SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE IN CANADA'S OFFICIALLY BILINGUAL PROVINCE: Challenges and Opportunities

SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE IN CANADA'S OFFICIALLY BILINGUAL PROVINCE: Challenges andOpportunitiesAuthor(s): Linda TurnerSource: Canadian Social Work Review / Revue canadienne de service social, Vol. 22, No. 2(2005), pp. 131-154Published by: Canadian Association for Social Work Education (CASWE)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41669832 .

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articles I I articles

SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE IN CANADA'S

OFFICIALLY BILINGUAL PROVINCE

Challenges and Opportunities

Linda Turner

Abstract: New Brunswick holds the unique distinction of being Canada's only officially bilingual province. Government services, including social welfare and education, are available to every citizen in either French or English. A research study explored social workers' views on the challenges and opportunities of official bilingualism, particularly in a context in which the Acadian francophone population historically has held minority status. The results emphasize the need for social workers to expand their linguistic abilities to include minoritized languages.

Abrégé : Le Nouveau-Brunswick a l'insigne honneur d'être l'unique province officiellement bilingue du Canada. Les services gouvernementaux, dont l'aide sociale et l'éducation, y sont offerts en français ou en anglais à tous les citoyens de la province. Une étude a été réalisée pour connaître le point de vue des travailleurs sociaux sur les défis et les perspectives du bilinguisme officiel, en par- ticulier dans l'optique de la situation minoritaire qu'est historiquement celle de la population acadienne de langue française. On en conclut que les travailleurs sociaux devraient parfaire leurs compétences linguistiques pour les étendre aux langues minorisées.

SoCIAL WORK is a profession committed to social justice and to respect for human rights. In October 2004 the International Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) and the International Association of Schools of Social Work (IASSW) approved a Statement of Principles affirming that social workers are to take into account cultural and ethnic diversity, to challenge negative discrimination, and to commit themselves to overcoming prac-

Linda Turner is associate professor in the Social Work Department at St. Thomas Uni- versity. The author acknowledges the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council for its financial support of this research and Isahelle Cormier, graduate student at the Université de Moncton, for her contribution as research assistant.

Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 22, Number 2 (2005) / Revue canadienne de service social, volume 22, numéro 2 (2005) Printed in Canada / Imprimé au Canada

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132 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 22, numéro 2

tices and conditions that exclude individuals or groups from society (Hick, 2006). Evidence of social work's preoccupation with issues of diversity, cultural identity, racism, and anti-oppressive approaches to practice can be found in a survey of works in the field (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2003; Anderson & Wiggins Carter, 2003; Dominelli, 2002; Mullaly, 2002; Shera, 2003; Thompson, 2003; Williams, Soy dan & John- son, 1998).

Canada is a nation intimately familiar with diversity. Nearly half of the respondents in the 2001 Census (47 per cent) reported origins other than British, French, or Canadian (Pendakur, Hedges & King, 2003). A central aspect of cultural and ethnic diversity is the language or languages spoken, written, and understood by a group's members. In Canada, where two languages hold official status, 18 per cent of the population speak both English and French, 13 per cent speak French only, and 67 per cent speak English only. An additional 2 per cent speak neither English nor French (Pendakur, Hedges & King, 2003).

Social work literature acknowledges that, in any language, words and discourse can be used by those with power as vehicles of oppression to marginalize and discriminate (Marcoccio, 1995; Thompson, 2003). Ref- erences to competence in cross-cultural communication (Diller, 1999; France, Rodriguez & Hett, 2004; Herberg, 1993; Leigh, 1998; Lynch & Hanson, 1998) exist in greater abundance than writings focused on linguistic minorities, diversity of languages, and social work's role in com- batting linguistic oppression. Thompson (2003) is one author who has tackled the subject:

One problem that is commonly encountered is that speakers of a minority language may be perceived as less intelligent or less able than speakers of the dominant language. . .this is a question of power, with minority languages being devalued... the potential for speakers of a minority language being discriminated against and oppressed is very great indeed, (p. 74)

Drakeford and Morris (1998) use the Wales experience concerning social work and the use of Welsh to explore the profession's challenges and responsibilities toward minoritized languages. Kornbeck (2003) identifies the need for more attention to language in social work literature and in the curriculum of schools of social work, while Pugh (2003) offers an explanation of why the subject has not received the attention it merits:

[Throughout much of the Western world most social workers are for- tunate enough to live in relatively stable and settled societies, and it is probably the case that those who enter social work education are largely drawn from the majority ethnic groups within their respective countries or regions. Consequently, for those who have been born, educated and employed in the same places, whose lives have not been marked by



Canadian Social Work Review, Volume 22, Number 2 133

marginalisation, ethnic rivalry, social disruption, conflict and migra- tion, much of what is significant about language may like the experience of the fish in water, simply pass them by as they move through their social and professional lives. It is hardly surprising therefore, that this limited appreciation of language in both professional and personal domains has resulted in a situation where the literature on language issues within social work is scarce, and as a result, they receive little attention in most social work education programmes, (p. 16)

A study into social work practice under government-legislated official bilingualism in the province of New Brunswick aimed to identify challenges, difficulties, and obstacles experienced by social workers employed in settings where the commitment to linguistic and cultural duality exists, as well as to uncover the unique opportunities provided to social workers in a province where principles of human rights and justice in the linguistic realm are translated into action and behaviour in daily practice.

Historical context and background Canada has always been inhabited by populations representing diverse languages and cultures. The list of 50 Aboriginal languages still in use today (only three of which are considered secure in terms of number of speakers) (Edwards, 2004) would be much longer had imperialism and colonialism not imposed the deaths of entire groups of Aboriginal peoples such as the Boethuk, and with them the death of their languages (Marshall, 1996). The establishment of English and French as the nation's two dominant languages emerged from a history of numerous battles and treaties over a few centuries, as France and England alternately negotiated and fought with one another and with First Nations peoples, whose ties to the land reached back for many more thousands of years. A significant chapter in these developments during the eighteenth century was commemorated by Canadians on July 28, 2005, when for the first time the federal government officially recognized the 250th anniversary of the deportation of Acadian people in 1755, an act Doucet (1999) describes as "an eighteenth-century precursor to ethnic cleansing" (p. 2).

Acadie (originally "Arcadia") was the name given by cartographers in the 1500s to the region where the three Canadian Maritime provinces, Prince Edward Island, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, are located today. "Acadien" is the name given to the people who came from France to help settle the area. The land changed hands between French and British powers several times. In the 1750s the British began to outnum- ber the Acadians with the arrival of 7,000 new settlers. Tensions grew, as Stebbins (2000) explains:

The principal bone of contention at the time was the Acadians' refusal to swear unconditional loyalty to the British crown; they would only




commit themselves to neutrality, to agreeing to avoid taking up arms against either France or England. In reaction to this stance, England decided to deport them, a process that began in 1755 and lasted until 1762. (p. 44)

During the Grand Dérangement, as Acadians refer to it, an estimated 13,000 people, or three quarters of the population, were put aboard ships headed for England or the colonies. Others hid in outlying areas, escaped to Quebec, or were put in prison. The deportation caused death from disease, shipwreck, and hunger. Many who were displaced to the American colonies gradually returned to Acadia, the land they felt was their true home (Arsenault, 1994; Pitre, 2003).

Among the provinces, states, and countries where Acadian people live today, New Brunswick is where their presence is most clearly visible and their rights and contributions most readily acknowledged. Census figures related to mother tongue in New Brunswick also bear witness to the vitality of the Acadian culture as expressed in language: of the province's 727,600 citizens, 33.6 per cent speak French as their first language (Pen- dakur, Hedges & King, 2003). Trueman's (1970) popular history of New Brunswick includes a chapter entitled "The Amazing Comeback," in which he marvels at the development of Acadians from a people who "as recently as 1881... were hardly second-class citizens, let alone first-class. They were treated more as aboriginal peasants. They were poor, but not even on the poor-rolls like needy English-speaking people" (p. 65). He contrasts that status with accomplishments realized less than a century later, including New Brunswick's legislation proclaiming the province officially bilingual and the maintenance of equal status for French and English languages in the legislature, courts, public service, and schools.

Equal opportunity legislation, initiated by the late Premier Louis J. Robichaud in the 1960s, ensured that all residents of New Brunswick would be guaranteed the right to education and to provincial government services in either of the province's two official languages. Given that social services constitutionally fall under provincial jurisdiction and responsibility, most Canadians do not benefit from the legislative mus- cle that would provide them with the right to social services in their first language. In New Brunswick, however, social workers operate with the awareness that clients have the right to service in either official language. For the past 40 years, members of the profession working in child welfare, addiction services treatment, mental health services, hospitals, pro- bation services, and family courts in New Brunswick have needed to work out how to respect the linguistic and cultural rights of its two largest linguistic populations. This policy does not mean that all social workers must be bilingual. While some positions are designated as requiring can- didates to be functionally or fluently bilingual, the legal obligation is that service must be available to clients in either language. Thus office




profiles of staff language abilities generally reflect statistics for language use among the region's population.

The general climate for recognition of language rights has evolved, but some tensions persist, as Steele (1990) discovered in her analysis of material presented during an official commission on bilingualism in New Brunswick. The research study described here also uncovered some underlying tensions and frustrations as social workers were asked to reflect critically on what it is like to practise social work in an officially bilingual province.

It could be argued that, given the impressive accomplishments in terms of acquisition of language rights, New Brunswick's French-speaking Acadian population already enjoys a privileged status on a par with the English-speaking majority. Further, as Dumbrill and Maiter (1996) indicate in their article on racial and cultural equity in social work practice, it is necessary to question the validity of spending scholarly energy examining Canada's two linguistically dominant groups rather than unearthing the injustice inherent in the neglect of linguistic issues and rights for other groups, such as the two First Nations groups in New Brunswick, the Malecite and Mi'kmaq. However, New Brunswick's French- speaking population still holds a relative minority status. Examining experiences of English-speaking and French-speaking social workers in relation to language rights can also sensitize us to the language needs and issues of every individual and of all groups.

Isajiw (1999), differentiating between minority ethnic and majority ethnic groups in Canada, notes that the latter group is composed of what he refers to as the "British groups - English, Scottish, Welsh, and Protestant Irish" (p. 25). He emphasizes that, as the majority ethnic group, British culture "determine^] the character of the society's basic institutions, especially the political and economic institutions" (p. 25). Most often, minorities need to adjust and adapt to the majority's institutions, decision-making is carried out largely by the majority group members, and ethnic stratification reveals that more majority group members tend to hold elite positions of power. The more everyday constructions of "first-class citizens" versus "second-class citizens" are sub- tly played out in interactions between minority and majority group members.

Rodrique Landry (1996) of the Université de Moncton provides some evidence of ways francophone populations outside Quebec, including the Acadian people of New Brunswick, identify with experiences of minority groups: "In a minority environment, the struggle for linguistic and cultural survival is ongoing. In this English sea which is North Amer- ica, we are few in number and the big fish eat the small fish" (p. 508). In his work on minority francophone communities in Canada, Thériault (1995) admits that there is a "fragility, ambivalence of identity, and challenges of assimilation" facing Acadian and other francophone commu-



136 Revue canadienne de service social, volume 22 , numéro 2

nities in Canada today amid the significant advances and accomplishments that have been made. He also notes that rural regions where Aca- dians became re-established long ago have historically experienced socio- economic underdevelopment. Gauthier (1996) further affirms that a tenuousness exists in the Acadian presence in society: "In the socio-political context we find ourselves in today, in this country that recognizes our language, but where it is difficult to have our existence acknowledged in daily life and in fundamental aspects of living, we have had to struggle on a daily basis to obtain minimal assurance of our survival" (p. 453).

Official recognition of the minority status of New Brunswick's francophone population is present in the scholarly inquiry supported by research centres and programs at the Université de Moncton. The Cen- tre linguistique de recherche appliquée (CLRA) supports research and publications and regularly hosts conferences on topics such as minority cultures and urban life and education in a minority context. The Con- sortium national de formation en santé (CNFS), a grouping of Cana- dian post-secondary institutions, provides funding and support to improve access to French-language education in various health disci- plines (including social work) and contributes to the development of health-related research in minority francophone communities.

In light of the historical treatment and experience of New Brunswick's Acadians as a minority group and the acknowledgement that equal linguistic status has been achieved not without some threat and challenge, it becomes clearer why relationships between English-speaking and French-speaking social workers or clients warrant examination. Critical reflection on day-to-day social work practice in a context of linguistic and cultural differences between two significantly large groups (64 per cent English-speaking and 33 per cent French-speaking), one with majority status and the other familiar with the experiences inherent in minority status, can be enlightening. Larger populations provide a greater number of voices available to describe experiences and share constructions, some of which might resonate with other linguistic groups. Also, daily interaction between members of these two groups is high, thus providing increased territory upon which to explore issues that arise when social workers are practising amidst cultural and linguistic differences. Insights into how to create better relations and bring about greater respect and appreciation for one another become more readily available.

Even if one maintains that the New Brunswick reality is more indica- tive of equality of rights between English-speaking and French-speaking people than is usually the case between a minority and a majority group, the merits of examining the successes and weaknesses of social work practice in a society with such prominent bilingualism and biculturalism still stand. Close scrutiny might yield ideas toward opening up greater commitment to linguistic and cultural respect more broadly in the social work profession, for groups for which the minority experience is more




acute. Lessons could be gleaned from the New Brunswick case that could raise the profile of how social work could contribute to greater affirmation of Malecite and Mi'kmaq culture and language.

It is sometimes falsely assumed that the existence of legislation and policies in a society ensures respect for culture and language. Studies can reveal the fallacies of such assumptions, however, as indicated by Raibach and Raibach (2000) as well as by recent research reports cited in the newsletter of the Canadian Race Relations Foundation (CRRF, 2005). By confronting ways in which the intentions of policies and legislation are not realized in daily social work practice, we can better face the task of addressing the issues. An acknowledgement of imperfections and "blind spots" also increases the pool of insights we need to work respectfully and effectively with members of ethnic groups whose languages are other than English or French.

Social work and issues of culture and language Statements about the importance of respecting culture are found in the official documents of both international and national social work associations. The Global Standards for Social Work Education and Training maintain that students are to be provided opportunities to increase their awareness of the significance of culture so that they may treat with respect and form relationships with people from all cultural and ethnic backgrounds (Sewpaul & Jones, 2005). Most social work programs also edu- cate students in human rights issues.

One of the standards of the Canadian Association of Schools of Social Work (CASSW) relates specifically to increasing awareness of francophone experience. Schools are required to include a curriculum that provides students with an understanding of the francophone reality in Quebec, as well as outside that province, and of the implications of those realities for policy and practice. The standard acknowledges unique contexts experienced by francohpones in different regions of Canada. Welch (2003) provides an example of one francophone minority context in his discussion of the history of Franco-Ontarians. He notes that French- speaking Canadians were historically excluded from access to political and economic power and faced hostility from the English-speaking majority.

The issue of linguistic oppression and the significance of language to culturally affirming social work practice are only beginning to surface in the literature (Rornbeck, 2003; Pugh, 2003; Thompson, 2003). As a group's language holds primary significance, it is essential that social workers demonstrate and maintain respect for the language of both colleagues and clients:

[A] linguistic community must enjoy recognition by others of the intrinsic value of its language. This requires that use of its language not be




made a ground of liability or otherwise publicly denigrated. Such treatment causes members to lose their self-esteem and abandon their mother tongue, because it is associated with inferiority and second-class status. (Réaume, 2000, p. 252)

Kornbeck (2003) offers valid arguments for the importance of teaching languages as part of the social work curriculum. Lynch and Hanson (1998) have this to say about social workers gaining skills in language:

[L]earning the language of another culture is one of the strongest com- mitments to learning about and understanding that culture. Because so much of what is described as culture is reflected in language, a hall- mark of cross-cultural competence is language learning. In addition to gaining knowledge about the culture through language, being bi- or multilingual opens many doors to additional opportunities to learn and provides immediate access to families and colleagues with other-language backgrounds, (p. 56)

In the New Brunswick Association of Social Workers' 2005 statistics, of the 743 members who identified themselves as having English as a first language and the 653 who claimed French as their mother tongue, approximately 805 stated they were capable of providing bilingual service, representing 58 per cent of the approximately 1,400 social workers with legal right to carry the title and to practise in the province (NBASW, e-mail communication, August 9, 2005). While figures indicating how many French-speaking and how many English-speaking members are bilingual were not available, there is no question that the majority of the 805 bilingual social workers speak French as their first language.

Methodology The qualitative (open-ended) question explored here was part of a research study that examined how social workers in an officially bilingual province experience and construct the day-to-day practice realities of ensuring that services are available and offered in two languages. Ques- tions reflected a critical inquiry into awareness and sensitivity among English-speaking social workers about linguistic oppression and minority experiences of their French-speaking counterparts and clients.

The discussion derives from responses to one of six open-ended questions provided in a written questionnaire that was sent to every reg- istered social worker in New Brunswick in the summer of 2004. Because individuals are legally required to be members of NBASW to use the title of "social worker" or to practise in that province, the researcher was able to target the population in its entirety. Questionnaires were dis- tributed according to the language normally requested for correspondence by each member of the association. The response rate was approx-




imately 24 per cent, reflecting a total of 288 completed questionnaires received, with 154 of the responses written in English and 134 written in French.

The question in English was: "Some social workers may find there are challenges, difficulties or obstacles that go with practicing social work in an 'officially bilingual' province. If any such challenges come to mind, please describe some of the forms they can take." While the English and French versions of some questions differed slightly to allow for different lines of questioning depending on the majority/minority location of respondents, the French version of this question held an equivalent meaning: "Certains membres de la profession considèrent que la pratique du travail social dans une province « officiellement bilingue » présente des difficultés. Décrivez les défis ou les obstacles qui vous viennent à l'esprit."

As questionnaires were received, responses were transcribed by the project's graduate research assistant. The researcher and assistant then coded the narrative responses bilingually in an order determined by the chronological receipt of questionnaires, thus alternation between languages was ongoing. The "compare and contrast" grounded theory methodological technique (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss, 1987; Strauss & Corbin, 1990) was used. The analysis was further informed and illu- minated by consultation of Boyatzis's (1998) guide Transforming Qualitative Information and the writings of Miles and Huberman (1994).

Many positive comments were evident in the questionnaire responses overall, and numerous social workers expressed significant pride in being part of a bilingual social service system. The question specifically asked respondents to identify challenges or problems. Thus analysis of these responses exposed three predominant human contexts in which the commitment to bilingual social work services faces or creates challenges or is to some degree characterized by shortcomings or negative experiences. These "human contexts" were: for service users in the context of direct provision of services; for workers who are themselves not bilingual; and for office work teams and provincial working groups in which not all group members are bilingual.

The analysis also identified three broader issues important to the profession, related to cross-cultural communication in social work practice, to knowledge of ethnic and cultural groups, and to the significance of the advocacy role in language issues. These aspects of the findings are discussed as "needs of the profession": the need to be cognizant of limitations and subtleties when meaning is being communicated cross-culturally, even when competence in a second language exists; the need to accept that to know another's language is not necessarily to know the culture, and that both are required of the role of the social worker; and the need to advocate cultural and linguistic respect and rights, which should not solely be the responsibility of social workers who speak the minority language.




Human contexts

Challenges in service provision : Client experiences When bilingual service is not readily available in the agency, clients nat- urally must wait to be served in their first language, switch to the second language in which they may be uncomfortable or ill at ease, or go without any service at all. Some clients will understandably experience frustration and impatience and may also require a certain degree of assertive- ness to insist on service in their language. Those asking for services may find it uncomfortable not to give in to nonverbal messages that they are being demanding. The potential for mis-communication is greater for those who give in to pressure to converse in their second language, as is a tendency for clients to choose not to become as fully engaged in communicating their situations and needs.

It is important to consider the underlying messages being communicated in circumstances in which only social workers who speak the language of the majority are available. In New Brunswick, this situation occurs more commonly when unilingual anglophone workers face francophone clients. The message "you can have service from me if you are willing to communicate in English because I do not speak French" implies that one language, English, holds higher status and a more rightful place in the society. The reverse situation, in which an English-speaking client would be told service is available if the client is able and willing to receive it in French, rarely occurs. It is overwhelmingly assumed that the social worker whose mother tongue is French will automatically communicate in English when the need arises.

Another reality that has an impact on clients is the limited availability in the community of related services to which social workers may need to refer clients. At times the justice system, residential services, legal representation, and homemaker and personal care services can- not provide professionals and staff who are fluent in both English and French. Children and youth have been placed in unilingual residences where the language spoken is their second language. It is not uncommon for individuals whose first language is French to be placed in hospitals and sometimes in nursing homes where personnel lack the ability to communicate with them in their first language. A poignant example was shared by a social worker who had witnessed a situation in which a hos- pital patient, who had been assumed by medical staff to be in a coma, responded to the social worker who addressed the patient in French.

Another source of frustration among social workers with regard to service to clients in a bilingual context is simply the lack of a sufficient number of clients who share the same preferred language to permit regular treatment groups or training sessions. For example, workers serving francophone clients in the southern area of the province may be unable to place a client seeking a drug rehabilitation program in French, while




in the north, where the treatment is offered, the opposite problem occurs, and anglophones must wait longer than is desirable until there is a sufficient number of clients to form a group.

An additional challenge often mentioned in the responses was the limited availability of information and resource material, particularly in French. The question becomes whether it is appropriate to say continu- ally to clients, "I have some information I could give you, but I only have it in English." The situation highlights the need for someone, arguably social workers themselves who identify the limitations, to push for the creation and translation of an equal number of appropriate materials in the French language.

Challenges for unilingual social workers

Depending on one's perspective, it could be said that social workers in New Brunswick who only speak and understand English face significant challenges and merit sympathy for the limitations they experience. Another view is that unilingual anglophone social workers should not respond to French-speaking clients by saying, "I'm sorry, I don't speak French," and should instead be motivated to reach a high level of competence in that language. Some unilingual English-speaking social workers expressed realities that provide a deeper appreciation of their experience in a bilingual province.

Among these concerns were the barriers English-speaking social workers who have no or limited ability to communicate in French perceived to obtaining language training. These included cost and time away from their work units to be able to register in training. Another issue was the limited opportunity to practise their second language, and the subsequent loss of some ability and knowledge due to lack of use. Social workers who had previously held acceptable levels of fluency expressed regret to have "grown rusty" and believed they had "lost their French." Numerous respondents to questionnaires written in English viewed the bilingual nature of services in the province as having a significantly negative impact on their careers and employment opportunities. Some believed they could not aspire to higher management positions of responsibility unless they were bilingual, and others regretted they could not be hired in certain regions (where the population was majority French- speaking) or for certain bilingual positions because they were not functionally bilingual.

Some social workers who were comfortable with verbal skills in their second language were less strong in written skills, creating some challenges for their recording, file-keeping, and correspondence duties. Crit- icisms were extended toward members of both linguistic groups for having poor writing skills. This might suggest a need for greater support in the types of writing essential to social work positions. Respondents often




referred to government policy requiring that files respect the language of the client in written recording, although several individuals also noted that this was only a recent (but much welcomed) development.

That frustration, tension, and even conflicts sometimes surface for social workers with limited or no second-language competence is no more surprising than it is for clients who are sometimes not served immediately in the official language they choose and require. Respondents admitted their regret at feeling incompetent, experiencing stress, or feeling alienated because they were unilingual. Some bilingual social workers said they had observed aggressive behaviour at times from unilingual individuals, which they attributed to frustration. An example was the unilingual English-speaker who, after arriving in a coffee room where the language being spoken by colleagues was French, turned around and abruptly left, slamming the door in the process.

Challenges for office teams and task groups Second-language competence and fluency is not a matter that affects people on an individual basis only. Entire work teams and office envi- ronments are affected by how comfortable those employed within them are in communicating bilingually. An inability of some members to converse in the other language can create silos of workers if corrective efforts to develop fair and respectful strategies are not identified and put into practice.

Researchers Allain and McKee-Allain (2003) and Cyr, Duval and Ledere (1996) draw attention to why language in work settings is so significant for francophones of New Brunswick: work settings have proved to be a primary site where assimilation occurs. Thus much is at stake if a social work environment must function in English only to accommo- date members who are not bilingual. Regret was also expressed with regard to what is lost when there is no free communication of ideas across languages. The vast potential for learning through connections and net- working with social workers from the other linguistic community that could occur if all parties spoke and understood both languages is thwarted by the inability to communicate clearly with one another.

An issue that surfaced with particular emotion among the responses from francophone social workers was the importance of being able to speak and be understood in the social worker's first language during meetings or while working as a group or team member. Several exam- ples were cited by French-speaking social workers in which the presence of but one or two individuals who spoke and understood only English resulted in a meeting being held entirely in English. Even the language used for social interactions or informal exchanges in the office can exclude some workers if they do not understand the second language, potentially creating tension and ill feeling.




While some respondents referred to translation as a key to confronting challenges in working in two languages, others spoke of the limitations of translation for meetings or conferences. One francophone social worker pointed out that oral translation is at times monotone and does not allow for "in the moment" exchanges and discussions due to the delay needed for the translation to be conducted and heard.

Work overload for bilingual social workers who were called upon to respond to the needs of clients from both linguistic groups also emerged as an issue. It can understandably be tiring to be called upon constantly above and beyond the primary workload already being carried. Permis- sion for time off is sometimes curtailed for bilingual workers, whose absence from the workplace must be coordinated to ensure bilingual service continues to be available.

Professional training and continuing education opportunities were cited as being available less often in French in New Brunswick, creating an inequality of access for employees. Funding barriers exist that make it difficult to gain approval for travel outside the province, even though access to workshops or courses in French is much more readily available in neighbouring Quebec.

The days when Acadian people were seen and treated as second-class citizens by the English-speaking population are not as far in the past as some would like to think. Responses included a story of a social worker with an identifiably French name who would only travel to a predomi- nantly English region when accompanied by a colleague with an English surname. Prejudice and ignorance among clients toward members of the other linguistic community were identified by social workers of both groups as a challenge to face and overcome. Affirmation and a support- ive atmosphere are essential for team members who face clients with prejudices, clients who are over-resistant, or clients who exclude or reject social workers who come from another linguistic and cultural background.

Needs of the profession Need to be cognizant of limitations and subtleties when meaning is being communicated cross-culturally , even when competence in a second language exists

Communicating across languages (and some might say even within a language) is an imperfect art. Social workers, whose business it is to be able to engage in effective and meaningful conversation with others, need to maintain awareness of subtleties in meaning that can be mis- construed when fluency is lacking. Respondents felt it important to acknowledge that, no matter how fluent one is in a second language, there will be nuances or particular words or experiences that are difficult to capture while one is working with a client who does not share the same first language.




Need to accept that to know another s language is not necessarily to know the culture , and that both are required of the role of social worker Several respondents felt it important to note that, while being able to communicate in the language of clients is extremely important, it should not be accepted as representing good cross-cultural practice in its entirety. As one worker put it, there exists a need for greater awareness and a heightened stance that cultural differences beyond language exist between English-speaking and French-speaking people and that translation alone does not address these differences. The body of literature available on cross-cultural communication and respect demonstrates further appreciation for this point (Diller, 1999; France, Rodriguez & Hett, 2004; Her- berg, 1993; Leigh, 1998).

Need to advocate cultural and linguistic respect and rights, which should not solely he the responsibility of social workers who speak the minority language A challenge identified by one social worker, but echoed numerous times as a pervading responsibility for social workers, was the continual need to defend the importance of providing service to clients in their first language and to sensitize others about language rights. One social worker who expressed frustration lamented that such advocacy should not have to be conducted over and over, yet she said the need continues. Disap- pointment was voiced by many francophones about their anglophone colleagues' failure to be as vocal as they were about ensuring linguistic rights are respected, although a few cases when the opposite had occurred were appreciatively cited.

Discussion and implications The findings of the study expose issues and implications related to the capacity of members of the profession to provide competent service to members of cultural groups who speak languages other than the one spoken by social workers providing service. Social work responses to these issues can be discussed in relation to each of the three human contexts and the three need areas.

Challenges in service provision : Client experiences Social workers must consider what efforts can be made to reduce the number of situations in which clients who speak a minority language, or one that has traditionally been less dominant than another, are not served or are poorly served. In her introduction to Kornbeck's book, social work educator Karen Lyons (2003) exposes her personal limitations in ability in other languages, yet points to the value, usefulness, and




effectiveness of interpretation services for work with colleagues who speak other languages.

It is troublesome and inappropriate for staff in an agency to be called upon to play roles that they are neither prepared nor paid to play as a way to offer service to a client in a particular language (Edwards, 2004). Social workers must also be very aware of the confidentiality, ethical, and cultural issues around using children in families to provide translation (Edwards, 2004; Kornbeck, 2003).

Social work offices in rural communities where employee profiles indicate limitations in the ability to provide bilingual service need to discuss collaboration and decide whether there may be crisis situations or emergencies in which they can call upon one another (with the client's permission) to ensure a client's right to communicate in his or her own language. Regular sharing of creative solutions to managing bilingual service provision needs to occur as well. Extensive and relentless efforts must be made to provide service to clients in their first language or to obtain interpretation services for them if social work is to live up to its commitment to respect the culture and the language of all individuals.

Challenges for unilingual social workers Stebbins (2000), in his research into the experience of French-speaking Canadians living in provinces other than Quebec, observes that "main- taining one's Frenchness, including especially the capacity to communicate in that language, is one of the main issues facing the francophones of Canada who live as a minority" (p. 23). When anglophones are unable to understand or communicate in French, this leads to "English only" exchanges and contributes to assimilation.

Frustration over lack of access to second-language training is legiti- mate; however, provision of training needs to be coupled with a personal commitment by social workers to learn languages, particularly those represented by significant populations in the area. The number of people who use a language must not serve to disqualify or exclude service to a group whose number is low, however, as Pugh (2003) points out:

I believe that it should not matter to us as social worker professionals whether a language is an older or newer one; whether its status is for- mally approved or not; or whether it is increasing or declining in num- bers... the basis of professional practice and therefore the rationale for requiring linguistic responsiveness from service agencies, should be the pragmatic recognition of the social reality of linguistic variation, (p. 18)

The personal commitment is at least as important as what the agency or government is willing to provide in terms of reimbursement of costs and time for training. Some language-learning courses are available on the internet free of charge (the BBC's www.bbc.co.uk/languages/ is but one




such site). Also, each time a social worker meets a person who speaks another language, he or she also meets an opportunity to learn, even if it is simply a greeting or basic word.

In Canada, and certainly in New Brunswick, francophones have been accustomed to accommodating English speakers for many years (Dunn, 2002). An anglophone wanting to practise speaking French may need to be assertive, as his or her efforts may be quickly met by the phrase, "I can speak English if you prefer." Most often, voicing the desire to practise the second language with a native French speaker in New Brunswick is met with appreciation and support.

The willingness to learn a second language requires an openness of mind and spirit and respect, as well as a capacity for learning. Respon- dents tended to challenge the view that some people are capable of learning a second language and others are not. As one person wrote, "Anyone can learn another language if they want it bad enough. Social workers are extremely intelligent people, capable of learning." Anglo- phone learners may sometimes be overly critical about their imperfections and, if unable to demonstrate skill and fluency in French, will recoil from using it unless absolutely necessary, thus thwarting movement toward greater ease. A sense of humour and the realization that engaging in that process can create empathy for others whose language is not the one used by the mainstream can help move the social worker beyond personal discomfort.

Have Canadian schools of social work delivering programs in English done their part to promote use of the French language among students who have previously acquired some proficiency in second-language skills or for whom French may be their first language? One francophone social worker expressed the view that social workers who will end up working with both linguistic groups should receive a solid preparation in both English and French during their social work education. Social work students in the BSW program at the Université de Moncton are required to have a particular course in English language, while an equivalent course in French language is not required of their counterparts in the province's St. Thomas University. Some suggested St. Thomas University should include social work courses in French for students in the program.

Schools of social work could increase second-language practice and learning opportunities by partnering with bilingual or French-speaking organizations for field placements; extending invitations for classroom guest speakers to present in French and have translation available as a way to provide an experiential modelling of respect for languages; invit- ing students who wish to hold small group discussions in French in any course during classroom group discussions to do so; regularly hosting screenings of French-language videos about social work issues; and con- scientiously integrating more bibliographic references in French into each course syllabus.




Professional associations could play a bigger role in facilitating increased bilingualism through organizing social worker exchanges either on an individual basis or by enabling groups interested in a particular field of practice to travel for educational and cultural purposes. The profession in Canada is not alone in its desire to find effective and respectful ways to practise social work in linguistically and culturally diverse contexts. Strategies can also be sought from contact with colleagues in nations that are members of the International Federation of Social Workers or the International Association of Schools of Social Work and where bilingual or multilingual rights are legislated, opening up dialogue with them through conferences or comparative research projects. Some questionnaire respondents suggested the professional association could even offer courses to social workers striving to become proficient in their second language, or at least could find resources to subsidize the offering of second-language courses. Each year, NBASW offers a full-day conference to its members, paired with the annual meeting of the mem- bership. A conscious commitment to alternating the language used by the presenters (professional simultaneous translation is regularly provided for both the conference and the meeting) would also signal respect for both languages.

One anglophone social worker expressed surprise that the provincial government does not make French-language training mandatory for anglophone social workers working in the province. Employers in New Brunswick often indicate their recognition of New Brunswick's two official languages by posting bilingualism as a requirement or as a preference when new positions are advertised and new employees recruited. In like fashion, the English-language BSW program might begin to take for granted, as francophone students already do, that, to be a social worker in New Brunswick, one must speak and understand both official languages often, and therefore one must prepare to be comfortable where either language is being used.

Challenges for office teams and task groups Several important issues were raised by social workers who found that being in a bilingual environment could have a negative impact on some office and team members if they were not responded to with commitment, understanding, and appreciation. If each social worker viewed it as a personal responsibility to strive to be bilingual, many of the issues would disappear.

A number of francophone social workers who responded to the questionnaire voiced their desire to be able to speak in their language, just as they respected the right of their anglophone colleagues to express themselves in English. A helpful example that modelled this respectful way of working in a group was offered by one social worker who, during




provincial training sessions, often ended up in a group with unilingual anglophones. While discussing how to proceed in the working group, the French-speaking social worker and one of the English-speaking participants realized their most important need and preference was to speak in their first language. Both could understand the other language far better than they felt they were able to speak it. With some patience and a good sense of humour, they persevered, communicating in their first language and clarifying when the other did not understand. This method of conducting small discussion groups avoided the more common rein- forcement of "two solitudes" as small groups are created along linguistic lines; instead, a wider variety of experiences and viewpoints could be shared between these colleagues.

The additional workload carried by members who are proficient in both languages must be recognized, and those workers must be com- pensated. It is very problematic for workers to feel penalized for know- ing both languages, as they are called upon to attend to additional tasks or aspects of work that belong to colleagues. Caseloads should be lower for workers if it becomes evident that the actual time they spend offering service of all kinds, both to colleagues and clients, is greater due to their language ability.

Unilingual team or office members can also face discomfort and inconvenience. If meetings proceed in one language but translation is provided, the person benefiting from the translation, whether English- or French-speaking, still pays an additional price in physical and mental energy; concentration on translation takes its toll, and the ease of communication that occurs when all are able to understand the speaker immediately is disrupted. Facilitators of team meeting discussions that include translation must regulate the conversation by allowing additional time for the participant listening to the translation to "catch up" mentally and to offer his or her contribution.

Agencies may need to hire people with editorial skills as consultants to social workers who need support to prepare written reports, letters, and case files. A social worker with that competency might be given workload credit for playing that role in order that client confidentiality not be compromised in any way.

The imperfect nature of communicating with others in a second language Communication of meaning from one person to another is a compli- cated process. When one or both participants in a dialogue are using a language other than the one with which they are most comfortable, the potential for misunderstanding is great. A simple error in pronunciation of the time one intends to meet a client can create hard feelings and mistrust, as the author discovered when she met a disillusioned and




angry young client upon arriving at a foster home at 2:00 p.m. (deux heures) rather than at noon (douze heures) as the child had heard.

Rather than throwing up their hands and giving up on other languages, social workers must simply be diligent, imaginative, compas- sionate, and patient as they ensure that they understand the speaker and that they are understood. There needs to be greater dialogue at social work conferences and between colleagues about their individual efforts to work in languages other than the dominant ones, with a sharing of attitudes and approaches that support and affirm efforts and experiences.

There is no room in social work - where diversity should be affirmed and welcomed and ideals of respect are widespread - for the view that all clients should focus on integrating and thus practise the language of the dominant culture with caseworkers. Nor is it acceptable to fall back on the rationale that, if the client is able to speak the worker's language, there is no problem. This principle holds true where bilingualism is legislated as in New Brunswick; however, it also deserves reflection and implementation in other contexts, in which a minority language does not enjoy officially recognized status. If social work is truly committed to "starting where the client is," we should attempt to the greatest degree possible to allow clients to speak in the language in which they are most comfortable. More can be learned about effective cross-cultural communication by engaging in it than by reading about it or refusing to attempt it.

Moving beyond language learning toward greater cultural understanding While respect for the language spoken by members of ethnic or cultural groups is of utmost importance, as are efforts to communicate in that language, many respondents noted that language is not the only issue. Behind language is an entire cultural group whose history, values, beliefs, and practices must also be known, understood, and respected.

A sensitive documentary film entitled Seuls , Ensemble (ď Entremont, 2001), which features a gay man and a woman of English-speaking origins adopted as a baby into an Acadian family, provides some valuable insights into Acadian identity and also the various ways in which individuals experience that identity. Social workers need to seek resources such as this from ethnic and cultural communities and to invite someone to translate the content if the video is presented in a language the worker does not understand.

Aspects of culture and identity often reveal themselves through con- ceptualizations that are embedded in language. Context, history, identity, and unique ways of thinking are all communicated through language; to gain access to others through their language is to gain far




more than a different vocabulary and grammar. Many respondents voiced great appreciation for living and working in a province that offered daily opportunities to grow more familiar with a second culture and language. As one social worker put it, "Certainly everyone would like to work in one language only; however we mustn't forget about the richness that duality brings." A francophone expressed satisfaction in this way: "I like to work with anglophones because I learn from them about things that are different from my Acadian culture." A third respondent spoke of how the advantage of having been raised as a bicultural, bilingual person provided an additional dimension to the quality of social work practice: "For me, there is no problem because I have had the incredible good fortune to be raised in French and in English, in the two languages and the two cultures. I consider this an incredible advantage for me and also for the clien- tele, not only because I understand their language, but because I also understand the cultural contexts that are related to them and that affect them." A helpful and simply articulated statement that captures the essential elements of a favourable attitude about communicating across cultures was offered by the social worker who said, "It is a question of respect and of dialogue, of sharing and of listening in the language of the client and with complete respect for their culture."

Social work's responsibility for ongoing advocacy of linguistic rights While social workers accept advocacy as a role integral to their profession in a general way, it is important to generate greater visibility of what it means in specific terms when we are discussing linguistic and cultural rights. Several social workers in this study chose to become involved in efforts to create new services or to support associations and organizations. For example, a person who noted that no residential services existed for francophone youth in the region in question added, "but we are working on it." Another noted that francophone families who live in a pre- dominantly English-speaking environment often receive services in Eng- lish (particularly true of non-governmental services), a situation that, in the respondent's view, is unacceptable in a bilingual province. This worker proposed that it be imperative for each service point to have bilingual workers among its support and professional personnel. The respondent concluded that there had to be a collective will coming from an openness and genuine commitment from communities. A third anglophone social worker spoke of advocating on behalf of creating a French school and community centre in a primarily English area, and recognized that participation in municipal politics was one avenue through which one could offer a voice to lend weight to the creation of such resources.

Being vocal about social policies is also a valuable strategy. While the emphasis here has been primarily on increased language ability among social workers, access to language learning by new Canadians is




another important issue related to language and one that can involve social workers acting in advocacy roles. Poonwassie (2000), discussing the federal government's budget surplus of $75 billion, makes the point that "[t]he multicultural secretariat is not even mentioned in spite of potential racial conflicts in several parts of the country. Programs such as English (French) as a second language for immigrants and refugees that were previously cut are not reinstated. This increases the difficulties of newcomers, from countries where English or French is not the language, to contribute to Canadian society" (p. 270). In a discussion of the need for social policy to take ethno-cultural diversity into account, Seebaran (2000) identifies five "imperatives for action" (p. 232) under the follow- ing headings: legislative, demographic, global, development, and professional service.

Work that needs to be done to bring about increased respect for language and culture should not fall solely on the shoulders of members of the linguistic minority; nor should social workers' own ethnic, cultural, or linguistic identity define for whom their advocacy efforts ought to be directed. As one worker stated,

The primary objective of the social work profession is and always will be social justice. I am proud to be Acadian but as a social worker, working in a bilingual setting, I must defend the linguistic and cultural rights of my clients, whether they are francophone, anglophone, or First Nations people. It is my primary responsibility and obligation and comes ahead of my own cultural or linguistic preference.

Conclusion

To admit there are challenges to working in a bilingual province is not to say the challenges are insurmountable, nor should that recognition cast a negative shadow on communities or societies that aspire to provide bilingual or multilingual services. As this worker stated,

The very challenges that this question suggests is what makes our province so strong and special. Of course there are challenges. But they are worthwhile conquering: translation services and having written material in both languages; having adequate resources (human and financial, etc.) available to deliver the services required - these are all challenges. Overcoming our related challenges has made NB a stronger and better entity... a province that I'm proud to reside in, that serves as an example to other provinces within this great country.

This study suggests the need for the profession to probe itself on some important questions. What is our stand on the importance of practitioners increasing their bilingual or multilingual communication capac-




ities? If it is a priority, where can the necessary resources be found to help practitioners acquire the skills and how can practice of other languages be encouraged? Are schools of social work making efforts to encourage students to value development of linguistic skills? To do so is to gain indispensable assets in addition to being a resounding way to demonstrate respect for the cultural identities of individuals and groups.

In the global world in which the profession now finds itself, social work in Canada should be tireless in its implementation of concrete ways in which cultural respect and understanding can be witnessed in all forms of practice. Increased use of non-dominant languages by practitioners and educators represents an anti-oppressive approach in response to that call.

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SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE IN CANADA'S OFFICIALLY BILINGUAL PROVINCE: Challenges and Opportunities