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From Self Helpto a Wider Role in Society
A Review of Self Help Group Methodology in
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan
Research study carried out with ECCA agencies and
NGO partners by INTRACs Central Asia Programme
November 2007
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CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................... 7
MAIN CONCLUSIONS..................................................... ........................................................... ................................. 7RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................... ........................................................... ................................. 9
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION..................................................... ........................................................... ........... 10
1.1BACKGROUND /CONTEXT........................................................... ........................................................... ........... 101.2ECCA AND INTRAC................ ............................................................ .......................................................... .. 111.3THE FIRST SHGSTUDY:GIVE FISH OR A FISHING ROD? ................................................... ............................... 12
1.4OBJECTIVES OF THE SECOND STUDY..................................................... ........................................................... . 12CHAPTER 2. METHODOLOGY................................................... ........................................................... ........... 14
2.1FRAMEWORK FORANALYSIS ...................................................... ........................................................... ........... 142.2KEY TERMS FOR THE 2NDSTUDY ........................................................... ........................................................... . 152.3CROSS-CUTTING THEMES ........................................................... ........................................................... ........... 172.4HOW THE STUDY WAS CARRIED OUT.................................................... ........................................................... . 172.5STRUCTURE OF THE REPORT ....................................................... ........................................................... ........... 18
CHAPTER 3. SELF-HELP ACTIVITIES FOR COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT...................................... 20
3.1MAIN AREAS OF SHGACTIVITY IN KAZAKHSTAN AND KYRGYZSTAN.................................................. ........... 203.2SHGS IN TAJIKISTAN ........................................................ ........................................................... ..................... 213.3SHGLEADERS ........................................................ ........................................................... ............................... 233.4GENDER ROLES AND DIFFERENT TYPES OF SHGS..................................................... ......................................... 253.5SELF HELP GROUPS AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT ....................................................... ......................................... 273.6SUMMING UP:SHGSUCCESSES IN COMMUNITY MOBILISATION.................................................. ..................... 32
CHAPTER 4. SHG ASSOCIATIONS CLUSTERS, FEDERATIONS AND OTHER NETWORKS.......... 34
4.1CLUSTERS /FEDERATIONS IN KAZAKHSTAN AND KYRGYZSTAN.................................................. ..................... 344.2CLUSTERS AND FEDERATIONS IN TAJIKISTAN .......................................................... ......................................... 354.3DEFINING THE TERMS:CLUSTER AND FEDERATION ........................................................... ............................... 364.4OTHERGROUPS ANDNETWORKS WHERE SHGS ARE ACTIVE ..................................................... ..................... 38
4.4.1 Intermediate bodies..................... ........................................................... ................................................... 384.4.2 Existing institutions..................... ........................................................... ................................................... 394.4.3 Newly created bodies .......................................................... ........................................................... ........... 40
4.5MEMBERS AND LEADERS OF SHGS WHO BECOME LEADERS IN OTHER ORGANIZATIONS.................................... 414.6SUMMING UP:SHGS IN LOCAL CIVIL SOCIETY ........................................................ ......................................... 41
CHAPTER 5. LOOKING TO THE FUTURE THE AIMS, INDEPENDENCE AND SUSTAINABILITY
OF SHGS, CLUSTERS AND FEDERATIONS........................................................... ......................................... 47
5.1ECONOMICS ORPOLITICSWHICH COMES FIRST? .................................................. ......................................... 475.2GENDERASPECTS OF SHGDEVELOPMENT..................................................... .................................................. 515.3NGOLOBBYING ACTIVITIES ATNATIONAL LEVEL ........................................................... ............................... 53
5.3.1 National level lobbying ....................................................... ........................................................... ........... 54
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LIST OF ATTACHMENTS
Attachment 1: Terms of Reference (excerpt) .................................................... ........................................... 72Attachment 2: List of interviewees (Field Visits)................................................................. ........................ 73Attachment 3: Example of Field Visits Questionnaire................................................................................. 76Attachment 4: Opinion Survey Questionnaire........................................ ..................................................... 77Attachment 5: Country Fact files......................................................................................... ........................ 78Attachment 6: Political events 2002 2007.............................................................. .................................. 79
Attachment 7: Diagram Showing Linkages Between Different Levels of Lobbying.................................... 80
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES
Figure 1: Diamond figure showing interlinked elements .................................................... ........................ 14Table 1: Total SHGs in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in 2004 / 2007 and Current Urban-Rural
Breakdown ........................................................... ........................................................... .............. 23Table 2: SHGs Gender and Age Breakdown .......................................................... .................................. 26Figure 2: Which is the most likely way you would approach the local administration? Comparative
analysis (2004 and 2007) ......................................................... ..................................................... 27Figure 3: Did you participate in elections? Comparative analysis (2004 and 2007) ................................ 31Table 3: Clusters and Federations ......................................................... ..................................................... 36Table 4: Characteristics and functions of SHGs, clusters and federations..... ............................................ 37Figure 4: 3-sector and arena models of civil society .......................................................... ........................ 42
Table 5: What is the Difference between an NGO and a CBO?................................ .................................. 45Figure 5: Which element of the work of Self-Help Groups is the most important for the empowerment of
their members?............................................................... ........................................................... .... 47Figure 6: How do you assess the sustainability of SHG, Clusters and Federations? ................................ 59Table 6: Future development of SHG Movement ...................................................... .................................. 60
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Acknowledgements
Many thanks to the ECCA agencies whose funding and practical support made this study
possible, also to the NGO partners and the member of self help groups, clusters and federations
who generously gave information and time to the researchers.
INTRAC would particularly like to thank the members of the writing team and local experts for
this project: Maamatkul Aidarliev, Shoira Yusupova, Matthew Naumann, Anara Moldosheva,who completed their tasks efficiently and in a very helpful way.
We must thank in a similar way the other staff from ECCA agencies and NGO partners who took
part in the field visits: Pia Dyrhagen (DCA), Shashwat Saraf (CA), Bertien Bos (ICCO),
Taalaibek Jakypov and Nurgul Alybaeva (Child Protection Centre), Margarita Zobnina (Moldir),
Malika Sobirjonova (Mehrangez). Also Janice Giffen from INTRAC UK who led the
preparation workshop. This was a large, mixed team but everyone worked well together (andwithout any complaint about the tough schedule of travel and meetings!).
Finally, we thank Peter Kenny from Ecumenical News International who accompanied the
researchers on their travels in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Peter wrote a series of
nine articles for ENI and excerpts from six of them are included in this report, also a selection of
his photographs. We are sure that they will give extra interest and colour to our text.
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List of Abbreviations
ABS Access to Basic ServicesACT CA Action of Churches Together Central AsiaASTI Association of Scientific and Technical IntelligentsiaCA Christian AidCAP Central Asia PlatformCBO Community-Based Organisation
CS Civil SocietyCSO Civil Society OrganizationsDCA DanChurch AidDCCA Development and Cooperation in Central Asia (Kyrgyz NGO)DWPS Democracy and Widening of Political SpaceECCA Ecumenical Consortium Central AsiaFED Fair Economic DevelopmentFSU Former Soviet Union
ICCO Interchurch Organization for Development Co-operationINTRAC The International NGO Training and Research CentreJR Japanese Railroad (Kyrgyz NGO)RCE Resource Centre for Elderly (Kyrgyz NGO)MC Mahalla CommitteesMCA Micro-Credit AgencyMDG Millennium Development Goals
NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
NVC National Volunteer Centre (Tajik NGO)PRA Participatory Rural AppraisalSHG Self-Help GroupUNDP United Nations Development Program
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY:CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This study is written for ECCA agencies and partner NGOs, also for the members of SHGs and their
various associations and networks in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Its aim is to assist
discussion of the results of their work and to propose new ways forward to improve the livelihoods and
life opportunities of communities and make a greater impact on society.
Main Conclusions
In all three countries, the research team got an overwhelmingly positive picture of the work of SHGs. In
Tajikistan, groups are moving gradually through the establishment and consolidation stage. In
Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, many SHGs are already mature and self-sufficient.
SHGs have shown that they are a valuable tool for empowerment at both individual and group level.
Group members attitude to life has become more optimistic and positive. Their understanding of local
issues and their involvement in community decision-making has grown. Indeed, they are well-placed to
work with other actors in the community to tackle economic and social problems. However, lobbying bySHGs seems to work best at this local level and there was little evidence that it is being done at higher
levels without significant support from the parent NGO. Another way of putting this is to say that, in
the main, SHGs are working with immediate rather than strategic issues.
The social composition of SHGs varies according to location but is made up mainly of the poorer and
middle layers of the population, with some individuals from the richer and poorest layers. The variety of
SHGs is a definite plus (single and mixed sex, age variations, ethnic pluralism). There is a felt need for
leadership development programs to help local leaders meet their responsibilities and take up emerging
opportunities. The role of leaders at all levels is extremely important.
Clusters have advanced in all locations as informal groupings of SHGs in an urban estate orkvartal, or
in a village. Leaders and other activists meet in the cluster to share experience of managing groups and
to discuss wider problems affecting the community. By contrast, federations (defined as a more formal
body uniting several clusters, with more stable human or financial resources) have only been created in a
few locations where the SHG programme is quite mature. Clusters and federations provide SHGmembers an opportunity to operate within a wider network, exchange information and experience at a
higher level. However, in some cases they appear to have been created top-down by the NGOs with the
eventual aim of transferring management tasks to them.
Women are active and there are many female leaders in SHGs, clusters and federations. This is despite
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work with CS. In Kyrgyzstan the problem was different - political instability and lack of coherence of
government policies and systems.
The economic aspect of SHG activity remains central and is one of the main themes for lobbying. Here
the role of micro-credits and the new micro-credit agencies (MCAs) set up by the NGOs is very
significant. The management of the credit program adds to the responsibilities of not only SHGs but also
clusters and federations, and seems to determine the shape of the organizational structures being
developed. If the NGOs SHGs are strong and numerous, the MCA will become stronger and
accumulate a big credit portfolio. It was difficult to assess whether the MCAs or the different bodies
managing credits could turn into a new local elite. The view of NGO representatives was that with the
current percentages and the limited coverage of MCAs, they are unlikely to get rich.
Self help group near Lenin
village, Khatlon oblast
(Tajikistan) poseafter meeting before
heading for Friday prayers.
Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
The future sustainability of SHGs, clusters and federations is seen by NGO staff as tied up with to the
development of a self help movement or a common, regional strategy. The experience of the ECCA
consortium, the Ishenim network and other attempts to bring together SHG actors shows the value of
working together to create sustainable forms of liaison and shared management. But there are manyquestions which the movement needs to continue to pay attention to. The research team listed a number
of these open questions of which some key ones are brought together below:
From self to community. This is the theme of this report and it reflects a balance which needs to be
maintained - how to ensure that the groups, while meeting their own needs, are also committed to a wider
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definition and strategy development. The Ishenim network, as a self-managed discussion forum for the
NGO partners, is well-placed to look at these issues and hence the study includes recommendations for
Ishenim in the next section.
Recommendations
From the list of recommendation made in Chapter 6, some of the most important are:
For SHGs, clusters and federations
1. Continue independent thinking around the self-help concept in Central Asia (linking to national
and other traditions). Use own links and resources to extend the SHG movement in the regionand to make links with similar community associations. Use the opportunities provided by
exchange visits between NGOs to develop and implement new ideas, in a planned way
2. Strengthen the lobbying component within the SHG programme at local and district level.
3. Provide more information to the public on the activity of SHGs. Promote plurality of cultural
and social activities in the community
4. Find ways for SHG members, especially women, to attend training for SHG leaders at a broader
level. Create forums for more discussion and analysis by SHG members and leaders around
issues relating to local governance, local economic policy, poverty reduction, gender equality.
For partner NGOs
1. In questions of organisation and programme development, try to move to more open systems, for
example: 1) Work more closely with other local NGOs; 2) Delegate SHG advice, training and
monitoring responsibilities to clusters and federations; 3) Continue process of building MCAs
2. Provide training to SHGs on how to select themes, plan and conduct campaigns.
3. Avoid the danger of endless accumulation of SHGs and responsibilities to individual clients and
supporters, or the temptation to appoint leaders for the clusters and federations4. Continue work with intermediary groups (see Chapter 4) village councils, mahalla committees,
social community councils, womens clubs and resource centres, jamoat and ayil okmotu
committees (youth, health etc). They are a valuable interface with local government and other
CSOs. Include representatives of local government in training and exchange programmes
wherever possible
5. Organise a discussion around the strategy of building a peoples bank since this is very
different from civil society activity.
For ECCA agencies
1. Support NGOs and SHGs in the above mentioned areas. Continue the shared ECCA approach
2. Direct new resources to meet the needs of clusters, federations and networks and actions which
they initiate
3. Support NGOs, SHGs and individuals to create a womens lobby within the ECCA
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CHAPTER 1.INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background / Context
The experience of the Central Asian states since the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991 is dramatic and
contradictory. On the one hand there have been the excitement and advantages of independence the
regaining of national identity, the promotion of traditional culture and norms, the adoption of elements ofpolitical pluralism and the market economy. On the other hand, there has been civic strife, the erection
of boundaries between states and a collapse of living standards for the majority of the population.
Members of SHGs, in whichever country and whether rural or urban, are part of the general population
which lost their previous employment and suffered a catastrophic decline of education and health
services. The rural population was reduced to subsistence family farming and 15 years later hundreds of
thousands migrate for work to other countries because the conditions to make a proper livelihood in
agriculture still do not exist. Larger towns and cities are flooded by internal migrants competing for land
in which to put up makeshift housing and struggling with bureaucracy so as to place their children in
school or access basic health facilities.
The years since 1991 have seen the institution of presidency establish itself across Central Asia, to
varying degrees softened by parliamentary or wider political activities and structures. The growth of
civil society has been a positive factor and the NGOs described in this report are in the front line of social
sector NGOs. Their role has been both to support vulnerable groups directly during the crisis years, andto press donors and government for more resources and better policies - more attention to the voice of
poorer groups in the community.
In 2005-06 a new political and economic stage seems to have begun in Central Asia. The March 2005
Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan extended to Central Asia the political turbulence which had been seen
in Georgia and Ukraine but showed that the political forces and directions were significantly different
from those ex-communist neighbours. The revolution brought down President Akaev, acclaimed as the
most liberal post-independence leader in the region and ushered in a regime with a populist but more
statist ideology. Countries such as Tajikistan and Kazakhstan saw a consolidation of power in the hands
of Presidents Rahmonov and Nazarbaev. Opportunities for democratic debate or protest remained very
restricted but the economy slightly improved. Indeed, economic growth has attained 8-9% rates across
the region (contested by some commentators). The problem is that there is little evidence that this is
b i di t ib t d th ti f th l ti I ll th t i th i
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1.2 ECCA and INTRAC
The concept of Self Help Groups was introduced into Central Asia in 1998-99 by a number ofinternational agencies, importing it initially from India and gradually adapting it to local conditions and
drawing on similar traditions and approaches in Central Asia. In 2004-05, the same agencies, now united
in the Ecumenical Consortium for Central Asia (ECCA), adopted a new joint strategy for their work in
the region2. Five regional priorities or themes were identified, as well as lead agencies and countries
where the themes would be pursued. Each of these themes or priorities has its own relation to lobbying
and civil society networking. Three of the themes are particularly important to self-help groups and are
being implemented widely across the three countries Democracy and Widening of Political Space(DWPS), Fair Economic Development (FED), and Access to Basic Services using a Rights Based
Approach (ABS). The other two Faith Based Social Action and HIV-AIDS Awareness and Support
also have a relation to this theme but exist more separately from the SHG programmes. Different
agencies take the lead on particular themes and with a different focus in each country according to need
and to resources available.
If we look in more detail at ECCAs rationale and plans for the three programmes DWPS, FED and
ABS, we can see from the table below that they differ quite widely as regards the needs and options forlobbying and CS networking:
Regional priorities Regional focus strategies Civil society players
Democratisation and
widening political space
(DWPS)
Community development activities
which promote a voice from below
Promoting independence and
collaboration with local NGO sector
SHGs, federations, village
organisations
NGOs working with local authorities
Lobbying and human rights NGOs
Fair economic
development (FED)
Agricultural processing and
marketing
Small and medium enterprise
development
Professional micro-finance activities
Rural NGOs involved in product /
value chain development
Urban NGOs working on SME
development
Micro-credit agencies set up by NGOs
Access to basic services
with rights based
approach (ABS)
Basic income generation activities
Securing access to services for
vulnerable groups
Community based hygiene andsanitation
Rural and urban partner NGOs, SHGs
and federations
(Source: ECCA Regional Policy and Strategy Paper 2004-08 p14-23)
INTRAC (International NGO Training & Research Centre) has been working on issues of NGO
development in Central Asia since the mid-1990s and on wider issues of civil society strengthening
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countries which determined priorities and a general framework for the initiative. There were two new
features of the new program: first, capacity building efforts were directed towards development of a self
help movement; and second, the NGOs created a consultative group to guide INTRACs work. All thismeans that there was considerable interest from INTRACs side in the theme of the new SHG study. Its
emphasis on the role of SHGs in community and civil society development was very close to the themes
of the new capacity building program. So when ECCA suggested it, INTRAC was happy to pool
resources and work together on the study.
1.3 The First SHG Study: Give Fish or a Fishing Rod?
The first SHG study, carried out by the Ishenim network in 2004, is a base document for the current
study. It not only explained the core concept and methodology of Self Help Groups, but also collected
valuable data on all the main areas of activity of SHGs, laying out the information for the partner NGOs
in a series of accessible and easy-to-understand paragraphs, tables and case studies. This authors of this
study hope that we can be as clear and logical in our analyses!
The main emphasis ofGive Fish or a Fishing Rod? is on the establishment of SHGs: how people jointhem, the organisation of the groups, and especially the training and economic activities of SHGs
(savings and credits). This was connected to an analysis of poverty in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan (since
the study did not cover Tajikistan).
The new study has several key differences from the first:
It covers Tajikistan where the SHG approach has made major steps forward since 2004;
It focuses on civil society and external relations of SHGs more than on the economic side; It looks specially at clusters and federations (also much advanced since 2004);
And finally, it takes a slightly more selective approach and does not attempt to chart all the activities
or achievements of partner NGOs or the SHGs themselves. The focus is more on which way the
movement is going - if indeed it can be called a SHG movement.
1.4 Objectives of the Second Study
The Terms of Reference created by ECCA in early 2007 defined the Purpose of the review as follows:
1. To inform a discussion based on experience among the ECCA agencies and its NGO partners about
the potential of the SHG approach to socio-political empowerment of civil society in Central Asia in
order to improve the impact of the support.
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Within this set of questions, the review was concerned to look at what has been achieved by SHGs and
their clusters or federations, the internal and external factors affecting performance, and also the role ofthe NGO in supporting the groups. The focus on civil society and government relations meant that the
study should look at other players in the community, and also at wider political issues and networking.
And as in the first review, there should be an attempt to assess the impact of the programme and
opportunities for its wider replication. The question about the way forward is very open it asks what
adjustments are needed in the support from ECCA and the NGOs? What changes are needed in the way
the SHGs, the clusters and the federations work?
Story 1. ECCA agencies support self-help along Asia's Old Silk Road
If the main bridge across the Rhone River in central Geneva collapsed and repairs did not begin immediately, residents of
the Swiss city would be up in arms, lobbying and harassing local, regional or federal authorities to act. Action would likely
soon be taken. What would happen in a small south-western Tajikistan town, 12 kilometres from the biggest centre in the
Khatlon region? In Qahramon, near the country's third largest city of Kurghon-Teppa (formerly Kurgan-Tyube) nothing
happened for weeks when the residents' bridge collapsed during flooding a year ago. People seemed paralysed. They just
did not know what to do.
"People could not move their crops, nor could they access the nearby village where some worked," said school teacher
Ruziev Habibjan, who also does a little farming like many of his neighbours. "When they decided to form a self-help group,
it was then they began to find a solution." The self-help group raised its own funds, and then lobbied government
authorities to repair their vital artery. The combined effort, along with a little international aid, got the bridge up again.
Two farmers wearing Tajik caps
stand proudly with family
members near Kulob
on their land cultivated from a
barren patch with the aid of a
self help group.
An NGO official and an
extension officer are in the
lighter coloured shirts.
Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
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CHAPTER 2. METHODOLOGY
2.1 Framework for Analysis
As noted in Chapter 1, this report follows on from the 2004 study of self help groups. So it may be
useful to briefly summarize a number of key points from the first study which explain the approach and
mechanisms used by the main players:
First, the Ishenim network brings together NGOs which wish to empower and mobilise socially
disadvantaged people to solve their own problems and improve their quality of life. One of the key
activities for this purpose is creation and development of SHGs. Working with people with similar
problems helps increase the self-confidence of members and hence enables them to start tackling their
own problems and social problems of the community.
Each NGO is developing its own mission and specialised area of work. Thus the NGOs have different
activities and target groups (defined by factors such as place of residence, social group, and problemsfaced). In addition, methods of community mobilisation vary significantly. There are three main levels
of SHG program management: 1) the NGO itself; 2) other facilitators (other NGOs, micro-credit
agencies), and 3) SHGs (and their clusters and federations).
SHGs are usually formed through mobilisation by an external actor (usually an NGO) but some
established SHGs have also assisted in the creation of new SHGs locally. A key factor in implementing
SHG activities is the NGOs own organisational structure and staff capacity. The 2004 study defined
three groups of NGOs young, mid-age and mature organisations. The progress of SHGs from group
formation to consolidation and sustainability is measured by the sponsoring NGOs using a gradation
process.
The interaction of these elements can be seen in the following framework presented in the first study: 1)
SHG members needs; 2) SHG activity areas: 3) Interaction with the environment; 4) Structure of the
groups; 5) Self-management3
Figure 1: Diamond figure showing interlinked elements
NGOs main aim
(mission)
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The activities of SHGs are usually defined as belonging to four areas: economic, social, political, and
cultural / psychological. Groups decide themselves which area or aspect to focus on; usually it is acombination of two or more areas.
Though concentrating on SHG start-up, training of members, and the savings/credit side, the 2004 study
also began to address the social and political side of SHGs. One interesting finding of the survey
undertaken was that twice as many respondents saw the main benefit of group membership as resolving
social problems rather than increasing family income. Most respondents (68%) indicated that the chance
to work together to solve problems was the main reason for joining the group, rather than access to credit
(20%). Some 25% of respondents noted that their SHGs were involved in lobbying on questions such asland, housing, residence permits, and medical and social problems. The authors suggested that the poor
felt that they had more clout together, and that local authorities are often happy to compromise or give in
when faced by constructive determination.4
It was also noted that other SHG members took more committed political positions. At the time of the
first study, a few SHG members, particularly those connected with Mehr-Shavkat and Shoola in rural
Kyrgyzstan, had stood as candidates in village elections, while others, predominantly in urban areas, hadactively supported certain local politicians in elections.5
2.2 Key Terms for the 2nd
Study
The current study From Self Help to a Wider Role in Society focuses on the social and political aspects of
SHG activity. INTRAC drew the research teams attention to several key terms and questions which
seemed to be important for the analysis.
Civil society. INTRACs working definition of civil society organisations (CSOs) is of:
Associations that exist outside of the state or market which maintain a degree of autonomy and
independence, and have the potential to provide alternative views, policies and actions to those promoted
by the state and market
CSOs will have a variety of power relations with the state and market, according to context, the capacityof the associations themselves etc. INTRACs vision of civil society is as an arena where interactions
between different actors exist. This is an inclusive approach that recognises informal associations
alongside registered NGOs and includes traditional groups established long before the post-1991
transition in Former Soviet Union. These groups include professional and workers associations from the
Soviet period and family or clan based associations from the pre Soviet period However this definition
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that, quite often, community development may not lead to civil society development.6. (Indeed, this was
borne out by the first SHG study where only an estimated 25% of SHGs were said to be involved in
lobbying activities.) INTRACs own work on civil society in Central Asia has frequently raised the issueof instrumental as opposed to empowering approaches to community development. 7 By
instrumental we mean that international agencies use community development as a tool for programmes
with other aims, such as poverty alleviation, without giving newly created community based
organisations a chance to become autonomous or sustainable.
Empowerment. Several definitions of this rather complex and broad term are used by INTRAC in
capacity building for community development. One definition, which focuses on the political and
institutional aspects, goes as follows: Empowerment is the expansion of assets and capabilities ofpeople to participate in, negotiate with, influence, control, and hold accountable institutions that affect
their lives. (World Bank)
The first SHG study also looked at empowerment. For example, it defined a number of social-culture
and political impact indicators. These remain very relevant for the current study:
Development of self confidence Solution of social problems
Solution of the problem of loneliness
Creation of the atmosphere of trust in SHGs
Strengthening the commonness of SHG members and the mutual enrichment of cultures
Improvement of the conditions of life of nutrition
Creation of new jobs
Improved access to social infrastructure
Lobbying of interests and participation in community life
Changing personal behaviour and cultural values
It is notable that the list includes both internal and external aspects of empowerment (i.e. inside the
individual and outside). Indeed without these internal strengths it is very hard for anyone to challenge
the external powers and forces that so strongly influence their lives. Indeed, hijacking or co-optation
of CBOs or social movements by local or national elites is a problem in all countries. Another point
shown clearly by the list is how closely the different areas of the SHG diamond (economic - socio-cultural psychological - political) are connected with each other. Ensuing sections of the report will
assess to what extent SHGs are achieving empowerment in these areas.
Capacity building. A third topic central to the study is capacity building. Here the focus has been on
h NGO t th idl i f SHG l t d f d ti hi h th h
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2.3 Cross-Cutting Themes
Two cross cutting themes were identified for the study. One of these has been mentioned already thisis the political aspect. The review team decided to focus on two areas where information might be more
hard to collect and assess; first, areas of conflict that occur in SHG activities; second, the connection
between the local level on which so many activities take place, and the national level of lobbying which
is so important for policy change.
The second cross-cutting theme was added to the ECCA study by INTRAC: gender. This theme was
given some attention in the first study, and it is of course commonplace to note the leading role of
women in the setting up and activities of self help groups. Indeed women have played a key role in
CSOs across the region since 1991. The aim in the second study was defined as to look at gender on
three levels:
At the level of SHGs: how well do the aims and mechanisms of SHGs promote and enable new and
wider opportunities for women and men?
At the level of clusters and federations involved in lobbying: what is the gender regime
(arrangement of work and roles) and the relative power of women and men in this activity? At the level of impact of SHG activities in lobbying: how well are the needs and rights of women
and men represented?
Thus, the study attempts to make a short gender analysis of SHGs from the point of view of the 3 Rs
representation, resources, results.
2.4 How the Study was Carried Out
The TOR for the study defined two main stages: 1) preparation work 2) self assessment by partner
NGOs, 2) field visits to selected NGOs and SHGs, 4) discussion and dissemination of results.
For INTRAC, a key aim was to involve both ECCA agencies and NGO partners as fully as possible.
Meetings were held with both ECCA and Ishenim at the outset. A member of staff was allocated to the
task of coordinating the work, in particular the complex liaison with NGO partners for the self
assessment, secondary materials and field visit stages, plus data analysis and writing. It was decided to
run two events at the beginning and end of the field visit stage: 1) a 2-day research methods workshop /
planning session (to be led by a visiting INTRAC consultant); 2) a one-day debriefing workshop.
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and was followed immediately by the debriefing workshop. The aim here was to take the chance to build
NGO capacity in research and analysis, as well as to get comment from the local CS point of view.
The review team defined key players to be interviewed in each organisation: NGO director, senior staff,
social workers (focus group), SHG leader, SHGs members (focus group), Cluster / Federation leader or
members (focus group), SHG activists who have become leaders in other spheres (eg elected deputy,
womens council chair), representatives of local and national government, representatives of other local
NGOs and community groups, representatives of NGO micro-credit agencies. The NGOs were asked to
make a choice of individuals and SHGs to meet the researchers, using these criteria. This approach
meant that the researchers met experienced, confident informants but probably they were not
completely representative of SHGs and their members. A small number of meetings were held withcontrol groups for example, NGOs which do not work with SHGs, or SHGs which have not created
clusters and federations. This
was done so as to gain differing
points of view and to set the
SHG program in perspective.
This pensioner from Balykchy was still able to smile despite problems
with regular water supplies during summer for a third straight year.
See story 2 on page 19.Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
At the end of the face-to-face
interviews, respondents were
given a short questionnaire to
fill out. The aim of this was to
chart their views on key
questions in a way that would
allow the study team to
compare opinion in the three
countries and between 2004 and2007. Attachments to his report
provide more information on
the methodology of this report:
the original terms of reference,
questionnaires, a list of
interviewees, and some notes
on the survey of views.
2.5 Structure of the Report
The structure of this report follows closely the questions set by ECCA Following Chapter 1
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conclusions and recommendations, linking to ECCA general strategy and its capacity building and
advocacy programmes in particular.
At the end of each chapter a short human interest story has been added with photographs taken during
the field visits.
Story 2. Water, water everywhere, but for some there's not a drop to drink
There should be plenty of water at the town of Balykchy, where property prices are booming for some. But the faces of the
elderly at the local community centre look crestfallen. The town lies at the western tip of Lake Issyk-Kul, a sublimely
beautiful piece of water in lying at an altitude of 1600 metres above sea level, with cool breezes blowing from the snow-capped mountains of Eastern Tien Shan even in the heat of summer. But some of the elderly Russian-speaking pensioners
living in this rail junction town of 45,000 inhabitants are angry that for a third year running they cannot get water in their
apartment blocks, despite having made strong efforts to do so. Pensioners from a federation of self-help groups attached to
the Resource Centre to the Elderly gathered to discuss their activities early in July, and for many of them water was on
their minds.
Lyudmila, a self-help activist in her late 70s, explained, "This is especially a problem in summer time. We are charged for
using 180 litres a day, but we don't get any water." The woman explains that such a problem would never have occurred
before 1991, when Kyrgyzstan was part of the Soviet Union and local services worked. "We are using these groups of ours
to lobby to get water flowing back in our apartments, says another elderly woman called Galina. The pensioners realise
they have to push the already hard-pressed authorities to act on their behalf, but know this is not an easy task.
Sitting in an office fronted by a big statue of Vladimir Illyich Lenin, the deputy-mayor of Balykchy, Mederrolov Taalaibek,
explains that his resource-strapped council often does not have the resources to deal with residents' problems. He stresses
that he works very closely with NGOs to solve the problems of vulnerable people. Taalaibek, who has been in his position
for nine years, says, "Since the collective system stopped functioning, it has been difficult for many people We are trying
to solve problems and listen to the self-help groups, and want to act on their concerns like the water problem. But how we
can do it is not always an easy answer," says the deputy-mayor. "Sometimes I have to act like a psychologist, sometimes like
a lawyer."Still, things are getting better, and despite bureaucracy from above, the town's revenue is increasing. Its budget was 25
percent higher in 2007 than the previous year. Balykchy's economy grew by 50 percent in 2006, but it does not all trickle
down the poor yet, says the deputy-mayor. Galina Kovalenko, executive director at the Resource Centre for the Elderly
comments, "We are lucky we have a very enlightened deputy-mayor here. We have developed the self-help groups and they
are forming their own federations. They know how to lobby but still need help. What we really need in more employment to
break the logjam."
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CHAPTER 3.SELF-HELP ACTIVITIES FOR COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT
3.1 Main Areas of SHG Activity in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan
Introduction
Since the 2004 report, the number of Self Help Groups supported by ECCA NGO partners in Kazakhstan
and Kyrgyzstan has almost doubled. One NGO partner, ADRA Kyrgyzstan, has started supportingSHGs for elderly people in Bishkek, while another, Intersheriktesh, is seeking alternative funding to
continue its work with SHGs. All partners have seen a rise in the number of SHGs supported. (See
Table 1 on page 23 for full details.)
The majority of NGOs work with SHGs in clearly defined localities (cities or rural districts), though
DCCA and RCE (Umut) have a wider geographical spread and Moldir works in South Kazakhstan in
addition to Almaty city and oblast. SHGs affiliated to DCCA have recently and independently of their
parent NGO helped to establish new SHGs in regions of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan bordering their
districts.
Within Kyrgyzstan there is a tendency for ECCA donors to support SHGs in multi-ethnic areas
especially Bishkek, the Fergana and Chui Valleys. An exception to this is the concentration of SHGs
supported by Shoola on the south shore of Lake Issyk Kul. There appear to be no SHGs in Naryn Oblast,
the poorest region of the country which is predominantly Kyrgyz, and just a few in Talas Oblast recently
established by DCCA. Kazakhstan still has just two ECCA partners that support SHGs Baspana andMoldir. Both have seen a modest rise in the number of SHGs supported since the first study.
Respondents from Kazakhstan have spoken of a general lack of donor interest in their country, perhaps
on the mistaken assumption that the countrys oil wealth is being used by the government and private
sector to reduce poverty.
Composition of groups
Within the two countries, SHGs range in size from 7-15 members8. Usually members of SHGs are 20
years of age and older, with the majority 30-50 years old. They are thus made up of the most employable
part of the population (the exception are groups set up to support elderly people). SHGs are not usually
differentiated by ethnicity - they are organized by social status and place of residence. In localities where
various ethnic groups live side by side, SHGs are generally multi-ethnic.
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supported materially and psychologically by their founder / partner NGO. Lobbying by SHGs is mainly
connected with issues at the local level. Members of SHGs noted that having been involved in the group
helped them acquire a new interest in life.
SHGs give collective support to their members. One SHG member stated that our groups are an island
of well-being in a sea of troubles. But in order to achieve this more secure position, the groups need to
go through several difficult stages of development.
Representatives of local government interviewed for the study stated that they find SHGs supportive,
because they tackle the common problems of citizens in a given area. Indeed the researchers found that
there is a tendency in areas with strong SHGs for local government to hand over responsibility for certaintasks to the groups, which can then become an implementing mechanism (eg for social infrastructure
improvements) which by right the government should provide. It is therefore important for SHGs to
know their mandate clearly and to distinguish clearly between their obligations and responsibilities, and
those of local government. For more on the relationship between SHGs and local government, see
Section 3.4 below.
Types of groups
SHGs representing elderly or disabled people tend to be more dependent on NGOs. If for younger and
middle aged people SHGs provide an opportunity to boost their economic and social conditions, for
elderly people they often represent an escape from isolation and loneliness. Recently there has been a
tendency for elderly peoples SHGs to reduce their age limit to attract people of working age into the
groups and hence make them more economically sustainable. In the questionnaires, members of these
groups stated that, unlike working-age people, they would find it difficult to operate without NGO
support.
There are instances where experienced adult groups have begun to set up childrens groups, or where
children themselves decide to follow the example of their parents and create their own group. But there
is limited experience as yet with childrens SHGs. One success story comes from Mehr-Shavkat, which
works with a local childrens parliament in south Kyrgyzstan9.
Sustainability
Although members of SHG talked about self-sufficiency, almost all groups noted that they need outside
assistance, including consultancy, training and financial support.
3.2 SHGs in Tajikistan
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Like Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, SHGs in Tajikistan tend to be focused on economic activities
perhaps even more so. Sometimes the understanding of NGO partner staff and SHG members as regards
the meaning of self-help is significantly different. While NGO staff are positive about the participation of
group members in lobbying activities, SHGs themselves are quite reluctant to get involved. They are
more comfortable earning money for group members than in bringing up wider issues or lobbying the
local authorities for better services. In Tajikistan fear and reluctance to lobby government structures can
be traced back to the effects of the civil war and the rather restrictive, authoritarian nature of government
since then.
Composition and development of groups
SHGs in Tajikistan are economically homogenous all their members are poor. However, memberscome from different ethnic backgrounds and the history of their communities can be quite different (eg
communities that have relocated from one area of the country to another in the Soviet period or
afterwards). The groups are prepared over a 6-month period by training and awareness-raising on the
role and nature of SHGs. During these six months they learn about business plans, income generation
activities analysis, teamwork, conflict resolution, gender and human rights. Also within this stage groups
set certain principles and rules (on issues such as rotation of roles, leadership, and savings procedures).
After six months almost all SHGs are ready to get group credits and loans.
Role of groups
Observation shows that the majority of groups are interested in the economic aspect of the SHG
movement. Members are informed from the very beginning that it is expected that they will receive
external funds to improve their earning potential. This basically encourages them to stay in groups and
attend sessions.
SHGs in Tajikistan see a role for community solving of infrastructure problems such as installation orrepair of electricity transformers, road and bridge reconstruction. Existing mahalla committees and SHGs
supported by the NGO build links with local authorities and work in social partnership. In some parts of
southern and eastern Tajikistan where society is more conservative, religious figures are key in almost all
decision making at community level. Indeed, mullahs are very effective in spreading the message the
message, especially when it comes to convincing the male population to allow their women to attend
community meetings or training, or girls to go to school. The sermons given by mullahs at Friday prayers
in the mosque on issues such as equity or equality, or the importance of education, are an important
potential mobiliser for SHGs. Thus NGO partners (eg Mehrangez) have tried their best to integrate a
religious perspective within SHGs in spite of various problems they have faced in building these links.
SHGs also play a role in reducing conflicts in society. In southern Tajikistan (Kurghon-Teppa zone of
Khatlon) there are still hidden frictions between Gharmi people and the rest of the population. This is due
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Table 1: Total SHGs in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in 2004 / 2007 and Current Urban-Rural
Breakdown
Urban/Rural Breakdown (2007)NGO
Total No. of SHGs
(1st
study, 2004)*
Total No. of SHGs
(2007) No. of Urban SHGs No. of Rural SHGs
ADRA-Kyrgyzstan - 31 31 -
Agency Nau - 38 - 38
Arysh 80 131 117 14
Baspana 38 62 39 23
DCCA 43 133 10 123
Gamkhori - 3 - 3
Intersheriktesh 24 45 - 45
JR 12 40 5 35
Mehrangez - 23 - 23
Mehr-Shavkat 56 136 - 136
Moldir 81 124 68 56
Nachoti Kudakhon - 21 5 16
NVC - 2 2 -
Shoola 54 117 - 117
RCE (Ymyt) 71 99 33 66
Ruhafzo - 8 - 8
TOTAL: 469 1013 310 658
(Information from self-assessment questionnaires)
3.3 SHG Leaders
It would be difficult to overestimate the role of leaders in the development of SHGs. As noted by the
respondents during the survey, leaders have a major influence when deciding what direction the group
will take, what issues will be addressed, and on the level of success achieved. Good leaders foster
solidarity, team spirit, confidence and mutual understanding all of which are vital for the sustainable
development of groups.
SHG leaders at the set-up stage
In the early days of the programme, SHG formation and identification of leaders was mostly led by staff
from the sponsoring NGOs, whereas now it is very often existing SHG and cluster leaders who do this.
In either case the process is quite similar a person with initiative (or a person who has found out about
SHGs) begins to tell people whom he/she knows about them. Gradually people who are confident and
interested enough get together to form the groups core and to involve other acquaintances in its
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Just as SHGs tend to be a reflection of the supporting NGO (as noted in the first SHG report), so the
group members to some extent are reflections of the group leader, and the SHG leader is in turn a
reflection of the NGO leader with whom she/he works.
Rotation of Leaders
If SHGs are to play a positive and dynamic role in civil society and in collaboration with government on
key issues for the community, their internal governance is important. An open and democratic style will
help the group to involve members and attract and convince supporters from outside. This is why the
SHG concept puts great store by the principle of rotation of the positions of SHG leader, accountant and
secretary. Rotation helps to build leadership skills, to foster individual responsibility, and to strengthen
the capacity of the entire group.
In theory, leaders should rotate approximately every 6 months by re-election of another group member.
However, the survey showed that this does not happen in all groups. There appear to be two different
opinions on the issue.
The first opinion is that leadership rotation should be mandatory as outlined in the SHG principles. This
point of view is based on the fact that rotation of leaders prevents concentration of power in one person
and enables individuals to grow as they take on and try out the roles of leader, accountant or secretary.
Supporters of this view argue that once having been in the leaders shoes, all members will recognize the
difficulties and problems encountered by leaders, and also that mutual understanding and responsibility
in the group will increase.
Leaders, cashiers and accountants should rotate. When people know they will have to be
leader, they try to improve their knowledge.
Sometimes ordinary leaders can become outstanding leaders!
Rotation within the SHG facilitates improvement of the leadership skills of SHG members
Others think that rotation of leaders is unnecessary if the leader performs successfully, or that this should
be up to the group itself to decide. Supporters of this view argued:
It is difficult to rotate leadership if members do not have leadership skills (Moldir)
Some SHGs are used to one leader, and when the leader is replaced the activity of the group is
halted, or the groups begin to split into smaller groups depending on the number of leaders,
Sometimes democracy leads to dissolution of SHG (Shoola) Personal ability and skills are very important in leadership. Even if all the members of the
group are trained there may be failure to achieve the results (Baspana)
The latter approach is less concerned to encourage the emergence of new leaders in the group, so the
success and effectiveness of the group will depend on one leader only There is the danger that over time
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Federation. Women leaders working with Agency Nau have established a string of village based
Womens Resource/Development Centres where training is held for girls and women on various topics.
Exchange visits are on of the most effective and popular methods for broadening experience of local
leaders. Seeing for themselves the activity of more experienced groups has inspired SHG members and
leaders to implement similar approaches in their own groups. Here the role of the more established
NGOs such as Arysh, Resource Center for the Elderly (Umut), and Mehr-Shavkat has been very
beneficial.
Another opportunity for leaders to develop confidence and experience is with microcredits and
stimulating grants for SHGs, clusters and federations. Economic and social activities of this kind giveleaders valuable experience of project and finance management, and of work with local population and
local self government bodies. Leaders noted that successful implementation of projects raises not only
their self assessment and confidence but also improves trust among the population, thus increasing their
influence on the decision making process.
3.4 Gender roles and different types of SHGs
In all three countries, the majority of SHG members are women. A variety of reasons have been outlined
for this. Some respondents stated that men do not see SHG involvement as serious employment,
somehow below their dignity. Others pointed out that women have more to worry about: in particular,
raising children, household problems and community problems, and thus have more incentive to get
involved in groups to try to change things. Thirdly, in many parts of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, large
proportions of the adult male population work abroad seasonally or permanently, and thus are unable to
join groups. Fourthly, some believe that women are simply more active than men, and men are lazier. In
Tajikistan, the idea of SHGs was initially seen by donors and partner NGOs as a way to help poor
women from rural areas.
Many respondents noted that women leaders more actively lobby their interests before local authorities.
They specifically pointed out the role of women leaders in election processes, since they participate in
the campaigns of candidates to be deputies (who in the majority of cases are men).
There are differences between the roles of women of different status. In Tajikistan it was noted that
SHGs with younger women members tend to be less active because of childcare, cotton working, and
household duties such as cooking, fetching water, and cleaning. In contrast, older women play a bigger
role and are active in SHG development. Nevertheless, there are often difficulties even for older women
in taking on leadership functions
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leadership posts. In this case women have more time to participate in the work of the group, training and
other activities. One of the women leaders from Kyrgyzstan said: It is pleasant when villagers accept
you and respect you as a leader. It is clear that the status of women varies from country to country,
regionally, and by urban or rural location.
Women generally support the idea of mens SHGs, or the involvement of men in mixed groups, seeing a
range of heavy physical tasks such as maintenance or construction as not suitable or impossible for
women. Mens groups were created in Tajikistan to seek to help resolve this problem. However,
migration pressures make these groups less sustainable. There has been a gradual change noticed across
the region in mens attitudes to the groups they see women from their families earning and helping
resolve problems in their communities, and are becoming more favourable to womens involvement inthe groups.
Women play a major leadership role in the SHGs 90% of the leaders of groups surveyed were women,
including many from mixed gender groups. However, they are affected by the traditional attitude to
women, particularly in rural areas. Respondents from Tajikistan noted that many women leaders remain
unnoticed because they are shy and are afraid of taking leadership responsibility.
The table below shows the breakdown of womens, mens and mixed SHGs; also groups set up specially
for elderly people and children. It is interesting that mixed groups are now almost as numerous as
women-only groups. In these groups the principle for association is usually the chosen activity
agriculture, crafts, etc as well as geographical location.
Some NGOs support family SHGs. The survey discovered that in family groups the leader tends to be an
older person or the head of the family. This undoubtedly reflects the tradition of respect for elders; in
these groups there is less rotation of leaders. Internal discussion or democracy is likely to be highlyaffected by the character and interests of the family or clan supplying its members.
Table 2: SHGs Gender and Age Breakdown
Gender and Age Breakdown
NGO
Total No.
of SHGs
(2007)
No. Of
Womens
SHGs
No. of
Mens
SHGs
No. of
Mixed
SHGs
No. of
Elderly
SHGs
No. of Youth,
Childrens
SHGsADRA-Kyrgyzstan 31 31 - - 31 -
Agency Nau 38 22 16 - 5
Arysh 131 76 9 37 6
Baspana 62 - - 62 - -
DCCA 133 41 12 78 - 2
F S lf H l t Wid R l i S i t
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3.5 Self Help Groups and local government
This section brings together a wide range of examples of liaison between Self Help Groups and local
authorities. SHGs employ a variety of strategies at the local government level to improve conditions in
their communities. Five main strategies or levels of cooperation have been identified:
Seeking permission from local authorities for social action
Social partnership with local authorities
Lobbying the local authorities for reallocation of funds
Going over the head of unhelpful local authorities to a higher level
Standing for election for local government positions
The method or methods used clearly depend on the local circumstances and the nature of the group,
cluster or federation and its members. Longer established groups often are much more proactive in
lobbying and local elections. The existence of clusters and federations, or otherwise high concentrations
of SHGs can increase the effectiveness of actions.
The most productive SHG-local authority relationships (to date) tend to be located in rural areas of
Kyrgyzstan administered by elected ayil okmotus. In Bishkek, social partnership is more complex due to
the large number of organizations competing for influence. Also there are no elections at the primary
level district akims and the mayor are appointed, and the lowest level directly elected body is the
Gorkenesh, or city council. The equivalent of the ayil okmotu in Bishkek is the TOS, the Territorial
Social Council, which is largely appointed by local notables, often with considerable pressure from
higher authorities. It is a similar picture in Almaty, where the Homeowners Consumer Cooperatives are
made up in the same way, and in most of Tajikistan, whereMohalla Committees fulfill similar functions.
Unlike ayil okmotus, none of these bodies have their own budgets, and hence they must rely on funds
from higher levels of government.
Figure 2: Which is the most likely way you would approach the local administration? Comparative
analysis (2004 and 2007)
2004 2007
November 2007
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The chart shows that over two-thirds of respondents prefer to raise issues collectively with other
members of SHGs and federations. Interestingly, more respondents in 2007 than in 2004 would lobby
with other community members too. This may indicate that SHGs are working more closely with other
local CSOs10.
Seeking permission
This form of interaction with the local authorities is clearly the weakest. It is employed where either
power balances are greatly weighed in favour of the authorities or where the authorities have no
resources available to support the social initiatives of SHGs. In south Kazakhstan oblast, members of
SHGs do not feel the political situation allows them to lobby the interests of the people. Rather, they
seek permission from local akims for any activities carried out, including the holding of meetings. Insouthern Tajikistan, after several years of lobbying local government to repair a road, and being told that
there were no finances available, a villages groups took it on themselves to secure funding from
international donors, and organized villagers to contribute labour. They asked for permission from the
Jamoat(local council) to carry out the project themselves, and the authorities were very happy to give
their consent. A support NGO worker told researchers in Tajikistan its too early for achievements in
lobbying. Instead, we need to think about unity of the people, income generation and mobilisation for
labour.
Social partnership
Often, Self Help Groups and their clusters or federations work in partnership with local authorities to
improve life in their neighbourhoods, deciding on priorities as more or less equal partners. Usually,
these priorities include improving local social infrastructure (including, for example, roads, water supply,
gas, electricity, health care, and childcare) and providing accommodation rent-free or at reduced rates for
SHG activities.
This form of partnership seems particularly prevalent in rural areas of Kyrgyzstan, for reasons enunciated
above. Thus, on the one hand, the local administration has an electoral interest in meeting the perceived
needs of the local community, as well as a personal interest in supporting initiatives to develop the local
area. One ayil okmotu head from Jalalabat Oblast was effusive in his support: Self Help Groups are the
best tool for bringing people to unity. Through SHGs social problems can be resolved and young people
can be brought up properly. They help resolve conflict situations. They help strengthen the knowledge
of agriculture among the population. Members of SHGs are more active than any other local
institutions... On the other hand, SHGs can see real benefits of close links with the authorities for
themselves and their communities.
There has been widespread donor support in Kyrgyzstan for joint training of local groups and local
government on social partnership. By contrast, NGO representatives from Kazakhstan expressed regret
From Self Help to Wider Role in Society
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the opening of a new medical point, distribution of material support to poor children, and the organising
of an oblast level workshop on the role of SHGs.
Sometimes the ayil okmotu goes into social partnership with SHGs when it sees the benefits of group
activities for their communities. Groups near Burana tower in the Chuy valley were offered a site at the
historical landmark by the local head of government for a yurt to sell handicrafts, as well as help with
materials and wool. The ayil okmotu head told SHG members that he was happy they were showing
enterprise and setting a good example for local youth. The Sharbulak cluster at Issyk Kul was given a
converted banyaby the local authorities after working closely with the ayil okmotu.
Social partnership depends on a good working relationship and respect between the parties involved.Sometimes this does not exist. SHGs gave a number of reasons for unfriendly relations with the local
government. One SHG, made up of internal migrants in the Chuy valley, found the ayil okmotu
unwilling to help because of their outsider status: according to SHG members the head only supported
locals. Another SHG found its way blocked because of personal political rivalry between its leader
and the ayil okmotu head. When the head of local government was replaced, partnership flourished.
Social partnership can also be broken. Relationships built up over years can fail when changes in local
government leadership occur. Another problem is faced by a Federation in Almaty. After developing
close ties with the city district akimiat, their apartment blocks are to be demolished and residents
dispersed. Even if Federation members are relocated to a single district or estate, the process of
developing ties with local government will have to begin again from scratch.
Lobbying
Where SHGs do not work in close partnership with local authorities, the relationship is often based on
lobbying of the interests of SHGs and society at the local level. This can be quite confrontational: oneNGO interviewee told researchers that SHGs are like a fist ayil okmotus fear them because of their
tight structures and mutual understanding between members. Generally, lobbying by more experienced
SHGs is more effective one NGO contrasted the high level achievements of its SHG partners in
southern Kyrgyzstan, some already 5 years old, with those of their newer partner SHGs in northern
Kyrgyzstan, which have been working for less than 2 years.
As with social partnership, social infrastructure is generally the focus of local lobbying. This is done in a
variety of ways. Typically lobbying will begin with letter writing and visits to local government offices.
Groups in northern Tajikistan find using references to Presidential decrees and speeches in their
submissions to be helpful in eliciting favourable responses.
A number of respondents commented on the enhanced effectiveness of multiple SHGs lobbying together.
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work on a drinking water system. Another village secured money to send local children on holiday.
Members of a cluster in a Bishkek new settlement were appointed to a committee with a mandate to audit
local government spending. They discovered that local people were paying more for installation of
telephones than had been officially budgeted for and were able to resolve this problem.
In some cases, SHGs find allies in the local context who have greater access and opportunities than them
for lobbying. In Kazakhstan, local self government (LSG) is generally controlled by appointed figures.
These typically have very limited resources and no incentives for tackling local problems. However, in
the new settlement Duman-1 in the outskirts of Almaty, when the authorities tried to impose a local
government leader he was chased out by the population and replaced by a local activist who had worked
for Baspana, the migrant support NGO, since 1995, and is now a member of a SHG. In 2006, despiteopposition from the city district akimiathe was recognised as head of LSG by the Almaty city akimiat.
He uses his position, and access to power structures, to actively lobby the needs of the settlements
population at the district and city levels, consulting closely with the local SHGs and Federation.
Lobbying can require a lot of tenacity and perseverance. One NGO in southern Kyrgyzstan suggested
that some of its SHG partners are likely to give up after a first failed attempt at lobbying, such as not
receiving a market stall to sell SHG produce. On the other hand, another SHG in southern Kyrgyzstan
lobbied successfully for the introduction of a water pump, but were then told they would have to pay for
the water. A further lobbying campaign was necessary to secure user control over the water supply.
Lobbying sometimes does not work, or has unintended side effects. One SHG in northern Kyrgyzstan
lobbied successfully for a local club to remain in village hands, when the head of the ayil okmotu wanted
to sell it. Since this campaign, the relationship between local SHGs and the local government chief has
soured to the point where they are not speaking. In Almaty, NGO staff note that new settlements with
established and vibrant Self Help Groups and Federations have now much better social infrastructurethan the majority of their neighbours. It is not clear whether resources are being diverted from more
passive to more assertive settlements, or whether the money found would otherwise be squandered or
pocketed by unscrupulous officials.
Particular frustrations have been reported with regard to SHGs in Bishkek. An NGO worker supporting
elderly peoples SHGs told interviewers that in general officials dont pay attention to the proposals of
SHG members, saying that they are too busy with more important things, and that its impossible to sort
out pensioners problems. Likewise, new settlement SHGs have found the lobbying process difficult,
with few successes so far, though they are hopeful that things are changing. There are some high profile
supporters of SHGs on Bishkeks city council -31 SHGs lobbying together in Bishkek managed to
secured rent free kiosks from the city to sell their produce, and others were supported in their attempts to
have a bridge built in the Botanical Gardens.
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From Self Help to Wider Role in Society
In Kyrgyzstan, Self Help Groups have high level supporters. The Minister of Social Protection told an
interviewer that some regional governors have seen the benefit of the SHG for society and have sent
memos round lower tiers of government asking for the SHG movement to be supported. One vice mayor
of a northern Kyrgyz town told researchers People come to me with many problems. I try to solve the
problems and listen to them. Sometimes I give them advice on where to go and how to take the next
step, because not all problems are within my mandate and authority. We try to help if we can we direct
them to other structures. The policy should be flexible, but we have to stick to a general line. In
principle we try to solve the problems ourselves. Referring to the Oblast level is an extra step and
involves a lot of extra bureaucratic work.
Another option if the local authorities are not resolving the concerns of the SHGs is to remove them.
One ayil okmotu head in southern Kyrgyzstan was unable to solve a problem, and so local groups lobbied
successfully for his dismissal.
Elections
All the SHG activities mentioned above were aimed at influencing the authorities. Another path to seek
to improve village life is for SHG members to secure official positions for themselves. This can be with
semi-official or official bodies, and with the local administration or with the elected body that supervises
it. In general, a much higher proportion of male SHG members are interested in getting involved in
electoral politics than female members.
Figure 3: Did you participate in elections? Comparative analysis (2004 and 2007)
2004
88%
12%
Yes
No
2007
81%
19%
Yes
No
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members of village councils. Another suggested They play a big role at election time, and know how to
work with deputies. One member who is now a district councillor spoke to a researcher: The SHG
members voted for me and that helped me become a village council deputy, after having being a SHG
member for 4 years, including a spell as leader. I was elected this year to the district council. As an
SHG member and leader I was aware of village problems better and this helped me get elected. As part
of the SHG I raised the issues of community members, which were then resolved by local government.
People realised I was responding to their needs as an SHG member, and thus was well placed to
represent them. Another SHG member in Aravan district is a deputy head of village administration. In
the Bokonbaev district in northern Kyrgyzstan there are likewise a number of SHG members on local
councils and womens councils. Some are also village heads. One stood unsuccessfully for head of the
ayil okmotu. They believe that local elections in 2008 or 2009 will see substantially more memberselected as local deputies
Some SHGs prefer to support external candidates in elections. In Almaty, many womens SHGs actively
support primarily female candidates for the city council. One SHG in the process of formation in
northern Kyrgyzstan is made up of supporters in a village of a failed parliamentary by-election candidate,
who want to continue working together.
SHGs also can be seen as guides at times of political crisis or dispute. At the time of the 2005 change of
power in Kyrgyzstan, members of some SHGs in northern Kyrgyzstan turned to the leaders of their
groups for guidance. SHGs have also helped to develop links between refugees from Andijon and local
people in southern Kyrgyzstan, and to act as an honest broker in north western Kyrgyzstan when all other
village structures were split through the middle on the question of whether to support a gold mining
companys plans for the district. A Bishkek cluster was instrumental in resolving a conflict between
Kyrgyz and local Turks over cattle going missing. Through their intervention, both sides agreed to go to
arbitration by local elders.
3.6 Summing up: SHG Successes in Community Mobilisation
At the self assessment stage of the SHG study, NGOs were asked to give some examples of social
mobilisation activities their SHGs are involved in. Below are the results for Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and
Tajikistan, arranged according to the main themes of lobby and civil society work which the respondentsthemselves identified:
Themes for social mobilisation Percent of cases provided
Local physical infrastructure (water, roads..) 13 %
Social services (medical childrens state benefits ) 23 9 %
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and also some cases of conflict resolution. Legal questions such as those aroundpropiska (registration of
official place of residence with the authorities) are important for urban NGOs representing internal
migrants in both Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan.
This picture is different from the data collected during the field visits in one or two areas. Thus it
became clear that SHG members are much more involved in election activities but this is often on a
personal, informal basis. Also cultural events probably have a greater weight. The fact that the results of
this mini-survey were slightly different for the countries of the region is not surprising. In part, they
reflect the external environment, in part the stage of development of the SHG programs for example, as
noted above, Tajikistan SHGs are all less than 5 years old.
Margarita Zobnina, a medical biologist turned
social worker, supports self help groups in
Kazakhstan.
Story 3. Kazakhstan women met to combat loneliness, then tackled government
Margarita Zobnina, a medical biologist in the nursing profession, joined a women's group in her native Kazakhstan after
the collapse of the Soviet Union, at a time when women faced not only increasing impoverishment but also loneliness.
Zobnina, now a social worker, lives in Almaty, a city that today is booming with the trappings of modern Asian success -
glass skyscrapers and motor exhaust fumes. Some residents are cashing in on the oil wealth of a country the size of western
Europe, and one that has the highest-known hydrocarbon deposits in the Caspian region of Central Asia. Many aid
agencies, however, report a growing gap between rich and poor.
"A friend of mine told me about an NGO (non-governmental
organization) for lonely women. In the Soviet days we didn't have
NGOs and some people might shun such a group. But I don't
believe there's any shame in being lonely," says 58-year-old
Zobnina. Kazakhstan is made up of about 54 percent Kazakhs,
plus a 30 percent Russian minority, to which Zobnina belongs.
At the beginning, Zobnina explains, the group for lonely women
was called "The voluntary organization of single mothers. Forus who had everything organized for us in Soviet times, such a
thing as involvement in a self-help group was a big step into the
unknown. She recalls with delight one of the associations early
successes. In Soviet days female cotton factory employees were
given hostel accommodation in post office apartments. After
independence, however, they had to begin paying fees for services
to post office heads. "The problem was the women could not afford
to pay their employers on the salaries they were receiving," says
Zobnina. "We had to take it to the top management and tell themwhat they were doing was unfair and wrong, and that they would
put their own employees out on the streets." Now, the cotton
factory workers can afford to live in their accommodation as the
rates are in line with their salaries.
Kazakhstan has a constitution that states, "No one shall be subject
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CHAPTER 4. SHG ASSOCIATIONS CLUSTERS, FEDERATIONS AND OTHER
NETWORKS
In this chapter the character and activities of SHG clusters and federations are examined, first for
Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan together, then for Tajikistan, with a short section on their leaders. The
analysis then moves to other associations and networks which NGOs and SHGs are involved with at
local level, also a range of intermediate bodies occupying the space between civil society and local
government. The chapter concludes with a short analysis of the roles of NGOs and CBOs (community
based organizations) in local civil society.
4.1 Clusters / Federations in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan
Once SHG members begin work in the community, people start acknowledging their worth. Over the
course of time non-members begin to go to the SHG for advice. Thus they begin to accept active
members and the groups themselves as community leaders. This process is accelerated with the creation
of clusters and federations of SHGs.
During the research it became clear that the terms cluster and federation are used differently in different
locations. In general, however, clusters consist of five or more SHGs located close to each other (in one
village, block or street). They are unregistered associations, and they meet to exchange information and
implement community projects which could not be carried out by a single SHG or to do occasional
lobbying. A federation, by contrast, is an association of SHGs that may take on a variety of wider
lobbying activities and thus strengthen its power. SHG Federations are more formal, usually registeredassociations. There are SHG Federations which unite just five groups and others which include more
than 35 SHGs.
The SHG study showed that while at the level of individual groups there is usually a focus on economic
issues, at the level of clusters / federations more emphasis is given to lobbying of other organizations or
government structures. Clusters and federations have shown that they can liaise effectively with both
traditional and non-traditional forms of community organization. Although many of them are still at an
early stage of development, they have begun to understand the importance of joint lobbying.
In most clusters and federations the leaders are women. In several interviews leaders drew attention to
their increasingly heavy workloads. They not only have to attend their own SHG