36
S S e'e'y4 /~ a ~ ~ er 0 'I o ) ~ , I p p' ~i@~ Q I -. ~ ~ )ih ~ Y''f i < Pl 4 I lt p 3 II I~i R -<I 4 ~

Se'e'y4 S ~er - Leeds Art Fund

  • Upload
    others

  • View
    1

  • Download
    0

Embed Size (px)

Citation preview

S Se'e'y4 /~ a ~ ~er

0

'I

o

)

~

, I

p p' ~i@~

Q I -. ~

~ )ih~Y''f

i

< Pl

4 I lt p3 II

I~i

R-<I

4

~

Oletdistinguished Yorkshire artist. Seventy-nine

reproductions, many in full colour.Contributions by Sir Herbert Read,Sir Michael Sadler, The Hon. David

Astor, Sir Linton Andrews andmany other friends of Kramer.

Privately printed edition limited to t,ooo numbered copiesSize toin x 7ain, Iog pages, cased with dust jacket.

PRICE g5'Z5Published and distributed by M. Kramer

3 Merton House Merton Road London SWr8 5LA

LEEDS ARTS CALENDAR MICR0FILMEDStarting» with thc first issue pulylishcd in 1947, thcentire lied< Aiti Calena'ar is now availablc on micro-filni. IVritc Ibr inflormation or st nd orders direct to:University Microfilms, Inc., 300NZccb Road, Ann Arlior, Michigan 4810fy, U..i.A.

Leeds Art Collections Fund

Cor!er DesignBread Plate, inscribed Waste Not Want. Not,

decoratea'!ith

red-brown and blue sliP, made by Minton c, r 845 to adesign of A. IAr. JV. Pugin. Lotherton Hall.

'I'his is an appeal to all who are inten sted in th< Arts. 'I'hcI.< eds Art Coll< ctions Fund i» tli< source ol'egular I'unds Ihrbuying works ol'rt I'or the 1,<eds colic tion. W< want morcsubscribing members to give ga or upwards each year.Why not identil'y yoursell'ith thc Art Gallery and templeNewsam; receive your Arts Calendar free, receive invitations toall functions, private views and organised visits to places

ol'nterest,by writing for an application lbrm to the

Hon Treasuter, E. M. Arnold Esq., Butterley,Street, Deed< 10

LEFDS AR fS CALF.NDAR No, 71 1972 THE LIBRARIES ANDARTS COMMITTEESThe Lord Mayor

Contents

Editorial 2

King's Cathedrals 4

The Fulford Collection of Gold Snuff'Boxes I!James Gibbs's Designs for Domestic Furniture 19

Ingram's Palace, York 26

Alderman Mrs. A. Malcolm (Chairman)Alderman R. I. Ellis, A.R.A.M.Alderman T. W. KirkbyAlderman J. T. V. Watson, LL.B.Councillor A. Beevers, M.p.s.Councillor J, S. DixonCouncillor Mrs. E. HaughtonCouncillor Rev. E.J. IllingCouncillor Mrs. D. E. JenkinsCouncillor J. Kitchen(.'ouncillor B. M. SelbyCouncillor Mrs. S. M. C. TomlinsonCouncillor E. R. Vaughan, A.R.I.B.A.

Co-opted MembersW. T. Oliver, M.A.Eric Taylor, R.E.,A.R.c.A.

THE LEEDS ART COLLECTIONSFUNDPresident'I'he Rt. Hon. the Farl ol'alilhx

Vice-PresidentThe Rt. Hon. the Earl of Harewood

STAFFDirectorRobert Rowe, C.B.E.,M.A., r.M.A.

K'eeper, Temple, Vevvsam Hou.seChristopher Gilbert, M.A., F.M.A.

Keeper, Art GalleryMiss M. Strickland-Constable, B.A., A.M.A.

Keeper, Decorative Art StudiesTerry F. Friedman, B.A., FH.D.

TrusteesC. S. ReddihoughGeorge Black, F.R.c.s.W. T. Oliver, M.A.

()ommitteeDr. S. T. ArmingMrs. S. GilchristMiss J. HornerDr. D. LinstrumMrs. G. B. RatclilfeMr. T. B. SimpsonAlderman Mrs. A. Malcolm

Curator, Print Room and Art LibraryAlexander Robertson, M.A.

Curator, Lotherton HallPeter Walton, B.A., A.M.A.

Acsislnnt KeePer, TemPle.S(etvsam HouseAnthony Wells-Cole, M.A., A.M.A.

Trainee Assistant KeeperJ. M. H. Simon, B.A.

Hon. TreasurerMartin Arnold, B.A.

Hon. SecretaryRobert Rowe, C.B.E.,M.A., F.M.A.

Hon. )y1embership SecretaryW. B. Blackburn

Hon. Social SecretaryMrs. M. A. Goldie

SecretaryMiss B. Thompson

AdministratorMiss D. J. FnglishAssistant, Print Room and Arl LibraryMrs. F. Hardy

Technical SupervisorsRon TurnerMichael Sheppard

All communications to be addressed to thcHon. Secretary at Temple Newsam House, I.codsSubscriptions for the Arts Calendar should be sent tothe Hon. Treasurer, c)o E.J.Arnold tk Son Limited,Butterley Street, Leeds 1050p per annum, including postage (2 issues)Single copies from the Art Gallery, Temple NewsamHouse and Lotherton Hall, 25p each

Editorial

Since the last issue of'he Calendar someoutstanding purchases have been madewhich must at least be touched upon in thiseditorial. It is impossible, thank goodness,to arrange a hierarchy of importance whenthinking of acquisitions made over a widefield for a group of art museums each

of'hichhas a very distinct character all itsown. Nor is it sensible to think in terms

of'ricepaid —this factor is merely part of themechanics of'cquisition. Even so it issalutary to remember that budgeting is aprime cause of'uratorial headaches andmonetary value is the only ground on whichone meets —perhaps that is a euphemism-the monstrous tribe of'reasurers as well assome members of'he public. The wordmonstrous is of'course here used merely tosuggest size.The purchase of'the French writing table

made by Bernard van Risenburgh in about1747 was a highly significant purchase f'romwhatever angle you like to think of'it andwhen it eventually reached its new homeit received a fair coverage in the press andon television. The table itself and the storyof'its progress from the sale room to TempleNewsam is of such interest, however, thatit must be told in some detail as soon aspossible. By way of advertisement f'r afuture Calendar the main elements of thedrama are set out here to provoke thoughtand, one hopes, anticipation of goodreading in the future. The table is Frenchyet the British export control over works

of'rt

refused to let it leave the country if'

museum could produce the necessary moneywithin a given time. The required sum wassuccessfully amassed with the aid of aspecial grant-in-aid of50 per cent agreed byLord Eccles on behalf of the governmentonly two such grants have been made in thelast decade to provincial galleries, both forpaintings. The rest of the money came from

the corporation art f'und, the National Art-Collections Fund, the Leeds Art CollectionsFund, Sir George Martin and Messrs.Christies the auctioneers. The table is nowbeing cleaned and restored and we hope itwill be ready f'r the Acquisitions of theYear exhibition next summer.

Not only has the L.A.C.F. contributedto one of'he major purchases made sincethe war, but it has been very active all onits own. Many would agree, withoutwishing to argue over the meaning of'heword, that Jocelyn Horner's "Hands

of'arbirolli"are among the most beautifulsculptures she has ever made. They werebought in the summer with the help of'generous contribution from Mr. AdamJones and set up in the stable court galleriesunder Miss Horner's direction. It is a happythought that the carefully contrived settingcomplete with its own lighting —all carriedout by the technical

staff

a Temple Newsam—was ready in time f'r the concert givenin the long gallery by Evelyn Barbirolli andWalda Aveling on August 5th. Subse-quently a second casting of the Hands wasmade for the Halle Society and we wereable to help the Manchester people overtheir display.The Fund also bought recently a partic-

ularly subtle example of the work of'BruceJames whose perspex boxes were such anoutstanding feature of the exhibition "ArtSpectrum North", held at the Art Gallerylast year. This piece has been on exhibitionat Dusseldorf and at the time of'writing hasnot yet finally come to rest in Leeds. Duringthe year the Gregory Fellows Exhibition,f'r some years now a regular feature of'theart scene in Leeds, was held at the ArtGallery and the Leeds Art Collections Fundbought Keith Milow's "Pink" and RickOginz's "Ziggurat" from it. Both werechosen with the advice and help of the

artists themselves, a method of acquisitionnow as traditional as the exhibition itself.It has always been felt that the paintersand sculptors who play such an importantpart in the artistic life of Leeds during theirtime here should be happy about the waythey are represented in the permanentcollections of the city.

As the neo-classical fervour of recentmonths dies down and our pictures, sculp-ture and silver return to roost after theirlong London holiday, it is perhaps inevitablethat one turns —dare one admit it—to otherforms of art with a sense almost of relief.How magnificent and arbitrary are thechairs (Fig. 1) made by Morel and Seddon,for Windsor Castle in the late 1820's andprobably designed by A. W. N. Pugin.Some of these chairs were subsequentlymoved to Buckingham Palace and two ofthe set —one bearing the inventory marksof Windsor and the other of BuckinghamPalace have recently been bought forLotherton Hall where they will be incompany with other royal furniture. (Anarticle on the Pugin furniture already atLotherton appeared in the last issue of theCalendar.) A 50 per cent government grantand the Gascoigne endowment fund madethe purchase possible. The Minton BreadPlate shown on the cover of this issue wasalso bought for Lotherton. It was madeabout 1845 by Mintons this time certainlyto a design by the tireless Mr. Pugin.The West staircase at Temple Newsam

and two rooms at the top of it are now, asforecast in the editorial of issue No. 69,open to the public in all their glory. Theillumination of the lantern from outsideworks quite well and avoids the necessityof introducing inappropriate light fittingson the staircase itself, while the three battlepieces by Jacques Courtois, which Waagensaw when he came to Temple Newsam andsubsequently published in his Treasures ofArt of 1854, now decorate the top flight.Prior to hanging they were restored in ourown laboratory by Michael Sheppard. Thenew short passage allows the splendidFulford Collection of snuff boxes and etuis,the subject of an article in this issue, at lastto be displayed to good advantage. Thelarge room now contains a motley collec-tion of objects all interesting, some very

large suite made bp>.Pugin, c. r8z8,wood with ormolu

1. Dining chair, one of a pair from aMorrel and Seddon to the design ofA. W.for Windsor Castle. Parcel gilt, rosemounts. Lotherton Hall.

good, but few quite what they purport tobe at first glance. All this sounds a littlewhimsical, but there is a serious museo-logical theme and everything is labelled sothat no one need be misled. Finally, thelittle room: this is also something of anexperiment. The idea is to provide a'cabinet', to be visited at the end of a tourof the house, in which may be shown groupsof drawings and prints mostly from thePrint Room at the Art Gallery.

Jt tntJ's Cathedrals

In the middle of the seventeenth centurythere arose a marked interest in the relicsofthe English middle ages'hich crystalisedin the publication of the first volume of SirWilliam Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanumin 1655. This learned, latin work, whichtranscribed such documents as could bediscovered concerning the monastic foustda-tions in England, was illustrated withsixty-four engraved plates, fifty-two ofwhich were general views of medievalEnglish abbeys and cathedrals. The secondand third volumes, published respectivelyin 1661 and 1673, contained a further forty-six plates of which thirty-five were generalviews. On their own these illustrations havebeen described as 'the first illustratedarchitectural history of a medieval style'2,and yet the man who contributed themajority of the plates for that momentousfirst volume, Daniel King, has attractedvery little subsequent attention'. Suchneglect is due not only to his amateurishnessand his apparently unattractive character,but also because his craft, that of thetopographical draughtsman and engraver,today falls between the separate academicdisciplines of the histories of art, architec-ture and society, while remaining ofperipheral importance to each.Daniel King, son of a baker, was born in

Chester where he was apprenticed for tenyears in 1630 to Randall Holme4, apainter —probably a heraldic painter. Thiscould indicate a date of birth of c. 1616.Hepractised as a journeyman painter aroundChester before coming to London where hecame into contact with that most celebratedtopographer, Wenceslaus Hollar (who was,however, abroad between 1645 and 1651).One of King's etchings was made from a

drawings by Hollar who almost certainlytaught him the rudiments ofetching. King'first publications were the plates for the1655Monasticon. In 1656 he published mostof these plates separately, together withsome others, as ?he Cathedrall and Con-ventuall Churches of England and Wales.Orthographically delineated by DE, and thisvolume will be our particular concern.Also in 1656 he published a small folio ?heVale Royall ofEngland with twenty plates byhimself and Hollar . In 1659 he publisheda translation from the French of GerardDesargues'niversal Way of Dyaling'nd,finally, in 1660 (?), came An OrthographicalDesigne of severall Vietves upon ye Road inEngland and Wales. He died in Londonprobably in 1661, possibly in 1664 (seebelow), leaving a manuscript treatise Mi ni a-tura or the Art ofLimning (now in the BritishMuseum) which was, apparently, heavilypirated from other sources . Apart from hisetched plates, two drawings by Kingsurvive in the British Museum', one ofYork Minster, the other of a Great Aukthe earliest known depiction of that nowextinct species.Sir William Dugdale appears to have

been a crucial figure in King's life. Hemight, conceivably, have enlisted King'services for the Monasticon because he hadalready heard of his antiquarian interestsin Cheshire or, more simply, through hisfriend Hollar. Alternatively, King mayfirst have been involved through RogerDodsworth, the great Yorkshire antiquarywho, having himself assembled so much ofthe first volume, died in 1654, just prior toits publication '. Be that as it may, Dugdalecertainly knew King well enough to tellAnthony Wood about him later in the

Ripponennc eeet: cocwcnfacscc 'cuAwftc.

I . RiPon .tti nster/ivni the south. century, and Wood's printed account is not

to be missed, though it is, conceivably,biased "

'This Dan. King who was a pitiful pretenderto Antiquities, was a most ignorant siltyFellow, (as Sir Will. Dugdale hath informedme by letters,) an errant Knave, and not able towrite one line of true English. Afterwards hemarried a light Huswife, who stealing thatmoney from him which for many yearsbefore he had been scraping together'yhis progging and necessitous tricks andshifts", died heart-broken for his loss nearYork house in the Strand within the libertyofWestminster, about

1664.'hy,

one wonders af'ter reading this, didKing ever do anything for the Monasticon?He did not contribute at all to the secondvolume in 1661 (all eighteen plates wereby Hollar), and he was dead when thethird and final volume appeared in 1673(with twenty-eight outstanding plates byHollar). One can only speculate now, butit may have been because Hollar, im-measurably superior as an artist, was stillabroad when the plates were first con-sidered'4, or because Dugdale could not

aff'ord the services of the better artist andturned, therefbre, to his pupil. Engravedplates were a very expensive item". Therewas also, conceivably, a political f'actor;Dugdale was a royalist who had suff'ered atthe hands of'he commonwealth, whileHollar was a catholic with whom contactmay then have been indiscreet. Not sur-prisingly, though quite erroneously, whenthe first volume of the Monasticon appeared(with a provocative f'rontispiece) it wasthought by Puritans to represent an attemptto reintroduce catholicism into England".According to the inscriptions on the

sixty-fbur plates of the 1655 Monasticon,Daniel King etched forty-seven (of whichhe had also drawn twenty-four). Of'heother artists involved Richard Newcourtprovided fif'teen drawings and next, quanti-tatively, comes Holler who etched only fiveplates and provided three drawings. Kingtherefore had a royal share. Fif'ty-seven

of'he

Monasticon plates were republished byKing in the following year, 1656, as part

of'is

Cathedrall and Conventuall Churches. Thisvolume which contained no letter press,

had an etched title-page and, between thetwo first edition copies I have examined",eighty different plates. The additionaltwenty-three items were principally viewsof'the non conventual cathedrals (includingLincoln, York and old St. Paul's), and onlythree of'hese lack King's named participa-tion. From The Cathedrall and ConventuallChurches one is led to the conclusion thatKing had been (or expected to be) askedto illustrate the complete Monasticon, andnot just the first volume.

Fif'teen of King's additional subjectswere redrawn and re-etched by

Hollar'or

the 1672 Monasticon, and improvedbeyond recognition in the process. But thisis not to say that King's plates remainedlittle known. They were republished byJohn Overton in London in 1672'u and16822o, the dates caref'ully chosen, it wouldappear, to coincide with the publication ofvolume three of'he Monasticon and thesecond edition of volume one (with theoriginal plates) in 1682. King's set was alsoused to illustrate a one volume English

2. RiPun Minster, unnt front.

Bippoeceeriie eccl: recceeoccicteneahe.

cc ~ f

abridgment of the complete Monasti conpublished in 1718, and single plates wereused on separate, occasions". The point isalready made that King's curious plateswould have presented a widespread, andtherefore influential, impression of'hatunvisited cathedrals looked like. We mighttry to assess their worth by consideringsome of his views of northern foundations.

His south and west views of'iponcathedral (Figs. 1 and 2) are invaluablebecause they still show the three spires~2;the central spire collapsed in 1660 and thewest spires were removed in 1664. Thereare grave inaccuracies in detail, particularlyin the comparative sizes of'he west f'rontwindows, while the relationship betweenthe two plates is tenuous. Two of King'views of Durham2s are rather alarming(Figs. 3 and 4); with wildly differingaccuracy both plates show the same aspectof the cathedral, but one is called the north,the other the south, prospect (in 1'act itshows the north side). The cruder versioncould only have been drawn f'rom a verbaldescription or a very amateur draught, andeven King withdrew the plate from TheCathedrall and Conventuall Churches. There areno less than five instances of King confusingsouth and north in his inscriptions, anotherinstance being Selby'4.The illustrations show how prominent

were the coats of'arms of'he donors of eachplate, and the west f'ront of'Wells cathedral(Fig. 5) is shown as a particularly bizarreand attractive instance. The inscriptionsimmediately below the arms, besidesnaming the donor, generally explain thatthe plate was commissioned ne a posterisfrustra quaeratur (lest f'uture generationsshould enquire in vain), ut posteris innotes-cant (so they may know in future), or, lesscommonly, in honorem Dei (to the gloryofGod). Such hopes were not idle in a timeof civil war. The Yorkshire plates weregiven by eminent Yorkshire families, princi-pally of the royalist persuasion; Sir JohnHewley of York gave two (Fountainsabbey and the west front ofYork), Sir JohnBrooke of York, Sir Henry Slingsby ofScriven (who was beheaded in 1658), andSir John and Sir Francis Goodrick ofRibston and Manby respectively gaveothers25. The west view of Beverley was,

Kcclefice neth WuIehnsnfisfacies AuArahc.

8I

c+++»y»

u Tesnpepnuscfhcc Slnaebuens,nsunclo pentaIe uuluit et etc fcuunebuente parsee

I I uneJs. &+If AgAtceeJ..o/„.

3. Durham Cathedral from the north

4. Durham Cathedral from the north.

Wccteftee C.ath,>uptetrercnAs,Eucrcs fey'itvisogalia,

5. Hvells Cathedrafi toest fiant

Weffeufis ec™cldiae catfatfacies occidentalis.

I

i,j tie'IIII t l .

( h

~ 'ls"

,,Il11

I' "",I ',

I) II III fa I

IIii

in one state, presented by Ann (d. 1665),wife of the redoubtable general Thomas,third Baron Fairfax (1612—71),who presen-ted the south view, but their names andarms disappear from the later states,replaced in one instance by those ofMichaelWarton (1624—88) of Beverley. Such adevice could represent another instance ofKing's 'necessitous tricks and shifts', byhaving two donors of'he same plate. Oneof'the Durham views (Fig. 4) also appearedwith the unlettered arms of Sir PatriciusCurwen (who died in 1664).It is very likely that King and his

contemporaries often worked fromothers'rawingsor written reports, not only

because of their inaccuracy (a fault sharedby Hollar also) but because of the remark-able variations in competence (as in theDurham views), and the great difficultiesand dangers of travel. Roads were hardlysuch, and while the Monasticon was ingestation civil war was dividing the country.The cathedrals of; for example, Canterbury,Durham, Ripon, Lichfield and Peter-borough, all suffered considerable damagewithin the period 1645—50, though King'

view of Lichfield ignored such evidence.We know that Dugdale had visited Peter-borough, Lincoln and York in 1640 and1641 and that he travelled with a draughts-man, and it is likely that such a man drewsketches of York Minster and Beverley,at least, from which King made his plates.That of the South Crosse at York (Fig. 6)shows domestic housing huddled round thecathedral entrance, and we know that suchbuildings had given great offence to KingCharles I on his visit in 1633. The Yorkhistorian Francis Drake suggested thatthese buildings stood until Dean Gale'stime (1697—1702)a', but King's plate is theonly record of their appearance.Richard Gough, writing in 1780as, con-

sidered that King's York plates were in his'best manner', though, overall, he con-sidered King's cathedrals 'wretchedlyexecuted'. He did not hesitate to callindividual plates 'most execrable', 'miser-able', or 'wretched'. But his comment onKing's view of Finchale Priory is whatcounts today: it 'has nothing to recommendit but that it exhibits the tower intire'. Wecan never entirely escape from the funda-mental importance of King's indifferentwork; his views of Ripon and York areunique records of'eatures since destroyed.Gough was writing when it was possible toassemble a sound topographical librarycomposed of views by artists like Hollar,Place, Sutton Nicholls and the Buckbrothers, but in King's life-time the exter-nal differences between abbeys and cathe-drals were of little consequence. Indeed, itwould not be all that surprising to find thatfor some people, cathedral and abbey werethemselves definitions of' building andadmitted no variation.The only contemporary commendation

of King seems to be in those loaded latinverses prefacing his own account of TheVale Royall: Kinge! decor patriae et buccinamagna tuae! (0 King! Ornament andtrumpeter of'your county!). While this is,perhaps, excessive, we should rememberKing at least as an important instrumentof'he medieval revival in England.

JOHN INGAMELLS

Illustrations: figs. 1 —6 I'rom Dugdale's MonasuconAnltticanum, vol. I, 1655; all reproduced by courtesyof the I.ibrarian, York Minster Library.

6. 2 ork Minster,south transept.

't!t So«ll» Cruise of the Cather.rdlC:httrch of 5 Peter of corke.

~ maoo@ 5'Q g

1. See D. C. Douglas, English Scholars tb'6o—t73o,1951 ed., especially chapters I and II.

2. P. Frankl, The Gothic, Lilerary Sources and Intei-Pretalion during Fight Centuries, Princeton, 1960,p. 352.

3. The best recent accounts ofKing are those in TheDiclionary of Ittational BiograPhy, and in E. CroftMurray and P. Hulton, Catalogue of BritishDrawings, British Museum, 1960, pp. 384—85.

4. This was Randall Holme senior; Randall Holmejunior I'urnished one of'he drawings for King'Cathedralls —that of't. Asaph.

5. The north view of'St. Paul's in King's GalhedrallsHollar also etched his own drawing, his platedated 1656, see A. M. Hind, Hollar, 1922, cat. 38,where it is (wrongly) stated that King's plate wasfor vol. I of the Monastiron. Hind cat. 43 was usedfor the 1672 ed. of'King's Calhedralls and I'or the

1718 abridgment of'the Monasliron.6. The text was reprinted in G. Ormerod, Hislory of

Cheshire, 1882 ed., vol. I, p. 119f. One plate, abird's eye view of Chester, was by Hollar.

7. Mr. De Sargues Universal Way of Dyaling. Or Plainand easie direrli ons for It lacing lhe axeltree, and marki ngthe hours in sun-dyals... Together u.ilh the mariner ofdrawing lhe lines of the signs... By Daniel hing. TheBM Catalogue ofPrinted Books annotates this titleas, translated by King from Abraham Bosse'sla Maniere universelle de Mr Desargues pour poserl'essieu, with reproductions of A. Bosse's originalengravings. King, in other words, was beingshifty on his title-page.

8. Croft Murray and Hulton, oP. ril., record that in1661 the word 'mort's written against King'name in the Chester Painters't Luke's DayMemorandum.

9. See B. Long, British Miniaturists, 1929, p. 252Hollar also professed an interest in miniaturepainting, see K. S.Van Eerde, Hollar, Charlottes-ville, 1970, p. 64.

10. Croft Murray and Hulton, oP. cil., pp. 384—85,and pl. 180.A third drawing in York Art Gallery,mentioned by Croft Murray, may now be dis-counted, since it shows architectural featuresdating from 1664, after King's death.

11. See Douglas, op. cit., and F.Maddison, D. Styles,and A. Wood, Sir William Dugdale, Warwiok,1953, pp. 11-14.

12. A. Wood, Alhenae Oxonienses, vol. 2, 1692, p. 163.13. One of his 'shit'ts'as the printing of two title-

pages for The Vale Royatl, variously dedicated toSir Orlando Bridgman and Peter Venables. Seealso note 7 above.

14. Dugdale had possibly met Hollar in 1643 (VanEerde, op. cit., p. 45). A printer for the Monasticonhad been obtained at least by 1652, but thedrawings were still being prepared as late as1654 (Maddison,, Styles & Wood, oP. cit., p. 13,and R. Hamper (ed.), The Life, Diary and Corres-pondence of Sir William Dugdale, 1827, p. 288).

15. Dodsworth and Dugdale financed the firstvolume themselves. For Dugdale's Anliquities ofWarwickshire, 1656, the total printing costs werest„185, of which f82 was for the plates and theirprinting; his St. Paul's, 1658, cost nearly L200for the plates alone. Hollar made the plates forboth these volumes, and it appears he averagedbetween L3 and g5 per plate (cf. Maddison,Styles & Wood, oP. cil., p. 15, and Van Eerde,oP. cil., p. 63).

16. Douglas, oP, cil., p. 35; Van Eerde, oP. rit., pp44—58, discusses Hollar's relationship with Dug-dale without mentioning King.

17. British Museum, Department of Maps, press-marks 18 b 23 and 18 b 24. 18 b 23, an oblongfolio, has 68 plates with an etched dated title-page. 18 b 24, an upright small folio, has 77plates, one ofwhich is a duplicate, and a difi'erentetched dated title-page.

18. The subjects etched by King which did not appearin the complete Monasticon were Blackfriarschurch, Norwich; Hexham abbey, and thecathedrals at Bangor, Bristol, Carlisle, St. Asaphand the Isle ofMan.

19. Copy in the Victoria and Albert Museum printroom, 93 C 152 (E 6895—6988—1905), with 94plates (the extra plates not appearing in the 1656edition are illustrations ol'monastic dress, alreadyused in the 1655 Monaslicon); it has one title-pageadopted from the 1655 Monastiron, and anotherfrom King's Calhedralls with vd ImPresion u.ithadilions t67a printed over. (See E. Arber, TermCatalogues, vol. I, l668—l68z, 1903, p. 122).

20. Arber, op. cit., p. 513; published as A Book of allthe Calhedral and Convenlual Churches of Englandand Wales. Draum and engraven by D. Ifing and W.Holler (sic.) . This edition does not appear in Wing.

21. In Dugdale's Antiquities of Warwickshire, 1656, I

p. 799, and S. Gunton's History of the Church ofPelerburgh, 1686, f pp. 22—23, for example.

22. The west view, for example, is illustrated in thecurrent Pitkin Guide to Ripon Cathedral.

23. For valuable notes on these Durham plates seeP. M. Benedikz, Durham Topographical Prints upto l8oo, Durham, 1968, p. 10; Mrs. Benedikzlists the major faults and concludes that Kingmay well not have visited Durham.

24. The other instances being the cathedrals ofCarlisle, Lichfield and St. Asaph, and Malmesbury abbey.

25. The York Minster plates were presumably sub-scribed for King's Calhedralls only, but afterreading Wood's assessment of King one wonderswhether the subscribers knew this.

26. Nathaniel Johnston, one of Dugdale's deputies inYorkshire made some very I'air drawings, cfBodleian, MS Top. Yorks c 14.

27. See K. M. Longley, The beautifullest Church,York, 1972, p. 11.

28. R. Gough, British TopograPhy, 1780, vol. I, p. 130;vol. 2, p. 429.

The Fulford Collection ofGold Snug Boxes

In 1939, shortly before the outbreak ofwar,Frank H. Fulford gave the City of Leeds anumber of works of art to furnish theChinese Drawing Room at TempleNewsam. These included four lateeighteenth century satinwood chairs ofexceptional interest, Chinese porcelain,snuff-bottles and hardstone carvings, anda selected group of twenty gold snuff boxes,chosen to match the furniture. Most aretherefore neo-classical in style. They repre-sent exactly one sixth of his total collectionof snuff boxes. The remainder he left to hisdaughter, Mrs. W. F. Jackson, who

sold'hem

at Christie's in 1947.Nearly half the boxes at Temple Newsam

are French and most of those that are notshow French influence. They were a parti-cularly appropriate gift because the roomfor which they were intended incorporatesa number of French decorative featuresinserted in the 1820s by Isabella FrancesIngram, Lady Hertford, then the owner ofTemple Newsam; the Chinese wall-paperwas given her by the Prince Regent, laterGeorge IV, over whom she exerted apowerful influence. He was a great cham-pion of dix-huiteime art in England, andIsabella's son, Francis, 3rd Marquess ofHertford, who helped the Prince Regentassemble the famous collection of Dutchand Flemish paintings now at BuckinghamPalace, was largely responsible for thesuperb collection of French art inheritedby Richard Wallace and known now as theWallace Collection. Frank Fulford's furni-ture and hardstone carvings remain in theDrawing Room but the snuff-boxes haverecently been removed for security reasonsto the top north-west corner of the house.

They are in company there with many ofthe etuis (containers, mostly bodkin-cases)collected by Fulford and given at his wishby his widow and daughter after his deathin 1943. The etuis will be the subject of aforthcoming article.Frank Fulford was a Canadian, born in

1868. He settled in Leeds soon after theturn of the century and became ManagingDirector of his brother's firm of manufac-turing chemists, C. E. Fulford Ltd.Although a serious illness towards the endof his life restricted his activities he was anenthusiastic amateur musician: he spon-sored a number of string quartet recitals inLeeds and in 1936 he gave the Universityhis extensive library of chamber musicformed since his days as a student inLeipzig. For more than twenty-five yearshe was a co-opted member of the Librariesand Arts committee and was well-knownfor his collections of works of art and hisinterest in them: he had a number ofEnglish paintings and drawings, and partic-ularly admired the work of FrankBrangwyn. Extensive correspondencerecords his part in furnishing the ChineseDrawing Room at Temple Newsam butpreliminary investigation has failed toreveal where he acquired the majority ofthe snuff boxes. One, it is true, is known tohave been sold at Christie's in 1918; it hadbeen in the Hawkins Collection, one ofthe largest ever assembled and dispersed infive sales at Christie's between 1896 and1936. But until further information comesto light it is safe to assume that the bulk ofFulford's collecting was done in the 1920sand 30s. As far as historical associationsare concerned, one box was reputedly

11

f. German. c. t7d5. Gold, mother-af pearl, precious andsemi-precious stones.

2. English. c. t 765. Gold, panels ofPgured moss-agate.

owned by Marie Antoinette but it was notone of those he gave to Leeds. By a coinci-dence another box, given by Sir Alvary

and Lady Gascoigne in 1968, also belongedto Marie Antoinette and it bears a minia-ture portrait ofher on the lid. She gave it toSir Thomas Gascoigne, 8th Baronet, whospent much of his life in France. He musthave valued it highly for when he had hisportrait painted by Pompeo Batoni inRome in 1779 he was depicted holding itin his hand'. If any such intriguingassociations attach to Fulford's boxes atTemple Newsam, they remain to be dis-covered.Europeans had first encountered tobacco

in 1492 but it was almost a century beforeit was generally accepted, initially for itsalleged medicinal qualities (an argumentrevived in England during the GreatPlague), later as a social habit~. Smokingwas subject to active and repeated criti-cism, of the kind we are familiar with today,and the practice of taking snuff, alsoadopted first as a medicine, met strongresistance too. Nevertheless it becamewidespread in France during the secondhalf of the seventeenth century and swiftlyspread to the rest of'Europe and to England.By about 1740 it had become almost aritual of social intercourse and the mannerin which a snuff'ox was offered aroundand the snuff taken was governed byelaborate rules of etiquette. The ebb andflow in the popularity of the habit isreflected in the size of the boxes which arelargest during the third quarter of theeighteenth century. Subsequently theybecame smaller as the habit lost ground,after the French Revolution, in favour ofsmoking cigars and cigarettes.Although snuff was by no means restric-

ted merely to the wealthy or the f'ashionable,the snuff box was from the first a symbol ofluxury and 'good taste', as is shown in adescription of Italian boxes and the numer-ous precious or exotic materials used intheir manufacture written by FrancescoZucchi in 1636. No doubt the large toiletsets fashionable in the late seventeenthcentury for display on dressing tablesincluded containers for snuff; but thedistinction between boxes made for

snuff'nd

those made for other things, sweet-meats, patches, rouge or face-powder, hasnot always been clear cut. The firstspecific mention of a snuff'ox appeared in

12

England in 1681, but snuff boxes wereprobably made in France somewhat earlier,although the number that can be datedbefore the 1720s is small. Louis XIV'sdisapproval of snuff'ay have affectedtheir manufacture, but there is considerableevidence that they were openly madeduring his reign, and they were specificallyexempted from a series ofsumptuary edicts.Paris quickly established herself as the

chief centre of production and from the1730s boxes were made there in largequantities. Collections were formed, andlater in the century it became fashionableto have a diff'erent snuff box for each dayof the year, although this was more oftenboasted about than achieved.It is clear from contemporary accounts

that many boxes were intended to be wornabout the person, carried in a pocket or aprotective purse. Indeed boxes were madeto match particular costumes and manycomparisons may be made with contempo-rary textiles. Some boxes, by virtue oftheir size, can only have been intended torest on a table, as much for ornament as foruse, a tribute to the fashionable taste oftheir owner. A special class of boxes, calledPresents du Roi, were heavily encrusted withprecious stones, and were given by themonarch to people in recognition forservices rendered, in lieu of monetaryreward. They were then exchanged, oftenwith the maker, for cash, an acceptedpractice which highlights the delicatesensibilities of the age.The stylistic changes that affected the

appearance of gold boxes were sometimesinitiated by the merchants who suppliedthem, one of the most notable ofwhom wasthe court jeweller Lazare Duvaux, whosupplied furniture to the Crown in the1750s and kept a close watch over the royalVincennes porcelain factory. Designs in thecurrent style were broadcast throughengravings and book illustrations, and alsoby virtue of the closeness of'he guild ofgoldsmiths whose numbers in Paris duringthe eighteenth century were limited tothree hundred; only a few dozen of thesemade boxes.In spite of the riches of the Fulford

collection none of the snuff boxes is earlyenough to be considered Baroque although

3, Paris r76s—a. Four colour gold.

4. Paris r 763—4, maker Domenique-Franglais Poitreau(m. s757—r78s). Gold.

a number of his etuis ofvarious nationalitiesshow the inffuence of designers such asMarot and Berain. Early eighteenth century

13

boxes, which were often of regular, slightlyshaped outline, were generally engravedor chased. This method of decorationcontinued in widespread use after theRococo style began to affect gold boxesabout 1730. The dissemination of theRococo was largely due to Juste-AureleMeissonnier (1693—1750) whose engraveddesigns published in the mid 1720s wereprofoundly influential. Although a largenumber of materials were used for boxes,all-gold boxes were particularly commonand were chased with pictorial scenes orwith bunches of flowers against variouslypatterned backgrounds'. Another way ofenlivening boxes was by executing thesesubjects in painted (en plein) or inlaid (enbasse-taille) enamels: one of the etuis providesa delightful example of the latter technique.The Rococo style at its height is representedby a German box of c. 1745 (Fig. 1). It is acharacteristically national interpretationof the style, ostentatiously set with colouredstones and mother-of-pearl. Nevertheless,despite the extreme concentration ofRococomotifs over most of its surf'ace, its outlineis strictly symmetrical, a limitation imposedby the necessity of having a close-fitting,hinged lid. The base frames an assymetricalchased design very reminiscent of those ofMeissonnier. An English box of c. 1765(Fig. 2) makes almost as much of a contrastwith the elegant restraint of French rococoboxes as this German example. Here thescrollwork is entirely subordinated to therectangular form and this compromiserepresents the manner in which manyEnglish craftsmen made the Rococo styleacceptable to their patrons. The use offigured moss-agate in the cartouches reflectsthe delight in unusual materials shown bythe makers of gold boxes.The variety ofmaterials was considerable,

although it is more conspicuous among theetuis than the boxes. Mother-of-pearl,tortoiseshell, porcelain and oriental lacquerwere very popular. Imitations of laquerwere done in vernis-marti n, a form ofcomposition material, represented in thecollection by a Parisian box of 1767—8. Thisis lined with tortoiseshell and has unusuallydecorative mounts in four colour gold. Thetechnique of alloying gold with varyingamounts of silver, copper and arsenic to

produce as many as five diflerent colourswas already in use about 1725 and by themiddle of the century had become a verycommon way, like enamelling, of relievingthe uniform appearance of all-gold boxes.It was frequently used in the trophies ofmusical instruments such as appear on theearliest French box in the collection,probably of 1761—2 (Fig. 3) .This representsthe transition between two styles, theRococo which was on the decline in thelate 1750s, and the Neo-classical which hadalready made a tentative appearance. Someornamental details, for instance the natural-istic leaf'erminals of the borders, aresurvivals from the old, other featurespresage the new. This phase is illustrated bya number of similar boxes in other collec-tions which have simple borders andpastoral hunting scenes: the Fulford boxis exceptional among them in havingmusical trophies instead. For trophies,symbolic of Music, Love, War and so on,are rare on rococo boxes despite the factthat they were established elements in thedecorative vocabulary of Baroque andRococo architecture. Charming allegoricalgroups of putti in painted enamels werepopular symbols on rococo boxes, andalthough these continued to be used theywere gradually displaced by trophies which,although ideally suited for assymetricaltreatment, became widespread on neo-classical boxes in the 1760s, 70s and 80s'.The early 1760s saw the radical stylistic

change in gold boxes that was alreadyanticipated in 1753. In that year themerchant Lazare Duvaux supplied furni-ture a la Greque to Madame de Pompadour.A few years later La Live de Jully had hisstudy decorated and furnished in theGreek manner and by 1764was denouncingthe absurd and widespread abuses of thestyle which had by then gripped Paris likea fever~. Two exceptional boxes made byNoel Hardivilliers in the 1750s have Greekmeander borders enclosing enamelledchinoiserie figures who go about theirbusiness with charming unconcern', butthe sudden craze for meander or key-pattern borders dates from the early 1760swhen the Graecomania was at its height.The Greek style was the earliest manifesta-tion of interest in the classical past', and

14

5. Paris s767—8, maker pean-Marie Tiron (m, t7d8-r°78).Four colour gold.

6. Paris r778—d, maker pean-BaPtiste-Maurice guin(m. r768—s78s). Four colour gold. Miniature portrait ofFrederick Augustus, Earl ofBerkeley.

it is represented in the collection by a Parisbox of 1763—4 (Fig. 4), a standard designof the time, followed by many makers

besides Domenique-Franqois Poitreau whomade this example. Almost at the same timethe neo-classical style proper, with motifsbased on the architectural decoration ofancient Rome, began to make itself felt ongold boxes. Early essays tended towards thesame elaboration that marked correspon-ding attempts in England, but a gradualprocess of simplification followed, leadingto increasing uniformity of design. Thisuniformity was doubtless hastened bytechnical changes and improvements, suchas the introduction and perfection ofengine-turning, made by specialist boxmakers like Charles Le Bastier and takenup by other makers. The large majority ofboxes made in the twenty years before theFrench Revolution follow a virtuallystandardised design. The sides are dividedinto four engine turned panels by verticalfeatures with classical details, and thepanels with those on the lid and the baseare covered with transparent enamel: thelid invariably has an oval frame enclosing apainted enamel medallion, a quatre-couleurgold trophy or a miniature portrait. All-gold boxes also followed this design; one, aParis box of 1767—8 (Fig. 5), shows thequasi-architectural elevation, another, of1773—4 (Fig. 6), the floral festoons, thefluting and the leaf'-tip borders so typical ofthe decades in which they were madeo.Undoubtedly the most distinguished of

Fulford's neo-classical boxes is that madeby the Paris goldsmith Charles Le Bastier(maitre 1754 — after 1783) in 1769—70(Fig. 7). It is notable for the clarity ofdesign and the artistic unity that mark thebest of his work. Particularly sensitive is hisrestrained use of two colour gold. The greenand orange are strikingly original, even forLe Bastier (a number of whose boxes havemuted combinations of blue and mauveenamels' but they avoid being merelygaudy, a fault very apparent in some othermakers. The enamelled medallion on thelid is the original one and depicts a classicalscene perhaps derived, like those on anumber of other boxes by Le Bastier, fromAntoine Coypel (1661—1722)". Almostequally fine is a Paris box of 1780 1, thework of Nicolas Marguerit (maitre 17631790).This has a superb enamelled minia-ture portrait, and, apart from the unusual

15

10. German c. r 775. Gold and hardstone.

7. Paris r76g—7o, maker Charles Le Bastier t'm. r 76' after r78g). Gold roith green and orange enamels. Enamelledclassi cal scene.

translucent pink enamel panels, is ofparticular interest because it is one of theearliest known examples decorated with apattern of engine turning which was veryfrequently used during the 1780s". Alsotypical of'his decade are the 'pearl'ndflorette borders.In view of the technical excellence and

visual appeal of'hese Parisian boxes it ishardly surprising that they were widelyimitated even in countries as far apart asRussia and America. Large numbers ofimitations were made in Switzerland, forthe goldsmiths had no national style to relyon owing to the ban on snuff in theircountry until 1775. Of probable Swissmanufacture and late eighteenth centurydate is a box which has a portrait

of'atherinethe Great on the lid (Fig. 8).The crisp white enamel used on the panelscontrasts strongly with the dark blue orpurple then almost universal, and the richbrown enamel ofa continental box of'c. 1790(Fig. 9) is another variation's. Germancraftsmen also made imitations of Parisianboxes but particularly individual are themosaic hardstone boxes made at Dresdenand popularly associated with the name

of'ohannChristian Neuber (1730—1808).Hespecialised in setting samples of differenthardstones, of'ten identified by a key,between fine cloisons or bars of'old inradiating designs. A notable box in theFulford collection (Fig. 10) ofc. 1775 followsthis type closely except that its effect restsnot on a pattern of'ulticoloured stonesbut on the brilliant and f'ragile iridescenceof light reflected from a single species. Thisis a subtlety uncharacteristic of Neuber sothe box may be attributed to an unidenti-fied goldsmith working in his manner'Only the French boxes are systemati-

cally marked. The process required by anEdict of' 679 was as follows: each part of thebox was roughed-out and stamped with themaker's mark. This consisted of a crownedfleur-de-lys, for Paris, flanked by two dotssymbolic of the two grains tolerance per-mitted in the fineness of the 'metal, with themaker's initials and differentiating symbol(dtJcrcnd) beneath. This mark had to beregistered as soon as the maker becamemaitre, which included making a master-piece and finding a sponsor to act as

8. Swiss c. t70. Gold with white enamel, Miniatureportrait of Catherine the Great vf Russia.

9. Mid-European c. t79o. Gold with brown enamel.Mt'niature portrait of a woman.

financial guarantor. The roughly formedbox was then sent to the sous-fermier to whomthe collection of taxes was sub-let, and it was

17

struck with his charge-mark, a personaldevice. Next it was struck with the warden'mark or date-letter, a crown with one oftwenty letters of the alphabet beneath. Thissignified that the metal was of the requiredstandard and gave the date of assay.These three marks, often subsequentlyrendered well-nigh illegible by the processof decorating and finishing the box, aregenerally found struck three times inside.The pseudo-French marks found on fourSwiss boxes in the collection are imitationsof'hese. Less frequently imitated was thefburth mark struck on French boxes aftertheir completion. This is the minute dis-charge mark, another individual device,struck by the sous fermier to indicate pay-ment of tax. It prevented goldsmithsadding untaxed gold to the box after it wasweighed and stamped the first time. It wasstruck on the bezel so as not to interferewith the decoration which was now com-plete. Other marks, too, often appear onFrench boxes: a special discharge mark, asmall cow, was struck between 1733 and1775 on boxes made for export; and acountermark is sometimes found showing

that the new sous-fermier at the beginningof his term of office had checked thequality of stocks in the goldsmiths'ork-shop. Most commonly found, however, isan eagle's head within a single or doubleoutline, a Parisian restricted warrantymark used from 1838 to 1847, and from1847 to the present, respectively. Thesemarks occur on boxes of various nationali-ties, usually struck twice on the bezel in closeproximity, although one may be foundthere and the other in a border on the lid,close to it. Import marks of variousnationalities may be seen, both Frenchand Dutch being represented in the collec-tion. There is also a Dutch restrictedwarranty mark while several unidentifiedor illegible marks occur too.Frank Fulford's collection of gold boxes

is comparatively small but contains severalexamples of great distinction. When onesees them alongside the marvellous arrayof etuis, one can begin to appreciate thediscernment of Fulford's taste and our owngood fbrtune in being able to enjoy thefruits of it.

A. D. P. WELLS-COLE.

1. Leeds Arts Calendar, no. 64, 1969, p. 2. The portraitis reproduced in fig. l.

2. For historical outlines see F. J. B. Watson, 7heWrightsman Collection, vol. III, pp. 85—112, andClare Le Corbeiller, European and American SnugBoxes t73o-r88o, 1966. I am particularly in-debted to Mrs. Le Corbeiller for her advice andhelp while I have been cataloguing the FulfordCollection. My thanks are also due to D. S.Thornton, Librarian, The Art Library, Leeds.

3. Frank Full'ord possessed a box of this type, but itwas not included in his gift to Temple Newsam.It is illustrated in R, and M. Norton, A History ofGold Snu+Boxes, 1938, pl. 11.There is, incident-ally, a discrepancy between the date given, 1757(which is stylistically plausible) and the maker,Francois Riel, who became maitre in 1769. Thebox was sold at Christie's, 23 June, 1947, lot 131.

4. e.g, a box in the Louvre, repr. Le Corbeillcr, op.cit., fig. 90; another is repr. K. Snowman,Eighteenth Century Gold Boxes af Europe, 1966,figs. 310—3 (H.R.H. Princess Marina, Duchess ofKent).

5. The use of trophies on furniture dates largelyfrom the introduction of'arquetry in midcentury, see G. de Bellaigue, '18th centuryFrench Furniture and its Debt to the Engraver',Apollo, Jan. 1963, pp. 16—23. Trophies do,however, occur on designs for rococo boxes, e.g.by J. G. Merz, Augsburg, c. 1743, see Snowman,op. cit., fig. 44.

6. Michel Gallet, Paris Domestic Architecture of theEighteenth Century, p. 57 ff.

7. In the Louvre and the Rijksmuseum, rrpr. LeCorbeiller, op. cit., figs. 62—3.

8. See John Harris, 'Early Neo-classical. Furniture',Furniture Hi ilnry, vol. II, 1966, p. 4.

9. These boxes are by Jean-Marie Tiron andJean-Baptiste-Maurice Juin respectively. Twomore all-gold boxes in the Gascoigne Collectionat Lotherton Hall also follow the establishedpattern: 1. Paris 1769—70, by Antoine Blocquet;2. Paris 1772—3, by Jean-Baptistc-Sebastien deSaint-Julien.

10. Notably the boxes in the Wrightsman Collection,F. J. B. Watson, op. cit., No. 20, pp. 174—5, andthe Ashmolean Museum, H.24. Two boxes haveopaque green enamel, one in the Louvre, repr. K.Snowman, op. cit., fig. 365, the other rcpr. H. Tait,'An anonymous loan to the British Museum...Eighteenth Century Gold Boxes', Connoisseur,December 1963, pp. 216—25, Colour Plate 2,top lef't.

11. e.g. the Louvre box (see previous note) andanother sold at Sotheby's, 20.11.1970 (repr. Artat Auction t97o—t, p. 427, top left).

12. See F. l. B.Watson, op. cit., No. 22, p. 179.13. Their nationality is disputed at present. Examples

are in the V. Ik A., 246—'78, M.167—1941,M.4-1960, and thc Ashmolean, B8, B26, R14.

14. But one box by Neuber, in the collection ofViscount Bearsted, has somewhat similar inter-lacing borders, repr. B.A.D..4. Golden JubileeExhibition, 1968, pl. 37, no. 23.

18

ames i s's esi ns orDomestic Furniture

Of the major, early eighteenth centuryBritish architects who designed furniture,James Gibbs (1682—1754) has suffered themost neglect by modern historians. Thisis unremarkable since his surviving designsin this field are few and none were executed,as far as is known; moreover, no executedpieces can be attributed to him. It isimpossible to form the same coherent ideawhich has been achieved for William Kent,Batty and Thomas Langley, William Jones,John Vardy and other furniture-designingarchitects of the periodi and it is unlikelythat he made a significant contribution tothis field. Yet, in his day Gibbs was themost prolific and successful country housearchitect in Britain and, therefore, hisdesigns for domestic furniture are notwithout interest. The greater part of these,approximately fifteen in number, are herepublished 1'r the first time.Gibbs was born in Aberdeen in 1682 and,

fbllowing an early education there and inHolland, and a brief'tour of the Continent,spent the years 1703 to 1709 in Rome,first studying painting (as Kent was soonto do there2) and then architecture, as apupil of'he very influential Roman archi-tect, Carlo Fontana (1634-1714).He 'wastaught Architecture geometry, and propor-tions, and so by the assistance of his Masterreading of Books, and constant applicationto drawing, became proficient in thatprofession'. When Gibbs established hispractice in London in 1709, he was uniqueamong British architects (and remained sountil the appearance of Chambers andAdam in the 1750's) in having had aprofessional training abroad. He thought

of'himself as an Italian, signing his publisheddesigns 'Jacobo Gibbs Architecto', and wasstyled by his British clients as 'Signor Gibbi'.The cosmopolitan artistic experiences

of'heseformative years encouraged atemperament which was able to accommo-date all aspects of'rchitectural design,including the decoration and furnishingof interiors4.This quality is brilliantly reflected not

only in Gibbs's many executed works,which often show a profbund grasp

of'ophisticatedEuropean ideas as well as aconcern for the complete integration

of'rchitecturaland decorative elements quitedistinct from the work of'his contemporariesin Britain, but particularly in the designsengraved for A Book ofArchitecture, publishedin 1728 (and again in 1739).This influentialbook contains designs for churches andmonuments, collegiate buildings, countryhouses and garden pavilions. In addition,approximately one-third of the designs aredevoted to such internal embellishmentsas doorcases, chimneypieces, buffet-niches,vases (some 'in the Antique manner...many of'hem have been executed both inMarble and Medal...'), 'cisterns onpedestals', 'marble or stone tables forgardens or summerhouses'nd 'pedestalsfor Busto's'. These designs are importantfor the appreciation of the architect'ssustained investigation of the non-monu-mental, movable aspects of domestic archi-tecture, ofwhich furniture was an essentialfeature.Gibbs supplied detailed designs f'r the

furnishing of his churches, particularlychandeliers and pulpits, of which there

19

1. Design for the Throne Room of a ro)fat palace, c. t78o(RIBA KS/8(8)).

are many surviving drawings associatedwith St. Martin-in-the-Fields (1722—26)s.There is no reason to believe that he didnot wish to extend this interest into therealm of domestic architecture. In connec-tion with Wimpole Hall in Gambridgeshire,which he designed and built between 1714and 1730 for Edward and HenriettaHarley, Lord and Lady Oxford, is areceipt, dated 24 July 1719,which includesa payment of three guineas for 'A drawingof a Gabinet'; an exceptional documentarysurvival. The drawing has not been traced .However, in four important groups ofsurviving drawings, in which furniture isfeatured as part of the internal decoration,it is possible to identify the commissionsand provide precise dates.At Kelmarsh in NNorthamptonShir,

designed for William Hanbury betweenc. 1728 and 1732, a console table withbracket supports is included in the decora-tion of a principal room'. It is a simple,

2. Detail of a design for the Saloon at Fa'zrlaufne, Kent,executed t72l—22 1Ashmolean, ll, 7s).

so

20

schematic design, unidentifiable with anygroup of existing furniture, but showingthe characteristic way in which movablesplayed a prominent part in the overalldecorative scheme. The design for theThrone Room of a royal palace (Fig. 1),perhaps intended 1'r a site in St. James'sPark, London, and datable to the late1720s or soon after, includes a detaileddrawing of the throne, a typical exampleof ceremonial furniture, and canopy, whichis interesting for its richly carved corniceand elaborately arranged hangings'.The two other interiors, together with a

number of independent drawings withoutprovenance, show Gibbs's preoccupationwith the designing of'looking glass frames.This is hardly coincidental for in theearly 1720s he remodelled or rebuilt theIsleworth residence of'John Gumley (died1729), one of'he leading looking glassmanufacturers of the period and a sub-scriber to A Book of Architectures. Some of

Gibbs's designs of'the 1720s may have beenprepared expressly for Gumley.In 1721—22, Gibbs built 'a very handsome

Room 20 by 30 with a fine fretworkCeiling's an addition to Fairlawne inKent for Christopher Vane, Lord Barnardand his wif'e Elizabeth, aunt of HenriettaHarley . The preliminary designs for thisroom 1'eature two looking glass frames:one (Fig. 2) crowned by a basket of fruit(a motif repeated in the plaster decorationof the ceiling), and the other (Fig. 3),more conventional in form but interestingbecause provision is made for a pair,showing Gibbs's concern with achievingdecorative continuity as a complement tohis precise and balanced architecture. Aseries of almost identical designs (Fig. 4),with variant decorative treatments, arecharacteristic of the architect's maturestyle of the 1720s and 1730s'In 1736, Gibbs designed the Arlington

Street town house of the Dowager Duchess

3. Detail af a design fur the Saloon at Fairlanne, h'ent, t7at—aa (Ashmolean, II, 7t).

-. 1n

4. Designs for lhree looking glassframes 1Ashmolean, ll, r7 and IV, d6)

of Norfolk (now the Overseas League)".In the scheme for the Drawing Room(Fig. 5), he introduced a looking-glassframe in which the architectural frameworkis abandoned in favour of a curvilinearsilhouette with delicate foliate-scroll andshell-mask motifs. The composition is rela-ted to designs for doorcases and churchmonuments published in A Book of Archi-tecture as well as to a looking-glass, datableto the 1730s at Wentworth Woodhouse inYorkshire, where Gibbs was workingbetween c. 1716 and c. 1734".The Went-worth looking-glass, which incorporatesprofile female caryatids flanking the sides amotif employed elsewhere by Gibbs's, maywell be based on a design (as yet untraced)by the architect. In a closely related design(Fig. 6), perhaps intended for ArlingtonStreet, he combines sconces with a largelooking-glass as a means of increasing theillumination of the room by magnifyingthe candlelight' Sconces are also a promi-nent feature of the most unusual of thedesigns (Fig. 7), in which scrolls, shells and

foliage are sparingly organised around theperimeter of an octagon. The form isextremely rare.

A design for a console table (Fig. 8),presumably intended to be carved andgilt, for an unidentified commission, relatesclosely to the mainstream of Englishrococo. Its flamboyant, linear form andnaturalistic ornamentation is comparableto designs published in 1739 in The Gentle-mens and Builders Companion by William Jones(died 1757), architect of the famousRanelagh Gardens Rotunda's.Gibbs's link with rococo is far from

tenuous. Interiors, like those of the octa-gonal pavilion at James Johnston's villaat Twickenham (now called OrleansHouse), built between c. 1716—22, andSt. Martin-in-the-Fields, 1722—26, areamongst the earliest examples of monu-mental 'rococo'n Britain". They are theresults ofGibbs's employment of exception-ally talented Italian stuccatori decorators,of his appreciation of Parisian fashions ofthe first decades of the eighteenth century,

22

iii5. Detail ofa design for the Drawing Room of lh» DowagerDuchess of Norfolk's house in Arlington 8creee, London,execuled c. c786 (Ashmolenn, III, 58).

6. Delait of a design for a room featuring a 'sconcelAshmolean, II, 58).

which he would have known as a result oftravels there between c. 1698 and 1709,and of his scholarly interpretation ofengraved rococo decoration. His libraryof architectural books" includes a numberof French publications (notably J. F.Blondel's Cours d'Archi tecture, 1698 andJean Mariette's L'Architecturefrancaise, 1727)and in particular two which proved influen-tial in the formation of rococo furnituredesign in England: Jean Berain's Ornamensand L'Oeuvre de Daniel Marot, c. 1700.Gibbs also possessed three engraved designsfor rococo console tables published inParis by Grepy le fils' Furthermore, hewas closely associated during the 1730swith the Lombardy-born, Paris-baseddecorator, Gaetano Brunetti (died 1758),who published a series of extrovert rococofurniture designs, some with ornament ofthe type also favoured by Gibbs, inSixty Diferent Sorts of Ornaments Irivented byGaetano Brunetti Italian Painter, Very Usefullto Painters, Sculptors, Stone-Carvers, Wood-Carvers, Silversmiths, &'c., 1736".All these

associations help to explain both theappearance and nature of the consoletable design.The sculptural quality of this table and

of the related group of looking-glass framesand sconces (Figs. 5, 7) lies outside themajority ofGibbs's furniture designs, whichare dominantly architectural, as is wellexpressed in an undated drawing for threebracket or table clocks (Fig. 9); a rareexample among furniture designs by anarchitect. Their general form can beassociated with a conventional late seven-teenth-early eighteenth century type, asengraved in Marot's Oeuvres . Moreover,they reflect building and monument typesdesigned by Gibbs during the 1710s and1720s and published in A Book ofArchitecture.The two clocks on the left, with pedimentedbodies crowned by octagonal domes ondrums, are similar to designs in Plate 77:'Pavillions for my Lord Gobham't Stowein Buckinghamshire (1726—28), while thedesign on the left, with draped femalefigures, has a parallel in Plate 112: the

7. Design for an octagonal 'sconce'Ashmolean, II, ot). 8. Design for a conrole table and looking glass frame(Ashmolean, II, zo).9. Design for three bracket or table clocl.r (Ashmolean,III, tot).

Westminster Abbey Monument to Mat-thew Prior (died 1721)2t. Like many ofhis English contemporaries, Gibbs wastantalized by the potentials of furniturelargely as an extension of the architecturalsetting.

T. F. FRIEDMAN

Abbreviations: Ashmolean (Gibbs Collection, Ash-molean Museum, Oxford); Colvin (H. M. Colvin, ABiograPhical Dictionary of English:1rchitects r 66o—r84o,London, 1954); DEF (R. Edwards, The Dictionary ofEnglish Furniture, II, London, 1924—7); Friedman (T. F.Fricdman, james Gibbs, r68a—r 754 r the formation of hisarchitectural style, Ph.D. thesis, University of London,1971); RIBA (Royal Institute of British ArchitectsDrawings Collection); VAM (Department of Printsand Drawings, Victoria and Albert Museum); Ward-3ackson (P. Ward-Jackson, English Furniture Designsof the Eighteenth Century, London, 1958).

I

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

N'aid-joclsvn, pp. 34 7, pls. 13—45; Col<in; 'AI.Jourdain, 'Ih» N ork oj I I'illiam Aent, London,1948.H. Honour, 'John Talman and William Kent inItaly', 7 he Canna'<.iseur. August 1954, pp. 3 7.I'rom 'A f'ew short cursory Remarks on some

of'he

finest Ancient & Modern Buildings in Rome& other parts of'Italy by Mr. Gibbs while hc wasstudying Architecture there'n 'A Manuscri byMr Gibh» Memorandum, &c 'n Sir JohnSoane's > Iuscum, London. I am gratef'ul to thc'I'rustces and Curator of thc >fuscum for per-mission to quote f'rom this document.For Gibb», sec thc Soane Museum manuscript(n. 3j; I'riedman; Colvin, B. Little, The Life an<iIf'orks of famri Clibbi, I.ond<>n, I'95.'>.In Vols. 2 and 4 in the Ashmolean. In addition, anextraordinary design in Gibbs's hand ( VAM E.3646—1913) for a Ibnt in the shape of' swanpere hcd on an elaborately carved baroquepedestal, incorporating an Earl's and Duke scoronet, is probably to be associated with thechapel (demolished 1747) which Gibbs designed(1716—20) I'or James Brydges, Earl ofC',aernarvon,1st Duke of'handos at Cannons in Middlcscx(C:. H. C)ollins Baker and M. I. Baker, The I.ifeand Circunntancei of james Bri'dgei, F<ist Dul e ofChrrndos, London, 1949. Chapter VI; Fiiedmcrn.Chapter 7, T. F. Friedman, games Gibbs as aChurch Designer, Derby, 1972, no. 26j.'My Lord Harley's accompt', reproduced inIVren Society, XVII, p. 10, which also lists pay-ments for drawings of'vas< s and urns and 'Severaldores for ye Liberary'; in the Bodleian Library,Oxford (Gough Maps 46, no. 271j is Gibbs'sdesign for bookcases f'r the Library at Wimpolc.RIBA; sce author's entry in thc forthcomingC:atalogue of the Drau><ngs Collection of the RoyalInstitute ofBritish Architecti.Gumlcy House survives largely'naltered as thcConvent of the Faithf'ul Companions of Jesus,Twickenham Road (M. Jourdain and R.Edwards, Georgian Cabinet-.lfakers, London, 1944,fig. 9; Friedman, Chapter 19, pp. 255—6, pls.150—2). Gumlcy was also a subscriber to JohnJames's The Theory and Practice of Garder<ing,London, 1712, dedicated to James Johnston, wholived at n<arby Twickenham and was lat<r apatron of'ibbs, who built (c. 1716—22) theoctagonal pavilion attached to his Twickenhamvilla (later called Orleans House).The Soane Museum manuscript (n. 3). A designfor the plaster decoration of the ceiling is in theAshmolean, IV, 41 (C. Hussey, 'Fairlawne, Kent',Country Lifi,, 30 October 1958, pp. 989—1001;D. Sherborn, 'Room by Gibbs at Fairlawnc',Country Life, 27 <November 1958, p. 1247).

10. In the Victoria and Albert Museum are lookingglasses of closely related design (DFF, fig. 56, 61)and drawings which are possibly by Gibbs( I4<ard-jackson, pls. 26, 36).

11. D. Sherborn, Over-Seas Hou.ie, I.ondon, nd.I'2. DEF, Fig. 62. For Gibbs's contribution to the

house, see W. Ison, 'A Plan for IV< ntworthWoodhousc, Yorkshire", Th» Countri Seat, I.ondon.1970, pp. 106—09.

13. Plate 93 in A Book of Architectnre.14. Compare to looking glasses datable to the early

1730's, such as that at Hampton Court made in1732- 3 for Frederick, Prince of Wales byBenjamin Goodison (DFF. Fig. 57).

15. I'I ard-jackson, pp. 34—5, pls. 20—25; C'ol<iin, p. 328.16. C. Hussey, English (,'ountry Houiei, Early Cieoigian

r7r5—r76o, London, 1955, pp. 40-42; Friedrnan.Chapter 12; Sun e) ol London. vol. XX.

17. Bequeathed by Gibbs in 1754 to the RadcliH'eLibrary, Oxford (.I Catalogue of Mr. Gibbi'sBooks. Bodleian MS. Fng. Misc, c. 28; Friedman,Appendix B).

18..4shmolean, X, 77—79; one of the tables is hyNicolas Pineau.

19. If'ard-jackson. p. 35, pls. 27 -9. The book,of'hicha copy with additional loos< sheets is in

the I'AM (E. 936—997—1904), was published on25 June 1736. Between Juf) and December of'theprevious year, Brunetti exccutcd painted decora-tion in two buildings parti) designed hy Cfibbsfbr James Brydges, 1st Duke ofChandos: ChandosHouse in Cavendish Square and the New)<Monument Room at St. Lawrence, WhitchurchtCollini Baker (n. 5), pp. 282—5„414—17; M.WhiHen, Stuart and Georgian C'hurches, London,1948, pl. 149; I'.. Croft-Murray, De<orative Paint-ing in England r587—>887, II, 1970, pp. 176 7i.

20. H. Honour, Cabinet Makers and Furniture Designer<.London, 1969, pp. 70, 72.

21. See also Gibbs's preliminary design (c. 1714) fbrthe W<>stminster Abbey Monument. to the Dukeof'ewcastle (Friedman, Chapter 2, pl. 6; If'renSociety, XII, pl. XXXIII (right).

Note:Two drawings of chairs. in the British Museum(1890—5—12—86 and 87), attributed to Gibbs (L.Binyon, Catalogue of Draun'ngs by Britirh Artists in theBritish Museum, London, 1900, II, p. 215), presentproblems which are not discussed in this articl<..

I wish to thank Christopher Gilbert for his invaluableassistance and encouragement in preparing this article,and the Royal Institute of British Architects DrawingsCollection and the Ashmolean Museum for permissionto publis!i drawings in their collections.

25

Ingram's Palace, Io'rk

When Sir Arthur Ingram died in 1642 helel't five buildings in Yorkshire as evidenceof his wealth and position in the county: atown house in York, country houses atSheriff Hutton and Temple Newsam, ahunting lodge at New Park in the Forest ofGaltres and an Almshouse for ten poorwidows in Bootham. The four last surviveand a full account of the building historyof each has been published,'nly SirArthur's magnificent residence in Yorkwhich occupied the site of the old Arch-bishop's Palace adjacent to the north-eastcorner of the Minster awaits detailedinvestigation'. It was pulled down in 1815and until the recent discovery of threewatercolour studiess recording differentaspects of the house, the only architecturalevidence was a group of plans, the mostinstructive, dated 1782, being preservedamongst the Temple Newsam papers4.This pictorial information is supplementedby three revealing contemporary descrip-tions together with various references inletters and account books.Apart from the fact that Sir Arthur

Ingram's father came from Rothwell, nearLeeds, he had no special connection withYorkshire until he purchased, in 1612,the Office of Secretary of the Council

of'he

North. However, following the collapseof his hopes of a career at Court he decidedto leave London and become a greatnorthern landed proprietor~. The moveaccorded with his position on the Councilof'he North which sat in York and hisgrowing involvement with the alum indus-try on the coast near Guisbrough; hestarted to improve his social status by invest-ting in land and building, simultaneously,three ambitious mansions.Adjoining the north-east side of'he

Minster lay the derelict Archbishop's Palace

and Sir Arthur selected this patchof'asteground for his principal house,

negotiating a lease for three lives at arental of g3. 6. 8 p.a. The property isvividly described in the deeds as 'beingheretofore utterly ruinous, vast and de-cayed, little or no appearance or showthereof remaining but only an old prisonand some of the ruinous walls of the saidPalace standing, and the rest of the struc-ture and buildings thereof'uried in theearth, and in the ruins of the same, somepart of the Palace yard or garth being fullof hills and old stone and rubbish andanother part thereof nothing but bogs andwatring marrish grounds' Today theonly surviving features of the medievalPalace are a late-twelfth century arcadeand the early-thirteenth century Arch-bishop's chapel which now serves as theMinster Library.The Steward's account books'eveal

that the reconstruction and decorativework was carried out by the same team ofmaster-craftsmen employed at TempleNewsam and Sheriff Hutton Park, theoriginal interiors preserved at the latterhouse furnish an impression of how therooms in the Palace were styled. HenryDuckett of Castle Howard and JohnWilliamson were entrusted with the carpen-try, John Burridge, fretter, executed en-riched plaster friezes and ceilings andThomas Ventris, carver, supplied chimney-pieces and garden ornaments in the fbrmof flying beasts, lions and standing figurescut from stone quarried at Huddlestone .The garden was remarkably elaborate,being one of the sights of the city viewedfrom the Minster tower; it included abowling green, tennis court, banquetinghouse, fish ponds, topiary hedges, a foun-tain, raised walks and fbrmal beds. An

26

'd Irredn's House near the Mirrster in fork, taken t77d,'Ialenolour,l.,yorth East Vieu of Part of'the Ruins of Lord lrudn's ouse nea

5 x 7)in. fVakefteld Museum.

inventory o ''he household f'urnishingstaken in 1666'onfirms Edward North-gate's comment that 'every room is aseveral Apollo, and the inventory of'is

'1dishes as long as these country miles.In 1639 the King dined with Ingram at

the Palace and in November 1641 thesovereign, eth Prince of'ales and theirretinue stayed two nights on their journeysouth from Scotland. The household expen-

f th week 'being the King's wee 'sJohn Matteson records it were f98.the week fbllowing they were~... er ~~2. 3. 5. TheKing and Prince of Wales also stayed atthe Palace, which had been placed at

Sir Arthur and Lady Ingram being inLondon at the time'The first Viscount Irwin and his wif'e

hearth money was paid on thirty-five

chimneys. However, the 2nd Viscount andhis successors pref'erred to live at Temp cNewsam. In 1669 portions of'he Palace

3 I 11 ~were let, the rents amounting to f63.in 1681, however, the f'amily renewed theirlease at a cost of $200 to the Archbishop

occupie a sui e' uite of'ooms and althougArthur 3rd Viscount Irwin, retained partof'he house the rest had, by the end of'hecentury, een cb onverted into tenements.Th h t the eighteenth century on ya few rooms were used inf'requent y y t efami y. n1 . I 1720 Ladies of the Monday

inclu-A bl leased certain chambers inc u-ssem ythed'e Gallery; Robert Hopkinson, t e

1721":steward, wrote to Lord Irwin in

will do nothing to the roof'... the very

27

timber and materials are $20 worse everyyear for want ofnecessary repair'. This stateof affairs evidently continued for in 1773Samuel Keeling informed his master'4:'The house at York is more in ruins thanever, not one bit of care that I see is takenby anybody, the children are playing inevery part of'he ruins daily, whichfbrmerly was not the case. The bowlinggreen beside the Minster is now made useof for every person that pleases to exercisetheir horses on. Houghton the dancing-master has left his rooms and I have abookseller that will take them and pay thesame

rent.'he

three watercolours record the rav-ages of decay in 1774—6 and the plan, madein 1782, following a law suit, indicates thatthe property was divided into some twentyparcels including dwellings, shops andstables used by the Dragoons for a ridingschool. No major renovation was under-taken and in 1814 the Marchioness ofHertf'ord surrendered the lease. Shortlyaf'terwards the Palace ruins were demolish-ed, the grounds cleared and laid out asgardens; the derelict medieval Chapel wasrepaired for use as a Chapter library anda new Deanery and house for the Canon-in-residence erected on the site. The areais now known as Dean's Park".The three descriptions of'he Palace in

Sir Arthur Ingram's day each illuminateslightly different aspects and possess specialinterest since no contemporary accounts ofhis other residences have been traced. Theearliest in date is in the form of sometravellers notes made by three militarygentlemen 1'rom Norwich who visited Yorkin 1634. They were clearly impressed byhis ostentatious style of living": '...andamongst many other brave Houses andBuildings in that Spacious City, we beheldas it were under us, adjoining to theMinster, as it were a second Paradise,wherein liveth a generous, free and graveold Knight and of great revenue; wespeedily descended to go thither, and hadfree passage to our own hearts desire.The first moiety of'n hour, we spent

in his rare Gardens, and curious longwalks, which were adorned with manykinds of Beasts to the life, with mostlively statues in several shapes and forms.

A pleasant fair Tennis-Court; a delightf'ullarge bowling ground newly made; curious-ly contrived Fish-Pond; all which madeup another sweet little city. A place it is sopleasant, to all the senses, as Nature andArt can make it.The other half-hour we spent in his

rich Mansion where we 1'ound so muchcontentive variety within, as before without,his store of massy Plate, rich Hangings,lively Pictures, and Statues rich, $150pearl Glasses, fair stately $500 Organ andother rich furniture in every room, Prince-like, his family and attendants Court-like,his fare and generous entertainment Christ-mas-like; here we desired heartily (havingsuch free liberty as was given us) to havespent another hour, but that time wouldnot allow

it.'he

Journal of Sir William Brereton ofHandforth, Cheshire provides a perceptivecommentary on Sir Arthur Ingram's cele-brated garden". The entry, dated 13June1635, discloses that the gardener waspermitted to spend only $10 a year onhorticulture. 'On the north or north-westside of this Minster seated Sir ArthurIngram's house and brave gardens;

whereof'ot

a third part furnished with fiowers;but disposed into little beds, whereonplaced statues, the beds all grass; very fairhigh spacious walls round about thisgarden and large fair trees, but nothingwell furnished with f'ruit. Here I observeda sloping border a full yard high placed tothe trees, which hath brought forth rootsout of the lower part of the body of'hetree: this border is kept green; but thegardener conceives it no advantage to thetrees; which are now cut and dubbed, butthe gardener dislikes that course: to keepin order and to weed, and maintain thisgarden, another spacious orchard whereinare many walks, and to keep a 1'air statelywalk among the city walls, which do boundand compass this orchard; to tend anddispose of his fish, to keep which he hasdiverse fishponds in this ground and tobreed and bring up young pheasants,there was only allowed him $10 per annumand Sir Arthur to be at no more charge.Four cisterns here are made of brick abouta yard deep and square, to keep pikes,breams, tench and carps. Water is pumped

28

into these, but I do not expect them tosucceed well, they are placed in an openhouse, walled, but the roof sufficientlyopen, and yet under lock and key. Thisgardener conceives that mingling muckwith soil and placing it to the tree roots isvery good; but not muck

alone.'he

most critical remarks are to bef'ound in the Journal of John Aston whojourneyed to York to attend the King asa privy chamberman'". r4 Ap. 1639Sir Arthur Ingram's house at the west endof the Minster, the inhabitants believeexcels for a garden being set out withimages of lions, bears, apes and the like,both beasts and birds which, from thetop of the steeple, please the eye, butotherwise are shows only to delight children,the chiefest pleasure of his garden beingthe mere adjacency to the town wall whichaffords him means to cast several mounts

and degrees one above the other, theupmost viewing the whole country on thatside, and is of a great liberty extendinghalf' quarter of a mile in length beyondSir Thomas Ingram's, his next neighbour.His house is low, no extraordinary building,but very commodious and stately andspacious enough though not suitable to hisestate. Yet he showed himself an honour-able host by entertaining (during the timeof the King's abode there) the LordGeneral, the Lord Chamberlain, the Secre-tary ofState in his house, and the rest of theLords (as attended the King) every daymany of them at Boord with him besidegentlemen and

others.'he

three descriptions quoted aboverelate to the Palace during its heyday, and itis very gratifying to have located a group

of'opographicalwatercolours, probably byE. Abbott, recording something of its

2. An East View of the Ruins of Lord Irwin's House ajdoining the West End of 2"ork Minster, taken r774watereolour, 6'x 8/in. Wakefeeld Museum.

29

architectural character and setting. Thesouth-east view reproduced as Fig. 3 showsthe gateway leading into the Palace, theold Archbishop's prison with the formerbowling green in the foreground and aderelict range of buildings —a wing of theoriginal house — beyond on the right.Fig. I is another picturesque view of ruinsreflecting seventeenth century vernacularbuilding patterns —pictorial evidence whichconfirms John Aston's remark about SirArthur's house being 'low, no extraordinary

building... not suitable to his estate'. Theprospect illustrated as Fig. 2 portrays partof the old Palace, easily identifiable onthe ground plan (Fig. 4) from the oddlyapsidal feature; the tenement on the leftof the court was occupied by ThomasDobson in 1782 and the prison block is onthe right. The plan is a redrawn andslightly simplified version of one in theLeeds City Archives Department'

CHRISTOPHER GILBERT

1. C. Gilbert, 'Sheriff Hutton Park I & II', CountryLife, Sept. 1966; articles by the author on NewPark and Ingram's Almshouses in York willshortly appear in the I'..4.S.gourna/.

2. A summary history is printed in the V.C.H. Ciyt

of I"ork, pp. 340—1.3. I am grateful to Dr. T. Friedman I'or finding

these sketches which are bound in a volumetitled Drawings and Engravings Illustrative of theCounty of Fork, vol. III, If. 8 and 19 I'orming partof the Gott Collection in Wakefield Museum.

4. TN/YO/9.5. Biographical inlbrmation derived (rom A. F.

Upton, Sir rl rthur 1ngram, 1961.6. TN/YO/A9.7. TN/YO/C (Building &. Repairs 1618—1761).8. C. Gilbert, Newly-discovered carvings by

Thomas Ventris ofYork', Connoisseur (Aug. 1966),pp. 257—9.

9. TN/EA/3, 1—27.10. Leeds City Archives Dept. Pawson M.S. Acc

1038 (index).11. TN/YO/E (Rents & Receipts 1646—1761).

12. A letter amongst the T.N. papers 1'rom GeorgeTownshend to John Rhodes, 20 Oct. 1698,describes the very quaint ceremony enactedbetween the parties when the first lease wasrenewed.

13. T. N. Corr. 27 Nov. 1721.14. T. N. Corr. 24 March 1773.15. V.C.H. op. eit., p. 341.16. J. J. Cartwright, Chapters in the Hi story of I orkshire,

Wakefield, 1872, pp. 332—3.17. Surtees Society, vol. 124 (North Country Diaries)

1914, pp. 4-5.18. Surtees Society, vol. 118 (North Country Diaries)

1910, p. 4.19. There are three other plans (possibly copies)

ol'ncertaindate; one is in the York City ArtGallery, the other two are the property of theD. & C. York, Hornby M.S.,Add. 91 (Scrapbk),p. 278, see also p. 268. I am grateful to JohnIngamells for drawing my attention to theseplans and for his helpful interest in the prepara-tion of this article. I am also indebted to LeedsCorporation for permission to quote from theT.N. papers and to Wakefield Corporation lbrauthority to reproduce the watercolours. StevenPhillips kindly drew the plan.

References to the plan:l. Ingram's Palace.2. The Palace Prison.3. Medieval Chapel.4. Riding School, formerly Tennis Courts.5. Fish Ponds.6. Old Bowling Green.7. Tenements.8. An old Arch, the entrance to the Archbishop's

Palace.

30

3. A South East Vien~ of the Ruins of the ArchbishoPs Palace adjoining to lhe Minster al Tork, noui leased to theLord Iru~in, taken r776; watercolour, 7b x it)in. Wakejietd Museum.

4. I'lon iif tire Isrymisei near the Alinster at Pork, the ProPerlp of Ladj Viscountess Iruin. r78a. The heavy linerepresents the boundary iif the Iruin priiperty, the darker areas are building» anil a Aey tii ihe notation piecedei thefootriotes.

Published in Leeds by the Amenities Committee jointly with the Leeds Arl Colleclions Fundand a contribulion from the Yorkshire Arls Assomalion.

Designed and Printed by E.j Arnold R Son Limited al their Broadway Factory, Leeds l t.

tria <e .aemOS'Yor <s cfires.drivingAr-s scene

Park SquareGallery

57 St. Paul's Street, Leeds z

Telephone Leeds z64zI

Monday to Fridayzo a.m. to 5 p.m.Saturday zo a.m. to z p.m.

Get the monthly magazinepublished by the YorkshireArts Association. It containsa vast list of artisticevents which is designed asan attractive poster pluslots of informative articleson what's happening inthe arts.

You can buy the magazine inLeeds at the City ArtGallery, the Park SquareGallery, Barker's, thePlayhouse or the GrandTheatre. You can alsosubscribe for E1 a year.Send to us for details, or,if you'e never seen thepublication, a freeintroductory copy.

YORKSHIRE ARTS ASSOCIATIONGLYDE HOUSE, GLYDEGATEBRADFORD BDS OBGTelephone Bradford 23051

TERENCE BENNETTPaintings and Drawingsof the North7th FehrtIary —

hard March, rgb

NEVILLE BODENSculptureNORMAN ACKROYDEtchings7th —gist March, lg7$

PRINTS permanently instockLENDING LIBRARV ofpaintings, drau ings and prints.

ESTABLISHED 1867

REMOVERSSTORERSPACKERS

SHIPPERS S287 ROUNDHAY ROAD, LFED8 8

Phones 629282-3

a"gee aeB,,ae o9+ qo~B Q+ ee

o~ P

oE 90

eees»

e

e»»» ~egee

.oe

»e

it'paper