are the attendants of the Kshatriya families.
Padmangalam and Tamil Padam Sudras are the immigrants from Tamil
country latter became Nairs.27
The Nairs are a Dravidian caste, or rather a community with totally
different occupations among the people who call themselves by this title.28
The Nairs followed joint family system. The members of the joint family
accepted the authority of Karanavar,29
the elder of the Tarawadu30
because
he was considered to be the law giver of the family. The family and their
25 William Logan, Mabalar, Vol. I, Madras, Govt. Press, 1887, p. 265.
26 David M. Scheider, Katheleen Gough, (ed), op.cit., p. 303. The two kingdoms
were Kolattiri and Travancore or Venad.
27 Padmanabha Menon, K.P., History of Kerala, Vol. 3, Ernakulam, 1933, p.
327.
28 Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. 2, p. 349.
29 Karanavar: The senior most male member of Nair family known as the
Karanavar. Karanavar in Malayalam means senior most male member of a
traditional Nair family.
30 Tarawadu: It is a Malayalam term which denotes a traditional Nair family.
The Nairs joint family was only known as Tarawad.
36
properties were managed by the Karanavar.31
The women enjoyed a
position in society because of their connection with the Brahmins.32
The Nair community acted as the uncrowned kings of the villages.
The Nair Regulation Bill weakened the backbone of the Nair families and
rendered the joint family system meaningless.33
As the Vilavancode Taluk
was most backward among all the four Taluks, the domination of the Nairs
was very severe. Because their military service to the state they occupied
key positions in government offices. They were the principal slave owners
in the south34
and the feudal aristocracy owning most of the land. Their
alliance with the Brahmins gave them enormous power and influence.35
As
slave owners, they had the power to ‘sell’ or ‘kill’ or transfer their slaves.
The lower caste people stood with reverence and fear at a prescribed
distance, half bent, breast bared, hand closing their mouth, a very picture of
servitude.36
31 Sreedhara Menon, A., op.cit., p. 84.
32 Yesudhas, R.N., A Peoples Revolt in Travancore, Trivandrum, 1975, p. 18.
33 Sreedhara Menon, A., op.cit., p. 46.
34 Robin Jeffry, The Decline of Nair Dominance, Society and Polities in
Travancore, 1847-1908, London, 1975, p. 16.
35 Travancore: In the year before 1
st November 1956, Kerala State to Cape-
Comorin (Kanyakumari District) united one state. It is known as Travancore.
36 Yesudhas, R.N., op.cit., p. 23.
37
Next to the Nair community, the Vellalas of Nanjilnad were
respected. They were strict vegetarians and highly practised Sanskritised
rituals.37
They were known by the title Pillai.38
The Vellala families
similar to the Nairs, also claim caste superiority. It is said that they held
high position in the society and ranked second to the Brahmins. The
members of Vellala families were highly educated, mostly they were
considered to be Tamil scholars. They were also land owners. They had
been associated with the temples and performed various other rituals that
the Brahmins left unperformed. Unlike the Vellalas of Nanchil Nadu39
their counterparts of Vilavancode Taluk lived in very important places in
Vilavancode Taluk. They boasted that they were the superiors in the
society. Poet Desihavinayagam Pillai and many scholars belonged to this
community.
37 Hardgrave, R.L., The Nadars of Tamil Nadu, California, 1969, pp. 22-23.
38 Joy Gnanadhason, op.cit., p. 24.
39 Nanchil Nadu: Thovalai and Agastheeswaram taluks constitute the ‘Nanchil
Nadu’. As this place is famous for paddy cultivation, it is known as Nanchil.
Moreover, Nanchil also means protected region. Some are of the opinion that
this place is once occupied by ‘Nanchil Kuravarkal’. Hence it is given the
title Nanchil Nadu. Nanchil Nadu was the granary of Travancore.
38
1.3 The Ezhavas
Groups of Ezhavas were also found in Vilavancode Taluk,40
which
had its due share in the social renaissance of the region. It is believed that
they came from Elam and hence the name. They were known by different
names in different locations. The names are Ezhavas, Chogans, Choran and
Teers. They are Malayalam speaking people.41
In the history of
Travancore the Ezhavas were coconut climbers by profession.42
That is not
practiced by the Ezhavas of Vilavancode Taluk at present.
The Ezhavas of Vilavancode Taluk are small scale farmers and
agricultural labourers. Economically they were backward and socially they
suffered the same harassment as the Nairs in the hands of the high castes.43
They suffered for a long time of untouchability and after a heroic fight, they
gained their rights in the second quarter of the nineteenth century. They are
called the Cholas in central and northern part of Travancore.
Many views are put forward regarding the origin of the caste.
Meckenzie manuscripts say that the Ezhavas are descended from the seven
40 Joy Gnanadhason, op.cit., p. 26.
41 Ibid., p. 27.
42 Agur, C.M., Church History of Travancore, Madras, 1903, p. 53.
43 Joy Gnanadhason, op.cit., p. 26.
39
sons of Gandharva woman. Another theory relates their origin with a
Pandyan Princes Alli. She and her husband Narasimha, the Raja of
Carnatic migrated to Ceylon and became the sovereign of Ceylon. Later
their successors returned to the motherland and settled in Kerala by name
Ezhavas. They were called by the name for they came from Ezham another
name of Ceylon.44
Most of the Ezhavas were tappers and tenders of
coconut palm. Public offices, temple roads and the houses of the high caste
were closed to them. Though they follow the customs of Nairs, their
women were prohibited from covering their breasts and wearing certain
clothes and ornaments till the second half of the nineteenth century.
Keeping cows and metal vessals and wearing sandals and fine clothes were
not allowed to them. In general, they were a people despised by the higher
castes.45
The Ezhavas of Northern Travancore followed pure matrilineal
system whereas in South of Quilon, the Ezhavas followed both matrilineal
and patrilineal system.46
Yet they possessed no grand houses or large
44 Edgar Thurston, op.cit., Vo,. 5, p. 283.
45 Census of India, 1931, Travancore, Part I, Report, p. 278.
46 Robin Jeffrey, Society and Politics in Travancore, 1947-1908, London, p. 2.
40
estates of the Nairs. They inherited the social customs of Nairs. The
Ezhavas are numbered 546,265 against 592,489 Nairs in 1911 census.47
The Ezhavas have cultural and economical organization called Sree
Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam48
(S.N.D.P. Yogam). The Ezhavas
are Hindus by faith and in their social and religious life, they are highly
inspired by their saint called ‘Narayama Guru’.49
1.4 The Nadars
Nadars, who form the majority community claim mythical origin.50
The word ‘Nadar’ or ‘Nadan’ means ruler of a country or lord of the land.51
47 Census of India, 1931, Travancore, Part I, Report, p. 248.
48 SNDP Yogam: SNDP Yogam is the name of the organization started by
Narayana Guru for worship and organize the Ezhavas under a single banner.
It is one of the Hindu religious sangam. 49
Narayana Guru: was the reformer of Ezhava community. He was born in
1855 on the fourth day of Onam at Chempazhanthi near Trivandrum in
Kerala. Even in his early days he rose against the injustice done to the
backward classes. When he attained the age of 25 he came to Kanyakumari
and fell in meditation in a cave at Pillaithadam. Having attained the divine
blessings he tried to remove the disparity of caste and religion. He travelled
throughout Kerala and preached his principles to the people. Later he went to
Tamil Nadu and Karnataka and got some disciples. Then he went to Ceylon
and attracted many people towards his religion. His main idea was to unite
people of different castes and religions. He was able to talk fluently in Tamil,
Malayalam and Sanskrit. He wrote many books in two languages of Tamil
and Malayalam. People accepted his principles because it was simple and
easy to follow.
50 Robin Jeffrey, op.cit., p. 47.
51 Edgar Thurston, E., Caste and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. IV, New Delhi,
1909, p. 368.
41
The word Shannan is originally derived from Tamil ‘Sanna’ means toddy.52
The later derivation is also given by the Vellalas.53
The Nadars became
prominent after the advent of Christianity. Politically they became
prominent after the formation of Travancore Tamilnad Congress in 1956.54
1.5 The Sub-Castes
The major sub-castes or slave castes were Parayas and Pulayas.55
They were the backbone of agriculture. The lower that one was in the caste
scale the longer was the scheduled distance of approach. If in the course of
his daily movements a Nair saw a member of slave caste approaching him,
he would shout angrily, ‘Po Po’. It means ‘get away’. If by accident the
latter touched him, the Nair would strike him.56
They had to stand away
from the high caste magistrate at the appropriate distance and take their
chance of being heard.57
52 Edgar Thurston, E., op,cit., p. 369.
53 Sreedhara Menon, A., Cultural Heritage of Kerala, Kottayam, 1995, p. 55.
54 Maria John, B., The Linguistic Re-organization of Madras Presidency,
Nagercoil, 1994, pp. 79-92. Also Daniel, D., Struggle for Responsible
Government in Travancore 1938-1947, Madurai. .
55 Velupillai, T.K., op.cit., p. 246.
56 Yesudhas, R.N., op.cit., pp. 22-39.
57 Samuel Matteer, S., op.cit., p. 46.
42
The Parayas and Pulayas occupied a very low rank in the social
scale. They took part in every kind of agricultural works. The Pulayas and
Parayas could not eventuate the courts of Justice to seek redress for their
grievances.58
The rules of unapproachability and untouchability had their
direct reflections on the housing conditions and structure of the dwellings
of the slave castes. Nairs had the right to keep slaves under their control.
The Parayas lived in crowd called ‘paracheries’ beyond the village
limits under the most unhygienic conditions away from the habitation of the
higher caste people for whom they labored. The Pulayas lived near
marshes and swamps in the middle of the rice fields or on raised
embankments.59
The slaves could not even speak the language of the
ordinary people. The high caste people or the landlords had the right to
‘sell’ or ‘kill’ the slave caste people. These people stood before the high
caste people trembling with fear.60
The fishermen in fact belong to most backward class. They used to
live in groups. Mostly their huts are made with thatched roofs. Their main
58 Joy Gnanadhason, op.cit., p. 30.
59 Samuel Mateer, S., op.cit., p. 31.
60 Joy Gnanadhason, op.cit., p. 23.
43
occupation was fishing.61
There are five divisions among fishermen
community. They were Bharathavar, Mukkuvars, Chempadavar, Nuzhayar
and Kudayakavar.62
The Mukkuvars are large in number. They fight
against the waves of different oceans and ocean currents in the under
water.63
They have to face many problems from high and low tides of the
blue sea. So they must possess strong physique with broad structure.64
They live only on the seashores. The fishermen depend only on the sea for
earning their daily bread. The people of the coastal region hope that
tomorrow’s catch would be better than today’s.65
In Vilavancode Taluk the fishermen are of two types. First group is
involved in catching fishes and the other group is concentrating on selling
fishes.66
They used to catch fishes early in the morning. Before they go for
fishing they use to go to the church for prayer. They used to go for fishing
61 Antony Muthu, Rev. Fr., Kanneyam (Tamil), Kottar Diocese, Nagercoil, 1994,
p. 102.
62 Stephen Sam, N., Folklore of Fishermen in Kanyakumari District – A Study,
Kallukoottam, 1991, p. 109.
63 Parasuraman, K.V., Meenpidi Muraikal (Tamil), Madras, 1986, p. 60.
64 Joseph Velacherry, A Study of Fishing Community in Kerala, Trivandrum,
1982, p. 93.
65 Narchison, J.R., Called to Serve, Nagercoil, 1982, p. 135.
66 Personal Interview with Mr. C. Mariya Arputham, Fisherman, aged 62,
residing at Kollemcode, dated 05.12.2008.
44
in group in the morning and return in the evening.67
When they go for
fishing they are guided by the stars.
The fishermen have a supreme sense maritime astronomy of
‘Kanneyam Nokkal’.68
The fishermen depend on the sun for their
movement in the sea at day time. But during cloudy days and the rough
season it is difficult to rely on the sun. Likewise at night the position and
movement of the stars and the moon direct them. When the signals from
the lighthouse vanish, they depend on the stars for their guidance.
Fishermen used to call the stars in different names.69
That is ‘Kappal
Velli’,70
Chottu Velli,71
Malaimeen Velli,72
Vidi Velli,73
Muzhakku Velli or
67 Personal Interview with Mr. A. Darwin, fisherman, aged 59, residing at
Thenkapattanam, dated 05.12.2008.
68 Kanneyem Nokkal: Kanneyam Nokkal is the Mukkuvar term for identifying
the place and calculating the time in the sea in connection with fishing.
69 Antony Muthu, Rev. Fr., op.cit., p. 102.
70 Kappal Velli: is a collection of eight stars. It is in the form of ship with
anchor. It appears in the month of Karthigai (Tamil month) at midnight 2
o’clock in the north and sets in the east. If directs the fishermen fishing.
71 Chottu Velli: Chottu velli is a single star. It rises in the evening before night
meals. Hence it gets the name chottu (night meals) velli. It appears in the
month of Karthigai (Tamil month). It rises at night 7 o’clock in the west and
sets at 9 o’clock. Hence it guides the fishermen only for two hours.
72 Malaimeen Velli: Malaimeen Velli is also a single star. It rises at midnight
in the shoreline and sets in the sea. It is visible during Christmas time. Hence
it is called ‘Yesunak Satram’ (Jesus Star). It indicates the appearance of big
varieties of fish in and around rocky place. At this season, fishes appear very
near to the parai region in search of their food.
45
Muzhakka Velli,74
Arameen Velli,75
Ama Velli,76
Kurusu Velli,77
Kudal
Velli78
and Kanniya Velli.79
Fishermen work hard and fight against the waves of different ocean
currents in the underwater. They face the problems of both high and low
tides of the blue sea. To face any situation, they possess a strong physique.
Their colour complexion is fairly black.80
73 Vidi Velli: Vidi Velli rises early in the morning. It is called Vidi Velli
(Morning star). It is also called Kannan Velli. It is visible every day
throughout the year in the east.
74 Muzhakku Velli: Muzhakku Velli is otherwise known as Muzhakka Velli.
A cluster of three stars appears in a straight line like a measuring rod in the
sky. This star is called as Muzhakku Velli or Muzhakka Velli. It is visible till
the month of Chithirai (Tamil month).
75 Arameen Velli: A group of six stars in a cluster visible in the sky till the
tenth of Vaikasi (Tamil month). It rises at midnight in the north and sets in
the east. The fishermen depend on these stars for their guidance.
76 Ama Velli: Ama Velli contains a group of stars. It appears in the shape of
ama (tortoise). It rises and sets in the sea itself. It appears in the month of
Ani (Tamil Month). It rises in the early morning at about 5 o’clock.
77 Kurusu Velli: Kurusu Velli is in the form of four stars arranged roughly in
the shape of cross. Astronomers call it ‘Southern Cross’. The lower star at
the stem of the cross is brighter of all and it points towards the south pole of
the sky. It rises early in the morning in the southern direction.
78 Kadal Velli: It appears a week in the sky near the Ama Velli. It too rises and
sets in the southern horizon of the sea. It helps to determine the weather
conditions.
79 Kanniya Velli: Kanniya Velli is a single star. It rises in the evening around 7
o’clock. It appears everyday throughout the year. This star is in stable and
never moves anywhere. This is the only star, which is fixed in a particular
place. The light of the star is moderate. It rises in the evening and sets in the
morning. It helps the fishermen throughout night in fishing.
80 Joseph Velacherry, op.cit., p. 93.
46
Thus, the society in Vilavancode Taluk consisted of many
communal groups before 1956. But the high castes did not treat the low
caste on par with them. The system of slavery was very much rampant in
the society.
1.6 The Social Disabilities
Travancore had been called as the house of untouchable. These
social inhibitions were observed seriously under the sanction of religious
and social customs and conventions. In the early period of her social
history Vilavancode Taluk fell in line with the whole of Travancore. The
society was feudalistic in nature and caste ridden The non caste Hindus
like the Ezhavas, the Nadars, the Parayas and the other scheduled castes
were the original inhabitants of Travancore. But following the
establishment of the caste hegemony the Brahmins, and other high caste
people, the low castes were reduced to the status of serfs and thus
Travancore became an example of caste division.81
The institution of slavery started in Travancore from the political
conquest of the invaders and settlers from the north. In the early period of
her history the slaves enjoyed equal privileges to that of a free man. In
81 Kunjan Pillai, E., Census of India, 1931, Vol. XXVIII, Travancore, Part I,
Trivandrum, 1932, p. 432.
47
course of time they lost their power and prestige and subscribed to
slavery.82
The Brahmins who came from the north and settled in
Travancore were responsible to create caste rules to obtain superiority in
the society.83
As years passed by they had established their undisputed
dominance over land and people in the various regions of Travancore. The
Brahmins extended special treatment to those inhabitants who accepted
their superiority in all the regions of Travancore.84
The caste system slowly
began to develop in Travancore.
With the change of social order many segments of people with the
common title, Avarnas found place in the different social groups.85
According to the common law of the country, they were strictly prohibited
from entering into the temples and using public roads, wells, tanks and
chatrams.86
Equal opportunity of education and employment was also
denied to them.87
The total number of slaves in Travancore during the
82 The Most Rev. Yuhanon Marthoma, Christianity in India and a Brief History
of the Marthoma System, Chennai, 1968, p. 1.
83 Saradamoni, K., Aggressive Slavery in Kerala, Kerala Studies, Vol. I,
Trivandrum, 1974, pp. 155-168.
84 Kusuman, K.K., Slavery in Travancore, Trivandrum, 1973, p. 25.
85 Ibid., p. 20.
86 Report of the Temple Entry Enquiry Committee, 1934, p. 8.
87 Kunjan Pillai, E., op.cit., p. 432.
48
second half of the 17th
century was 1,65,000.88
Many became slaves due to
the hereditary factors. Political and social order of the day was also
partially responsible to add the number of slaves. Usually victorious kings
of wars carried away the people from the vanquished country and converted
them as slaves. During times of famine, the affected parents sold their
children for money or for one or two times meals. These unfortunate
victims were made slaves. Debtors who could not repay their loans,
according to the custom of the period were forced to do labour till the
liability is over.89
The lot of the slaves was very pathetic. They were not only put into
the chains of bondage, but were suffering from untouchability and
unapproachability. The slaves were forced to observe certain approved
distance in their dealings with higher caste people. They could not move to
the market to buy their daily needs and sell their products.90
They were
unapproachable too. If a high caste man was polluted by the touch of a low
caste man he had to undergo purification ceremony. Hence, the low castes
88 English Records, Trivandrum, Cover file No. 280.
89 Syed Mohammed, P.A., (ed.), Kerala Charitram, (Malayalam), Vol. II,
Trivandrum, 1939, p. 51.
90 Sobhanan, B., Genesis of the Social Emancipation among the Ezhavas,
Historic, Vol. II, Madurai, 1984, p. 3.
49
were commonly spoken as outcastes or untouchables.91
If a Pulaya touches
a Brahmin, he had to take bath immediately and change his Brahminical
thread. If the Pulaya touches a Nair, he had to take bath and no other
ceremony is required to this effect.92
The system of untouchability was also
very severe in Travancore. Caste rules imposed restrictions on the low
castes. They had to keep a stipulated distance from the caste people in
proportion to their stage in the social order.93
An Ezhava must keep 36
paces to a Brahmin and 12 to a Nair, while a Kaniyan would pollute a
Nambudiri Brahmin at 24 feet.94
A Shanan or Nadar should keep 36 paces
from Brahmin and a Pulayan must keep 96 paces as the distance. From the
Nair, a Pulaya should keep a distance of 66 paces.95
A Nair must not come
within 3 feet of Namboodiri Brahmin, an Ezhava or Shanan within 24 paces
and Pulayan or other untouchable within 36 paces.96
It is very clear, that an untouchable should stand at a prescribed
distance and had to cover his mouth with one hand while speaking to the
91 Francis Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore,
Canara and Malabar, London, 1879, p. 151.
92 Hutton, J.H., op.cit., p. 78.
93 Yesudhas, R.N., op.cit.
94 Francis Day, Land of Perumals, Chennai, 1868, p. 322.
95 Mateer, S, op.cit., pp. 32-40.
96 Ibid.
50
caste Hindus.97
Entering into the temple premises was considered to be a
sin. Walking on the roads leading to the temples was treated as violation of
caste and religious rules. These rules were more severe in the temples of
Guruvayur, Suchindram and Vaikom. Even in village temples this was
prevalent. Thus the people suffered a lot due to the strict adherence of the
pollution rules.98
The kings who were the protectors of the rights of the people could
not do anything at all. If at all they were interested to protect the people the
high castes opposed him and considered it as treason. Even the kings could
not treat them on par with the high castes. When the kings could not render
justice, the people too could not do anything. Any violation was dealt with
severely as there was no organized judiciary customs and conventions
prevailed over the people.
1.7 Judiciary
Under the Maharaja’s administration in Travancore the people
followed certain systems of judicial administration. Customs and
97 Samuel, V.T., One Caste, One Religion, One God (a study of Narayana Guru),
New Delhi, 1947, p. 23.
98 Ravindran, T.K., Eight Furlongs of Freedom, Trivandrum, 1980. P. 39.
51
conventions formed the basis of the judicial system of Vilavancode taluk.99
The king was the fountain head of justice. In the absence of any written
code, customs, conventions and practices with strong bearing on the
Dharmasastras were in force in civil and criminal cases.100
In civil matters,
the judgment was based on the religious laws of the affected persons.
The king was the highest judicial authority of the state or kingdom.
As the protector of the subjects the king punished the wicked.101
The
subjects could place their civil and criminal grievances before the king.
Nobody could either refute or disagree with his decision.102
The king could
punish a person at his will. So they were completely under the mercy of the
king. In certain cases, the kings nominated an official to render justice.103
1.7.1 Caste Tribunals
Caste tribunals played a major role in the judicial administration of
Travancore in which Vilavancode was a part. In the earlier period in
99 Padmanabha Mewnon, K.P., History of Kerala, Vol. II, Ernakulam, 1983,
p. 24.
100 Achyutha Menon, C., Cochin State Manual, Administration of Justice,
Ernakulam, 1905, p. 337.
101 Krishna Ayyer, K.V., A Short History of Kerala, Ernakulam, 1966, p. 55.
102 Malaviya, H.D., Village Panchayats in India, New Delhi, 1956, p. 55.
103 Achyutha Menon, C., op.cit., p. 338.
52
Travancore, the Tara104
organization played a vital role in the matter of the
administration of justice. The tara formed the unit of civil judicial
organization. Each tara had its own elders called Karanavars. They were
the administrators of justice in the village. They held their office
hereditarily.105
In the administration of justice, a village accountant
assisted the Karanavar.106
For the trial of cases, the judges assembled in
front of the village temple or under the shade of big banyan tree in the
presence of the villagers.107
Mostly civil disputes were referred to arbitration by three or four
creditable persons which was headed by a headman.108
The headman
settled small disputes but secure the assistance of a term of elders in
determining more important matters. Hence the headman was considered
as the main judicial authority in the villages.109
There was no definite limit
to the number of members in the panchayat.
104 Tara: Tara is a Malayalam word which means village.
105 Padmanabha Menon, K.P., op.cit., p. 248.
106 John Mathai, Village Government in British India, London, 1915, p. 165.
107 Padmanabha Menon, K.P., op.cit., p. 250.
108 John Mathai, op.cit., p. 162.
109 John Mathai, op.cit., p. 163.
53
Trial by ordeal played a vital role in the judicial administration of
Vilavancode taluk. This practice was in vogue in the whole of Travancore.
This practice was put in force in Vilavancode also. Punishments for those
crimes were of various kinds, ranging from death sentence. Torture was
also restored. They adopted coercive method to elicit the crime or confess
the guilt. If the accused continued to deny the guilt, the complainant would
request that the accused should be subjected to trial by ordeal.110
This was
a peculiar institution which was generally adopted to find the criminals. It
was performed in the presence of the Brahmins.111
Different kinds of
ordeals were in force. They can be categorized as follows. They are ordeal
by water, ordeal by fire, ordeal by poison, ordeal by balance and there were
other minor methods also.112
In the case of ordeal by water, the suspected was required to swim
through the river full of reptiles. This should be done in the presence of the
Brahmin chief. The accused carry the Brahmin chief on his back. If the
Barhmin chief was carried safe to the other side, the person who was
110 Achyutha Menon, C., op.cit., p. 338.
111 Padmanabha Menon, K.P., op.cit., pp. 258-270.
112 Ibid., p. 257.
54
suspected of the crime was considered to be innocent. If it devour him then
they determine that he was guilty.113
Ordeal by fire was an important one, which was observed from the
earliest times in Travancore. If the thief denied the robbery he was kept in
prison uncomfortably for eight days. Even after that he did not confess his
guilt he was required to take oath. In that case the accused was taken out of
the prison and made to take bath in a pool. After the bath he was brought to
a house of prayer where idols were kept.114
Then he was commanded to
take a coin from a copper vessel with boiling ghee or oil. Then his hand
was swathed with cloth bandage and sealed up. On the third day if his hand
was burnt he was declared guilty or if his hand was ulcerated then he was
declared not guilty.115
This oil or ghee ordeal was usually held in
Suchindram temple in South Travancore (Kanyakumari district).116
In later
time, in criminal cases this system was reserved for Brahmins and men of
113 Padmanabha Menon, K.P., op.cit., p. 257.
114 Achyutha Menon, op.cit., p. 258.
115 Ibid., p. 339.
116 Administration Report of Department of Archeology, 1930, Trivandrum,
p. 12.
55
high castes.117
Others were required to handle or lick a red-hot iron or
pouring molten lead on the palm.118
The ordeal by poison was of two kinds. In one form the Brahmins
chanting mantras, mixed three barley coin mix the poisonous root or white
arsenic thirty two times to its weight of ghee. Then the accused was asked
to eat it. If it did not injuriously affect him, he was declared innocent,
otherwise he was declared guilty.119
The other method was to keep a cobra or any other venomous snake
into an earthern pot. Then the accused had to take out either the snake or a
coin which had been dropped in along with the reptile. If he was bitten, he
was considered guilty, otherwise declared innocent.120
Ordeal by Balance was another system in vogue. According to this
system the accused being weighed in the balance to ascertain his guilt or his
innocence.121
Before the ordeal the accused and a Brahmin fastened for
twenty four hours. Then they will be taken to a pool for a dip. After that
the accused was asked to make an offering to the deity. Then he was
117 Inness, C.A., Madras District Gazetteers, Vol. I, Madras, 1901, p. 363.
118 Ibid., p. 364.
119 Padmanabha Menon, K.P., op.cit., p. 266.
120 Administration Report of the Department of Archaeology, op.cit., p. 13.
121 Padmanabha Menon, K.P., op.cit., p. 267.
56
weighed and his weight was recorded.122
Then the suspected crime was
written and fastened on the forehead of the accused and the Brahmin. Then
they were hanged in the scales. After six minutes, the accused was once
more weighed. If he showed greater weight, he was condemned. If lesser
he was considered guiltless.123
In administering justice, trial by ordeal was
very common in Vilavancode taluk. It was applied both in civil and
criminal cases. To establish the innocence of the accused, this system was
practiced.
As the judicial system was based on the customs and conventions,
the poor wretched slaves and other backward communities could not go to
the king for relief, for the King was surrounded by Brahmins. Even if the
king wanted to give relief to any one he could not do so. As there was no
jury system the innocent people also could not get relief. The people were
yearning for better days. This was not the only suffering, but there were
other kinds of obnoxious practices that existed not only in Vilavancode
Taluk but were universal throughout Travancore. Those evils were fought
by the people with the social awakening that was created by the Christian
missionaries.
122 Inness, C.A., op.cit., p. 364.
123 Padmanabha Menon, K.P., op.cit., p. 268.
57
1.8 Struggle of the Backward Communities
The Nairs and the Namboodiri Brahmins formed the considerable
strength of the population. The Nadar and other low communities had
undergone untold miseries. It was in this circumstances Christianity came
to South Travancore. Ringeltaube came and established schools in 1806.
Then Rev. Mead and Mrs. Mead came and settled at Neyyoor. Places like
Marthandam and Parassala were looked after by them during the early
period. They were followed by Rev. Abs, Rev. Sinclair and Rev. Emlyn
and they educated the people. Then Vilavancode Taluk was under the
Parassala division of the Missionaries. From Parassala, they were
rendering services at Marthandam and other places. The coming of
Christianity was responsible for the enlightenment of the people of
Marthandam and other places of Vilavancode Taluk. The educational
services that they started kindled the minds of the people for reasoning.
This awakening brought many changes in the society.124
The low castes were suppressed by the high castes, because they had
no education. Their cultural background was too bad. They were treated as
slaves.125
The slaves were treated as untouchables. Seeing their master for
124 Missionary Report from Parassala Mission, 1829, pp. 1-4.
125 Ibid., p. 5.
58
any matter was a great task. Even if they met them they had to stand in
reverence. The slaves and other castes were pressed for free services like
oozhiam and viruthi.126
The high castes extracted three kinds of oozhiam.
1. Regular service to the state as and when demanded.
2. Oozhiam service without receiving any remuneration from the state.
The people of this category possessed government land on free
tenure. They were forced to support by providing provisions for the
religious and charitable institutions.127
These people were forced to
work on Sundays and Government holidays.128
3. The third category oozhiam required during special occasions once a
while in the whole of South Travancore.129
Not only these, there were other kinds of poll taxes such as valayara,
kuppakatcha, thalayara, etc. These taxes affected the normal earning of an
ordinary citizen. Hence they opposed this but they could not come out
boldly. All the prayers and petitions of the people to the government did
not bear fruit. At the instance of the Christian Missionaries, on 29th
126 Missionary Report from Parassala Mission, 1829, p. 5.
127 Letter of Venkat Row, Dewan, December 16, 1828.
128 Letter from Rev. Mead to Board of Directors, London, September 1822, p. 8.
129 Letter of Venkat Row, Dewan, December 16, 1828.
59
December 1815, a proclamation was promulgated by Her Highness, the
Maharani Gowri Parvathi Bai to exempt the Christians to supply provisions
to the temples and oozhium on Sundays.130
The Missionaries were not
satisfied with this. Because of their continuous efforts, on 18th
September
1821131
another proclamation was promulgated. However the people were
totally freed from it by the Government order of 1880.132
1.8.1 The Upper Cloth Revolt
The problem of upper cloth was another problem not only to the
people of Marthandam but Arumanai and other places were also affected.
Some of them deserted their houses and some villages gave a deserted
look.133
The Christian Missionaries found that nearly 70% of the women in
South Travancore left the upper part of their body bare. At Vilavancode
Taluk almost 80% of the women did not wear upper cloth. The women
were treated far below the dignity of human being. They wanted to
eradicate the same. The missionaries brought it to notice of Col. Munro.
130 Translation of a proclamation, 29
th December, 1815.
131 Ibid., 18
th September, 1821.
132 G.O. No. 14/80.
133 L.M.S. Report from the Parassala Mission field, 1823, p. 9.
60
On 1812, Col. Munro issued an order permitting the Christian women to
wear upper cloth.134
Subsequently, on September 1814, another order was
issued. But the Nairs who were intolerant of these developments became
jealous. They wanted to put an end to the freedom of dress. Hence they
started to persecute the backward, especially the Nadars in 1822. The Nairs
felt that their longstanding customs, conventions and social superiority,
were threatened and attacked the Christians. Rev. Mead, who was the
officiating Magistrate at Thuckalay passed an order against it in 1823.135
During this period, Vilavancode was not affected much. Yet there were
problems at Nair dominated places like Marthandam and Kuzhithurai.136
Between the years 1823-1828 there was lull in the upper cloth
programme. During this time Lord William Bentinck announced the policy
of Non-intervention in the internal administration of the states.137
This
encouraged the state officials and Nair leaders who effectively took part in
the struggle against the Christians of Kalkulam and Vilavancode Taluks. In
134 Order from Col. Munro, Resident Dewan to the Sarvadhikariakar of
Trivandrum and Neyyattinkara Taluks, 1812.
135 Order of Col. Munro, Resident Dewan to Tirumugham Pidicha Pillai, 10
th
Virichigam, 989, 1814.
136 Report from Parassala Mission field, 1824, January, p. 4.
137 Sathiyanathier, R., Political and Cultural History of India, Vol. III, Madras,
1972, pp. 270-290.
61
1828, a struggle burst at Thirparappu, Arumanai and Kuzhithurai burst
out.138
In the Vilavancode Taluk the Nairs prevented the Christians from
going to the church and giving sermons in the churches.139
Mr.
Packianathan of Kanjiracode was prevented from preaching the gospel.140
He was threatened by saying that his house and the church would be burnt
if they violated their wish. Savarial, Gnanappu and Annal of this village
were teased and their jackets were torn to pieces while going to the market.
Mallan Pillai of the same village under the instigation of the Provartikar
and head of Nattalam Pakuthi did all the atrocities.141
When this matter
was brought to the notice of the Provartikar by the leader of the church he
was warned and sent back with the warning he would also be punished if
this women wore jackets thereafter.
138 Letter from Rev. Mead to Captain Cibald, Officer Commanding, stationed at
Udayagiri, No. 1-2.
139 Translation of a Proclamation exempting Christians from compulsory duties
connected with the Pagodas from Murajebam and other Hindu festivals and
other Devaswam works, 16th
Margali, 991 (1815).
140 Translation of an order from Col. J. Munro, Resident Dewan to the
Sarvadhikariakkars of Trivandrum and Neyyattinkara taluk, dated 19th
Dhanoo, 988.
141 L.M.S. Report, 1829, p. 5.
62
The revolt spread to other parts of Vilavancode Taluk. One
Gunamudayal and her friend Neethiyodayal of Kunnathoor area went to the
market at Kallankuzhi they were beaten black and blue, and their jackets
were torn to pieces. Likewise another woman by name Yesudiyal when
going to the Kuzhivila market was beaten and her jacket was torn to pieces
by Mallan Pillai and Poothamudayan. They assaulted women who stayed
at their house, wearing the jackets. The ladies thus insulted went in to the
house and took broom stick in their hands and their men followed them
with stick and weapons. Seeing this the tormenters took to their heels.
Thus the backward classes underwent untold miseries. The protestant
missionaries took the matter to the government and the Dewan.
Consequently Dewan Venkata Rao conducted an enquiry and released an
order, on February 1829.142
The government order stated that the woman
could wear Kupayam as a substitute to wearing cloth over their body.
Further it is stated that those who were doing Oozhiam service must
continue the same. Though it was painful to the missionaries and the
Christians, they accepted the order gracefully.
The Upper Cloth Revolt was renewed in 1855 and it continued upto
1859. During this time also the Christians of Pacode, Arumanai,
142 Enquiry Committee’s Report, 1829, p. 9.
63
Kuzhithurai, Kaliyakkavilai and many other places were assaulted. But
there were repercussions in many places. Rev. Cox and many other
missionaries made complaint to Madras government. The governor of
Madras wrote to the Viceroy in Delhi and the Viceroy in turn directed to
make an enquiry.143
However by the order of the government in 1859 the
Christian women were permitted to wear upper cloth.144
1.9 Revolt against Temple Entry
Vilavancode Taluk is noted for famous Sivalayas, such as the
Parthiba Kesavapuram temple at Munchirai, Siva temple at Thirpannikodu.
In the Parthiba Kesavapuram there was a college which accommodated 95
vedic scholars. These temples were under the control of the Brahmins. So
the backward communities were not allowed to either worship or go near
the shrine or Garbhagraha of the temples. Because the Brahmins pretended
to be the priestly class in the society.145
The Nairs were allowed to go near
the Garbhagraha. But others below the Nairs were not allowed to enter the
temple. These people worship many divinities such as Muruga, Bhagavathi,
Pei Pisasu, Madan, Sudalai, Esaki, etc. But the spread of English education
143 Yesudhas, R.N., The People’s Revolt, p. 82.
144 Velupillai, T.K., op.cit., p. 588.
145 Immanuvel, M., The Dravidian Lineages, A Socio Historical Study: The
Nadars through the Ages, Nagercoil, 2002, pp. 319-332.
64
and improvement of the basic facilities inspired the non caste Hindus to
demand for the legitimate status within the fold of Hinduism.146
Slowly
these feelings came to be ignited by the educated people. So they secured
freedom of worship in the Brahminical temples.
In 1854, at Kumaracoil, a revolt broke out. The revolt was headed
by Vellian Nadar. The news of the revolt spread to Vilavancode Taluk, the
people at Vilavancode Taluk also came to support. The leaders such as
Gopalakrishnan and Govinda convened the people and instructed them to
demand their right for temple entry, like the Brahmins and Nairs.147
In the
meantime the Suchindram Satyagraha was started. The Satyagraha was led
by M.E. Naidu. Many people from Vilavancode Taluk went under the
leadership of Govindan and Gopalakrishnan. They went along with M.E.
Naidu and others. But at the instance of the Dewan they tried for a peaceful
settlement. But the peaceful settlement was not in near sight. In the
meantime E.V.R. and others started the Vaikom Satyagraha.148
The
Suchindram Satyagraha was once again resumed in 1930. Sir C.P.
Ramaswamy Iyer, the Dewan of Travancore realized the critical situation
146 Annual Report of the Missionaries to Home Board, London, 1832, p. 7.
147 File No. 62/1926/C, Kerala Secretariat.
148 Mahadev Desai, The Epic of Travancore, Ahmedabad, 1937.
65
and came forward to issue a proclamation.149
Finally on 12th
November
1936 at the instance of C.P. Ramaswamy Iyer the Dewan of Travancore
Maharaja Sri Chitira Thirunal resumed the temple entry proclamation on
his 25th
birthday. Thus the Temple Entry Revolt came to an end and
Vilavancode Taluk remained peaceful and people accepted the orders of the
Dewan.
Even though various proclamations were issued against slavery,150
Oozhiam service,151
and the temple entry the ordeals of the people not only
of Vilavancode but also in other Taluks did not stop. The Nairs, who lost
their dominations due to the proclamations could not tolerate this. The idea
of ill-treating the Nadars and other communities was embroiling in their
minds. In short they wanted to reap vengeance on the people and for that
they were waiting for an opportunity.
1.10 Attempt to regain the lost Glory
The high castes grew jealous over the relief to the low castes. They
planned for another struggle. After Col. Munro, the post of the Dewan was
149 The Regulations and Proclamations of Travancore, 1112 M.E., Vol. IX, p. 3.
150 The proclamation of 1852, prepared a draft proclamation and sent it to the
Resident, Resident’s letter to the Dewan of Travancore, 10 September, 1853.
151 Ibid.
66
rarely offered to the Nairs. Upto 1877 the non-Malayalee Brahmins held
the post of Dewan in Travancore. Dewan Madhava Rao restricted the entry
of Nairs in the government services. The reforms introduced in the
education department very much reduced the Nair dominance. Growth of
education in Travancore led to the split in the Nair Tarawad.
The Nairs tried to rebuild the dominance that they have lost. In an
attempt to capture their lost glory the Nairs determined to capture political
power in the country. They formed the Malayalee Sabha in 1884 to
promote their socio-economic and political clout in the state.152
The
Malayalee Sabha submitted a memorandum to the Government in 1891. It
was called the Malayalee Memorial.153
It was an attempt to show the
government that they were the only people affected. But in reality the
Syrian Catholics, the Vellalar of Nanjilnad, the Ezhavas and the
Muslims also did not get any benefit. The Memorial was beneficial to the
Nairs only.
The Syrian Christians, the Ezhavas and the Muslims formed another
group and announced the boycott of 1932 election. As they abstained from
the election, it was called Abstention Movement. At the same time the
152 Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nair Dominance: Society and Politics in
Travancore, 1847-1908, London, 1976, p. 153.
153 The Malayalee Memorial, Archives Treasury, Trivandrum, 1993, p. 137.
67
Nairs demanded Responsible Government with the alliance of other
communities for their support to give a national colour to their struggle.154
In an attempt to gather strength, they sought the help of the
Ezhavas,155
Syrian Christians, Muslims and the Vellalas.156
They were
averse to seek the help of the Nadar Christians because they did not
consider them as Indians.157
Out of many communities the Nairs were
benefited in the election of 1932 and other communities thought that they
will be benefited later but their hope was in vain.158
1.11 The Struggle for Social Identity
After the election of 1932, the Nairs became powerful.159
This
emboldened the Nairs to regain their lost glory. Once again the oppressive
attitude of the Nairs came to the surface. Because of their oppressive
attitude in the representative body the long struggles that were controlled
154 Peter, D. and Ivy Peter, Liberation of the Oppressed a continuous struggle,
Nagercoil, 2009, pp. 36-37.
155 Mitra, C.R., Sri Narayana Guru and Social Revolution, Shertallai, 1979,
p. 30.
156 The Malayalee Memorial, p. 137.
157 Counter to Malayalee Memorial, 1981.
158 Suresh Kumar, Genesis of Political Movements 1859-1928, New Delhi, p. 64.
159 Razak, Newamony Oru Charitra Thiruppam (Tamil), Nagercoil, 1998, pp. 12-
13.
68
by the Government Orders once again come to the surface. The struggle
once again started at Vilavancode and Kalkulam Taluks.160
The Nadar
community of Kalkulam and Vilavancode Taluks began to resist it. After
attainment of independence in 1947, the people of Vilavancode were even
now struggling to get freedom from the high caste. In an attempt to oppose
that they formed Travancore Tamilnad National Congress (TTNC). With
the blessings of the TTNC the volunteers conducted public meetings. The
police force with the blessings from the high caste committed atrocities
mostly in Vilavancode because the people opposed their atrocities.161
In
11th
January 1948 meetings were conducted at various places of
Vilavancode Taluk condemning the police-raj. On 21.4.1948, meetings
were conducted at Ilavuvilai, Nattalam, Keezhkulam of Vilavancode Taluks
condemning the atrocities of the police.162
The modesty of the women were
under the mercy of the police. The meetings were headed by the Tamil
Nadu Congress workers. On false and flimsy charges, the police opened
fire at Keezhkulam and S.T. Mankad. In the firing two men lost their lives.
The whole of Vilavancode Taluk was encircled by gloom.163
160 Petition to the I.G. of Police by Thanulingam Nadar.
161 Dr. Peter and Ivy Peter, op.cit., pp. 86-89
162 Ibid.
163 Ibid.
69
The formation of Travancore Tamil Nadu Congress was a major
irritation to the Government. Mostly the activities came from Vilavancode
and Kalkulam Taluks. Now the whole of Kalkulam, Vilavancode, Thovalai
and Agasteeswaram Taluks solidly stood behind the T.T.N.C. and they
demanded to unite these Taluks along with Chenkottai and Peermade with
Tamilnadu because the people and the T.T.N.C. leaders felt that this will
end the atrocities of the Malayalees on the Tamils.164
In an attempt to expose the discriminatory and oppressive attitude of
the government, the T.T.N.C. decided to observe August 11, 1954 as
deliverance day throughout Kalkulam, Vilavancode and other Taluks,
because their leaders who were arrested in a case at Peermade were
released two days before. The deliverance day programme started with
public meetings at Gandhi Maidan, Marthandam. Picketings were
conducted at Kuzhithurai Magistrate Court.165
The students of the
Marthandam High School came out and pelted stones. The police
lathicharged. Many were wounded. The wounded were put in jail at
Kuzhithurai.166
164 Dr. Peter and Ivy Peter, op.cit., pp. 88-94.
165 Sankaran Commission Report, Gazette No.51, dated, 21
st Dec. 1954.
166 Dr. Peter and Ivy Peter, op.cit., p. 94.
70
As planned a picketing was arranged at Pudukkadai sub-registrar’s
office. As there was no police force picketing went on peacefully. Those
who picketed disbursed peacefully. Under the leadership of Kunjan Nadar
at 8.30 pm a meeting was conducted. Nearly 10,000 people assembled.
The police came and gave a warning and entered in to the crowd and
lathicharged. The crowd disposed and ran in confusion. The police chased
and lathicharged them and opened fire. Four persons were dead and many
were wounded. The struggle was suspended. Pattom A. Thanupillai,the
Chief Minister of Travancore-Cochin state visited the places and patted the
policemen. But Vilavancode Taluk did not recover from the gloomy
situation.167
When Vilavancode Taluk was slowly recovering from the shock, at
that time election to the Travancore Cochin State Assembly came. The
TTNC won all the seats that it contested. A coalition Ministry was formed
with the help of the TTNC M.L.A.s. But the ministry did not last long.
Chidambaramuthu Nadar, the Revenue Minister, resigned from the ministry
and the TTNC withdrew the support. Consequently the Pattom Ministry
fell. As a result of the prolonged struggle as per the state re-oranization
commission, the four Taluks of Kalkulam, Vilavancode, Thovalai and
167 Sankaran Commission Report, p. 40.
71
Agasteeswaram were merged with Tamilnadu. The merger of Vilavancode
along with other taluks with Tamilnadu brought many changes in all
respects.
1.12 Economic Condition
Travancore was predominantly an agricultural country. Hence her
economy was of feudalistic character. The feudalistic character of
economy was developed from the very early period when Travancore was
ruled by the Chera kings.168
The Cholas waged war against the Cheras
during the 18th
century. This brought about socio-economic and political
changes.169
Because of the political changes that occurred very often
anarchy prevailed. Those who were afraid of their life and property,
entrusted their property in the hands of Namboodiries and the
Namboodiries became the over lords and thus the Jenmy system was
established in Travancore.170
The political system and economic arrangements made by the
Namboodiries assured the Nairs a place in the Jenmy system and they also
168 Shangoonny Menon, History of Travancore from the Earliest Times, Delhi,
1985, p. 1.
169 Pillai, K.K., Suchindram Temple, Madras, 1953, p. 26.
170 Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History, New Delhi, 1985, p. 141.
72
called themselves as Jenmies. Jenmies cultivated the lands by using the
services of the Nadars, Ezhavas, Pulayas and the Parayas. When a landlord
happened to sell the lands, they also sold the low castes attached to the
lands.171
The Jenmy system assured the Namboodiries and the Nairs socio-
economic status and political stability.172
Of all the Taluks in the South Travancore area, Vilavancode Taluk is
filled with coconut and mangroves, paddy fields, palmyrah trees, tapioca
cultivation, cloves, cardamom, cocoa and many other crops.173
They fetch
necessary income. The peasant population of Vilavancode Taluk cultivated
the lands and paid what is due to the overlords and got the reminder that
was hardly sufficient for them to make both ends to meet. The obnoxious
taxes and the free services to the government and the overlords made them
paupers.174
Besides these there were small scale industries in Vilavancode
Taluk. Coir fibre was produced from the husk of coconuts. At
Thengapattanam, Kollemcode and other places, coir products produced in
171 Dr. Peter and Ivy Peter, op.cit., p. 6.
172 Sreedhara Menon, A., op.cit., p. 77.
173 Dr. Peter and Ivy Peter, op.cit., p. 6.
174 Travancore Information and Listener, Travancore, 1948, p. 42.
73
large quantity and they were sold in the local markets.175
These coir
products were used for mat making. This enabled the people to start small
scale industries.176
Carpet making and bag making flourished. Palmyrah
fibre was also used to manufacture mat, brush and netting.177
These
handmade goods were sold in the local markets.178
Plantain fibre is also
prepared and used for fancy bags and cloth making.179
The people of Vilavancode Taluk indulged in weaving. Nattalam,
Thengapattanam, Palliyadi, Theruvukadai of Vilavancode Taluk are noted
for this work.180
Embroidery works were introduced by the London
Missionary Society with the help of missionaries to free the slaves and to
earn a livelihood for those who were not engaged in other works. One of
the notable centre for weaving industry is Marthandam.181
The people were
engaged in other works such as pottery making, smithy, jaggery making
175 File No. 2030/1930/Development, p. 13.
176 Velupillai, T.K., op.cit., Vol. III, pp. 508-509.
177 Baker, Palmyrah Industries in Travancore, Department of Industries,
Trivandrum, 1918, p. 5.
178 Ibid., p. 11.
179 Ibid.
180 George, A., Small Scale Industries in Travancore, Madras, 1997, pp. 94-95.
181 Ibid.
74
etc.182
Thus the people engaged themselves in such kinds of works to earn
their livelihood. But the frequent disturbances from the subordinate
officials caused dislocation very often yet the people who were engaged in
these works withstood all the problems and managed their life. The
frequent disturbances due to socio-economic problems caused them
economic loss. The people of Vilavancode Taluk managed to overcome
them. But the merger of Vilavancode, Kalkulam, Agasteeswaram and
Thovalai Taluks in November 1, 1956 brought social and economic
changes in Vilavancode Taluk.
The social conditions that prevailed in Vilavancode Taluk taught a
lesson to the people, the step-motherly attitude of the Brahmins and Nairs
forced them to fight against it. The economic loss was also due to this.
After the merger they felt that there will be a change in that attitude and that
will bring them changes. The social awakening that the Christian
missionaries brought many changes too.
182 George, A., op.cit., pp. 101-103.
