Chapter 5

Social Organisation: Family, Marriage and Kinship

Marriage establishes family, a basic unit of society, and creates bonds of kinship. As elements of

social organisation, family, marriage and kinship link individuals to individuals, individuals to

groups and a group to several groups. Family, marriage and kinship are, thus, interlinked aspects

of any human society. They are fundamentally associated with ideas and attitudes in a society.

‘The study of these ideas and attitudes is the fundamental part of study of culture’ (Kapadia 1947:

2). We need to interpret and explain these ideas in order to understand a society or a community.

This chapter deals with the Masan Jogi family, marriage practices and kinship structure in

order to understand their social organisation of their community. As a basic unit of community

living, family is something different among Masan Jogis. While taking a glimpse through their

rites of passage, we take a closer look at family, the strong foundation of Masan Jogi community,

as well as their marriage practices and kinship structure.

The Family

Traditionally, Masan Jogis moved from place to place with their families. The householder

walked the distance from one village to the other carrying the belongings in one parade (a pan),

and the children in another hanging on his shoulder (see Picture 5.1). As ascetics, Masan Jogis did

not own any immovable property. Therefore the question of succession, heir or inheritance did

not arise in the community. Children got married and followed the same profession as their

parents as they began living separately.

From my observation of Masan Jogi families in Shevgaon I gathered that a typical Masan Jogi

family consists of husband, wife and their unmarried children. Generally, sons in a family, when

married, start living separately. In some cases, a married son, his wife and children may continue

to live in the same household for short time till the young couple prepares a place to live

independently. Elderly parents usually live with the youngest son. Both boys and girls are equally

welcome, there is no preference shown for any gender. There is no distinction made between boys

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Picture 5.1: A Masan Jogi carrying things in two parade

Source: Fieldwork collection

and girls as such. They are generally treated as equals. Boys usually are more outgoing than girls

and, as they grow, get into some livelihood activities and start earning at a very early age. Girls

generally remain attached to their mothers. As they grow, they learn the household tasks, such as

cooking, taking care of children, etc. When they attain puberty they are sent to their husband’s

place. In fact, there are more females than males in the community. Out of a total population of

495 Masan Jogis in Shevgaon, 266 (53.73%) are women and 229 (46.37%) are men (see Table

5.1).

The community has a strong workforce of 123 (24.85%) persons in the age group of 18–30

years. It is the highest among all the age groups. If this group is taken as a focal point, then 272

(54.95%) fall into the category of younger population consisting children (35.35%) and

adolescent (19.60%) groupings. On the other hand, there are 100 (20.20%) persons above 30

years of age. Thus, the Masan Jogi community at Shevgaon is largely a young community.

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Table 5.1: Population composition of Masan Jogis at Shevgaon

Age group Gender

Total Female Male

1. 0–10 96 (54.86)

35.69

79 (45.14)

34.96

175

35.35

2. 11–17 56(57.73)

20.82

41(42.27)

18.14

97

19.60

3. 18–30 72 (58.54)

26.77

51(41.46)

22.57

123

24.85

4. 31–50 31(47.70)

11.52

34(52.30)

15.04

65

13.13

5. 51–above 14 (40.00)

5.20

21(60.00)

9.29

35

07.07

Total 269 (100)

100.00

226 (100)

100.00

495

100.00

Notes: Figures in parentheses refer to row-wise percentages;

figures below the frequency refer to column-wise

percentages.

Source: Fieldwork data

Family Life

The Masan Jogi community is patriarchal in nature, in which the descent is traced through males

and the eldest man is considered as the head of the family. However, the role of women in

decision making is valued both at the domestic and the community levels. From my observations,

I gather that all the decisions affecting the family are taken in consultation with women. Often the

process of making a decision involves husband and wife equally. For instance, if the wife feels

that the family must go for the Pochamma festival in the month of October, she would start

thinking how it can be planned by initiating a discussion with her husband. Then both would be

thinking how it can be organised, finally arriving at a decision. If the husband makes a plan about

any activity, such as visiting relatives in another town, he first shares the thought with his wife,

who joins in the process of decision making. Then, together they will arrive at a decision.

Though, mostly men participate in the Jat panchayat discussion, women are free to express their

opinion and make points if they wish to (see Ch. 7). Domestic violence or harassment of wife is

not tolerated in the Masan Jogi community. In the event of any ill treatment meted to wife, the

wife simply returns to her natal home without informing anyone at the husband’s house. The issue

then is taken up at the jat panchayat and dealt with firmness and the husband is punished with

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heavy fine. If the issue leads to separation of the husband from the wife, then the man loses

prestige in the community, so much so that he finds it extremely difficult to get another wife.

Family life is the basic norm seriously followed in the Masan Jogi community. There are no

individuals, everyone lives in a family. If a married man dies, the widow gets married to another

suitable man. She takes the children along to the man she marries. The man may already have his

own children to look after. He has also to take care of the wife’s children born from her previous

husband, till they are married. Similarly, if the wife dies, the widower gets married to another

woman. In case of the death of both parents, the orphaned children are taken care of by the

relatives of the man or the woman. Sometimes they are distributed among the relatives to avoid

burdening a single family. Therefore, there are no widows, widowers or orphan children in the

community, nor are there any single-parent families.

If a married son together with his wife and children live with his parents, he submits his

earnings to the parents. In such households, the daughter-in-law has to work under the

instructions of the mother-in-law. The relationship between the daughter-in-law and the mother-

in-law is usually under strain. The married son generally favours the views of his mother; the

daughter-in-law has to adjust to the situation. If she quietly ‘runs away’ to her home or attempts

to or commits suicide, the mother-in-law is directly held responsible. In such case, the jat

panchayat accuses the mother-in-law and the husband and levies heavy fine for harassing the girl.

The family also loses its prestige in the community.

The relationship between the married son and his father is sort of equals. The son deals with

his father with due respect. The father too considers his married son as the head of the family;

therefore, he deals with him as if almost equal. Their conversations remain brief and revolves

around various transactions, either money or family dealings.

Moderate expression of emotions is yet another facet of Masan Jogi life. The men folk relax

with watching television shows or playing cards. Women are seen mending each other’s hair or

busy themselves doing something or the other. I seldom came across a group, be it of men or

women, found joking, bursting with laughter together. Strange though it may be, I found, even

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smiles are rare. There is no escalation of emotions to any extreme. One does not go into euphoria

or get oneself drowned by sorrow. When a loved one returns home after a long time, the person is

received with limited expression in words or gestures; there may not be a hilarious applause or

exuberant welcome. Similarly, a death or loss of a loved one is moaned for a short period. The

depth of grief is demonstrated in moderate expression. Masan Jogis do no wail aloud or for a

prolonged period. For instance, Ganga, a middle aged woman, was overwhelmed by tremendous

grief as she lost her son in an accident. Ganga only expressed her grief for a while and she got

over the loss in a few days time.

Having been associated with the community for a long time, I have never come across any

event in which affections are showered over children physically by hugging, embracing or

kissing. On the contrary, it is often observed in many other communities how toddlers become a

centre of playful conversations. Adults and elders are seen taking interest in the little ones by

playing or talking to them. In the Masan Jogi community, children play around the house by

themselves; when hungry they contact the mother for food. After eating, they go back to their

group and play. After the birth, the child remains with the mother till it is weaned away. The

social or social-psychological reason behind such intriguing demeanour of the community is hard

to explain.

In earlier days, whatever little that belonged to the family was shared with the sons equally.

The daughters received some ornaments, usually of silver or other ordinary metal, carefully

preserved by the mother. The value of the assets may not be much in terms of wealth; it does bear

high sentimental value for the succeeding generation. As the community moved into non-

traditional occupations (see Ch. 3), owning wealth in terms of a house, shop or other forms

became a common practice. The tradition of distributing the wealth equally among all the sons

acquired more importance. The parents touch Rudraksha (the fruit of Elaeocarpaceae ganitrus a

large evergreen broad leaved tree), in order to show that they conscientiously followed

equanimity in distributing their asset to all the sons. This practice is common among Masan Jogis;

I could record several such events. It is usually done in the presence of relatives and community

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members. The group that gathers on this occasion is of mostly community members, who just

happen to be there together.

Rites of Passage

Pregnancy, Birth and Infancy

Pregnancy is a special period for women. Several cultures prescribe rituals to be performed at

different stages of pregnancy. In rural Maharashtra, the practice of dohale jevan, (the meal of

desire), is arranged during the seventh month of pregnancy. It is believed that the mother

expresses the desires of the foetus that longs to eat certain special food items. Therefore, the

pregnant woman is provided with whatever she asks for eating. This is called Dohale in Marathi.

It is also called ‘dohad’, of two hearts, the desire is not only of the pregnant woman but also the

foetus in her womb (Joshi 1965: 781–83). This is also an occasion for the mother to prepare

herself for the birth of the child.

The women informants told me that there is no such ceremony performed during pregnancy

among Masan Jogis. I also conversed with pregnant women independently and as a group. On

various occasions, I spent time with them allowing them to express their views and concerns

about pregnancy and child birth. Radha told me the entire episode of her second delivery that had

taken place three weeks before. For Masan Jogi women, the period of pregnancy is not much

different; it is business as usual. They carry out their routine works in and outside of the house. It

was easily noticed when someone in a family fell sick, even with simple cold and cough, the

person was rushed to the nearest clinic. There is no hesitation to spend exorbitant amount for the

treatment. On the contrary, one may be surprised to know that pregnant women in Masan Jogi

community seldom visited any doctor. In fact, some women reported to me that they did visit the

doctor during their pregnancy, not for anything related to pregnancy or foetus but mainly for

usual aches and pain in the body.

During Radha’s second delivery, she could not get labour pangs. She struggled for quite some

time, but could not push the child in the womb. Someone was sent to the doctor to get a pill that

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could help Radha to gather all her strength to push the child. After taking the pill, it took Radha

another bout of struggle for nearly half an hour to deliver the baby. After hearing Radha’s story, I

gently prodded her, “When you were in the depth of your struggle, did not the thought of going to

the doctor came to your mind?” She peacefully said, never, I never thought of going to the doctor.

She did not forget to add, I will not go to the doctor in future too. Further discussion on the topic,

which continued later in different times with different ladies, revealed that the understanding of

illness and pregnancy are two different things in the minds of Masan Jogis. Illness is caused by

some evil spirit and that needs to be attended to as early as possible. Pregnancy, on the other

hand, is understood as a natural process. The belief in nature, that it takes care of itself, is strong

among Masan Jogi women. Therefore, one does not need to worry about it so much. In fact,

seeking help from a doctor is the last resort.

Women deliver at home with the help of the traditional attendants called dayeeni. Dayeenis

are elderly illiterate women who have long-standing experience in attending on women in

childbirth. As experts in their own way, they are confident in dealing with the most difficult of

cases. They boast of rendering safe deliveries for decades without any child mortality due to

complications. No informant reported on still births or miscarriages. No reference was made to

deliberate abortions. With strict prohibition on pre-marital and extramarital relationships, there

appear to be no deliberate abortions. However, it was difficult for me to seek information on these

sensitive topics. There are eleven senior women in Masan Jogi community who work as dayeeni.

They are ever ready to help to any woman in need at any hour of the day or night. The dayeeni is

not formally paid; it is an honorary service they render. Preliminary knowledge in childbirth will

certainly prove a great advantage to the community. When I brought this to the notice of some of

the dayeenis, they showed no interest. With the belief that everything is taken care of by nature

and assistance of confident dayeeni without basic knowledge in childbirth, there is every

possibility of overlooking several health issues related to reproductive health, pregnancy, post-

natal care, etc.

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The new born and the mother are confined to the room for few days during the post-natal

period. Often the mother takes ordinary diet and resumes her household work after the fifth day.

In rural Maharashtra, even if the daughter does not go to her natal home for delivery, the mother-

in-law or the senior women take interest in bathing and cleaning the child every day. First, the

centre of the scalp is massaged carefully with oil, and then oil is applied to the whole body of the

child. The senior woman sits on a stone stretches her legs forward together, resting the heals on

another stone. It becomes a bridge, on which the child is put in a sleeping position alternately on

the stomach and back as it is given warm water bath. After the bath, the child is waddled in cloths

and put to sleep. Then the mother, or in her absence, a senior lady from the house assists the

young mother stretching her strained limbs and giving her bath. These are common practices

women take delight in performing and showing their affectionate concern to the daughter after the

delivery. I have not come across a Masan Jogi child being given a bath or the mother being cared

for after her delivery. It is only when issues arise attention is given to the child or the mother.

As the child grows, it goes out of the house and plays by itself or joins other children. There

are minimum instructions and guidance given to the children. Parents often told me that they

wanted their children to be well educated and well placed in life. When I suggested them to train

their children, they were not keen.

Branding of Children

Branding of children after birth is a common practice among Masan Jogis. Though the practice is

waning out, it is still prevalent in the community. Branding provides a special mark of

identification of Masan Jogis. Boys as well as girls are branded within a week after the birth. The

understanding is that the child must be branded as early as possible. As an itinerant community,

Masan Jogis moved from village to village and often faced the problems of child lifters and infant

stealers. Being a sojourner family, it was difficult to trace the culprit. Branding serves to identify

Masan Jogi children. Many adults and children showed me the branded marks on their stomach.

In some cases, branding marks were very clearly seen even after the person attained forty years of

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age. One can imagine how big the wound must have been when the person was branded. Many

bore faint spots which were noticed after careful scanning of the naval area.

I did not witness any branding event. The informants reported me how children are banded. A

red hot metal rod is pressed on the stomach, usually to imprint a square-shaped mark around the

naval point (see Figure 5.1). An extra line is marked on the upper side of the naval point in

honour of goddess Pochamma and to create imbalance in the symmetrical shape. It is a painful

process the newborn has to undergo. The women told me how the child cries with excruciating

pain without displaying any emotions.

Figure 5.1: Branding mark

Source: Fieldwork data

The shape of the branding can be round or zigzag too. It has to be around the naval point.

Masan Jogis believe that naval point is the centre of human body. If it is protected in this way, all

the ailments can be averted in life. Some of them even claim that the person who is branded does

not get any stomach ailment in her/his whole lifetime.

Some community members told me that the practice of branding is a very ancient one. Ages

ago, an epidemic broke out and, many children fell ill for a short time and died. No one could

provide me information as to what kind of epidemic it was, whether it was small pox, measles or

any other kind. From their description it appears o have been severe dehydration due to diarrhoea.

Everyone panicked and thought it was a wrath of goddess Yellamma. People went on pilgrimage

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to Yellamma seeking her intervention during the calamity. A shaman in the Yellamma temple

prescribed branding for children. It was found effective. Since then the practice is prevalent in the

community. The story does not provide many details. Due to the interventions of health

professionals, the practice of branding children is gradually waning away.

Naming Ceremony

I had an opportunity to attend the naming ceremony of Arjun Shankar Kadminche’s daughter.

After few rounds of suggestions, the name Rani was finalised for the girl. In Masan Jogis’

understanding the naming ceremony is a way of welcoming the child into the community in

which it has to spend the whole life time. The ceremony is performed on the fifth day after the

birth of the child. It is an auspicious day, for, at the end of that day, in the night, the goddess

writes the future of the child, gives the child the destiny and grants it a lifespan. When I enquired

the name of the goddess, no one could name it. She apparently resembles goddess Satvai. Satvai

is the goddess of fortune, lifespan and fertility; she is also none other than Mother Earth

(Tribhuvan 2005: 31). In order to obtain bright future, a great destiny and long prosperous

lifespan for the child, the goddess has to be worshiped during the day. It is a common belief

among Masan Jogis that the goddess resides around the pit where the bath water of the baby

accumulates. Therefore, the ritual begins with worshiping the pit. Being male, I could not

participate in the worship anytime. However, the women informant acted it out for me.

The worship begins by placing five pebbles on the edge of the pit. Five is the complete

number, maintain Masan Jogis. The pebbles represent five deities who’s names are unknown.

They also symbolise the five gifts the goddess bestows, namely, fortune, destiny, lifespan, health

and protection. Next to each pebble a few grains of wheat, jowar and rice are placed. A bit of

saffron and vermillion powder is offered to each pebble. The mother of the new born child makes

obeisance to the pit by touching her forehead to the ground. She then takes the child and touches

its head to the pit.

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After worshiping the pit, the Sarpanch together with the prominent men representing different

clans/lineages assemble in front of the house. They do not squat by folding legs, but sit on their

heels. The father of the child serves them country made liquor. Everyone from the assembly takes

turn to sprinkle few drops of liquor around with his fingers as he lifts his glass a little and

suggests a name for the child. A name can be rejected or accepted by the group. The group may

ask for the reason for suggesting a given name or question the appropriateness of that name.

Sometimes, a name may spur discussion in the group. Only the name that is seconded by most

men in the group and accepted by the parents is finally chosen as the name for the child. The

choice of names is drawn from what the Masan Jogis come across during their rounds in the

villages and contact with other communities through their business of metal scrap. The names

associated with Lord Shiva, such as Shivram, Shivappa, Shankar, were popular at one time.

Three-letter Marathi names were most popular a few year ago, such as Laxman, Ankush or

Prahlad. The present trend is towards Sanskritic names; the new born in recent times bear such

names as Ravindra, Savitri or Akash.

Puberty Rite

The celebration of puberty among Masan Jogis is a prelude to preparing the young girl for

motherhood. Physiologically, the girl is ‘educated’ in her reproductive cycle without getting

traumatised by the first instance of menstruation. She is prepared as a childbearing woman by

feeding her nutritious food on the occasion. And the celebration is to announce to the community

that she is ready for marital ties. From the cultural point of view, the puberty rite is closely

connected with fertility and prosperity, repeatedly expressed through various symbols, gestures

and ritual ways. It is also an initiation rite for girls by which they are lead into adulthood. There is

no initiation or puberty rite for boys in the Masan Jogi community. My enthusiastic women

informants invited me to witness puberty rite more than once. However, I thought, being male, it

was inappropriate for me to be present at a ceremony exclusively meant for women. The women

informants explained the rite to me in detail and responded to my quarries without any inhibition.

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The puberty rite for girls is celebrated three times in three successive months beginning with

the first menstruation. The rite can be divided into three stages. In the first stage, the girl is put in

a makeshift hut away from the house, the second stage is when she is given a ceremonial bath and

the third stage is when she is taken into the house.

At the first instance, the girl informs her mother about her first menstruation. She then gets a

small temporary hut prepared at a distance from the house with the help of the father or the

brothers. It is a simple hut with three sticks tied together at the top end, while each end of the

stick is separately placed on the ground, in the shape of a tripod. The sticks are covered with long

cloth or a chadar, a thin cotton blanket used as a covering to sleep. The girl lives in the hut for the

next seven days, she is served food in the hut and, during this period, the girl is not allowed to

come out of the hut. During this period of her ‘impure’ days, she must not be seen by anyone. She

sleeps in the hut in the night accompanied by an elderly lady. During these days the girl wears old

clothes.

On the seventh day, five young married women apply turmeric paste and oil on the entire

body of the girl early in the morning. She is then given a ceremonial bath. After the bath, she is

given a fresh set of clothes, or new clothes, if affordable, to wear. Then she is asked to sit on a

wooden plank. Women, young and old, adore the girl by putting grains of rice on her head and

then applying vermilion on her head called kumkum. Five brass water jars called ‘tambya’ are

placed in a row filled with water in front of the girl. A tinge of turmeric and vermilion powder is

sprinkled over the jars. The girl performs obeisance to the seat. She is then given a small jar full

of rice-water to drink. For the first three times, she takes a sip from the jar, gargles and then spits

it out. This signifies that her term of impurity is over. Then the girl drinks the whole jar of rice-

water.

The wife of the Sarpanch, or a young married lady in her absence, breaks a dry coconut above

the head of the girl. Then she lifts the girls and brings her into the house where she is made to sit

on another plank. The young lady then is honoured by the relatives and friends. The relatives and

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friends throng to visit the girl. They bring along gifts of dry dates, jaggery, dry coconuts and other

eatables.

Masan Jogis do not observe the concepts of pure and impure meticulously. On her first

menstruation, the girl is put in a hut away from the house as a gesture of temporary impurity as

part of the ritual. Impurity is not associated with menstrual cycle every month. The five young

ladies who apply turmeric paste on the girl’s body are considered auspicious on the occasion

symbolising personified prosperity. As young women who have gone through the experience,

they provide support and understanding to the young girl. The turmeric paste is considered for its

purifying effect. The girl is purified of impurities as she comes out of her menstrual period by

applying turmeric paste on her body. It also serves to give smooth tone to her skin, a feature

considered important at this stage. Rice grains too stand for fertility as they possess potential to

grow into plants bearing much fruit. The gesture of putting rice grains on the girl’s head is to wish

the lady to ‘anek lekre houn samadhan pav’ (flourish like the grains and be continent in life). The

gesture of applying kumkum, (the vermilion spot), on the girl’s forehead is to honour the young

lady as she enters the new stage of her life.

The five jars again are auspicious and symbolic of the occasion. As a representation of womb,

the jars contain water symbolising life. The girl humbly bows to the seat symbolising her role as

life giver before occupying it. Rice-water provides physical strength for the purpose. In order to

emphasise the strength-giving quality of rice-water, the women informants told me how farmers

drink a good amount of rice-water in the morning, a common practice among farmers in Andhra

Pradesh, before starting their strenuous work in the fields.

In the third part of the ritual, the wife of the Sarpanch represents community’s support to the

young on attaining adulthood. The relatives and friends express their loving support to the young

lady in her newly acquired role and adult, a would-be mother. The dates, coconut and other fruits

too, are symbolise prosperity and fertility; the eatables are meant to provide nutrition to the

prospective mother.

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It is only at the first instance of menstruation, the girls are made to stay in a hut. They are not

secluded in any form during their later menstruations. The celebration during the second and third

months is simple and short. Traditionally, after the puberty rite, the girls would start wearing half

sari till she gets married; but the practice is no more followed in Shevgaon. Girls are seen as

nascent children till they attain puberty. After the ceremony, they do not mix with children or play

with them. Their interaction with the boys of their age is not curtailed, it is but occasional. After

the puberty ceremony, the girls behave with a sense of maturity and responsibility, and most of

the time they are seen with their mother or adult women. They keep themselves busy with

household chores. Others treat them as adults and responsible persons. Boys, till married, are

regarded as growing children. For them, adulthood dawns with their marriage, after which they

exhibit mature behaviour and are treated so.

Funeral Practices

In olden days, the Masan Jogis buried their dead. Traditionally, when someone died in the

community, the conch shell was sounded to announce the death. The dead body was washed and

kept in sleeping position in the house. The relatives and friends mourned the death by crying for a

short while. No one cried when the dead body was taken out of the house. After bringing out of

the house, the corpse was kept in sitting position on a long cloth. Four men would lift the cloth by

holding the four corners. Thus, in the sitting position the corpse would be carried to the burial

ground in a procession with dance and music. It was then buried in sitting position. The

Lingayats, also known as Veera Shaiva sect of Shaivism, bury their dead in sitting position. When

I asked some Masan Jogis whether there is any connection between the Lingayats and Masan

Jogis, they told me that, we were known as Lingayat Wani, a sub group of Lingayats. No one

could provide me with further information as to what was the connection between Masan Jogis

and Lingayats and was there any intermarriage among them, etc.

After the burial, everyone returns to the house of the deceased person and sits quiet for a

while. Then, relatives from the mother’s side or even the father’s side serve country made liquor

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to all the adults. This is to indicate that they all share the sorrow of the family. After sipping the

liquor, everyone gradually moved to their homes. The members of other clans bring cooked food

for the family as they are not to cook food on that day.

Recently, Masan Jogis stopped burying their dead. Claiming their conversion to Buddhism in

recent years as part of a political move, Masan Jogis now cremate their dead in the sleeping

position. Two years back I attended a funeral of an old man who died due to old age, and about

six months back I attended another funeral of a young man who committed suicide. There was no

substantial difference between the two funerals and the tenth-day celebration. In both cases, the

dead bodies were washed. New cloths were put on them. Then they were put on the biers, and

were carried to the location near the stream, where they were cremated. Men women and children

from the community were present for the funeral.

Masan Jogis believe that the soul of the dead takes birth into some animal. It is found out on

the burial night. A little mud is spread on the ground in a corner of the house. It is uniformly

levelled by hand. A lamp is lit at the place and a tokri, (an iron basket) is kept over it in a tilted

position for the whole night. On waking up on the next day, footprints of the animal are found on

the mud. It is believed that the soul has gone into the family of animal of which the footprints

appeared. The footprint could be of cows, buffalo or, of any four legged animal or bird. The

family then tries to be good to that particular animal by feeding it whenever possible.

Masan Jogis may be dealing with dead bodies and stay in the graveyards, but when they have

to deal with ghosts or spirit of the dead, they are afraid to the core. They believe that, if the soul

of the dead is not satisfied in its earthly life, it may move around the place and haunt a person and

cause harm to him or her. To prevent this, the family members take the hair and some mud of the

grave in olden days and take ash after cremation now, to a location in Andhra Pradesh where a

sage lives. The sage, after performing certain rituals, ties the ghost to a tree. This appears an

hypothetical place as no one could tell me the exact details.

Generally, the Hindus in rural areas of Maharashtra perform the dahava, which literally

means the tenth day after death. It is a purifying ritual celebrated on the tenth day after the death

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by shaving heads of close male relatives of the dead. First, all the relatives gather at spot on the

bank of river where naivadya, specially prepared food items are offered to the dead. When a crow

eats this offering, it is considered as accepted by the spirit of the dead. If crow delays in picking

up the eatables offered, it is a sign that the spirit is not happy. In this case the relative speak out

aloud promising the spirit that they would fulfil its wishes. Then the wishes are spoken out one

after the other. If a crow picks up eatable at the instance of speaking out a particular wish, it is

considered as the wish of the spirit. The relatives faithfully fulfil it as early as possible.

Masan Jogis celebrate this purifying ritual of dahava on the third day after the death of the

person. As an itinerant community, Masan Jogis stayed for three days in one graveyard after

which they moved to another graveyard of another village. The funeral and the ‘tenth day’

celebration had to be conducted in three days. The group goes to the pond or any water source

nearby where they may take bath or just have a symbolic wash. No naivadya is offered. Male

relatives of the dead do not shave their heads. After sounding the conch shell, the members of

other clans bring tea and eatables to the family of the deceased person. The sounding of the conch

shell is the announcement that the sutak¸ the period of impurity due to death is over. Country

made liquor is given to the adult males. After consuming the eatables, the family of the deceased

person serves meal to the whole community. The traditional meal contains rice and tamarind

chutney, a paste made by grinding tamarind, chillies and garlic together.

All the clan members of the deceased attend the dahava. It may so happen that the news of

death may not reach some clansmen who are located at remote places. Therefore, they may not

appear at the time of dahava. Whenever they come to hear of the death, they have to perform a

short ritual of the dahava in the place where they are by taking a bath in the name of the deceased

person and offering food to the community members living in the vicinity. With this their sutak is

over.

Masan Jogis have modified the ritual recently by incorporating certain local customs. They

put the food offering at the place where the dead was cremated, but they do not wait for a crow to

pick the eatables up or do not speak out promise to fulfil any wishes of the dead. They place five

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small stone at the place to represent some gods, on which they put a pinch of vermilion and leave

the place.

Marriage

I was present for several marriages in the Masan Jogi community at different times. From my

own observations and from the reports of the informants, I gather that marriage is considered to

be an important aspect of life in the community, and life without marriage is considered

incomplete. If someone dies without getting married, it is considered unfortunate. No one wants

to die such unfortunate death. One requires to be married in order to live in the community

meaningfully, as there is no concept of single individual in the community. The sole exception to

this is a sanyasin who changed her name Radha to Radhika Das and now resides in Hanuman

temple at Rajkot, Gujarat (see Picture 5.2). Radha’s married sister, brother-in-law and parents

narrated story to me in three sittings. Twice I spoke to Radhika over the phone and she happily

responded to my quarries. She told me how she spends her time in the temple. When I asked her

when her she would visit to Shevgaon, she replied saying that it was not possible, for she had

dedicated her life in the service of god in Rajkot. Her voice sounded as that of a happy person

completely renounced and devoted to god.

The story of Radhika runs like a fairy tale. Many years ago, when Radhika was about five

years old, the family had halted for few days in Pandharpur, famous for the Shri Vitthal temple in

Maharashtra. Being the centre of devotion, there were kirtans (devotional singing), performed

every night. According to her parents, on one of those nights, as kirtan was going on, Radhika got

up from her sleep in the middle of the night and joined the crowd in listening to the kirtan. When

the crowd dispersed early in the morning, Radhika got confused, she joined one of the groups and

moved with it to a distant place. The parents searched for Radhika but could not find her

anywhere. Finally, they gave up searching for her and accepted the fact that they lost their child

forever. It took some time for them to come to terms with the loss. After about forty years, when

the parents were in Gujarat, on their annual rounds, Radhika recognised them. The parents and

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Picture 5.2: The only sanyasin from the Masan Jogi community

Source: Fieldwork collection

her siblings were overjoyed to see Radhika alive. She narrated the whole of her story and finally

told them that she would not join them as a family member, for she had become a sanyasin, a

celibate woman dedicated in service of god. Since then, Radhika’s parents travel to Rajkot every

year to visit Radhika. In October 2011, I met Radhika’s brother in Shevgaon but did not see her

parents. Radhika’s brother told me that they had gone to Rajkot to meet Radhika and would return

after a week or two.

Since there is no institution of celibate life in the Masan Jogi community, the community

finds Radhika’s way of life as something unusual. They just cannot comprehend how one can live

without marriage. Although the community respects Radhika’s way of life, but many are not fully

convinced by it. The community members appreciate the celibate life Radhika has opted for, than

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to have got married to someone from other community. They invariably comment without

hesitation, saying that, if she had to marry someone from other community, it would have

disgraced the community; thank god, she has opted for a better way of life. It is important to note

that Radhika has become a sanyasin by accident and not by choice. And secondly, as a sanyasin

she resides out of the community.

Apart from the family life and procreation, the institution of marriage in Masan Jogi

community appears to maintain moral standards and curtail promiscuity. Close observation shows

that no one, male or female, can cast lustful eye at anyone. It means, no sexual promiscuity in any

form, be it under the garb of friendship, courtship or even harbouring sexual desire of sort or

dealing with men or women with intent of gratifying sexual desire, is tolerated in Masan Jogi

community. The community does not accept any aberration in this unwritten law. If anyone is

found erring in this matter, he or she is severely punished or expelled from the community. This

is basically for the smooth functioning of the community, to avoid quarrels and fights among the

families and to maintain the identity of the community. This is summed up when a Masan Jogi

says, “Our women never indulge in such degrading activities”.

The rule is applicable to all including the school-going boys and girls. No boy or girl from the

Masan Jogi community can become friendly to any boy or girl from the community or from

another community. If anything of that sort occurs, stringent action is taken against the offenders

by the jat panchayat. This, claim Masan Jogis, rids the community of many problems as well as

complications and maintains peace in the community.

I often noticed how girls and boys as well as men and women were at ease with themselves in

each other’s presence. No one views an interaction between a young boy and a girl, or a man and

a woman with suspicion. In contrast to this, women in other communities are always seen ill at

ease when they are in presence of men. Many, if not all, become self-conscious so much that they

repeatedly try to cover their chest with the padar, the end portion of their sari. Quarrels between

husband and wife do escalate and finally end up in separation of the spouses. However, suspicion

or doubt about the fidelity of the partner has never been the cause of breaking of marriages in the

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Masan Jogi community. In view of maintaining the ethnic identity of the community, the basic

understanding is every man has his woman and every woman has her man, so that no one goes to

other communities in search of a partner. Apparently, the practice of child marriage stems from

this idea.

Table 5.2: Age at marriage

Age Gender

Total Female Male

1. 0–3 61 (55.96)

39.87

48 (44.04)

41.03 109

40.37

2. 4–10 28 (63.64)

18.30

16 (36.36)

13.67 44

16.30

3. 11–18 37 (53.63)

24.18

32 (46.37)

27.45 69

25.55

4. 19–above 27 (56.29)

17.65

21 (43.71)

17.95 48

17.78

Total 153 (56.66)

100.00

117 (43.33)

100.00

270

100.00

Notes: Figures in parentheses refer to row-wise percentages;

figures below the frequency refer to column-wise

percentages

Source: Fieldwork data

Out of total 270 married persons in the Masan Jogi community at Shevgaon, 153 (56.67) are

women and 117 (43.33%) men. The largest number of persons (109 or 46.67%) is married at the

age less than three years, the highest among all the other married categories (see Table 5.2).

Among 222 (82.22%) persons were married at the age less than 19 years, 126 (46.67%) are

women and 96 (35.55%) are men. The largest segment of Masan Jogi population married at the

age less than 19 years. In all these categories, the percentage of women is higher than that of men.

Only 48 (17.78%) of all married persons were over 19 years of age when they married.

Masan Jogis follow clan or gotra exogamy. Marriages among the same gotra or surnames are

not allowed in the community. All those who are with common surnames are of one gotra, and

therefore, cannot marry each other. Marriage between .paternal and maternal cousins are

prohibited. A boy can marry his paternal aunt’s daughter (FrSiDo) or a boy can marry his

maternal uncle’s daughter (MoBrDo). Before the marriage ties are fixed, both boy’s and girl’s

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ancestry up to fourth generation are traced to check whether they are related as either maternal or

paternal cousins. If the ancestors are found to be maternal or paternal cousins, the boy and the girl

cannot get married.

Masan Jogis follow monogamy as a rule. When the wife is sick or cannot bear children

second wife is allowed. Divorce is permitted in the case of prolonged sickness of the wife.

Levirate or sororate marriages are not found in the community. There is no dowry system, nor is

there a practice of bride price in Masan Jogi community. The groom’s family buys new set of

clothes for the bride and her family and vice a versa.

As a rule, all marriages are arranged in the Masan Jogi the community and there is no

exception to this. The traditional marriage took place when the community gathered together in

one place once a year. All were child marriages, contracted mostly below five years of age.

Marriages of children yet to be born were also fixed already. A simple canopy was raised by

fixing four wooden poles in the ground. It was covered with tree leaves. The bride and groom

wore simple clothes. A man would ask the groom, ‘Where did you find this girl?’ The groom

would reply saying, ‘I found her at certain place.’ Here the groom would mention the name the

bride’s place. Then the man would ask the groom again, ‘Who is she?’ Then the groom would

reply saying, ‘She is my wife.’ Then he would tie the mangalsutra, (a necklace of black beads),

around the bride’s neck. A simple meal was served to the crowd.

Masan Jogi marriages can be broadly categorised into three types: (i) child marriage, (ii)

youth marriage and (iii) marriage of the elderly, which includes bigamous marriages and

marriages of widows/widowers. Apparently, everyone is married as a child. In this type of

marriage, the alliance is fixed by the respective families of the children. The age group of these

children range from those just born to the early teens. The alliances are fixed very informally. The

boy’s parents would say addressing the parents of the girl in a very casual way ‘How about giving

this girl to us?’ If the parents of the girl are in favour of the proposal, they would respond saying,

‘We know that our daughter will be surely happy in your house’, and the conversation would

continue on various topics. The favourable response is taken as an agreement and the tie is

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finalised over a cup of tea. This is considered as marriage in the earlier days. The girl would

remain with her parents till she attained puberty. After the puberty ceremony, there may be a

simple formal ceremony of marriage held at bride’s place. It could also be held at her relative’s

house for the sake of convenience. The bride and the groom wore old clothes on the occasion. In

some exceptional cases, new but simple and ordinary clothes were bought for them. The meal that

was served on the occasion included rice, daal (lentils), and tamarind chatni. After the marriage

ceremony, the girl would go to her husband’s house.

Except for the extravagant celebration at the time of marriage ceremony, the basic structure of

chid marriage has remained the same. The structure varies in the content of the conversation or in

the way of seeking alliance, which largely depends upon economic condition of the families.

There is no fixed pattern set for child marriages. It all depends on the parents: how they want the

marriage to be celebrated. Some choose to go in for the full-fledged marriage ceremony soon after

they get the favourable response from the girl’s parents. Generally, the girl goes to her husband’s

house only after she attains puberty. If the parents agree upon, the girl goes to her husband’s place

soon after the marriage ceremony. Everyone in the Masan Jogi community is apparently married

when they were children. I asked a young boy studying in 9th standard whether he was married

when he was a child. The boy replied in the negative. In the course of the conversation later, he

said that a sort of marriage did take place when he was a child. Initially, many denied having

married in their childhood, but later confirmed the same. We can confidently say that child

marriages are common among Masan Jogis.

The marriage ceremony is simple. There is no officiating priest. The Sarpanch blesses the

nuptials with few words of blessing uttered over the bride and the groom. A huge canopy is

erected on the occasion and most expensive musical band is hired together with blasting music

system. At the end of the ceremony festive meal is served to the whole community.

The child marriages are celebrated in the interest of the adults; the children, the bride and the

bridegroom, are hardly aware of all that happens around. These marriages, to be sure, almost

invariably create problems among the families. The alliances that are fixed are not always

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accepted by the grown up children. Either one or both may have their own choice of partners.

Though the marriage bond was not established by performing a formal ceremony, the separation

has to be finalised by the Jat panchayat, which involves money and prestige. It may so happen

that, after the alliance is fixed, there is a long time till the girl attains puberty. During this period,

the parents of either the boy or the girl may choose another girl or boy, as the case may be. This is

regarded as breach of contract, a serious offence in the community, and leads to a dispute. It is

sorted out in the jat panchayat sitting. In this case too, both parties have to meet the heavy cost of

Jat panchayat sitting. The reason for separation can be frivolous or important. Seldom is such a

dispute settled amicably.

Youth marriage takes place between a boy who has reached the age between late teen and

early twenties and a girl who has attained puberty. This type of marriage follows certain structure

and norms. Getting the information about the eligible boy and the eligible girl is the first stage in

the process. It is followed by the formal way of seeking alliance. The parents of the eligible boy

take the initiative in this regard. Then there is finalising the marital tie and, finally, the marriage

ceremony. The whole process may take few weeks to several months, depending on the situation.

It is not disclosed to anyone until the alliance is finalised.

After the puberty ceremony, the message that a particular girl is now available for marriage is

spread across the Masan Jogi communities in different locations by word of mouth through

relatives, mentioned in their usual casual conversations. The parents of the eligible boy who is

interested in getting their son married confirm the news and obtain some preliminary information

about the girl such as whose daughter the girl is, their surname, etc. through their relatives. The

boy’s parents talk this over with their close friends and relatives and, in the process, gather some

more information from them as they trace the genealogy up to third or fourth generation of the

girl. If the male ancestors of the boy and the girl in the fourth ascending generation were either

maternal cousins if not brothers, or if the female ancestors of the boy and the girl in the fourth

ascending generation were either maternal or paternal cousins, if not sisters, then they give up on

that girl. For, in such case, the boy and the girl belong to the same clan; therefore, they cannot get

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married. However, if the ancestors of the boy and the girl of the fourth ascending generation are

not cousins, and then the parents of the boy approach the Sarpanch for his opinion. The Sarpanch

discusses the possibility of the alliance with acquaintances and endorses the idea. If he has other

information causing impediment to the proposed alliance, he advises the family accordingly.

Having received support from the Sarpanch for the proposed alliance, the parents of the boy

proceed to contact the parents of the girl and communicate to them of their intention of visiting

the family in the near future for discussion.

On receiving the message from the parents of the boy, the parents of the girl begin enquiring

into the ancestry of the boy’s family. If they find no clan relationship, the parents of the girl

approach the Sarpanch of the area they live in and discuss with him the possibility of the alliance.

If the Sarpanch endorses the alliance and if the parents of the girl are interested in the proposed

alliance, they await the visit of the boy’s parents. If the parents of the girl are not interested in the

alliance for some reason, they do not dissuade the parents of the girl in the straight forward

manner. The parents of the girl send a polite message to the parents of the boy through the

relatives living in their proximity. If the parents of the boy do not receive the communication and

they still visit the girl’s house, the parents of the girl receive them courteously and communicate

their view politely. If everything goes well, the parents of the boy together with their Sarpanch

and one or two others visit the house of the girl.

On the arrival of the parents of the boy with their Sarpanch, the parents of the girl spread a

mat for them to sit as a gesture of welcome. Then, after the guests settled down, the formal

dialogue begins. The father of the boy would say something like this, ‘We will be happy to have

your daughter in our house. Whatever we eat we will also share with her.’ If the parents of the girl

are in favour of the proposed alliance, they would respond saying, ‘We know, you will not let our

daughter go hungry. She will be certainly happy in the family.’ The dialogue goes on for a while.

If the girl’s parents respond consistently favourably, the alliance is taken as accepted by them.

Then the date and place of the marriage are decided. If the girl lives far away from the place of

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the boy, usually the girl is moved to the place of a relative living in the boy’s locality, where the

marriage then takes place. The guests are served a sumptuous meal after which they depart.

The family of the groom has to purchase new set of clothes for the girl and her parents. The

family also buys new set of clothes for the Sarpanch and his wife according to their choice. The

house where the wedding is to take place is decorated with mango leaves. The girl and the boy are

brought in front of the house where all the guests from the bride and the groom sides remain

assembled. The Sarpanch, while uttering some words, ties a knot with the corner of the scarf on

the shoulder of the boy and the corner end of bride’s sari. There is no fixed format of words that

the Sarpanch says while blessing the wedding. The wedding is solemnised. A meal is served to

the guests. The bride then is taken to live in the house of the boy. No marriage, however, takes

place against the wishes of the girl.

In the marriage of the elderly, a person would be getting married for the second time. The

reason could be the death of a spouse or the wife is sick for a long time or she has not been able to

bear children. It is a simple marriage solemnised in the presence of few family friends or

relatives. It is known as a ‘private’ marriage, as the formalities are carried out within the four

walls of the house.

In this type of marriage, the process of seeking alliance usually begins with men who are

interested in getting married. They take initiative in seeking the alliance from a separated woman

or widow. In some cases, alliances are also sought from young unmarried daughters from very

poor families. In order to help the family, young girls opt for over-aged grooms.

Two such marriages have taken place in the community recently. I spoke to persons

concerned individually so as to know the family life in their households and reasons for the

second marriage. In one case, the first wife of the man died after giving birth to two sons and a

daughter. He married a woman separated from her husband with two daughters and two sons. All

the children of the husband and the wife are staying in the household. Though they have no

wealth they are happy being together.

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In the second case, the wife developed a severe heart ailment after the marriage of her four

daughters. The man, 55 years then, decided to get married to another lady. He found a girl of 16

years and got married to her. The parents of the girl who are extremely poor, thought that their

son-in-law might help them. The girl on her own came to tell me how her life was ruined by

getting married to the man who was older than her father. She did try to break away, from the

man but could not succeed.

In this type of marriage the alliance is sought in a clandestine way. The groom, accompanied

by a friend or two, visits the house of the prospective woman and talk things over with her and the

relatives. When they agree on the conditions, a date is fixed. On that particular day, the groom,

accompanied by the Sarpanch and few male relatives or friends, go the prospective bride’s house.

Without any paraphernalia, the Sarpanch solemnises the marriage. A simple food is served on the

occasion. At times, the meal is avoided to simplify and shorten the ceremony. Then the groom

takes the bride to his house. No special welcome is organised for the couple at the groom’s place.

The newlywed woman joins the routine of the family from the next day itself. People generally

accept the new comer without showing any expression of surprise. The previous wife, if she is

around and the children accommodate the new wife and her children without raising any issue.

Because, if the new wife lodges a complaint with the jat panchayat, the man will have to pay

heavy fine. Moreover, he will lose his prestige in the community and may lose the wife too.

The wife who has come into a new home with this type of marriage enjoys the same role in

the community as any other wife. Nevertheless, the status of this type of marriage cannot be

equated to the status of other types of marriages. This type of marriage is understood to be for

convenience and adjustments to certain prevailing situation.

Kinship Terminology

‘In the various forms of the family, sib, clan, and community, interpersonal relationships are

structured in such a manner as to aggregate individuals into social groups’ (Murdock 1949: 91).

The base of these relationships often hinges finally on the hierarchy related to wealth, prestige or

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status. Masan Jogis, till recent times, owned no property and had no hierarchy related to status or

prestige. Therefore, there are no property inheritance norms that are governed by the kinship

structure, and kinship is not influenced by status or prestige hierarchy. There occur no kinship-

specific roles assigned to individuals in any ritual or ceremony. Not surprisingly, therefore,

kinship ties are not strong among Masan Jogis; the traditional and historical roots of the

community do not penetrate into the deep past.

Table 5.3 shows the kinship terminology used by Masan Jogis at Shevgaon. The kinship terms

of address and the kinship terms of references are mostly Telugu, pointing to the community’s

origin in present day Andhra Pradesh. Some Marathi terms are incorporated because of the

influence their migration and settlement in Maharashtra.

Older persons address the younger persons by name; whereas younger persons address the

elders by the kinship terms. They may twin the kinship term with the proper name of the person

in order to distinguish persons of the same kinship category when required. Masan Jogis use

many kinship terms of reference as terms of address, too. In very few cases the terms of address

are a slight modification of the terms of reference.

The terms for mother and father, that is, amma and ayya, are typical south Indian kinship

terms (especially Telugu) retained by the Masan Jogis, as opposed to aai and baba commonly

used in Maharashtra. So also, the term for elder brother, is anna. The middle brother is called

nidipi anna and he is usually addressed as anna without adding the suffix nidipi. Similarly, the

youngest brother is shinna tammud (shinna means small), usually addressed as tammud. The

eldest sister is pedd, (the big), hence she is pedda shellya, addressed as akka, a typical word for

eldest sister in south Indian languages. For the youngest, the suffix shinaya (the small), is added.

The kinship term for male paternal cousins are chulat anna, chulat tumud, etc., and for female

paternal cousins, it is chulat shellya. The term chulat is also used in Marathi for the paternal

cousins. Similarly, maternal male cousin is mavas anna or mavas tammud; and maternal female

cousin is mavas shellya. Again, the terms mavas is also used for maternal cousins.

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Table 5.3: Kinship terminology

Description Term of Reference Term of Address

Mo Amma Amma

Fa Ayya Ayya

ElBr Anna Anna

MiddleBr Nidipi Anna Anna/Nidipi Anna

YoBr Shina Tammud Tammud

ElSi. Pedda Shellya Akka

MiddleSi Nidipi Shellya Nadipi Shellya

YoSi Shina Shellya Shellya

BrWi Vadnya By name

BrSo Kodaku By name

BrDa Biddya By name

SoWi Kodal By name

DoHu Alladu

SoSo Manmadu By name

SoDa Manara By name

DaSo Manmadu

DaDa Manmaral

SiHu Bamardi Bava

SiSo Manaludu By name

SiDa Mavardal By name

SiDaHu Alludu

HuSi Sister-in-law Mardal

HuBr Mardi Mardi

WiSi Mardal Mardala

WiBr Bamardi

FaBr Shinaya Shinaya

FaBrWi Shinamma

FaBrSo Chulat anna

FaBrDa Chulat shellya Chulat Shellya

FaSr Menatta

FaSrHu Menamma

FaSiSo Bava

FaSrDa Gardal

FaFa Tata Tata

FaMo Avva Avva

MoBr Menamma Menmama

MoBrWi Mennatta Manatta

MoBrSo Bava Bava

MoBrDa Vadnya Vadanya

MoMo Avva Ayya

Continued

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Description Term of Reference Term of Address

MoFa Tata Tata

MoSi Pedamma

MoSiSo Mavas Tamadu

MoSiDa Shellya

HuMo Atta

HuFr Mama

WiMo Atta

WiFa Mama

HuBrWi Yaral

WiBrWi Yaral

WiSiHu Sadkud

Key to abbreviations: BrDa = brother’s daughter, BrSo = brother’s son, BrWi=

brother’s wife, DoHu = daughter’s husband, ElBr =Elder brother, ElSi = elder sister,

Fa = father, FaBr = father’s brother, FaFa = father’s father, FaMo = father’s mother,

FaSiSo = father’s sister’s son, FaSr = father’s sister, FrBrDa = Father’s brothr’s

daughter, FrBrSo = father’s brotherson, FrBrWi = father’s brother’s wife, FrSrDa =

father’s sister’s daughter, FrSrHu = father’s sister’s husband, HuBr = husband’s

brother, HuBrWi= husband’s brother’s wife, HuFr = husband’s father, HuMo =

husband’s mother, MiddleBr = middle brother, MiddleSi = middle sister, Mo =

mother, MoBr = mother’s brother, MoBrDa = mother’s brother’s daughter, MoBrSo =

mother’s brother’s son, MoFa = mother’s father, MoMo = mother’s mother, MoSi =

mother’s sister, MoSiDa = mother’s Sister’s daughter, MoSiSo= mother’s sister’s son,

MrBrWi = mother’s brother’s wife, SiDa = sister’s daughter, SiDaHu = sister’s

daughter’s husband, SiHu = sister’s husband, SiSo = sister’s son, SoDa = son’s

daughter, SoSo =son’s son, SoWi = son’s wife, WiBr = wife’s brother, WiFa = wife’s

father, WiMo = wife’s mother, WiSi = wife’s sister, WiSiHu = wife’s sister’s

husband, YoBr = younger brother, YoSi = younger sister.

Source: Fieldwork data

One’s daughter’s husband is alladu, and sister’s daughter’s husband is also alladu. If the wife

is speaker, her husband’s sister is mardal to her, and her sister is mardal to her husband. The

terms atta and mama used by husband and wife for each other’s mother and father respectively.

The kinship term yaral applies to both husband’s brother’s wife when wife is the speaker and

wife’s brother’s wife when the husband is the speaker.

The term menatta applies to both, father’s sister and mother’s brother’s wife. Similarly,

father’s mother as well as mother’s mother is avva, and father’s father and mother’s father is tata.

Husband’s sister’s husband is sadkud, who is considered almost as brother. The term saadu is

used for this kinship in Marathi.

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The suffix mavas is added to kinship term for maternal cousins. Female paternal cousins are

addressed as vadnya. The same term is used to address Brother’s wife. It sounds quite similar to

vahini, a term used to address Brother’s wife in Marathi. Since cross-cousin marriages are

accepted in the Masan Jogi community, the kinship term for mother’s brother’s daughter is also

vadnya.

Masan Jogi kinship structure is simple in nature. Most of the kinship terms of address and the

kinship terms of reference for maternal and paternal cousins are similar. They differ only in the

suffixes. They indicate taboos or potential partners for contracting marriage. Maternal and

paternal cousins are considered as brothers and sisters with consanguine relations. Hence, no

marriage can be contracted among them. Whereas, cross-cousins are non-consanguine relations

among whom marriage can be contracted. When finalising proposals for marriages, the ancestry

of the prospective bride or groom is traced, mainly to check whether they are related as parallel

cousins or cross-cousins. A proposal is finalised, only when the prospective bride and the groom

are cross-cousins.

Summary

We have studied various aspects of family, marriage and kinship in Masan Jogi community.

Family as a basic unit in the community provides social security to individuals. Widows are

remarried and orphans are taken care of by relatives. Therefore, the family is simple and it is

essentially an unit of the community. Masan Jogi family life is marked with moderate expression

of emotions even at occasions of happiness or sorrow. Branding of children, though is waning, is

not completely eradicated. Child marriages are common, as a rule everyone is married as a child.

This marriage may not last; hence, everyone is married at least twice. The elderly marriages do

not appear to be common among Masan Jogis. Partner’s fidelity has not been the cause of marital

disputes; however, marriages and marital life give rise to many other disputes. In the absence of

ownership of property, norms of inheritance and succession, the kinship structure of Masan Jogi

remains simple in which parallel cousins are considered as brothers and sisters and cross-cousins

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are prospective marriage partners. Ancestries of both the proposed partners are traced to the

fourth ascending generation to check whether the boy and the girl are cross-cousins or not.