SOCIAL SECURITY OF INFORMAL SECTOR WORKERS IN COIMBATORE

SOCIAL SECURITY OF INFORMAL SECTOR WORKERS IN COIMBATORE DISTRICT, TAMIL NADU

R. Naagarajan*

An attempt has been made in this paper to analyse the social protection measures available to informal sector workers in the Coimbatore district of Tamil Nadu. The problem is approached with the objective of studying the working conditions, the security of employment and income, the health status and health security of workers, the nature of relationship between employer and employees, and the willingness of workers to participate in a contributory insurance scheme. The respondents have been selected by using a random sample from the foundry and pump units in Coimbatore. The descriptive analysis clearly shows that workers in the Coimbatore informal sector face a high degree of employment and health insecurity. Workers are found to toil for long hours. Gender-based wage discrimination is widely prevalent. An interesting feature observed is the high casualisation of labour. The workers have nobody to turn to, the government is indifferent, the casual mechanism is tardy, and there is a major dilemma about the unions. Due to the unhealthy and unhygienic nature of the production process, around two-fifths of the workers are affected by occupational health hazards. No specific healthcare protection is made available to these workers either by the government or by the employers. Such insecurity is further pronounced through the following factors: long waiting period; high labour turnover; informal employer-employee relationships; and rising unemployment and under-employment.

I. INTRODUCTION

The urban informal sector comprises an overwhelming majority of workers in the country. Unlike workers in the organised sector, unorganised sector workers do not have steady employment, and secured or sustainable income, and are not covered by social security protection. Deprivation and vulnerability to vagaries of the life are the major threats faced by the workers in the urban informal sector. With the changing modes of productions and increasing rates of industrialisation, and a steady exodus of workers from rural areas to urban centres, the informal sector is swelling in size.

A crucial policy issue that is rapidly becoming a top priority for governments all over the world is how to provide adequate social protection for the vast majority of the labour force engaged in unorganised sector activities. This is mainly on account of the following factors: (1) Only those workers who are engaged in the formal sector are currently covered through social security programmes and they account for an insignificant percentage of the total labour

The Indian Journal of Labour Economics, Vol. 53, No. 2, 2010

* Faculty, Department of Economics, PSG College of Arts and Science, Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu. E-mail: [email protected].

360 ThE INDIAN JOUrNAL OF LAbOUr ECONOmICS

force in most developing countries; and (2) Available evidence from the 1990s shows that more and more workers are being absorbed in unorganised/informal sector activities, which are characterised by the absence of effective social protection measures. Thus, the issues before a developing country like India are to design effective social protection measures for the unorganised sector workers, which would serve as a guarantee against poverty and, at the same time, provide adequate employment opportunities. This should be based on scientific enquiries to assess the various kinds of ‘insecurities’ being encountered by the informal sector workers. It is also crucial that such attempts are made, as far as possible, at a decentralised level as the nature and characteristics of informal labour markets vary significantly across the regions. This is the context in which an attempt is made in this paper to examine the issue of social protection measures in relation to informal sector workers in the Coimbatore district of Tamil Nadu.

II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE

1. Social Security in India

The literature relating to the conventional type of social security and social insurance schemes analyses the impact of such schemes on savings and consumption. A number of studies from developed countries discuss the inter-generational transfers of income caused by social security taxes and social security benefits. Some studies analyse the welfare effects arising out of the implementation of social security schemes. Samuelson (1975), Kotlikoff (1979), munnel (1974), and Feldstein (1982, 1985) have studied the impact of social security on private savings. The distribution of wealth and the household wealth accumulation caused by social security have been studied respectively by Feldstein (1974), and Feldstein and Pellochio (1979). Using a unique multi-period data set, burkhauser (1986) looks at the income distribution effects of the retirement portion of the social security system in Panama. The impact of social security on the labour supply has been studied by burkhauser and Turner (1978). The manner in which social security provisions influence retirement decisions is the focus of studies by Feldstein (1974) and boskin (1977). Cox and Jimmenez (1992) have investigated the connection between social security and private transfers in Peru, by using the Peruvian living standards survey. Thus, while there are empirical studies and literature on formal social security systems in other countries galore, similar studies in the Indian context are scanty, and only recently have researchers in India started focusing their attention on the probe into the status of social security, which is a welcome move. however, the literature on social security is uneven. All the available studies relating to social security in the Indian context have been incorporated in works by Ginneken (1995) and mahendra Dev, et al. (2001). Some of the major problems pertaining to the existing measures of social protection as revealed by these studies include: (a) inadequacy of coverage and benefits; (b) existence of wide variations in standards, eligibility criteria and scale of benefits among the different states; and (c) significant variations in the efficiency level of implementation by Sasikumar and Subramanya, (1996). The Jai Shankar memorial Centre (1995) has carried out a study on the working of the pension scheme for the aged and the widows, and maternity benefits schemes in the states of Gujarat and Uttar

SOCIAL SECUrITY OF INFOrmAL SECTOr WOrKErS IN COImbATOrE, TAmIL NADU 361

Pradesh. Prasad (1995) examines the working of pension schemes, insurance schemes, and social assistance schemes for the destitute in the states of Gujarat, Kerala and maharashtra. mahendra Dev (1994) reviews the experience of promotional and protective social security programmes in the unorganised sector of Kerala and Tamil Nadu. Pillai (1996) provides an empirical verification of the effectiveness of welfare fund schemes in providing social security to the casual workers in the unorganised sector through a case study of the oldest welfare fund scheme, namely, the Kerala head Load Workers Welfare Scheme. While trying to give a feasible blueprint for the Indian social security programmes, Guhan (1993) has analysed the problem of social security for the unorganised poor, in general. The studies cited above have mostly concentrated on a single theme. The present study is, however, comprehensive in its approach and three-dimensional in nature, encompassing as it does employment security, income security, and health security. In this context, the present study gains relevance and aims at studying the social security for the workers in the urban informal sector.

2. ProfileoftheStudyArea

Among the various industrial cities in the country, Coimba tore enjoys a significant place in the industrial map of India. because of the early establishment and growth of the cotton textile industry here, the city used to be referred to as ‘the Manchester of South India’, though the specialisation seen here was more in spinning than in weaving. Since Independence, the engineering and metal-working industries developed rather rapidly with the initial impetus provided by the textile mills and commercial agriculture for electric motors and pumps. Now, engineering and metal-working industries have come to dominate the city of Coimbatore though textiles as well as trade and commerce continue to occupy a significant space in the urban economy of Coimbatore. The dynamic industrial development of the city has been due to a variety of factors, both locational as well as historical, and this has probably induced the migration of people from the vast rural hinterland, thereby contributing to a rapid increase in the population of the city.

During the first stage, a survey of the engineering industries was carried out to identify the types of industries and the number of units in each industry. The data available from the District Industrial Centre (DIC), South Indian Engineering Manufacturers’ Association (SEImA), Indian Institute of Foundry men (IIFm), and Coimbatore District Small Scale Industries Association (CODISSIA) reveals that there were nine major engineering industries, viz., the foundry industry (755 units), pump industry (497 units), textile machinery manufacturing industry (524 units), auto component manufacturing industry (484 units), furniture manufacturing industry (170 units), gear industry (140 units), jewellery manufacturing industry (1200 units), sheet metal and structural fabrication industry (235 units), and engineering outsourcing industry (7000 units) in Coimbatore district.

During the second stage, two industries—the foundry and pump industries—were chosen for the study on the basis of the number of units. These industries employed a very large number of people. Details collected from Indian Institute of Foundry men (IIFm), South Indian Engineering Manufacturers’ Association (SIEMA), Coimbatore District Small Scale


Industries Association (CODISSIA), Coimbatore Foundry Industry Owners Association (COFIOA), and the Coimbatore Tiny, Small and medium Foundry Owners Association (COSmAFEN), reveals that there were 490 units (small—410; medium—61; and large—19) in the foundry industry within the limits of the Coimbatore Corporation. Information collected from South Indian Engineering Manufacturers’ Association (SIEMA), Coimbatore District Small Scale Industries Association (CODISSIA), Tamil Nadu Pumps and Spares manufacturing Association (TNPSmA) and Kovai Pump manufacturers Association (KOPmA) reveals that there were 312 units (small—191; medium—91; and large—30) in the pump industry in the Coimbatore Corporation area. The foundry industry employed 17,910 workers while the pump industry had a workforce of 16,258 labourers. To make the study reliable, the sample size was restricted to 10 per cent in the case of engineering units and 30 per cent in the case of workers on a random basis. The number of workers constituting the sample was 1022, of which 537 were from the foundry industry and the remaining 485 were from the pump industry. Information relating to employment, income, mobility and social security was collected from these 1022 workers engaged in the two processing activities by administering a structured interview schedule.

III. EMPIRICAL RESULTS

1. Employment Security

Employment is a pre-requisite for enhancing the purchasing power of the poor and thus ensuring adequate food security. Workers in the organised sector who have regular employment and an assured source of income need measures to protect their income in the event of contingencies which tend to deprive them of income or reduce it. In case of the workers in the unorganised sector, who have neither regular jobs nor an assured income, their primary need is employment security. In many developing countries, employments in low-income, unprotected informal activities have increased. Such employment amounts to over 60 per cent of the total employment in Africa and Latin America, and to around 40 to 50 per cent of the total employment in developing Asian countries (de Jeu, 1998). There are also reports of growing insecurity amongst workers due to employment layoffs and redundancies from different parts of the developing world, (Dasgupta, 2001). much of this evidence is anecdotal. Some surveys also show that workers in various countries report that employment security ranks as one of the most important quality aspects of a job. Given that, employment security is an important dimension of the quality of employment and that secured employment is the main means of securing an income.

(i) Sex Ratio and Age Composition of the Workers

An analysis of the sex composition of the sample respondents reveals that the percentage of female workers in different units was much lower than that of male workers. The proportion of female workers was much lower in the pump industry as compared to that in the foundry industry. The nature of work in foundry industrial units is such that it requires the deployment of more women workers. About two-fifths of the workers of foundry units were women. In


terms of age composition, more than 91 per cent of the workers belonged to the age group of 15-45 years in all processes of the pump and foundry units. There was only a small (8 per cent) percentage of workers in the age group of 46 to 60 years within which more than 90 per cent were male workers. The longer working life of men than that of women may be attributed as the reason for this situation. The nature of jobs undertaken by women workers in the foundry units included core makers and helpers, while in the pump industry, women workers are employed in grinding operations as grinders and helpers. Although child labour is prohibited by law, the informal sector was found to employ child labour, mostly in the engineering industry. During the visit to the fields, the researcher himself saw a number of boys and girls, who, in the assessment of the researcher, fell below the age of 14 years. In order to protect their interests, the owners of these units warned the children to stay away from the researcher and the latter was also strictly instructed to desist from approaching the children.

(ii) Religion and Community-wise Distribution of Workers

The sample consists of a mixed religious group of population with 98.6 per cent, 1.2 per cent, and 0.2 per cent of hindus, muslims, and Christians, respectively. The process of foundry units is considered as inhospitable in terms of the unhygienic conditions in which the employees work. moulding and Sangman are also considered to be hazardous jobs, but they are not considered as inhospitable as work in the foundry units in Coimbatore.

An analysis of the social group-wise classification may help us understand the social structure. As regards the social status of the workers, 44 per cent of them are from the backward communities, 14 per cent from the most backward communities, and 42 per cent are from the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). It is important to recognise that labourers from the backward communities and the SCs are engaged in all the production processes requiring hard labour and low skill levels. backward Caste (bC) workers formed the highest proportion (43.4 per cent), followed by SCs and STs (41 per cent) and most Backward Castes (MBCs) (14 per cent). The castes which figured prominently among the bCs were: Gounder, Chettiar, Naidu, Thevar, Vellalar, Kallar, Nadar and Ezheva. Among the mbCs, boyars, maravars and Vanniyars were prominent. One important feature is that only one per cent of the respondents belonged to the forward communities. In general, the forward community members preferred only white collar jobs over blue collar jobs. most of the foundry unit workers belonged to SCs/STs (Sangman, moulders and Loading Persons) and in the pump industry, most of the grinders (people involved in the grinding operation) were SCs/STs.

(iii) Literacy

Among the sample respondents, more than 10 per cent were illiterates. Nearly 15 per cent had primary level of education and approximately one-fourth of them had secondary level education. Nearly 22 per cent of the workers had higher secondary level education. The poor educational status has provided an opportunity for the employers to engage these workers at sub-optimal levels of wages. Lack of education has also considerably reduced the


bargaining capacities of the workers. The low level of education coupled with the absence of any bargaining power has resulted in the problem of low levels of wages and income accruing to the workers. Lack of education has also meant very poor levels of awareness of their ‘rights’ among workers. These factors have continued to ensure the ascendancy of employers over the workers in the informal sector. Further, 22 per cent of the workers had their education up to higher secondary and 20 per cent of the workers were graduates or diploma/training certificate holders. Graduates or diploma/training certificate holders started working in the engineering industry as they could not succeed in getting regular jobs. They were found to nurture the ambition of setting up industrial units of their own in future, after gaining some experience in the engineering industry. It was found that about 67 per cent of the workers had discontinued their education, and a large number of these workers were working in the unorganised sector. The economic condition had been cited as the most prominent reason that compelled workers to discontinue their education. Added to this are the ample job opportunities available in the engineering industry. The necessity to earn an income is another compelling factor that makes the youngsters relegate education to the back seat.

(iv) Casualisation of Labour

An important feature of the informal labour markets is the lack of regular or permanent employment opportunities. In the absence of alternative sources of employment through government programmes, workers in Coimbatore depend on these processing sectors for their employment. A very high proportion (96 per cent) of sample workers were working on temporary or casual basis. Such a high degree of casualisation of labour increases employment insecurity. It is also important to note that an unabated supply of labour, including both local workers and migrants from neighbouring districts, provides the basis for employers to deploy labour on a casual or temporary basis. Such large-scale deployment of non-permanent labour also directly reduces the possibilities of the emergence of workers’ organisations. The situation is compounded by the migration of workers from the southern districts of Tamil Nadu and northern States like bihar, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and Chhattisgarh. Added to these are the absence of organisations (trade unions in individual units) among workers and the bargaining power of the dominant employer of these processing units.(v) Working Hours

As per the statutory laws in the organised set-up, the workers are expected to work for eight hours per day. In case they are asked to work for more than eight hours, workers are eligible for payment of over-time allowance, which will normally be higher than the regular wage rate. The irregular or causal nature of the work available is not uniformly distributed among the workers. Two-thirds of the workers did work for eight hours per day and the remaining two-thirds of workers did their work for 10 hours and 12 hours per day in the first job. In the second job, three-fourths of the workers worked eight hours per day and one-fourth of the workers worked 12 hours per day. The absence of fixed working hours is a common feature of the informal sector. The irregular or casual nature of work is not uniformly distributed among the workers. This is because the nature of the job in each production process is


such that the job time varies in each process with the result that workers who have specialization in each job do more work than what is needed. In the present job, 84 per cent of the workers toiled for 12 hours a day to earn their livelihood. Long working hours were common in all industrial units. The normal working day in Coimbatore usually began at 8.00 a.m. and continued up to 8.30 or 9 p.m. as these were the most frequently reported working hours by the workers in the sample. Lunch break was for an hour or 45 minutes in most places. Tea breaks were for 15 minutes, twice a day. When there was work till 8–9 p.m., a longer tea break was given from 6 to 6.30 p.m. The scope for over-time work was very high in the foundry units of the engineering industry. Employers used the same set of labourers for extra time to accomplish the production target. As the work intensity in the processing unit of the engineering industry was very high, the incidence of workers working continuously for 24 hours per day was common in many of these firms during the peak season. During the season, it was normal for workers to work until midnight or 1 a.m. and some workers reported that they often worked the whole night. Women workers in industrial units also reported worked during night shifts.

(vi) Waiting Period for Getting a Job

Although the informal labour markets are flexible, substantial increases in the supply of labour have meant that the labourers have a waiting period prior to securing even a flexible job. The waiting period ranges from a minimum of one month to a maximum of 12 months in some cases. An increase in the waiting period doubtless enhances the income insecurity.

The researcher’s interaction and discussion with employers of different engineering units about the job market for informal sector workers in Coimbatore revealed that the labour market was very flexible. Anyone could secure work either on the same day or within a day or two. Further, the nature of work involved in these processes was such that it did not involve much technical skill, except in the cases of the pump industry (turner, driller) and in foundry units (sand saver machine operator, moulder). A worker could learn the job in these processes quickly. Therefore, getting a job in any one of these processing units was not a problem. The waiting period for sample workers to enter the labour market or the first job was 12.4 mean months. Between the first and second jobs, the waiting period was 8.3 mean months. The waiting period between the second and third jobs was 5.4 mean months, and the unemployment period between the third and the present job was only 3.2 mean months. The waiting period was the longest at the entry level.

(vii) Employer-Employee Relationship

The scope for overtime work and the corresponding payment for it was very limited for these workers. The employer–employee relations prevailing in the survey units were extremely informal and casual. Evidence gathered from interviews of workers revealed that a sizable proportion of the workers moved from one processing unit to another frequently. An interesting finding emerging from the survey is that there is a high degree of ‘flight’ to other jobs even among employers. The nature of work in almost all processing units under the study was casual or irregular. Added to the irregular nature of the work and the irregular


timing of work, the relationship between the employers and employees could not be established on a stable footing. The survey of the sample workers revealed that a sizeable proportion of the workers moved from one processing unit to another, frequently. The peculiarity of the informal sector in India is that not only the employees, but the employers also went on changing their area of operation. The relationship between the employer and employee is ‘ad hoc’, ‘casual’, ‘regular’, ‘permanent’ and ‘transiting’, depending upon how long an employee works with an employer. The longer the duration of a worker’s stint under his employer, be it ‘regular’ or ‘permanent’, the better is the quality of the relationship between him and the employer, and vice versa.

(viii) Coping Up Mechanisms and Job-hopping

Any worker, particularly in the informal sector, may have to face risks and uncertainty of different kinds. Information was sought from the respondents about the coping mechanisms being adopted by the workers in times of uncertainty and adversity. The survey revealed that different sets of workers adopted different mechanisms to deal with these periods. These mechanisms include: small savings made during periods of employment, financial support received from within the households, disposal of utensils and cattle, and small wage earnings through temporary job-hopping.

The flexibility and stickiness of the labour market in Coimbatore is also revealed through the existence of high labour turnover rates. A little less than 34 per cent of the workers had changed their first job. Nearly half the sample workers had changed their jobs two times. About 12 per cent of those who changed their jobs changed them three times. Only five per cent of them had changed jobs four times. Low wages, irregular nature of work (non-availability of work), heath hazards caused by the work, and closure of the firms were the important reasons for the job turnover.

Foundries emit a large quantity of smoke (pollutants), which normally gets mixed up with the emissions in the neighbourhood, thereby resulting in the pollution of the air sources. This has generated a lot of resentment and concern among social organisations, political parties and the public. As a result, the government has been forced to focus on this problem. Due to the enormous pollution caused by these units, a number of foundry industrial units had been forced to close within the Coimbatore corporation area. Such structural adjustments led to loss of employment for workers. All these factors point to the high degree of insecurity of employment faced by the informal sector workers.

2. Income Security

Income security is the derivative of employment. Therefore, security of employment should ensure security of income. This is, however, not true of people in developing countries, particularly the poor ones. Employment secured by a worker in the market does not necessarily guarantee security of sufficient income, because of the low rate of wages. It is accepted that in order to ensure a decent standard of living, workers need reasonably regular income. Employment is the primary or necessary condition


for the same, but it is not a sufficient condition. When wage rates are low, income insecurity may arise even though there is employment security. The inadequacy of income causes uncertainty and insecurity to workers. Therefore, apart from the study of the employment security of workers, there is a need for studying income security, which is attempted in this section of the article.

Workers in the foundry and pump industrial units of Coimbatore were receiving either daily or weekly wages. A substantial proportion (90 per cent) of the workers were receiving their wages on either a weekly or a daily basis. This explains the highly informal character of these processes. Two reasons could be attributed to the prevalence of the daily or weekly wage system in this informal sector. First, the economic conditions of these workers are such that they purchase essential items on a daily basis. Only some workers purchase household consumption articles in the weekly market. These workers are unable to wait for a month to receive their wages. Secondly, employers on their part do not prefer to make monthly payment of wages. Usually workers receive advance amounts from their salaries. The employers find it convenient to deduct this advance amount four times a month in case of weekly wage payment. but if the payment is made on a monthly basis, the recovery of the advance amount is possible only once. Further, the employers of these production units receive payments for the goods they supply or for the services they offer on either a weekly or fortnightly basis. Therefore, they find it convenient to disburse wages either on a daily or a weekly basis. Thus, the payment of wages on either a daily or a weekly basis was preferred by both employers and employees. moreover, the informal or irregular relationship between the employers and employees allows for settlement of wages only on a short duration basis (like daily or weekly).

(i) Average Weekly Wage of Workers

An analysis of the wage structure in the survey units reveals that a large proportion of the workers (42.9 per cent) were obtaining an average weekly wage of rs. 500 and above. but the average weekly wages of 24 per cent of the workers in motor pump units ranged between rs. 400 and rs. 500. Among the workers in the foundry units, a relatively higher proportion of (27.3 per cent) the workers received an average weekly wage ranging between rs. 301 and rs. 350.

The motor pumps market has seasonal variations. There is a direct positive relation between the general demand for motor pumps and the demand for the services of these foundry industrial units, with the result that the employment of workers in these processing units correspondingly varies with the seasonal variations in the engineering industry. Therefore, when foundry units resort to lay-offs, workers become unemployed. On these occasions, workers have no other employment and consequently they suffer loss of income. Such insecurity of employment leads to income insecurity. Workers manage the situation with the support provided by friends, relatives, trade unions, and above all, from within the family itself. This support system has a cushioning effect and sustains them during the tough times. The extended family system provides the crucial support to workers when they are without income. Coimbatore town still has a traditional cultural ethos. The traditional


support system of the joint family continues to flourish here, facilitating the sharing of joys and sorrows among the members of the family. In our sample, 30 per cent of the workers who were unemployed at various points of time reported that they managed the situation because of the assistance received from their family members.

Dreze and Sen (1995) call for public action to provide social security. They also warn that public action should not be confused with State activity. The society has a role to play in providing help and succour to the vulnerable sections. The society as a whole is called upon to provide social assistance to the deprived, while the importance of the family as a unit in helping its own less fortunate members also needs to be underscored as charity begins at home. Our sample workers hailed from both joint families as well as nuclear family systems. In cases where they belonged to joint families, the support from other members was open and automatic in times of necessity or crisis. In case of nuclear families, the worker is exposed to all kinds of uncertainties and he/she has to respond on his own to face the resultant income insecurity.

(ii) Household Monthly Income

The question of income security in relation to family income was studied. Nearly one-third of the sample workers’ households’ monthly income ranged between Rs. 1000 and Rs. 2500. About three out of every ten sample households had monthly incomes varying from rs. 2500 to rs. 3000. About seven per cent of the household incomes ranged between rs. 3000 and rs. 4000. Only a small group (3.2 per cent) of our sample households was earning in the range of rs. 4000 to rs. 6000. The middle-aged workers and adult workers received more income than others. Around 92 per cent of the workers earned rs. 2500 to rs. 4000, which showed that the monthly income of the unorganised sector workers was very low in the Coimbatore engineering industry.

The household income of the sample workers revealed that the lower range of the monthly income of less than rs. 2500 was received by 6 per cent of the sample households. About 46.4 per cent of the sample workers’ (474 workers) household monthly income ranged from Rs. 2501 to Rs. 4000. Nearly one-third of the sample workers’ (263 workers) household monthly income varied between rs. 4000 and rs. 6000. An analysis of the household monthly income of the workers revealed that five out of every ten sample workers’ households had monthly incomes varying from rs. 2501 to rs. 4000.

(iii) Age-Earnings Profile

An analysis of the age-earnings profile of the workers shows that a majority of the workers in the age group of 15-30 years were earning between rs. 201 and rs. 300. The same holds good for workers in the age group of 31-45 years. The proportion of workers of these age groups in the succeeding higher income slab was lesser. The same problem may be examined from the point of view of the mean income of workers of different age groups. It is clear that middle-aged and adult workers received greater income than the others.


An analysis of the mean earnings of workers reveals that the average wage of the adult workers was greater than that of the other workers in the case of motor pump industrial units. but in the case of foundry industrial units, the average wage of workers in the age group of 31 years to 45 years was higher than the wages earned by workers in other age groups.

(iv) Wage Differentials by Gender

The examination of the wage differentials showed that in the foundry and pump industry, the wages earned by male workers were higher than the wages earned by female workers. This does not simply mean that women workers were discriminated against. Further, jobs performed by the male workers involved hard work and physical exertion while women workers were not engaged in such processes. The wage difference between men and women workers may be explained in terms of the lighter work done by women workers. There is a definite concentration of women workers in specified jobs. It has been pointed out that this crowding of women into certain sectors leads to an inevitable lowering of wages (Krishnaraj, 1987). This occupational segregation then takes the form of discrimination. Among the total women workers in the Coimbatore engineering industry, 92 per cent of the workers opined that there was wage discrimination against women and only 3 per cent of the women workers agreed that they were treated on par with the men.

In some of the jobs in the foundry and pump units, both the men and women workers participate equally at all stages of work. Still, the mean wage difference persists between male and female workers. The wage difference may also be explained in terms of an absence of trade unions. In the absence of an organised union, the labour market is a buyer’s markets for female labour. hence the discrimination persists.

(v) Fringe Benefits and Savings

Most of the workers were not obtaining any fringe benefits/allowances like uniform, travel etc. The value of the fringe benefits was also not high. About one-fourth of the sample workers had savings while the remaining three-fourth of the workers did not have any savings. Ten per cent of the workers had monthly savings of less than rs.100. About 13 per cent had savings ranging between rs. 100 and rs. 250 per month. While around one per cent of workers had monthly savings of rs. 250 and maximum savings of rs. 500, nearly 2 per cent of the workers had monthly savings of well above rs. 500. most of these savings were maintained through chits, benefit schemes, and Savings Bank accounts. Women workers also had small savings. In order to gain an insurance cover, 7 per cent of the workers of this informal sector have insured themselves.

3. DeterminantsofEarningsofFoundryandPumpIndustryWorkers

The determinants of earnings of workers have been analysed for the industrial workers of the engineering industry in Coimbatore. In order to estimate the determinants of earnings of the sample workers of the Coimbatore labour market, a semi-logarithmic earnings function (Mincer’s Earning Function) was fitted.


Ln EAR = ∝ + β1 A + β2 M + β3 K + e.where,

‘Ln EAR’ is the natural logarithmic earnings function of the unorganised sector industrial workers. In our case we can write the specifi cation as follows:

‘A’ is a vector of human capital variable such as age, [proxy for experience] age square, education and training, experience (time spent in the labour market);

‘M’ is a vector of background variables of individual workers such as caste, religion, migration and area dummy where the worker was born;

‘K’ is a vector of industry-specific, job-related character istics such as the location of the job, and whether any labour law applies to the job and sector of employment;

and ∝ and β's are the parameter estimates.

Ln Ear = ∝ + β1AGE + β2AGESQ + β3GEN + β4EDUI + β5EDUA+ +β6TECH+ β7RURAL+ β8RELI+ β9MIG +β10BC+ β11 MBC+β12SCST+ β13MRSTS + β14FAEDU +

β15FOCC + β16MOEDU+ β17MTUPRJ + β18LAPRJ+ β19NAJ+ β20ITS+ β21ITML+ µThe workers have been classified into two categories on the basis of their industry group.

The first industry is the foundry industry while the second industry is the pump industry. An attempt has been made to identify the extent to which variables influ ence earnings in these classified industrial units in the Coimbatore engineering industry.

As regards the influence on variables among different categories, Age has a positive influence and the expected sign for both industrial categories, is significant at a 5 per cent level in the pump industry, and has a 10 per cent level of significance in the foundry industry. Age square showed a significant result at a one per cent level in the pump industry, but had a negative sign and a 5 per cent level of significance in the foundry industry. As per the results, age (proxy for experience—time spent in the labour market) has an important influence on earnings for both the industrial categories. Gender (male) has positive influence on earnings in both the industries. It shows that male workers received higher wages in both the industrial categories than the female workers. Illiterate workers have significant earnings in both the industrial categories with a 10 per cent level of significance.

This reveals that education is not a barrier to entry into the foundry and pump industries in Coimbatore, but at the same time, educated workers earned higher income in the pump industry than in the foundry industry. Technical training had a positive influence on earnings and was highly significant at a one per cent level in the pump industry, but technical training does not have any ostensible influence on the earnings of foundry workers.

In the workers’ background variables, region does not have any influence on earnings in the foundry industry and has a negative influence on earnings in the pump industry workers, showing a one per cent level of significance, which indicates that workers from rural areas do not have any influence on earnings as compared to urban workers. Backward caste as one of the workers’ background variables, has a positive influence on earnings in the pump industry and is significant at a 10 per cent level. The affiliation of workers to the SC/ST community had a positive influence on their earnings in the foundry industry and was found to be significant at a one per cent level. This explains why most of the SC/ST workers were


employed in the foundry industry rather than in the pump industry in Coimbatore. The education of the father has a negative influence on the earnings of the pump industry workers, whereas the father’s education has a positive influence in the foundry industry though this influence is not significant. The workers’ background variables, such as their belonging to the Forward Castes, backward Castes, and most backward Castes in the organised sector

Table 1DeterminantsofEarnings—FoundryIndustryandPumpIndustryWorkers

Variables All Workers Foundry Workers Pump Workersβ t β t β t

Dependent Variable: Log monthly Earningshuman Capital VariablesConstant 7.109* 64.225 7.550* 46.278 6.401* 35.874Age 0.036* 7.700 0.017** 2.581 0.064* 8.033Age square 0.000* 7.108 0.000** -2.349 -0.001* -7.150Gender 0.289* 12.865 0.280* 10.065 0.312* 8.028Illiterate 0.042*** 1.796 0.048*** 1.867 0.092*** 8.028All Educated 0.1101*** 2.552 -0.0120 -0.128 0.1058*** 2.198Technical Training 0.130* 6.444 -0.017 -0.234 0.164* 7.519Workers background Variablesregion rural = 1 -0.020 -1.349 0.029 1.426 -0.073* -3.374religion – hindu =1 -0.040 -1.338 -0.096 -1.403 -0.020 -0.634migration =1 0.024*** 1.662 0.016 0.745 0.016 0.801backward Caste =1 0.108*** 1.781 0.024 0.269 0.139*** 1.683most backward Caste = 1 0.085 1.361 0.009 0.092 0.106 1.266SC/ST Caste = 1 0.093 1.523 0.0766* 3.402 0.073 0.866marital Status – married = 1 0.816* 3.587 0.022*** 2.111 -0.017 -0.736Father Education – Illiterate =1 -0.002 -0.121 0.016 0.626 -0.001 -0.035Father Occupation – Textile/Engineering =1

0.013 0.630 0.001 0.056 0.031 1.056

mothers Education – Illiterate = 1,

-0.022 -1.118 -0.009 -0.278 -0.017 -0.711

Trade Union membership, member =1

0.002 0.074 0.015 0.600 -0.070*** -1.700

Industry, Job-specific VariablesLabour Law, Labour Law Applied =1

0.030 1.554 0.086* 2.887 0.000* 7.012

Nature of Job – Casual = 1 -0.056 -1.606 -0.061 -1.601 0.143 1.482Type of Industry – Small = 1,

0.0552** 2.838 0.0267 0.5919 0.0753** 1.879

Type of Industry – medium/Large = 1

0.036* -2.613 -0.070* -3.508 -0.022 -1.058

r2 .448 .398 .435Adjusted r2 .421 .391 .359Standard Error .26512 .2934 .18961Sample Size 1022 537 485

Notes: * - Significant at 1 per cent Level (P<.01) 99% CI ** - Significant at 5 per cent Level (P<.05) 95 % CI *** - Significant at 10 per cent Level (P<.10) 90 % CI


had a greater positive role to play on the workers’ jobs and earnings than in the case of the unorganised sector workers, as shown by harris, Kannan and rodgers (1990).

Membership in trade unions does not influence the earnings of the workers in both the industrial categories. The trade union does not have any influence on the earnings of the workers in the engineering industry but it has a negative influence on the workers’ earnings in the pump industry. It is fairly widely recognised these days that trade unions have been losing power (Shyam Sundar, 2006). The extent of trade unionism and real wage changes emerge to be negatively related, instead of moving in the expected positive direction, particularly during the post-1994 phase. This implies that trade unionism has lost the strength to even prevent a decline in real and monetary wages (mathur and mishra, 2007).

The industry-specific categories also influence workers’ earnings. Among them, small industry workers have a positive influence of earnings in both the industrial categories, which is significant at a 5 per cent level in the pump industry but not in the foundry industry. Workers employed in medium and large units in both the foundry and pump industries earn less as compared to workers employed in small-scale units. The results show that the workers from these units (medium/large) have less earnings as compared to those engaged in the small units. Labour law has a positive influence to play in both the industrial categories, but is significant at a one per cent level in the foundry industry and a 5 per cent level in the pump industry. As the theory leads one to expect differences not only in human capital variables but also in the workers’ backgrounds and industries of employment, job specification variables are also seen to influence the determination of earnings of the informal sector workers employed in the engineering industry in Coimbatore.

3. HealthSecurity

The need for health security in the developing countries, in general, and in India, in particular, has been lucidly highlighted by Prabhu (1996). He has identified the structure of the workforce, pervasive poverty, and the consequent effects on the health of workers, the hazardous nature of production processes, the inadequate safety measures adopted, and finally the nature of the diseases afflicting workers and the unsatisfactory state of the general health delivery system in the country as the factors that necessitate health security. Workers in the foundry units of our study were residing in the proximity of the units in which they were employed; or they were living in the nearby areas. Only a few of them were commuting from distant places. So it can be assumed that these workers would have adequate knowledge about the potential health hazards that they are likely to encounter in these foundry and pump units.

About two-thirds of the sample workers had prior knowledge of the possible health hazards in the processing work. Despite prior knowledge about the health problems, workers had sought employment in these processes because either there was no viable alternative work available or they were not qualified or equipped to take up jobs available in the market. Of the 1022 workers in the sample, 56 per cent were affected by various health problems and different diseases. The nature of work in the foundry industrial units considered in our study is such that working continuously in such units could give rise to health risks.


Out of 537 workers engaged in the foundry units, two-third of the workers were found to have been affected by health problems. Among these, 17.5 per cent of the workers were suffering from skin diseases. They were also suffering from fever, cough and cold (33.1 per cent) and breathing problems (3.2 per cent). Although only around one-fifth of the sample workers reported that they were suffering from skin diseases, the reality is quite different. One or other form of skin disease affects almost all the workers who engage in foundry industrial units. The respondents who admitted that they were suffering from skin diseases were the ones who were the worst affected by these skin problems. One of the major problems with respect to health was that the respondents were not aware of their sickness at all. Only perceptible forms of skin ailments were considered as skin diseases and they did not consider skin irritations and fuzziness as skin diseases.

The heat generated by the boilers causes asthma, lung diseases, and breathing problems among workers in the foundry industrial units. body pain and muscular problems are ailments specific to screen printing units. More than one-fifth of the workers in sangman and moulder reported severe body pain and swelling in their bodies and muscular contraction. These problems lead to bronchitis and tuberculosis. Although an analysis of the personal habits of the workers is outside the purview of this paper, it will not be out of place to point out here that many of the workers in these processing units had the habit of consuming liquor. Some women workers were also reported to consume liquor. The proportion of women workers consuming liquor was higher in the case of foundry industrial units than in pump industrial units. Further, the workers engaged in this informal sector did not take adequate nutritious food items to maintain their health. All these factors combined to make the workers in the informal sector more vulnerable to health risks, thereby increasing their health insecurity.

(i) Employers Assistance

While the society is expected to provide security to the poor, the employers who use the services of the workers are naturally expected to provide relief to their workers, if not for all contingencies, at least to combat the occupational health hazards they continually face. more than 55 per cent of the workers working in these processing units were subjected to health hazards and were suffering from various types of occupational diseases. but the amount of health cover provided to the workers by their employers was not encouraging. The employers were meeting the medical expenses of workers in the case of only 5 per cent of the sample workers. One-fifth of the workers who were suffering from one or the other form of health problem were not getting any form of assistance towards meeting their healthcare needs. Despite the different types of occupational hazards, two-fifths of the workers were continuing in the same job for years together, and some of them had even been working for more than five years. Lack of work and the inability and inexperience in other fields of work had made them continue in the job.

Abject poverty forced about 16 per cent of the workers to take up extremely hazardous jobs. hence, these workers could not even think in terms of the possible health complications they may end up with. For these workers, income and thereby sustenance was a more


important and urgent issue than dealing with their health problems. They were concerned more about food security than health security. Under these circumstances, it is contingent upon the employers to provide healthcare facilities to their workers. but it is disquieting to note that the employers showed total lack of responsibility in providing health facilities to their workers. No facilities in terms of private or special medical clinics or hospitals were provided for the treatment of the workers. The employers were meeting the total medical expenses of the workers only in the case of about 5 per cent of the workers. About 20 per cent of the workers, who were suffering from health problems, were not getting any form of assistance towards their healthcare. Three-fourths of the workers who were suffering from health problems were totally dependent on government hospitals for their medical treatment. The low wages they earned did not permit them to seek treatment from private practitioners. The luxury of taking treatment under private nursing homes was unaffordable for the workers of this informal sector.

Thus, informal sector workers in the processing units of the study were exposed to a high degree of occupational health hazards, but there were virtually no healthcare provisions made by the employer. Whatever health facility they received was from the public sector health delivery system; it was supplemented by personal medical expenses incurred by the individual workers.

(ii) Workers’ Willingness to Pay for Health Insurance

Information was also collected on the following three crucial health-related variables: (a) awareness about the health hazards in the jobs in which they were employed; (b) the extent to which they consider it as worth taking risk cover; and (c) the extent to which they are willing to contribute to cover the risk of their health. About 96 per cent of the workers had expressed their willingness to partake in a contributory insurance scheme to protect themselves from risks and uncertainties. The researcher observed from the survey that when they were not protected by any social insurance scheme like ESI, then it is incumbent on them to make their own arrangements for their security. Only 6 per cent of the workers received medical benefits from ESIC Scheme. It was also observed that the state machinery did not pay much attention towards countering the ‘insecurities’ being faced by workers in the informal sector.

Therefore, in the absence of social insurance, they were willing to join a scheme if it was proposed by the State or insurance companies. The workers who were in favour of a scheme were aware of the potential benefits of such schemes. They reported that the processes in which they were engaged were prone to health hazards and hence necessitated at least a health insurance scheme, even if it were to be contributory. Although 96 per cent of the workers were willing to pay for a participatory insurance scheme, they were ready to join the scheme only if it was State-administered. They were not ready to join such a scheme run by private companies. regarding the amount of money they were willing to pay for the scheme, the minimum amount was rs. 20 and the maximum was rs. 300 per month. but the extent of willingness to pay for insurance varied among the workers of different processing units.


(iii) Determinants of Willingness to Pay for Health

The probit model is defined as Pr (y=1|x) = Φ (xb) where Φ is the standard cumulative normal probability distribution and xb is called the

probit score or index. Since xb has a normal distribution, interpreting probit coefficients require thinking in the Z (normal quantile) metric. The interpretation of a probit coefficient, b, is that a one-unit increase in the predictor leads to increasing the probit score by b standard deviations. Learning to think and communicate in the Z metric requires practice and can be confusing to others. Tools developed by Long and Freese are used to aid in the interpretation of the results.

The functional form is Φ-1(y), hence the latent variable is normally distributed. It applies the inverse of the cumulative standard of normal distribution function to the response proportions.

The log-likelihood function for probit is, h L w h x b w ln 1 (x bj j j jU U= + -^ ^h h//

where wj denotes optional weights. The estimated equation is given below:Estimated Equation:

DEPWILL = C(1) + β(2)*AGE + β(3)*rUrAL + β(4)*GENmALE + β(5)*EDUhGh + β(6)*EDUILL + β(7)*EDUmDL + β(8)*lnINCOmE + β(9)*mArSTS + β(10)*bC + β(11)*SCST + β(12)*hEALTh + β(13)*WAGDIF + β(14)*ALLWOr + β(15)*FOUN+ β(16)PUmP(6)

According to the estimate of willingness to pay for health insurance among the engineering industry workers in Coimbatore, as per the Probit estimates for willingness to pay for health Insurance Schemes, the older workers expressed greater willingness to join the health insurance scheme than the young workers. Age has a positive association with willingness to take up health insurance with a high level of significance. Male workers are more willing to join health insurance schemes than female workers. Educated workers are more willing to join the health insurance scheme than illiterate workers. This reveals that educated workers are aware of their health status and the health expenditure involved in current scenario, and that they are also aware of the insurance policies or policies related to health (mediclaim policies) issued by both the government-based insurance companies and the private players. The variable income positively influences the workers’ willingness to join the health insurance plan. This implies that as income increases, willingness to pay for health insurance also increases.

The capacity to pay is undoubtedly a major consideration in the decision to insure or not to insure. Therefore, a positive coefficient is expected between income level and willingness to pay for health insurance. The estimated income coefficient has a positive sign and is significant at a one per cent level. The result indicates that higher income level workers have a stronger willingness to join and pay for health insurance. The coefficient of rural workers has a negative sign, indicating their unwillingness to join health insurance while the workers of urban areas are willing come forward to associate themselves with


health insurance plans. The prevalence of illiteracy among workers and the community to which the worker belongs (Backward/ST/SC) do not influence the workers’ willingness to join a health plan.

Table 2WillingnesstoPayforHealthInsurance—ProbitEstimates

Variable Coefficient t-Statistic Prob.

CONSTANT -10.6730* -7.5332 0.0000

AGE 0.0765* 6.6648 0.0000

GENmALE 0.4276** 3.2506 0.0012

EDUILL -0.1208 -0.8259 -0.4088

EDUmID 0.4374* 2.8022 0.0051

EDUhGh 0.6669** 2.5434 0.0110

lnINCOmE 1.1690* 6.8865 0.0000

mArSTS -0.5410* -3.0457 0.0023

bC 0.0843 0.6474 -0.5174

SCST 0.0573 0.3838 -0.7011

hEALTh 0.2263*** 1.9525 0.0509

rUrAL -0.5747* -3.6830 0.0002

WAGDIF 0.0149** 2.2331 0.0255

ALLWOrK 0.4463* 6.7864 0.0000

FOUN -1.7045* -10.893 0.0000

PUmP 1.1959* 7.8377 0.0000

mean dependent var 0.670683 N 1022

S.E. of regression 0.469716 Avg. log likelihood -0.526335

restr. log likelihood -731.1593 mcFadden r-squared 0.372300

Log likelihood -476.3508 Total % Correct 81.62

Note: * - Significant at 1 per cent Level (P<.01) 99% ** - Significant at 5 per cent Level (P<.05) 95 % *** - Significant at 10 per cent Level (P<.10) 90 %

The co-efficient is positive and highly significant for engineering industry workers. This shows the workers’ willingness to join health insurance. It implies that the workers from the engineering industry are aware of health insurance schemes. In the foundry industry workers’ category, the co-efficient has a negative sign with a significant level, which shows that there is little awareness about health insurance among the foundry industry workers. These foundry industry workers also face more health problems as their work is more hazardous than that undertaken by workers in the other industries, but they still do not exhibit any awareness about healthcare and are not willing to join health insurance schemes. The pump industry workers, on the other hand, are more aware of their health status and the health expenditures that are incurred in the day to-day life. The results shows that pump industry workers are willing to join health insurance scheme. This proves that if the government introduces an insurance scheme with less insurance premium, most of the informal sector workers will readily join such a scheme.


IV. CONCLUSION

Coimbatore is all set to become a global industrial centre. Opportunities for job employment have been on the rise here. In spite of increased choices of jobs and the emergence of large now and then, the social security system in many of the units belonging to the engineering industry has been found to be inadequate. Even common benefits like ESI and PF are not extended to all the workers. Due to unhealthy and unhygienic nature of the production process, around two-fifths of the workers are affected by occupational health hazards. No specific healthcare protection is made available to these workers either by the government or by the employers. So the workers of the foundry industry face a high degree of insecurity of health.

The study revealed that the extent of casualisation in the urban informal sector was extremely high. An alarming proportion, that is, 97 per cent of the workers, were found to have been engaged on a casual basis. This acted as the most important factor for increasing ‘employment insecurity’ among the workers. The study also revealed a high degree of health insecurity among the workers in the urban informal labour markets. Unhealthy and unhygienic production processes were the major contributory factors towards health insecurity. The absence of adequate health protection mechanisms compounded the health risks being faced by the workers. As regards income security, there is a perception among the workers that they face some kind of income security. however, if the high cost of living in Coimbatore town is taken into account, along with the average weekly income of the workers, then it can easily be concluded that they do not have a secure income to meet the minimum requirements of life. The earning function has brought out some interesting results. Age (experience) is found to be an important variable influencing income. Gender discrimination in wage seems to exist, both in the foundries and pump units in Coimbatore district. Education has a positive association with earnings in both the industries. however, the earnings levels of educated workers in the pump industry is marginally higher as compared to those in foundries. A community-based analysis reveals that the presence of SC/ST workers is higher in foundries whereas backward community workers are found in larger numbers in the pump industry. Trade unionism is losing its strength in the two industrial categories. Estimates of willingness to pay for health insurance by the engineering industry workers indicate that educated aged male workers residing in urban areas are more willing to pay for health insurance. Income acts a source of strength to go in for health insurance.

Policy Suggestions

The approach of facing competitiveness through low labour cost and a deregulated labour market environment, in order to boost productivity and profits and create new employment, is frequently a short-lived approach. Poor wages and terms of employment hinder firms in acquiring and retaining qualified labour required for ensuring efficiency and flexibility, and they rarely induce the firm to ‘invest’ in its labour force for enhancing its productivity. The principal alternative to such ‘destructive’ competition is the high road of constructive


competition, based on efficiency enhancement and innovation through economic gains that facilitate wage gains and improvement in social conditions, besides safeguarding workers’ rights and providing adequate standards of social protection. In the interests of the sustainability of the industry and the players involved, there is a need to think about alternative paths from a holistic perspective, while taking into account the industry and its compulsions.

There is a strong case for transferring the social audit process to a worker-NGO-trade union combine. besides being more cost-effective than engaging commercial social audit companies, more importantly, it will also help improve the efficacy of the monitoring mechanism and lead to better results. This is a necessary step if the entire system has to be moved from the current combination of good intentions, semi-fulfilment of needs and eyewash, to real achievement. Seasonal orders received by many of the units in the engineering industry compel the units to employ more workers, who work during day and night—all for a very short span of time— and then expel workers from employment, thus depriving them of any economic benefit. As an alternative to this, units may even outsource the work throughout the year so that workers could get employment on all days in a year. Efficient forecasting of demand by the units, could, to a certain extent, solve this problem of unemployment of workers during the slack season.

Another issue that needs to be tackled on a priority basis is that of social security. The current mechanism, mired in bureaucracy, rules and procedures is completely beyond the reach of a worker in the engineering industry, where due to the seasonal nature of production, workers are forced to shift from unit to unit depending on the availability of work. Social security must include more than the Provident Fund coverage; and also provide, for instance, crèches for working women, who are found in large numbers in these industries. Even in a foundry and pump cluster like Coimbatore, there were no training facilities to impart skills to the workers. An institutional mechanism for imparting training to the workers has a tremendous scope. Specialized institutions to cater to other aspects of the industry have come up in Coimbatore, but no specific training institute exists for the workers.

ScopeforFurtherResearch

The present research work has confined itself to three main aspects of workers in the Coimbatore labour market, namely, earnings, pattern of occupational mobility, and social security. Nevertheless, there is a wide scope for further research in the field. A study that needs to be undertaken concerns gender discrimination in terms of wages, hours of work, and nature of the job, among other things. If an exclusive study of women workers—their problems, and wage structure applicable to them—is undertaken, it would highlight the status of women workers in the engineering industry. Unemployment is often caused by seasonal orders received by the engineering industry. This has a telling effect on the employment of workers and their income. One could conduct a study to examine how the problem can be resolved so that workers are able to get employment throughout the year. Factors that


influence the inter-mobility of workers could also be ascertained through a study, which would enable one to understand what causes workers to resort to inter-mobility, and how they stand to gain from this. The extent of the awareness on health insurance schemes may also be studied. Apart from this, it is essential to ascertain the extent to which the workers willing to join the scheme and the amount they are willing to pay for such health insurance schemes.

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Documents

SOCIAL SECURITY OF INFORMAL SECTOR WORKERS IN COIMBATORE