Sleeping Safe in Our Beds Stasis Assassination and the Oresteia

Sleeping safe in our beds: stasis, assassination, and the Oresteia

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TheTangledWaysofZeus:AndOtherStudiesInandAroundGreekTragedyAlanH.Sommerstein

Printpublicationdate:2010PrintISBN-13:9780199568314PublishedtoOxfordScholarshipOnline:September2010DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568314.001.0001

Sleepingsafeinourbeds:stasis,assassination,andtheOresteia

AlanH.Sommerstein(ContributorWebpage)

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568314.003.0009

AbstractandKeywords

ThischaptershowsthatkillingbynightisamajorthemeofAeschylus'Oresteia,fromthesackofTroy,throughthestormthatwreckedthereturningGreekfleet,tothemurderofKlytaimestraandAigisthosandAthena'sdescriptionofthefunctionsoftheAreopagosCouncil.ItsuggestsaconnectionwiththemurderofEphialtes,whichaccordingtoDiodorostookplaceatnight(andwhich,paceDavidStockton,wasmurder,notnaturaldeath);evidenceisadducedthatthisassassinationwasstillatopicofcurrentdebatein458BC.SomeofAthena'swordscanbereadascriticismoftheAreopagosCouncilforfailingtopunish(orevenforhavingamongitsownmembers)thosepopularlybelievedtoberesponsibleforEphialtes'death.

Keywords:Aeschylus,Oresteia,murder,night,Ephialtes,Athena,Areopagos,assassination


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Ithaslongbeenobserved1thatamongtheinnumerablethematicmotifswovenintothetextureofAeschylus'Oresteia,theideaofsleepisnottheleastprominent.Itisintroducedearly—intheopeningspeechofthetrilogy,wheretheWatchmancomplainsaboutthedifficultyofkeepingawakethroughhislongvigils2—appearsineitheraliteralorafigurativecontextaboutadozentimesinthefirst600linesofAgamemnon,3andremainsimportantthereafter.4Eachofthethreeplaysofthetrilogybeginswithsomeonebeingwakenedfromsleep,andeachtimethewakingismorevividlypresentedandmoreemphasisisplacedonit.InAgamemnontheWatchman,havingseenthebeacon‐lightthatannouncesthefallofTroy,bidsKlytaimestrarisefromherbedandraiseacryoftriumph(25–9);itispossible—Iwouldsayprobable—thatthiscrywasheardfrombackstagebetweentheendoftheprologueandtheentryofthechorus(39/40).5InChoephoroiwehearfromthechorus—firstin(p.144) theparodos(32–41),laterandmorefullywhenOrestesisabouttotakethefirstactivestepstowardshisrevenge(523–52)—oftheterribledreamthatmadeKlytaimestrawakescreaming(34,535)fromhersleepandforthwitharrangeforofferingstobesenttoherhusband'stomb.AndinEumenidesthesameKlytaimestrawhoasalivingwomanwasawakenedinboththesescenes(andprobablyagain,asweshallsee,atCho.882)appearsasaghost—orstrictly,adreamofaghost(116)—andawakensthesleepingErinyesbeforeoureyes.

Duringmostofthetrilogysleepispresentedasunattainable,uncomfortable,ordangerous—sometimesasmorethanoneofthesesimultaneously.6TheWatchmanhastofighthardtokeepsleepaway,sinceifhesuccumbs,wegather,hewillbepunished.7Inthe‘HymntoZeus’,inconnectionwiththeideaofπάθειμάθος‘learningbysuffering’,wehearoftheμνησιπήμωνπόνος‘toilreminiscentofgrief’thatdripsbeforetheheart(Ag.179–80)—andweneednot,forourpresentpurposes,troubleourselvesastowhetheritdrips‘insleep’8or‘insteadofsleep’,9sincebothsleeplessnessandfrighteningdreamsareafflictionsofwhichweshallhearmuchmore.SoonwelearnfromKlytaimestra[2]thattheWatchmanisonlyoneofanarmyofwatchersatawholestringofbeacon‐sitesstretchingallthewaytoLemnos,whohavebeenawakeeverynight(cf.290)for,perhaps,severalmonthswaitingforthesightofadistantfirethatwillbethecuetolighttheirown.AtTroy,meanwhile,theGreekarmycanlookforwardto‘awholenight'ssleepwithoutsentries’forthefirsttimeintenyears;theHeraldwillpresentlybegivingagraphicaccountoftheirpreviousdiscomforts(559 ff.).Earlier,backatArgos,Menelaos'nightshadbeenfilledwithvainandtantalizingdreamsofHelen,whoslipsthroughhisarms(424–5)aslightlyasshehadslippedthroughthepalacegateswhenshedepartedwithParis(407–8);whileanotherdesertedspouse,Klytaimestra,claimstohavelainawakecrying,persistentlydreamedofsomethingterrible(p.145) happeningtoherhusband,10andbeenawakenedbyanybuzzinggnat(887–94).WhenAgamemnonhasenteredthepalace,theEldersfinditimpossibletoshakeoffananxietythatrefusestobeputbehindthemlikeabaddream(980–3);ifitisadream,itisonefromwhichtheycannotwake.TheonlysleepinAgamemnonthatistrulypeacefulandunflawedisthesleepforwhichtheElderswillfinallypray:the‘endlesssleep’ofdeath(1448–51).

SotooinChoephoroi.Klytaimestra'sdreamwehavenoted.Orestes,ifhefailstoavengehisfather,ismenaced(amongotherthings)withghastlynightmaressentbytheErinyes


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thatwilldrivehimmad(Cho.288):11accordinglyhedesperatelyendeavourstoawakenhisfather'sspiritfromitssleepbelowtheearth(415,cf.315–19)—andapparentlyfails.12TheNurserecallshowOrestesasababywokeherwithhiscriesatallhours(751);hismotherontheotherhandremembershimsuckingherbreastincontenteddrowsiness.13

Choephoroiendswiththechorushopingagainsthopethatthecurseontheirmaster'shousemaynow‘fallasleepandcease’(1075–6).AtthebeginningofEumenides,however,wefindthatthecurse,nowembodiedintheErinyeswhoalsocallthemselvesArai‘Curses’(Eum.417),whileithasindeed,literallyandvisibly,fallenasleep,hascertainlynotceased;andthoughOrestesmayclaimthattheblood‐pollutiononhishandsis‘dormantandfading’(Eum.280),hispursuersarefarfromagreeing.

Inthelast750linesofthetrilogy,thethemeofsleepmakesonlyonefurtherappearance;andwhenitdoes,likemanyotherthemesinthelatterpartofEumenides,itistransformedfromasinistertheme(p.146) toanauspiciousone,14whenAthenadeclaresthatsheisfoundingthenewcounciloftheAreopagosas‘aguard‐postoftheland,watchfulonbehalfofsleepers’.15

ItisfromthisphrasethatIwanttobeginmymaininvestigation.Thewordsjustquoted,whichformtheconclusion16ofAthena'sspeechestablishingtheAreopagoscouncil,strike,onemightthink,asomewhatsurprisingnote.WhetheroneviewedtheAreopagosasacouncilwithakeyroleinthegovernmentofAthens,orasahomicidecourtandlittleelse,17therewouldseematfirstsighttobenoreasontosingleoutthesleepingcitizenastheobjectofitsspecialprotection.Moreover,thesameideawasexpressedinslightlydifferentform,withring‐compositionalsymmetry,atthebeginningofAthena'saccountofthecouncil's[3]function:ontheAreopagos,shesays,therespectandfearofthecitizenswillpreventwrongdoing‘bydayandnightalike’.18Whyallthisstressonnocturnalcrime?Andwhatkindofcrimeislikelytobemeant?

BeforeitswingswereclippedbyEphialtesin462/1,theAreopagoscouncilislikelytohavebeenmainlyconcerned,throughtheproceduresofeisangeliaandeuthynai,19withpoliticalmisdemeanoursandmalpracticesofvariouskinds—treason,bribery,embezzlementnodoubtprominentamongthem.20Suchcrimescouldofcoursebe(p.147) committedbynightaswellasbyday,buttherewouldbelittlereason,ingeneral,toattachanyspecificsignificancetothetimeatwhichtheywerecommitted,and—whatisperhapsmoreimportant—crimesofthiskindarenotafocusofinterestintheOresteia.WeshouldthinkratherofthefunctionwhichtheAreopagoscouncilperformsintheplayitself,andwhich,moreover,itperformedinrealityattheactualtimewhentheplaywasproduced,namelythetrialofchargesofhomicide.Inthecaseofhomicide,itiseasytoseewhythedistinctionbetweenday‐timeandnight‐timecrimecouldbefelttobeofconsiderablesignificance.21Atnight,especiallyunderancientconditionsoflittleornoartificiallighting,thekillerwillfinditeasiertolieinwaitunnoticed,easiertoavoidrecognitionbywitnesses,easiertoescape;often,too,hemayfindhisvictimasleepandtotallyhelpless.Thenocturnalkilleris,infact,bothhardertoguardagainstandharderto


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bringtobook,anditisthereforeintelligibleifheinspiredgreaterfear.

Iwillpresentlybesuggestingthatnocturnalkilling,andtheroleoftheAreopagoscouncilinconnectionwithit,mayhavebeenmattersofintensepublicconcernin459/8BCwhentheOresteiawasproduced.WhatIwanttotryandshownowisthatnocturnalkillingisamajorthemeoftheOresteiaitself.

InAgamemnontherearethreeepisodesofnocturnalkilling,twoactualandonehypothetical.Intheorderinwhichtheyarementionedintheplay,thefirstofthethreeisthebattleandmassacrethataccompaniedthecaptureofTroy,when‘friendlyNight’casthernetoverthecity'stowers‘sothatneitherthefull‐grownnoranyoftheyoungmightovertopit’(Ag.355–60)andlefttheTrojansnext(p.148) morninglamentingthedeathsoftheirdearestonesandtheirownenslavement(326–9).Thesecondisaneventthatisonlyanticipated.InthesongwhichbeganwiththeinvocationofthanksgivingtoNight(andZeus)partofwhichhasjustbeenquoted,thechoruseventuallyfindthemselvesreflectingonthegreatlossofGreeklifeintheten‐yearwar,andtheresentmentandangeragainsttheAtreidaiwhichisbuildingupinArgos(445–51,456–8);‘and’,theycontinue,‘Ihaveananxietythatwaitstohearofsomethinghappeningundercoverofnight’.22Theseareguardedwords,butwhentheyarefollowedbyreflectionsonthecertaintyofdivinevengeanceupon‘thosewhohavecausedthedeathsofmany’,onthehoundingbytheErinyesof‘himwhoisfortunatewithoutjustice’,onthethunderboltofZeuswhichstrikesthosewhoenjoy‘anexcessofgoodrenown’,andontheundesirabilityofbeingasackerofcities(461–72),thisconfirmswhattheaudiencehadprobablysuspectedalready,thattheElders'apprehensionisthatanattempt[4]maybemadetoassassinateAgamemnonorMenelaosorbothontheirreturn.23Itisstriking,andmaybesignificant,thatAeschylusmakesthemthinkofsuchadeedasanocturnalone.

ThethirdexampleofviolentdeathbynightinAgamemnonisthestormthatwreckedtheGreekfleetonitswayhome,withAgamemnon'sownshiptheonlyoneknowntohavesurvived.ItseemslikelythatinthecyclicNostoithestormwasmainlyadaytimeaffair.Whathappenedatnightwassomethingrelatedbutdistinct:thefleet,havingsufferedconsiderablelosses,wasstillatseaafterdark(havingpresumablybeenpreventedbythestormfromputtinginanywhere)andNauplios,seekingrevengeforthedeathofhissonPalamedes,luredthemtodestructionontheKaphereianrocksbylightingabeaconwhichtheytooktomarkaharbour.24Aeschylus,forwhom(p.149) itisimportantthatthestormshouldhavebeencausedbydivineanger(Ag.636,649),hasnouseforNaupliosandmakesnomentionofhim;butratherthanabandonthenocturnaldestructionforwhichinthetraditionalaccountNauplioswasresponsible,heextendsthestormitselfintothenight—orrather,hecontrivestogivetheimpressionthatalmostthewholeofittookplaceatnight.IntheHerald'stwenty‐one‐lineaccountofthestorm(Ag.650–70),nightfallcomesbetweenthethirdandfourthlines(cf.653ἐννυκτί).Uptothatpointtheaccounthasincludednodescriptivematerialexceptfortheonewordπυ̑ρ‘fire’(651);incontrast,theeightlinesthatfollow,narratingtheeventsofthenightandthefollowingmorning,includegraphicdescriptionofthewinds,waves,andrainsandofthe


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shipshelplesslycolliding,andend(658–60)withthesunriserevealingthewholeAegeandottedwithsparsandbodies.Therefollowsanevenlongersection(661–70)narratingtheescapeofAgamemnon'sship,alsoduringthenight,25andaddingfurthertouchestothehearer'spictureofthedisaster.26InAeschylus'presentationofevents,thenocturnaldestructionofthefleetservesasfitretributionforthenocturnalhavocandsacrilegewhichtheGreekshadwroughtatTroy;27butitalsoaddsanotherweightyitemtothegrowingtally(p.150) ofviolentdeathbynight.ThislistisfurtherextendedinChoephoroiinawaythatbringsthethemeofnocturnalkillingintocloserelationwiththatofsleep,inthestoryofSkyllaandNisos,toldbythechorusasoneoftheirexemplaoffemalecriminalityjustbeforeOrestesbeginstoputhisplanofrevengeintoaction(Cho.613–22).Astheytellthetale,Skylla,bribedbyMinos,cutoffthelockofimmortalityontheheadofherfatherNisoswhileheslept,28thusenablingMinos'Cretanstokillhim.

Allthesenocturnalkillingsare,ofcourse,outsidetheactionofthedramaproperlysocalled.Oneofthefourepisodesoccurredmanyyearspreviously;twoothersoccurfaraway,atTroyandatsearespectively;thefourthneveractuallyoccursatall.Thekillingsthathaveformedpartoftheactionthusfar—thoseofAgamemnonandCassandra—areundoubtedlyrepresentedastakingplaceduringthedaytime:29shortlybeforetheyhappen,CassandrapraystotheSun(Ag.1323),andsometimeafterwardsAigisthoshailsthe‘lightofthedaythatbringsrevenge’(1577).

[5]Butthereremainsonenocturnalkilling,orrathertwo,thatdoformpartoftheactionoftheOresteia,andcanindeedberegardedasitscentralevent,fullyjustifying,fromthedramaticpointofview,thefactthatinduecoursethecourtsetuptotryOresteswillbegivenaspecialremittopreventcrimeatnightandensurethesafetyof(p.151) citizenswhiletheysleep.IreferofcoursetothekillingofAigisthosandKlytaimestra.

Howcanweknowthatwearemeanttoenvisagethesekillingsastakingplaceatnight?

Thefirstindicationisgivenaconsiderabletimebeforethemurders,whenOrestesfirstapproachesthepalace.Askingtheslavewhoopensthedoortoreporttothemastersofthehousethatastrangerhasarrivedbringingimportantnewsfromabroad,hebidshimmakehastebecause‘thedarkchariotofNightisrapidlyapproaching’anditistimefortravellerstoseeklodging(Cho.660–2).Theimpressionthuscreatedatthebeginningofthescenethatitisnotlongbeforesunsetisconfirmed,inring‐compositionalfashion,towardsitsend,whenKlytaimestraassumesthatthesupposedPhokianshavebeenontheroadalldayanditisnowthepropertime(ὁκαιρός)forthemtoreceiveappropriatehospitality(710–11).

WhenOrestes,withPylades,hasgoneinside,thechorus,inprayingforhissuccess,invokeHermes(accordingtotheonemanuscript)as‘underworld’Hermesand‘nocturnal’Hermes(727–8χθόνιον…καὶ…νύχιον).HehasalreadybeenappealedtoundertheformertitlebothbyOrestesandbyElectra(1,124);butthelattertitleisnotonlynewintheplay,itisneverappliedtoHermesinanyothersurvivingtextofanysort,andhasnorelevancetothecurrentsituationunlessitistakentoimply—consistentlywithwhatwewillhavegatheredfromtheprecedingscene—thatthe‘contest’inwhich


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Hermesisbeingaskedtolendhisassistanceisgoingtobefoughtatnight.30

Aigisthosarrivesatthepalace,walksintoOrestes'trap,andiskilled.Directlythereafterwefindaservantshoutingfuriouslyforthe‘women'sdoors’,whichareapparentlybolted,tobeopened(877–9),andwhenatfirstthereisnoanswer,hecomplainsthateveryoneisasleep(881–2).Garvie31thinksthisshouldnotbetakenliterally,andEasterling(1993:20–1)pointsoutthatKlytaimestra(p.152) summonedAigisthosinordertodiscussthesituationwithhim(cf.672–3,716–18)andweshouldthereforenotexpecthertohavegonetosleepbuttobeawaitinghisarrival.However,sincetheideaofsummoningAigisthoswasfirstaired,Aeschylushasengineeredashiftinourassumptionsaboutwhatwillhappenwhenhecomes.After718thenotionofhisbeingwantedtodiscussmatterswithKlytaimestradoesnotappearagain.32Insteadwearegiventounderstandthathehasbeensummonedtothepalacetospeaktothevisitorsandheartheirstory‘manfromman’(736,850).WehearthisfromtheNurseassoonassheappears(734–7,cf.771),andwhenAigisthosarriveshemakesnomentionofKlytaimestraandlikewisethinksonlyofaninterviewwiththevisitors,asdothechorus(848–54).The‘active’Klytaimestrawho,toOrestes'surprise(cf.664–7)andprobablytothe[6]audience's,cametomeethimattheouterdoor,hasgivenplacetoa‘passive’Klytaimestrawhoremainswithinthewomen'squarters.Thesequarters,moreover,areboltedup,whichtheycertainlywerenotat668whenKlytaimestracametotheouterdooralmostbeforeOresteshadfinishedaskingthedoorkeepertofetchsomeoneinauthority;thechangesuggeststhatitisnownight‐time,whenthewomen'sdoorsmightwellbeboltedontheinsidefortheinmates'protection.Thedifficulty,too,whichtheservantexperiencesingettinganyresponsetohisfranticshoutingandknockingdoesstronglysuggestthatwearetosupposethatallthewomenofthehouseareindeednowasleep.33

IthereforeseeKlytaimestraasbeingherewakenedfromsleepforthesecondnightinsuccession;lastnightitwasbyaterrifyingdream(p.153) involvingasnakewhichrepresentedOrestes;thisnightitis,ineffect,byOresteshimself.

Againstthisinterpretationof877 ff.attentionhasnotunreasonablybeendrawnbyEasterling(1993:22–3)tothescenefollowingthemurder,inwhichOrestesdisplaystomenandgodsthebodiesofthe‘twintyrants’andthebloodstainedrobewhichKlytaimestrahadused,yearsbefore,totrapandslayAgamemnon.Evenif986,whereheappealstotheSuntobehiswitness,isspurious,ashasrecentlybeenarguedonindependentgrounds,34theemphasisofOrestes'speechissostronglyvisualthatweareclearlynotmeanttosupposethatthetimeisnight.

Inreplytothisonemightsimplyarguethatinancienttheatricalconditionsimaginarydarknesscouldeasilybeforgotten;35butonecansaymorethanthis.Itisdarknolonger.Thelight,asthechorussing,hasnowbecomevisible(961);thehouse,longprostrate,canriseup(963–4).AsatthebeginningofAgamemnonandasattheendofEumenides,‘thepeoplethatwalkedindarknesshaveseenagreatlight’.Andwhilethechoralode,sungbypalaceslaves,emphasizestheliberationofthehouse,Orestes,speakingtothe


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peopleofArgos(cf.1040πάνταςἈργείους),announcesthedeathofKlytaimestraandAigisthosastheliberationofthecityandonlyinthesecondplaceashisrevengeforhisfatherandhishouse(974–5).Thescenewhichcommenceswiththisdeclarationis,infact,anassemblyoftheArgivepeople,36whichwouldbegin,mostappropriately,atsunrise.37Thereisofcoursenodifficultyinsupposingthattheplay'sactionisthusspreadoverpartsoftwodays:Agamemnon—totakeonlythe(p.154) nearestexample—containsfirstthearrivalofthenewsofTroy'sfall,bybeacon,ontheverynightwhenithappens,andthenthearrivaloftheHerald,whohassailedfromTroywithAgamemnonthroughastormwhich,ashehimselfmakesclear,occupiedatleastpartofadayandthewholeofanight.

Thereis,then,nothingtopreventusfromconcluding,onthecumulativeevidenceoftheindicationsdiscussedearlier,thatthekillingofAigisthosandKlytaimestraisindeedtobeimaginedashappeningatnight.IcouldcontinuebytracingtheassociationofviolentdeathandnightonintoEumenides,whereitisembodiedintheErinyes,thosechildrenofNight38andavengersofmurderwhohoundtheirvictimstodeathandbeyond.39Iwishnow,though,toconsiderthe[7]possibilitythattheremaybeaconnectionbetweenthetwothemesoftheOresteiathatwehavebeenlookingat—thethemeofsleepandthethemeofnocturnalkilling—andarecenteventwhoseshock‐waveswerestillreverberatingthroughtheAthenianbodypolitic:thedeathofEphialtes,thefirstpoliticalassassinationthatAthenshadknownforhalfacentury,andthelastitwastoknowforanotherhalf‐century.40Fornotlongafterhehadintroducedandcarried,in462/1,legislationwhichdrasticallyreducedthepowersoftheAreopagosCouncil,Ephialteshadbeenmurderedinhissleep.Thatisanassertionwhichmaybethoughttorequiredocumentation,especiallysinceDavidStocktonhasargued41thatthereisnoproof,andnostrongreasontobelieve,thatEphialteswasmurderedatall.Iwillnowpresentthecaseforaverdictofunlawfulkilling.

ItwillbehelpfultocomparetheevidencewepossessaboutthedeathofEphialteswiththataboutthesuddendeathin129BCofScipioAemilianus,whichStocktoncitesasaparallelcase.Scipio'sdeathisoftencasuallyspokenofbylaterwriters(aboveallCicero)as(p.155) amurder,42butitisnowwidelybelievedthatitisatleastaslikelytohavebeennatural.43Inassessingthewitnesses,wemustdistinguishbetween,ontheonehand,merepassingreferencesbywriterswhogivenodetailsandsimplytakethemurderstory(oroneofthemurderstories)forgranted,and,ontheother,statementsevincingaseriousinterestinthefactsofthedeath.Ofsuchstatementstheresurvive,bymyreckoning,seven.44Innotoneoftheseisitstatedasafactthatthedeathwasmurder.SixaccountsstartbysayingScipiowas‘founddead’,theseventh45sayshe‘diedafterdinnerathome’;murder,suicide,andnaturaldeathareallcanvassedaspossibilities,invariouscombinations;46thosewhomentionmurderdifferastotheallegedmethod47andthelikelysuspects;48two49reportthediverseviewsofprevioushistorians(thoughwithoutnamingthem),andtheearliestofoursixauthors,Velleius,specificallystatesthatthe(p.156) majorityofhispredecessorshadregardedthedeathasnatural.Inthelightofallthis,evenifwehadnothadevidence50thatScipio'sownclosestfriend,attheclimaxoftheeulogyhecomposedforScipio'sfuneral,hadspokenof


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hisdeathasduetodisease,51wewouldstill,Ithink,havehadsufficientreasontobelievethatithadbeenso,andthatthevariousandinconsistenttalesoffoulplaywerepoliticallymotivatedrumour‐mongering.

WhatdowefindinthecaseofEphialtes?Wehavefoursourcesofsignificance,whichshouldprobablybereducedtothree,sincePlutarch52explicitlyreferstoAristotle53andoffersnoinformationindependentofthatsource;inadditiontoPlutarch,theothersourcesareAntiphon54andDiodoros.55EverysourcestatespositivelythatEphialteswasmurdered.AccordingtoDiodoroshewas‘doneawaywith’(ἀναιρεθείς)bynightand‘theendingofhislifewasobscure’(ἄδηλονἔσχετὴντου̑βίουτελευτήν).56TheAth.Pol.hasitthatEphialteswasdoneawaywith(thesameverb,ἀνῃρέθη)bybeingkilledinanunderhandmanner(δολοϕονηθείς)throughtheagencyof57AristodikosofTanagra.

[8]ThetestimonyofAntiphonisofparticularvalue.Hestandsnearertotheeventthaneitheroftheothersources.Hewasprobablyoldenoughtorememberithimself;58someofthejurorstryinghisclient,Euxitheos,fortheallegedmurderofHerodescertainlywere.(p.157) OfHerodesitwaseventruerthanofEphialtesthat‘theendingofhislifewasobscure’,forhisbodywasneverfound.Thedefendanthintsthathemightwellhavedrownedaccidentally,drawingattention59tothefactthathedisembarkedwhendrunkfromaboatthatwasridingatanchor,60andremarkingthathe‘wouldprobablyhavebeeninnoconditiontocontrolhismovements’.61AntiphondecidedtomentionthecaseofEphialtesasaparalleltothatofHerodes:itwouldhavebeeninhisclient'sintereststopointoutthatnobodycouldbesureEphialteshadbeenmurderedatall—andwemayaddthatAntiphonhimself,asanopponentofthedemocraticsystem,wouldhavehadpoliticalmotivesofhisownforpropagatingthatviewiftherewasanycredibilityinit.Hedoesnot.Allhesaysisthat‘thosewhokilledEphialteshavenevertothisdaybeendiscovered’;byitselfthismightjustpossiblybeunderstoodasawayofhintingthatnosuchpersonseverexisted,butsuchaninterpretationissurelyexcludedbyhisfurtherremarkthat‘thosewhokilledEphialtes’madenoattempttodisposeofthebody.FarfromsuggestingthatEphialtesmightnothavebeenmurdered,Antiphon,contrarytohisclient'sforensicinterestsandhisownpoliticalinterests,takesitforgrantedthathewas.Presumablytheknownfactslefthimnoalternative.

ItthusappearsthatthecircumstancesofEphialtes'deathweresuchastoruleoutanyexplanationotherthanmurder.Weknow,moreover,fromDiodoros,thathewaskilledatnight.Cananythingmorebeextractedfromtheinformationwearegiven?Antiphon'slanguageatfirstsightimpliesthatEphialteswasattackedwheninthe(p.158) companyofothers;itwouldhavebeenunfair,hesays,62todemandthat‘thosewhowerewithhim’(τοὺςσύνοντας)shouldbemadetoguess(εἰκάζειν)theidentityofhisassailantsonpainofbeingheldguiltythemselvesiftheycouldnot.Thismightsuggestasuddenattackoutofdoors(saywhenEphialteswasonthewayhomefromasymposium)withtheattackersescapingundercoverofthedarkness.63Inthosecircumstances,however,itwouldinfactnothavebeenatallunreasonabletosuspectEphialtes'companions:itwouldhavebeentheeasiestthingintheworld,iftheyhadbeentheguiltyparties,forthemtoinventaphantomgangofthugswhocommittedthemurderandthenconveniently


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vanished.AndAntiphonwouldhavewantedtostressthedistinctionbetweenthiscaseandhisclient's;‘andyet,’hecouldhavemadeEuxitheossay,‘itwouldhavebeenmuchmorereasonabletosuspectthemthanme,sincetheywereinEphialtes’companywhenhewasattacked,whereasHerodes,asIhavetoldyou,disembarkedalone'.Itismorelikely,therefore,thatτοὺςσύνονταςis,asitwere,animperfectparticiple,64meaningnot‘thosewhowerewithhim(sc.atthetimeofthemurder)’but‘thosewhohadbeenwithhim[sc.shortlybefore,asIhadbeenwithHerodes]’—or,aswemightputittoday,‘thelastpeopleknowntohaveseenhimalive’.Ifso,Ephialtes,likeHerodes,partedfromthesecompanionsaliveandwell—andhewasdeadbymorning,withunmistakableevidencethatthe[9]deathwasmurder:whichpointsstronglytotheconclusionthathewasfounddeadinbedwithstabwounds.65

Thequestionthatremainsis,ofcourse,whodunit.Thereappearsatfirsttobeaconflictofevidencehere.Antiphonspeaksofthekillersintheplural,andsaystheywereneverdiscovered;Diodorosalso,onthemostnaturalinterpretationofhiswords,speaksofthecrimeasneverhavingbeenclearedup.TheAth.Pol.,ontheotherhand,confidentlyassertsthatthemurderwasdonethroughtheagencyof(p.159) AristodikosofTanagra.Thereis,however,asPeterRhodesandothershaveseen,aneasywaytoreconciletheseaccounts:Aristodikos‘wasknowntobetheactualkillerbutitwasneverdiscoveredwhoseagenthewas’.66

ItisnotclearhowAristodikoscametobesuspected,thoughvariousscenariosareimaginable.Itislikely,however,thathewasneverbroughttotrial:assoonashegottoknowhewassuspectedhehadeveryreasontofleethecountry,particularlysinceasanon‐citizen,andinacaseofsuchpoliticalimportance,herantheriskofbeingquestionedundertortureifhestayed.67SuchflightbyasuspectwouldnodoubtbetakenbymostAtheniansasproofofguilt.Bethatasitmay,whatisclearisthatnooneelse,andinparticularnoAthenianorAthenians,everwentontrialforkillingEphialtes.

InmycommentaryonEumenides,68IdrewattentiontowhatIsawastheambiguityofoneofthepassagesinwhichtheAreopagoscouncilisassociatedwithprotectionagainstnocturnalcrime:

ἐνδὲτῳ̑σέβαςἀστω̑νϕόβοςτεξυγγενὴςτὸμὴἀδικειν̑σχήσειτότ᾽ἠ̑μαρκαὶκατ᾽εὐϕρόνηνὁμω̑ς

(p.160)Andinthisplacereverenceofthecitizensandinbornfearwillbearestraintfromdoingwrong,bothbydayandatnightalike. (690–2)

Thiscouldmean,Iargued,eitherthatrespectandfearoftheAreopagosbythecitizenswouldkeepthemfromdoingwrongbydayornight,oralternativelythatrespectandfearofthecitizenswouldkeeptheAreopagosfromdoingwrongbydayornight.Couldthisambiguity,andthroughitthewholenexusofideasthatwehaveexaminedrelatingto


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sleepandtonocturnalkilling,havesomethingtodowithpopularopinionsandsuspicionsaboutthedeathofEphialtes?Itwouldnot,atanyrate,beallthatsurprisingifmanyAtheniandemocratshadcometobelievethatthemenbehindEphialtes'deathweremembersoftheAreopagositself,takingrevengeforthewayEphialteshaddishonouredtheircouncilandriddenroughshodoveritstraditionalrightsandprivileges.69NowonderthissameAreopagos—itspowersclippedbutitscomposition,thusfar,essentiallyunchanged—hadneverconvictedanyoneofhismurder!HowfarwasitlivinguptotheidealsAthenaismadetosetforit?

[10]κερδω̑νἄθικτοντου̑τοβουλευτήριον,αἰδοιο̑ν,ὀξύθυμον,εὑδόντωνὕπερἐγρηγορὸςϕρούρημαγη̑ςκαθίσταμαι.(704–6)

Untouchedbythoughtofgainorofprivateinterest?Demandingordeservingreverence?Sharpinangeragainstallwrongdoers?Awakefulsentineloverthosewhosleep?Isuggestthatwordslikethese,thoughallwillhavetakenthemasafinestatementofwhattheAreopagoscouncilasahomicidetribunaloughttobe,werealsodesignedtobetakenbymanyspectatorsasastingingdefinitionofjustwhatthecurrentAreopagoscouncilwasnot.

Ihave,ofcourse,beenassumingthatthecontroversiesarousedbyEphialtes'enactments,andbyhismurder,werestilltopicalin459/8.Evenifwesupposethatthemurderoccurredin462/1veryshortlyafterthepassageofthelegislation,70somethreeyearsbeforethe(p.161) Oresteiawasproduced,Iseenoreasontobelievethatithadceasedtobetopical,andplentyofreasontobelievethatithadnot.Quiteapartfromthewell‐documentedtendencyofAthenianpoliticiansatalltimestorakeovertheembersofolddisputes,weknow71thatin458or457therewereAthenianswhowereprepared—asIsagoras,therivalofKleisthenes,hadbeenhalfacenturybefore—tocallinSpartainordertoensurethattheAthenianstatedidnotfalltoocompletelyintothehandsofthedemos.WeknowtoothatAeschyluswasalarmedenoughaboutthethreatofviolentcivilstrifetoincludeinthefinalportionofEumenidestwopassagescontainingexplicitwarningsagainstit.Iarguedinmycommentary,followingDodds,72thatoneofthese(858–66),whichhassometimesbeensuspectedofbeinginterpolated,wasinfactalast‐minuteadditionbyAeschylus;argumentsofsomeforcehavesincebeenbroughtforwardbyChristopherCarey73fortheviewthatitisnotaninsertionatallbutwascomposedatthesametimeasitscontext.Itremainstruethatthepassagewilldrawattentiontoitselfbyitsvividlanguageandthedisproportionatelengthofthespeechcontainingit(overhalfaslongagainasanyofAthena'sotherspeechesinthescene).Thelaterandundisputedpassageonthesamesubject(976–87),sungbythechorus,whiledifficultofinterpretationatsomepoints,undoubtedlymakesspecialreferencetothedangeroftit‐for‐tatkillings(980–3,esp.982ἀντιϕόνους).Sofarasweknow,nosuchkillingstookplace.Theprojectedcoupd'étatwasrenderedabortive,andintheTanagracampaign74theAtheniansandtheiralliesinflictedjustenoughdamageontheSpartan‐ledforcestodeterthemfromfurtheradventures.TwomonthslatertheAtheniansconqueredBoiotia—andalmostthefirstthingtheydidwasdemolishthewallsofTanagra.75Therewasagood


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strategicreasonforthis:TanagrawasthenearestBoiotiancity,exceptPlataia,totheAtticborder,andcouldmakeadangerousbaseinhostilehands.Politically,though,theAthenianswereguaranteeingthemselvestheenmityof(p.162) virtuallytheentireTanagraianpeople.Werethey,onewonders,alsomotivatedbythedesiretoavengetheactofAristodikosuponthecitytowhichhebelonged?

[11]Aboutthissametimetherewaswhatcanbeseenasaparallel,ifgentler,settlingofaccountsonthehomefront.Itwasin457thattheninearchonshipswereopenedtomembersofthethirdofthefourSolonianpropertyclasses.76Thetwotopclasses,consistingessentiallyofhorse‐owners,musthavebeensosmallthatwhilethearchonships,andmembershipoftheAreopagos,remainedconfinedtothem,<theywere>almostahereditaryprivilege.77Nolonger.Ofcourseintheshortrunthereformhadlittleeffectonthecompositionofthecouncil;butitdidmeanthatnomemberofitcouldhenceforthexpecthissontohavemorethanasmallchanceofjoiningorfollowinghiminitsranks.TheopponentsofEphialtesandPericlesnoweitherwithdrewfrompoliticsorsoughttowork,ratherthansubvert,thedemocraticsystem.Thestrugglewhichhadbegun,onemightsay,withtheostracismofThemistokles,andwhichhadbecomeacrisisin462/1,wasforthetimebeingatanend:astruggleofwhoselaterphasestheOresteiaisacontemporarydocument,andtoallintentsandpurposestheonlyonewehave.78

Addendap.145n.11 Iwouldnow,withH.L.Ahrens,regardCho.285asaninterpolation,probablyfromanotherAeschyleanplay.

p.148–9n.24 onthestormandshipwreckseenowMarshall(2003);Chapter17below;andmydiscussionofSophocles'NaupliosPyrkaeusinSommerstein,Clark,andTalboy(forthcoming).

Notes:

([11]1)Seee.g.Petrounias(1976:286–9);Macleod(1982:129);Sommerstein(1989b:220).

(2)Ag.12–17.

(3)Ag.179,275,290,337,346,420–6,491,559–62,565–6,597.

(4)Ag.887–94,980–3,1218,1247,1357,1448–51;Cho.32–41,285,288,315–19,495,523–52,613–22,670–1,751,882,897,1075–6;Eum.46–142,280,705–6.

(5)Cf.Thomson(1966:i.20).Thefactthatnosuchcryisincludedinthepoeticscriptoftheplaydoesnotprovethatnonewasutteredinperformance:cf.Eum.1043,1047(andseeSommerstein1989b:185–9ontheherald'sproclamationinEum.566 ff.).

(6)SeeSommerstein(1989b:220).

(7)Ag.14ϕόβοςγὰρἀνθ'ὕπνουπαραστατει.̑


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(8)ἔνθ'ὕπνῳcodd.(ἔνγ'ὕπνῳPage).

(9)ἀνθ'ὕπνουEmperius(adoptedinM.L.West'sTeubnertext(West1990a).

(10)Theaudience,betterinformedthanAgamemnon,areleftfreetospeculatewhetherthesedreams,likesomuchelseinKlytaimestra'sspeechofwelcome,areentirelyfictitious,orwhethershedidindeeddreamaboutAgamemnon'sdeath,not,asshepretends,throughfearfulanxietybutthroughpleasurableanticipation!

(11)Thedifficultline285mayalsodescribeanightmare‐vision;onthetextandinterpretationofthispassageseeGarvie(1986:116).*

[12](12)IhavearguedinSommerstein(1980b:67–9)thatin479–96OrestesandElectraareattemptingwithoutsuccesstoraiseuptheirfather'sghosttogivethemadvice,encouragement,andblessing.

(13)Thereis,ofcourse,noinconsistencyhere;Klytaimestra,likeupper‐classmothersinallages,isassumedtohaveonlyhadthebabywithherwhenhewasbehavingnicely(Clark1985:79:‘didanyoneseriouslyexpectthequeenofArgostotacklethenightfeedsandthenappywash?’)

(14)SeeLebeck(1971:131–3);Sommerstein(1989b:220and304(indexs.v.‘themesofplayandtrilogy…ominousthemestransformedintoauspiciousones’)).

(15)Eum.705–6εὑδόντωνὕπερ|ἐγρηγορὸςϕρούρημαγη̑ς.

(16)Thefollowingfourlines(707–10)arenotpartofthefoundation‐speechproper;theyareatransitionbacktodealingwiththecasecurrentlybeingtried,endingwithaninstructiontothejudgestocasttheirvotes.

(17)Onthequestionwhichoftheseviews,ifeither,isimplicitlypromotedbyEumenides,seeSommerstein(1989b:216–18).

(18)Eum.690–2ἐνδὲτῳ̑σέβας|ἀστω̑νϕόβοςτεξυγγενὴςτὸμὴἀδικειν̑|σχήσειτότ'ἠ̑μαρκαὶκατ'εὐϕρόνηνὁμω̑ς.Onthepossibleambiguityofthissentenceseepp.159–60.

(19)EisangeliatotheAreopagoshadbeenintroducedbySolon(Arist.Ath.Pol.8.4).OnthepossibleresponsibilityoftheAreopagosforeuthynai(theauditofoutgoingmagistrates),notdirectlyattestedinancientsources,seeRhodes(1981:316–18);L.A.Jones(1987:59);Carawan(1987);contra(verytersely),Wallace(1989:80).

(20)Inthefourthcentury,atanyrate,themainformsofeisangeliawere(1)totheAssembly,fortreasonorcorruptiononly(Hyp.Eux.7–8)and(2)totheCouncil(ofFiveHundred)formisconductbyamagistrate(Arist.Ath.Pol.45.2)includingembezzlement(Ant.6.35);whileineuthynaithetwomostseriouschargesthatcouldbebroughtwereembezzlementandbribery(punishedwithafineoftentimestheamountofmoneyinvolved,asagainstapenaltyofsimpleordoubledamagesforotheroffences:Arist.


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Ath.Pol.54.2).SeeHansen(1991:212–18,221–4).Thereissomespecific,thoughindirect,evidencethattrialsfortheseoffencestookplaceontheAreopagosbefore462:Themistokleswasprosecuted(andcondemnedinhisabsence)fortreasonbyeisangelia(KraterosFGrH342F11),andthechargeofcorruptionagainstKimonaftertheThasosexpeditionaroseoutofhiseuthynai(Arist.Ath.Pol.27.1withPlut.Kim.14.2–15.1).SeeRhodes(1981:319–20,335–6);Bauman(1990:22–31).

(21)Justasitwasinthecaseoftheft,withwhichtheAreopagoswasnotdirectlyconcerned:anyonecaughtstealingatnight,nomatterhowsmallthetheft,couldbekilledifnecessarytostophimgettingaway,andhiskillerincurrednopenalty(Dem.24.113).

(22)Ag.459–60μένειδ'ἀκου̑σαίτίμοιμέριμνανυκτηρεϕές.

[13](23)Theyareright:suchanattemptwillindeedbemade.Theyareevenrightaboutthemotive:angeroverthedeathofalovedoneinAgamemnon'sandMenelaos'war.Wheretheyarewrong—disastrouslyand,asCassandrawillfind,incorrigiblywrong—isinbelievingthatthedangercomesfromthecitizens(cf.809)wheninfactitcomesfromwithinthepalace.

(24)OurevidenceforthenarrativeoftheNostoicomespartlyfromProklos'synopsisofthepoem(EGFp.67Davies<=NostoiArg.§3West>),andpartlyfromlatermythographicaccountswhichseemtoderivefromit([Apollod.]Epit.6.5–11;HyginusFab.116).Proklos'summaryseemstoimplytwoseparatestorms,one‘intheopensea’inwhichMenelaoslostallbutfiveofhisships,another‘neartheKapheridrocks’inwhichAiassonofOileusperished.Thelateraccountshavemuchmoretosayaboutthelatterstorm.Accordingto<ps.‐>Apollodorositbegan‘offTenos’(thenextislandbutonesouth‐eastofEuboiaintheCycladeschain),andafterthedeathofAias‘theotherswereblowntowardsEuboiaduringthenight,andNauplioslitabeacononMountKaphereus’whichcausedthewreckofthefleet.HyginusplacesthewholeofthisdisasterclosetoEuboia,butlike<ps.‐>ApollodorosheimplicitlyassociatesthestormitselfwiththedaytimebymakinghisfirstmentionofnightatthebeginningofhisaccountofNauplios'treachery:‘tempestateetflatibusadversisadsaxaCaphereanaufragiumfecerunt,inquatempestateAiaxLocrusfulmineestaMinervaictus…;ceterinoctucumfidemdeorumimplorarent,Naupliusaudivit…’.Proklos'summaryoftheNostoisaysnothingaboutNauplios,butweknowthatheandPalamedeswerementionedinthepoem(fr.1Davies<=11West>),andpaceDavies(1989:83)thereisnoreasontodoubtthathisroleinitwasessentiallythesameasitwasinlateraccountsofthesameevents.*

(25)Itwasonlywiththecomingofdaythatthemenknewtheyweresafe(667–8).

(26)Notablythedrivingofshipsagainsttherock‐boundcoast(666).

(27)TheconnectionwasmadebyKlytaimestrain338–44(‘iftheyrespectthecitygodsoftheconqueredlandandtheplaceswheretheydwell,thentheconquerorswillnotbeconqueredintheirturn…fortheyhaveyettosecureasafereturnhome’).TheexplicitreferencetothedestructionofsanctuariesandaltarsmadelaterbytheHerald(527)is


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undersuspicionofbeinganinterpolation(thelatesteditor,West1990a,acceptsthedeletionfirstproposedbyG.G.Salzmann),butitwasinanycasenotoriousthatthesackofTroyinvolvedgrossdesecrationsofaltarsandtemples,notablyinthekillingofPriamandtheseizureofCassandra,andalreadybeforeHomer(cf.Od.1.325–7,3.132–5;seeS.R.WestinHeubeck,West,andHainsworth1988:116)divinewrathatthesewastheacceptedexplanationofthestormthatoverwhelmedthereturningfleet.

(28)Cho.621πνέονθ'…ὕπνῳ.Tobesure,asEasterling(1993:19)hasnoted,thereisnoexplicitreferencetonight;butwhilethesiestawasnodoubtaregularfeatureofGreeklifeinantiquityasnow(itisindeedreferredtobythedown‐to‐earthHeraldinAg.565–6μεσημβριναις̑κοίταις,alongwithcrowdedships,dampbivouacs,andubiquitouslice),IknowofnocaseofacharacterinGreekheroiclegendsufferingthefateofHamlet'sfather,andwecansafelyassumethatintheabsenceofexplicitindicationtothecontrary,‘killinginsleep’wouldautomaticallybetakentoimply‘killingbynight’.

(29)AsofcoursedidthesacrificeofIphigeneia,andalso,itwouldappear,thekillingandeatingofThyestes'children(cf.Ag.1592κρεουργὸνἠ̑μαρ).

[14](30) West(1990a),indeed,followingasuggestionbyBlaydes,makesthisexplicitbyemendingthesuspecttransmittedreadingκαὶτὸννύχιονtoκαιρὸςνυχίοις(τοισ̑δ'ἐϕεδρευ̑σαιξιϕοδηλήτοισινἀγω̑σιν).Thismaywellberight(thoughWesthimselfinhisStudiesinAeschylus[West1990b:251]speaksofitonlyas‘tempting’),butIneitherwishnorneedtorelyonit.

(31)Garvie(1986)adloc.

(32)Indeed,giventhatonesceneendswithKlytaimestrasayingshewilldiscussthesituationwithAigisthos(andgivingtheimpressionexsilentiothatheisinthehouse),andthatthenextscenebeginswiththeNurseleavingthehousetofetchAigisthosforaquitedifferentpurpose,wemaywellbemeanttodeducethatwhatKlytaimestrasaidtothesupposedPhokianswasamereblind,likesomeotheraspectsofherspeechanddemeanourinthatscene(cf.737–40).

(33)OneistemptedtoreferheretoavasepaintingdepictingthedeathofAigisthos(seePrag1985pl.12c–d,no.C19[AegisthusPainter,c.470])inwhichKlytaimestraisshownrunninguptodefendhimwithdisorderedhairsuchasnoqueen,surely,wouldeverhaveunlessjustrousedfrombed.Inanotherpaintingofthesameperiod(Prag1985pl.16b+17,no.C22(BerlinPainter,470–65))Klytaimestra'shairseemstohavebeendoneupinahurry,foronelockhasescapedandishangingdown.

(34)West(1990b:262–3),adoptingasuggestionbyW.S.Barrett.If986isdeleted,thewitnesstowhomOrestesappealswillbeZeustheFather(984–5).

(35)Cf.Garvie(1986:322);MacDowell(1971:19).

(36)Itdoesnotfollowthattherewasastage‐crowdtorepresentthem.Orestesmaywellhavespokenstraightattheaudience,ineffectconscriptingthemintotheroleofthe


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Argivepeople(cf.Whallon1980:90;Hogan1984:142;and,foraparallelsituationinEum.566 ff.,Sommerstein1989b:186).Garvie(1986:316–17)thinksthatOrestes‘addressestheChorusthroughout,astheconventionalrepresentativesofArgos[;t]hefactthattheyaretechnicallyslave‐womenisforgotten’;butitwouldbeimpossibleinproductiontoignorethegenderofthechorusasmanifestedbytheirmasksandcostumes,whichwouldmakethemanutterlyinappropriateaudienceforaspeechaddressedtothepeopleoftheArgivepolis.

(37)AsAthenianassembliesdid(seeAr.Ach.19–20,Thesm.376,Eccl.84–5).

(38)Eum.322–3,416,745,793,844,1033.

(39)Ibid.174–8,264–75,339–40.

(40)ThemostrecentassassinationbeforethatofEphialteshadbeenthekillingofHipparchosbyHarmodiosandAristogeitonin514;afterEphialtestherewerenomoreuntilAndrokleswasmurderedbyoligarchsintherun‐uptothecoupd'étatof411(Thuc.8.65.2).

(41)Stockton(1982).

(42)Cic.proMil.16;deAmic.41;deFato18;Rep.6.12;Att.10.8.7;cf.alsoe.g.Val.Max.8.15.4morsclandestinisinlatainsidiis.PompeyintheSenateon9February56BC,whenhedeclaredsemunitioremadcustodiendamvitamsuamforequamAfricanusfuisset,quemC.Carbointeremisset(Cic.adQF2.3.3),evidentlytookitforgrantedthatmostofhishearerswouldregardthemurderasawell‐known‘fact’.

[15](43)ThecasefornaturaldeathwasmoststronglyarguedbyCarcopino([1928]1967:85–127);anditisnowpossibleforawriterlikeCrawford(1981:114)toassertwithoutargumentthatScipio‘diedofdisease’.Scipio'sbiographer,A.E.Astin(1967:241),isnon‐committal,hinting,withLast(1932:45),thatScipio'sfriendsmayhavethoughtitpoliticallyadvisableatthetimetotreathisdeathasnatural,butconcluding,asLasthad,thatthefactscannolongerbeestablished.

(44)LivyPer.59;Velleius2.4.6;Plut.Rom.27.5andC.Gr.10.5–6(whichhaveinconsistentdetailsandmustderivefromdifferentsources);AppianBC1.20;[Aur.Vict.]deVir.Ill.58.10;Orosius5.10.9–10.

(45)Plut.Rom.27.5.

(46)Murderismentionedasapossibilityinallsevenaccounts;suicidebyPlutarchinRomulusandbyAppian;naturaldeathbyPlutarchinRomulus(again)andbyVelleius.

(47)PlutarchinGaiusGracchus,alone,claimsthereweremarksofviolenceonthebody;inRomulus,however,hereportsthatthosewhobelieveinamurdersayitwasbystrangulation,andthisalsoseemstobetheimplicationofpseudo‐AureliusVictor'sstatementthatScipiowasfoundobvolutocapite,nelivorinoreappareret.


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(48)Livy'sepitomator,andOrosius(whomaylikewisedependonLivy),saythatSemproniawassuspected;PlutarchinGaiusGracchus,however,claimsthatsuspicionfellonGaiusGracchusandFulviusFlaccus.Tenyearsaftertheevent,C.PapiriusCarbowasaccusedofcomplicity(P.Africaninecissociusfuisti)whenbeingprosecutedonotherchargesbyL.Crassus(Cic.deOr.2.170);twogenerationslater,CiceromentionsCarbo'sresponsibilityforthedeathasawidespreadbelief(Fam.9.21.3),whilePompey,aswehaveseen(n.42),asserteditasafact.

(49)Viz.Velleius,andPlutarchinRomulus.

(50)Laeliusfr.22Malcovati4eomorbo†rumtemovit(mortemobitOrelli,Stangl;seeMalcovati1975).Cf.alsoLucilius1093Marxinsperatoabiit,quemunaanginasustulithora.

(51)Cicero,however,ispreparedtomakeLaeliusimplicitlyaccusethefamilyandfriendsofTiberiusGracchusofresponsibilityforScipio'sdeath(deAmic.41),thoughearlierinthedialogue(§12)hespeaksonlyof‘whatmensuspect’.

(52)Plut.Per.10.8.

(53)MeaningAth.Pol.25.4.

(54)Ant.5.68.

(55)D.S.11.77.6.

(56)ThehandlingofboththeseexpressionsbyStockton(1982)isunsatisfactory.Herendersthefirstas‘died’,withoutofferinganyevidencethatἀναιρεισ̑θαιcaneverbeusedofanaturaldeath;thesecondheparaphrasesas‘nobodyknewhowhislifeended’whentheGreekexpressionisequallycapableofmeaningthatnobodyknewwhowasresponsibleforhisdeath.

(57)Theprepositionusedisδιά,andPlutarchrightlyunderstoodtheauthortohavebeenassertingthatAristodikoswasactingonbehalfofothers.

[16](58)Accordingto[Plut.]LivesoftheTenOrators832fhewasborn‘atthetimeofthePersianwars’andwasslightlyyoungerthanGorgias(whoseacceptedbirth‐datewas484–481(cf.ApollodorosFGrH244F33withJacoby'snote)).Abirth‐datenotlongafter480issupportedbytheallegationlatermadeagainstAntiphon(Ant.fr.1Thalheim)thathisgrandfatherhadbeenaspearman(δορυϕόρος)inthePeisistratids'bodyguard(andthereforepresumablybornnolaterthan535–530,sinceHippiaswasexpelledin510).Itistruethatnocontemporaryornear‐contemporarysourcereferstoAntiphoninacontextearlierthanthe420s;butthismaybeexplainedbythegeneralscantinessofliteraryevidenceforthe440sand430s(especiallycomedy),byAntiphon'sunwillingnesstoengageinpublicpoliticalactivitysuchasmighthaveputhisnameintheinscriptionalrecord,andbytheprobabilitythatitwasonlyinthe420sthathebeganthenovelpracticeofputtingcopiesofspeechesintopubliccirculation.


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(59)Ant.5.26.

(60)Ibid.5.21ὥρμει.

(61)Trans.M.Edwards(inUsherandEdwards1985).

(62)Ant.5.68.

(63)AsJohnRichobservedindiscussion<attheNottinghamSeminar>.

(64)SeeKühnerandGerth(1898–1904:i.200Anm.9).

(65)ThecontraryconclusionofStockton(1982)that‘hisbodyborenoobviousmarksofphysicalviolence’isbasedonwhatwehaveseen(p.156withn.56)tobeanoverconfidentinterpretationofanambiguousexpressioninDiodoros.IdonotunderstandStockton'sclaimthattheevidenceofAntiphonsupportshisview.

(66)Rhodes(1981:322)—thoughhementionsthissolutiononlyasoneoftwopossibilities,theotherbeingthatAristodikos'responsibilitywas‘arumourthatwasnotsubstantiated’whichtheauthororhissourcehasreportedasfact.InconnectionwithAristodikos,the‘manfromBoeotia…presumedtobetheagentofanAtheniancitizen’(Rhodesloc.cit.),oneistemptedtorecalltheforeignrobberswhoweresupposedtohavekilledLaios(Soph.OT122–3,cf.715–16),whoOedipusinstantlyinfers(ibid.124–5)musthavebeeninthepayofsomeThebanenemyorenemiesoftheking,asindeedhadbeensuspectedatthetime(ibid.126).

(67)Forthetortureoffreenon‐citizens,seeLys.13.54,59;Dem.18.133(cf.Dein.1.63);Aischines3.223–4(cf.Dem.18.137);Antiphanesfr.274KA(‘amanonlyhastoshipinaconsignmentofpepper,andsomeoneputsdownamotionforhimtobetorturedasaspy’).ItwascarriedoutwhenorderedbytheAssemblyincaseswherethesecurityofthestatewasbelievedtobeunderthreat.Itmayalso(butthisisdisputed)havebeenpossibleforfreenon‐citizenstobeexaminedundertortureincasesofhomicideandwounding.SeeLipsius(1905–15:894–5);Thür(1977:18–19);Carey(1988).The‘decreeofthearchonshipofSkamandrios’(And.1.43)onlyappliedtocitizens(cf.Lys.13.27).

(68)Sommerstein(1989b)onEum.690–2.

(69)IamusingthissortoflanguagebecauseitisscatteredallovertheOresteia;seeSommerstein(1989b)onEum.95,110,150,780.

[17](70)TheonlyevidenceforthedateofEphialtes'deathisthestatementoftheAth.Pol.thatitoccurred‘notlong’afterhisreformswerecarried.

(71)Thuc.1.107.4–6.

(72)Dodds(1960:23–4=1973:51–2).

(73)Carey(1990).


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(74)Thuc.1.107.5–108.2.

(75)Thuc.1.108.3.

(76)Thezeugitai,Arist.Ath.Pol.26.2.

(77)WhentheAtheniancavalrywasfirstestablished,sometimeinthemidfifthcentury,itwasonly300strong(And.3.5).Notallcitizensofmilitaryageandappropriatewealthcanhaveactuallyservedinthecavalry;somewouldhaveconflictingresponsibilities(e.g.asgenerals,taxiarchs,ortrierarchs)andsomewouldbeunfitforservice.MakinggenerousallowanceforthesewemightassumethatinEphialtes'timethereweresome750pentakosiomedimnoiandhippēsaged20–49.OnthepopulationmodelemployedbyHansen(1985:12),thiswouldimplythat25–30menintheseclassesreachedtheageof30annuallyandsojoinedthepoolofpotentialarchons.Someofthesewouldbedisqualifiedforofficebyreasonofcrime,publicdebt,scandalouslife‐style,etc.,soitmaywellbethatanypentakosiomedimnosorhippeuswhowasqualifiedhadclosetoa50–50chanceofeventuallygainingaseatontheAreopagoscouncil.

(78)ThischapterwasfirstpublishedinJ.H.Molyneux(ed.),LiteraryResponsestoCivilDiscord(=NottinghamClassicalLiteratureStudies1)(Nottingham:UniversityofNottingham,1992)1–17.IwishtothankallwhocontributedtothediscussionofthispaperatandaftertheNottinghamseminaron20May1992<whenitwasoriginallypresented>,especiallyPaulCartledge,JohnRich,andmyrespondent,PatEasterling.

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