Sacarin C., Berzovan a., Borangic C. - A Fort at the Edge of the Empire. Observations Enabled by the Discovery of Two Curved Weapons at the Dacian Fortress of Divici

8/14/2019 Sacarin C., Berzovan a., Borangic C. - A Fort at the Edge of the Empire. Observations Enabled by the Discovery of Two Curved Weapons at the Dacian Fortr

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Ministre de lEducation, de la Recherche, de la Jeunesse et du Sport

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SECTIONdArchologie et dHistoire

TOME XVNumro 1

2013

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Annales dUniversit Valahia Targoviste,Section dArcheologie et dHistoire,Tome XV, Numro 1, 2013, p. 55-75ISSN: 1584-1855;ISSN (online): 22853669

A fort at the edge of the Empire.Observations enabled by the discovery of two curved weapons at the

Dacian fortress of Divici

Caius S crin*, Alexandru Berzovan**, C t lin Borangic***

*Muzeul Banatului Montan, Re ia; **Alexandru Ioan Cuza University, Bd. Carol I, No. 11, Ia i, Romania,[email protected] ; ***Centrul de Studii Daco-Romanistice Lucus, Timi oara, Romania,[email protected].

Abstract: A fort at the edge of the Empire. Observations enabled by the discovery of two curved weapons at the Dacian fortress of Divici . Among the specific embodiments of the military phenomena, weapons occupy aleading role, as they are the most obvious physical representations. The arrival of Roman power on the lowerDanube during I st century A.D. generated a series of skirmishes in the region, with both the Dacian kingdom, aswell as with various tribal factions, more or less under the influence of the said kingdom, on both sides of thegreat river. In our view, a special interest zone for understanding said phenomena is the Danube Gorge, where,for over a century, the armies of Rome and those of the Dacian kings were in direct and permanent contact,separated only by the great European river. The usage of modern methods of investigation, to the extent that it

can be done, combining them with field research and excavations in well-defined micro zones, can provide newinsights into the analysis of issues such as the spatial distribution of sites in an area and thus, the issue ofrelations between these archaeological sites. In this picture, curved weapons discovered in the ruins of theDacian fortress Divici, an important fort, throws an important light on the importance of this border point. It islikely that the garrison stationed here, obviously related to the power center from the ureanu Mountains, wascomposed of elite soldiers, as the weapons, the type of fortification and the geographical position convergetogether towards this hypothesis. Located at the meeting point of two distinct worlds, the Dacian warriors on theDanube Gorge built solid fortifications, integrated into a coherent system, which aimed at controlling access tokey crossing points across the river. Consolidating their power through trade, but also through plunder, thesewarriors found themselves at the forefront of the advance of Roman armies towards the Danube, managing toresist until the era of the large Dacian-Roman confrontations.

Key words: Dacian curved weapons, Ancient Dacian Warriors, GIS, Danube Gorge, Divici Fortification

IntroductionAmong the specific embodiments of the

military phenomena, weapons occupy a leadingrole, as they are the most obvious physicalrepresentations. Carriers of social and ideologicalmessages, weapons were regarded as having realidentity markers, as a weapons type andcharacteristics were associated with the warriorsthat owned them. That is the case of the curvedweapons with the blade on the concave side,

invariably associated by ancient artists andauthors with the warrior populations of thenorthern Balkans, Thracians, but especially Geto-Dacians.

The construction of the Dacian kingdom inthe centuries I st B.C. I st A.D., done through themore or less peaceful integration of preexistentsociopolitical entities, could not have beenachieved without a solid political-militaryinfrastructure. This infrastructure was


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Caius S c rin, Alexandru Berzovan, C t lin Borangic

Tome XV, Numro 1, 2013 56

characterized, among other things, by theexistence of numerous core groups ofprofessional warriors with a well-definedidentity, as they were the builders and masters ofimpressive fortifications, securing and projectingthe power and authority of the Dacian kings ofSarmizegetusa throughout the territories.

The arrival of Roman power on the lowerDanube at the end of the I st century B.C.,generated a series of violent clashes andskirmishes in the region, with both the Daciankingdom, as well as with the various tribalfactions, more or less under the influence of thesaid kingdom, battles taking place on both sidesof the river. These clashes along a Danubian

frontier that spanned more than 1000 km, havebeen well documented by contemporary sources.The need for an efficient response to the newmilitary and political challenges brought on bythe situation on the Danube, had determined theconsolidation of existing fortifications, as well asthe creation of a veritable defensive systemsmeant to protect the, up until then fluctuatingborders of the Dacian kingdom. In our view, aspecial interest zone for understanding saidphenomena is the Danube Gorge, where, for overa century, the armies of Rome and those of the

Dacian kings were in direct and permanentcontact, separated only by the great Europeanriver.

In the present study, we have set out todiscuss the issues of the defensive system of thearea, at the same time attempting a journey intothe world of the Dacian warriors at theboundaries of the Roman Empire. Therefore wewill present two curved weapons, unpublished,discovered in one of the keeps located inside thepowerful Dacian fortress of Divici Grad(town of Pojejena, Cara - Severin County).

Means and methodsOur discussions focus on the Danube Gorge,

the area defined conventionally as being betweenthe modern localities of Bazia (town of Socol,Cara-Severin county) to the west, and Ie elnia(town, Mehedin i county) to the east. To thesouth, the limit is the waters of the Danube, andto the north the waters of the Nera river (fig. 1).Our analysis includes almost the whole of theAlm jului Mountains even though their peaksrarely go over 1000 meters, the large degree ofrelief fragmentation and the considerable terrain

differences make this area, even today, one of theleast populated and remote areas of Romania (L.Mruia, 2004-2005).

Caution must be used when using the resultsof analyzing discoveries mentioned in therelevant bibliography for the purpose ofobtaining an image concerning the intensity ofhabitation. Therefore, with the exception offortifications, random discoveries are usuallyvery generously dated, thus their inclusion in ourtimeframe of interest, I st century B.C. I st century A.D., is often questionable.

The same uncertainty regarding dating is alsofound in the case of hoards and numismaticdiscoveries, the case of monetary circulation in

pre-roman Dacia, the period of use andpreservation of certain coins, all these are issuesthat lack sufficient clarification. For the purposeof this article, we have selected 46 distinctarcheological discoveries (fig. 2; tab. 1),consisting of 5 fortifications, 8 open settlements6 cave dwellings, 1 funerary find, 10 coin hoardsand 15 isolated coin finds (tab. 1).

To better understand the functionality ofdefensive ensembles and their spacialrelationship with neighboring settlements, webelieve we must first start with a good awareness

of the local terrain, while modern analysismethods (GIS software), are in our opinion,indispensable . It is not in the purpose of thispaper to criticize some approaches incontemporary Romanian archaeology of the LateIron Age but we find indeed curious how certainauthors (for example, P. Pupez , 2013) candiscuss at length the archaeological theory ofview shed in relation to Dacian forts withoutproviding in their papers any sort of GISanalysis, not to mention any sort of maps at all....To calculate visibility ranges, we have used aDEM (Digital Elevation Model) with a 30 mresolution, the processing of results being donewith the Global Mapper 13.00 program. We havealso consulted ortophotograms, on a scale of1:5000, available online on the site of theANCPI. Information regarding the preciselocations (in GPS and in Stereo70 formatcoordinates) of a majority of analyzed points wasgracefully provided by Liviu M ruia and AlinaGheorghe.

Using a single reference point to calculatevisibility and control ranges of fortificationssituated in rough terrain can usually cause errors.


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A fort at the edge of the Empire.Observations enabled by the discovery of two curved weapons at the Dacian fortress of Divici

Tome XV, Numro 1, 201357

Fig. 1- Map of ancient Dacia and surroundings areas with the location of the area in question.

Fig. 2- Map of analyzed area and archeological discoveries in question.


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Number Place Placename Type Bibliography1 Bazia - Isolated find I. Glodariu, 1974; S. A. Luca, 2004.2 Bazia - Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca ,2004.3 Bnia - Isolated find S. A. Luca, 2004.4 Cameni a - Settlement S. A. Luca, 2004.5 Coronini - Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.6 Coronini - Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.7 Coronini - Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.8 Coronini - Isolated find I. Glodariu, 1971; F. Medele , 1994.9 Coronini - Isolated find F. Medele , 1994.

10 Coronini - Isolated find F. Medele , 1994.11 Coronini La Cul Fortress F. Medele et.al., 1971; S. A. Luca,

2004.12 Coronini Gaura Chindiei I Cave S. Petrescu, 2000; S. A. Luca, 2004.13 Coronini Gaura Chindiei II Cave P. Rogozea, 1987; S. Petrescu, 2000.14 Coronini Gaura cu Musc Cave P. Rogozea, 1987; S. Petrescu, 2000.

15 Cozla - Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.16 Dalbo e Grdite Fortress O. Bozu et.al., 2004.17 Divici Grad Fortress M. Gum et.al., 1987; M. Gum

et.al., 1997; A. Rustoiu,1993; A.Rustoiu, 2006-2007.

18 Drencova Debarcader Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.19 Eftimie Murgu - Isolated find F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.20 Gornea Padina cu spini Settlement S. A. Luca, 2004.21 Gornea Oga ul Ierii Settlement I. Dragomir, 1981; S. A. Luca, 2004.22 Liborajdea Locul lui B nil Settlement I. Dragomir, 1981; S. A. Luca, 2004.23 Liubcova iglrie Settlement S. A. Luca, 200424 Liubcova Stenca Liubcovei Fortress M. Gum , 1977; Gum et.al., 1999; I.

Glodariu, 2004; S. A. Luca, 2004; A.Rustoiu, 2006-2007.

25 Liubcova Pe tera de subStenca Liubcovei

Cave V. Boronean , 2000; S. Petrescu,2000; S. A. Luca, 2004.

26 Liubcova - Isolated find F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.27 Moldova Nou Observator Isolated find F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.28 Moldova Veche - Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.29 Moldova Veche Ostrovul Mare Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.30 Moldova Veche Jose Isolated find F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.31 Moldova Veche - Isolated find F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.32 Pojejena Via Bogdanovici Isolated find F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.33 Potoc - Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.34 Potoc - Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.

35 Potoc - Coin hoard F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.36 Potoc - Isolated find F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.37 Sasca Montan Valea uara Settlement (?) S. A. Luca, 2004.38 Sichevi a La Biseric Settlement I. Dragomir, 1981; S. A. Luca, 2004.39 Sichevi a La Dispensar Settlement S. A. Luca, 2004.40 Slatina Nera - Isolated find F. Medele , 1994; S. A. Luca, 2004.41 Socol - Isolated find I. Glodariu, 1971; F. Medele , 1994.42 Socol Palana ki Breg Fortress M. Gum , 1997; S. A. Luca, 2004.43 Dubova Cuina Turcului Cave S. A. Luca, 2006.44 Dubova Pe tera Ponicova Cave S. A. Luca, 2006.45 Dubova - Isolated find S. A. Luca, 200646 Dubova - Grave D. Spnu, 2004

Tab. 1 - Archeological finds in the area in question and their number of order on Fig. 2.


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It is well known that perspectives can differ fromone side to another on a mountain; however ourintention was to offer a global perspective of theexisting visibility range. Therefore, for each sitewe have used multiple reference points, that forma polygonal mesh overlapped with what we havetermed (mostly in a conventional sense) thelimits of said location, the plans we providedshowing the cumulative results for analysis donefor each of the mentioned reference points.

Given that surveillance in forts was certainlydone from towers or specially built observatories,we have taken into consideration a height of 10 mabove ground (still, identical results were

achieved with the analysis for this area where wecalculated visibility ranges from ground level foreach).

The artifacts and their context of discoveryThe Divici - Grad fort is situated on the

Danube Gorge, between kilometers 1065 and1066 of the river, on the last peaks of theAlm jului Mountains, occupying a triangularplateau, with an area of 7000 square meters, thatdominates with around 100 m the rivers flow(fig. 3). Surrounded on three sides by steep

slopes, it is only accessible from a narrow pathon the northern side, which in ancient times wasbarred by two defense ditches, with an opening of6 and 10 m respectively, separated by what seemsto have been an earth wall. In the immediatevicinity of the fort, on a series of anthropicterraces located on the eastern slopes of thepromontory, numerous signs of habitation havebeen observed at the base, on the banks of theDanube a contemporary civilian settlementexisted, currently submerged due to the buildingof the Iron Gates dam (M. Gum et.al., 1987; M.Gum et.al., 1995; M. Gum et al., 1997; I.Glodariu, 2004; A. Rustoiu, 2005; A. Rustoiu,2006-2007).

A series of fortification works, consisting ofthree successive earth walls, were observed onthe peak north-west of the site (M. Gum et.al.,1995). Liviu M ruia pointed out the existence ofmajor linear fortifications meant to bar access tothe west of the Alm jului Mountains, which arebelieved to be from the Dacian period due tosimilarities existing to those found in theureanului Mountains (D. Oltean, 2012; E. S.Teodor et.al., 2013) therefore, we believe that

future systematic field researches should bestarted throughout the whole region.

Archeological digs at Grad location during1985-1998, have identified three separate phasesof said fortifications, which seem to be linked tothree phases of habitation. Our description willfocus particularly on the military aspects of thediscussed site. During the first of these phases,less known (dated between the late II nd centuryBC - the first half of the I st century BC), theplateau was defended by a simple earth wall withpalisade. The second phase, much bettersubstantiated by findings, is dated in generalduring the I st BC to early I st century AD, when

the fort suffers significant damage. During thisperiod, the slopes of the early earth wall wereremoved by the addition of large amounts ofcompacted clay, thus achieving a terracing thathad a stone wall built on top. This stone wallpresents partly shaped facings made of stonebound with clay, the wall filling being made ofcrushed stone and clay, apparently also having,on the outside, a series of support beams stuckdown, with perhaps a supporting role. This phasecorresponds, apparently, to the T2 keep, that hasa stone base and a story probably made of brick

(M. Gum et.al., 1995).The last phase lasts throughout the I st centuryAD and marks the peak of the fortificationsdevelopment (M. Gum et.al., 1995, M. Gum et.al., 1997; I. Glodariu, 2004; A. Rustoiu, 2005,A. Rustoiu, 2006-2007).

Following significant damage sustained atthe end of Phase II, the stone wall above isrestored, at which time the T1 keep was built inthe northwest plateau, which, considering itsposition, acted as a curtain wall tower (Fig. 4).Between the restored wall and the edge of thekeep is a gap of a few meters - judging by thepublished excavation plans, it is possible thatthere may have been the location of the fortgateway. A 3.60 m thick stone wall runs from thenorth-eastern side of T1, built using the sameopus incertum technique. As with the Phase IIwall, the strengthening of the structure was alsomade on the outside by a series of beams, verticalpanels supported on a structure of transversebeams or boards, according to the authors of theexcavation (M. Gum et.al., 1995, M. Gum et.al., 1997). It seems hard to explain why thiswooden structure was built on the outside wall,


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as it was constantly exposed to danger of fireduring an eventual siege - but it is likely thatengineering reasons (risk of the wall slippingtoward the outside) might have prevailed overmilitary considerations.

The T1 keep has a rectangular shape, each ofits sides measuring approx. 9, 50 m on theoutside (fig. 4). Its solid walls, with a thicknessof 2.15 to 2.20 m, were kept in elevation over1.50 to 1.60 m from ground level. The buildingwas erected on a foundation 0.80 m deep, duginto the well compacted clay layer of a previousterracing. The foundation was made out of largepieces of local rough stones, stuck together withclay (M. Gum et.al., 1995). The walls of the

tower have a complex structure, being made withthe same "opus incertum" technique, but in aslightly different manner from that of settlementwalls. Thus, both the interior and exterior wallfacings were solid, made of large blocks ofvarious shaped rocks, with a summarily shapedexternal side, the binder used being clay.Between the facings, the filling was made out ofsmall pieces of stone bound in clay, the wholebuilding being enhanced by several rows ofwooden cross-beams with "dovetail" shapedheads (see fig. 4) that left spacings in the wall.

These rows of spacings, located approx. 1 maway from each other, could be seen mostly onthe side of SW, NW and NE of the tower, betterpreserved (M. Gum et.al., 1995). The upperfloor of the keep was made of brick, judging bythe presence of whole and fragmented bricks,some of them badly burned, found in the debris.Three distinct types could be distinguished:rectangle shaped, size 30x40 cm or 22x13 cm,and square shaped, with dimensions of 19x18cm, thickness of all types ranging from 7 to 8 cm.Note that some of the rectangular pieces presenttraces of plaster, approx. 1 cm thick. Numeroustraces of charred wood, and nails, discovered indebris, resulted from the destruction by fire of thewood infrastructure and superstructure of thekeep (M. Gum et alii 1987, M. Gum et.al.,1995, Gum et.al., 1997).

Inside the tower, in the middle is a roundearthen hearth. A rich archaeological material,consisting of numerous pottery fragments, madeboth by hand and wheel, some of them painted,where found around it and in its chamber. Weshould also note the presence of fragments fromlarge storage vessels. Also found were metal

pieces, among which a jeweler's anvil demandsnotice. In this same area, captured in Section I(fig. 4), were also found the two curved arms thatare the object of our study.

Beyond the obvious set of spiritual andcultural values with which Dacians havepenetrated the consciousness of antiquity, historywas more easily impressed by the warrior ethosand military virtues which they exercised duringtheir tumultuous existence. The Dacian-Romanwars of 101-102 and 105-106 A.D., revealed notonly martial qualities unveiled by writtensources, but also a local adaptation of a species ofcurved sword known in antiquity as the falx,whose archaeological remains are slowly

revealed. Curved blade weapons had a longevolution in the Thracian and then Dacianenvironments. The ancient written sources,archaeological findings and artisticrepresentations show this long process (A.Rustoiu, 2007).

P. Papinius Statius, Latin poet and protgeof Emperor Domitian (therefore we assume thathe knew the Dacians well) remarks the sinisterfame of their weapons, with which they areassociated: Quo Paeones arma rotatu, quo Macetae sua gaessa citent, quo turbine contum

Sauromates falcemque Getes arcumque Gelonustenderet et flexae Balearicus actor habenae [...](Statius, Achilleis, II, verses 131-134 of the IIpart).

M. Cornelius Fronto, important rhetor andRoman lawyer, also speaks of this terrible sword,which the Dacians used to oppose Romanexpansion: [...] in bellum profectus est cumcognitis militibus hostem Parthumcontemnentibus, saggitarum ictus post ingentia

Dacorum falcibus inlata volnera despicatuihabentibus(Fronto, Principia Historiae). This ishow he starts to describe the valiant efforts of theemperor L. Verus in in his war against theParthians, in an effort to mask his formerstudents poor performance in said conflict. Thisfragment, quoted extensively in the literature, isvery important for the fact that it brings intoquestion, more than half a century after Dacian-Roman wars, not only generalized use of theDacian curved swords, but their forms as well.Naming sickles in general, the author shows thathe speaks of curved weapons, the term Dacorum falcibus including said sickles, scythes, spades,knives, daggers and curved swords used during


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the Dacian kingdom`s period.Despite the reputation, exemplifying with

artifacts suffers a number of shortcomings, due inpart to the rarity of these objects inarchaeological contexts, and on the other hand,because of their relative standardization.Although present on architectural monuments,monetary issues or votive pieces, artisticambiguities do not always show the actualcharacteristics of these swords (C. Borangic,2006), almost invariably the authors seem contentto convey the idea of falx and rarely the objectivepicture of it.

As we said, falx dacica findings are rare in

relation to their fame at the time, so far arelatively small number of such curved swordshave been found, subsumed, with few exceptions,in a single type of sword called "Sarmisegetusa"(C. Borangic, 2006), considering those which weare confident are authentic and have kept almostthe entirety of their characteristics. The term falxdacica, obtained by associating two Latin terms,allows accurate identification of the weapon, invarious historical and archaeological contexts(Cf. C. Borangic, 2006). This type of sword,Sarmisegetuza, was for a long time the only

model without any doubt regarding its authenticity.The other types were assumed to be possiblebecause even though artistic illustrations were notaccompanied by specific findings, it was possiblethat they appear in the future, for manual techniquesthat were used in their production leave room fortheir existence at the time, even in a limited number(C. Borangic, 2006), and their consistent presencein Roman art seemed more than a simple artisticcanon.

The assumption proved itself correct,because, as we have temporarily admitted, as digsdone in the Divici fort have archeologicallyconfirmed the existence of this other type ofcurved sword, named curved gladius, type III,registered as A2B3 sword with medium sizedblade, with only a bent - (C. Borangic, 2006) inDacian environments. The combination of termsis only apparently contradictory, for it hascirculated in antiquity, at least as poetic license.We encounter it, for example, under the term falcatus ensis ensis being a synonym forgladius (C. Daremberg, M. Saglio, 1926) and intwo poems of Ovids Metamorphfoses (part I,verses 717-718: Nec mora, falcato nutantem

vulnerat ense , qua collo est confine caput [...];part IV, verse 727: Desinit inpiscem falcato vulneratense [...] and part V, verse 80).

Previous inferences were then supported onlyby illustration of such weapons in Roman art,lacking until now, the archaeological proofsconfirming the existence of such a type of curvedsword, whose morphology would permit its usein a disciplined way, in compact groups fightingafter the Roman model. Changes where broughtto the dominant model of curved sword"Sarmisegetusa", which seems to have been thefavorite weapon of a distinct category of Dacianwarriors, because of the new tactical

considerations needed when facing the Romanlegions and their absence in previouschronological horizons, allowing the assumptionthat this type of weapon was a strange symbiosisbetween falx dacica and gladius, in fact a later,hybridized version of the feared curved sword.This curved sword has a short blade, bent only atthe tip and was probably a single handed weapon.

Thus, on Trajan's Column, a monument witha visible message of imperial propaganda, thefight scenes depict Comati warriors wieldinginvariably short curved sword and shield (fig. 5).

Note that Sarmisegetusa type curved swords,usually have a two-handed grip, which eliminatesthe possibility of using it simultaneously with ashield. This allows the assumption that thosewielding the Sarmisegetusa type sword openedthe battle, creating gaps and those with shortswords, including the curved gladius type, formethe bulk of the warriors that engaged in melee.

A more explicit rendering can be found in theAdamclisi triumph monuments weapon frieze.(fig. 6/1), where the curved swords is comparablein size with gladius next to it. Completelydifferent from other weapons represented on themonument, this one has a straight blade to nearthe top, which is short and with a sharp bend andhandle, slightly oversized, is separated from theblade by a guard sleeve visible only on theunderside of the blade (F. Bobu-Florescu, 1960).

The bravery and skill of the Dacian militaryart was not exploited in arenas just for the fun ofthe plebe when the warriors were taken asgladiators after the end of the Daco-Roman wars,for the Roman imperial administration, whosepragmatism was practically a state policy,skillfully used these qualities of the new subjects


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Fig. 5 - Capillati warriors pictured on Trajan's Column, wielding short curved swords. Photos ofcopies of scenes located at MNIR.

Fig. 6 - Dacian curved weapons sculpted on roman monuments.


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and incorporated a large number of soldierscoming from Dacia into the Roman auxiliaryunits (C. C. Petolescu, 2002). Among these units,deployed far from their native lands, is also theCohors I Aelia Dacorum, stationed at (C)Amblogana, in Britannia, today Birdoswald(Great Britain), mentioned in a series ofepigraphic sources (C. C. Petolescu, 2002). Firstin chronological order, dating from between 198-209 A.D., is a rock" uncovered" when soldiers ofsaid Dacian cohort and those of Cohors I Thracum civium Romanorum were building ahoreum, whose inscription (Fig. 6/2) is flankedon the left by a sword with a bent tip and to the

right by a palm branch, a symbol of victory (I. I.Russu, 1980).Another statement, made on a block of stone

found in 1852, embedded in the wall of anothergranary, by soldiers under the leadership oftribune Marcus Claudius Menander, thecommander of Cohorsi I Thracum civium Romanorum, dated around 219 AD. On themonument relief, preserved at the CarlisleMuseum, the inscriptions text is flanked to theright by a palm branch, and to the left by acurved sword whose blade is straight right up

near the top (Fig. 6/3), where a bend ends with asharp tip (I. I. Russu, 1980; C. C. Petolescu,1980). Both carved arms certify the origin of theunits stationed here, at least that of the firstcontingent of soldiers and even if, very likely, itdoes not reflect the use of curved arms by theunit, but nevertheless, they remain as truesymbols associated with Dacian ethnos.

A similar association one can found on ahonorific altar (Fig. 6/4) erected in honour of aRoman officer, Sextus Vibius Gallus, prafectuscastrorum legiones XIII Geminae, found atAmastris (nowadays Amasra, Turkey), showingthe titular of the monument on horseback,fighting against two barbarians. One of them,probably injured, throws from his hands a longcurved sword, while the other has in its turn acurved sword, but of smaller size. It isimprobable that the freedman commanding andpaying for the monument could have actuallyknown the curved swords of the Dacians that hewould have wanted to eternalize them in thememory of his patron`s bravery - excepting thecase that he entered in his service as a Dacianprisoner - but it is certain that the ethnicity of the

officer`s enemies is put in connection with thecurved sword. It is important to notice that on themonument are two such weapons, having totallydifferent dimensions. If large swords appear onlyon the Adamclisi monument - offering maybe aclue in regard to the battle where Sextus Gallusmight have fought? The short sword can beconnected with other such representations fromthe Roman art. Initially, the dating of thismonument was related to the invasion of RomanDacia by barbarian populations during theMarcomannic Wars, in the years 166-169 A.D.,against whom the Legio XIII Geminae located atApulum fought a series of battles (I. I. Russu,

1971). More recent scholarship (V. Maxfield,1981; B. Dobson, 1978), date the military careerof the officer during the reigns of emperorsDomitian and Trajan.

The historical record of this type of curvedsword would have remained in the field ofassumptions, had it not been for the recentdiscovery of an intact, well preserved specimenin an undeniable archeological context.

It is a short curved sword, obtained by hotforging, strongly curved at the tip, like a spoutand edge on the concave side (fig. 7). The handle

does not show signs of visible rivets, its fasteningwas probably ensured by fixing the end spine in atimber tail. The handle would have been solidenough to ensure a proper balance for the weaponand increased mobility during combat.

Falx dacicaPlace of discovery, placename: Divici

Grad.Type of piece: falx dacica.Type of research: systematic research.Archeological context: interior of T1 keep.Storage site: Mountain Banat Museum,

Reia.Repository inventory: no. 8664.Description: good conservation status.Size: L = 39 cm; Exterior L. = 47 cm;

Interior L. = 42 cm; handle L. = 8,5 cm; w. = 3,2- 2, 6 cm; Thick= 0,5 - 0,2 cm

Dating: I st century A.D.Technical execution: hot tapping.References: novelThe weapon belonged, most likely, to an

infantryman, the relatively average length beingan impediment to a rider, therefore it was used inclose combat the pronounced curvature and tip


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shape giving it the advantage of high penetrationpower, very likely, able to penetrate light armor.Due to the specific shape, the whole force ofpenetration is concentrated in the tip, thus notsuitable to stabbing, the maximum effectivenessachieved just in the case by slashing andshearing. This makes it especially dangerous,

even if the enemy was protected by armor, shieldand helmet. Potential injuries (penetrating blows,cuts, splits) depended largely on striking power,the experience of the weapon wielder, the angleof incidence as well as the portion of the bodyaffected. In the case high amplitude hits, theexperience of the weapon wielder, the angle

Fig. 7 - Falx dacicafrom Divici (drawing made by I. Iova and M. Gymber).

of incidence as well as the portion of the bodyaffected. In the case high amplitude hits, alsoinvolved was the inertia force conferred by the

weight of the weapon and arm (C. Borangic,2007-2008), aggravated by the action of tearing.We would be tempted to say that beyond the

remarkable features of this type of sword, shewas in general use in Decebals army, but wewould fall into obvious historiographical clichs.The historical landscape of the Dacian kingdomslast period of existence revealed the existence ofa professional corps (Z. Petre, 2004), in turn witha hierarchy and curved swords were typicallyused only by a distinct category of warriors.

The upper echelon of this hierarchy was

composed of so-called tarabostes. Well-armed,

equipped with an efficient and heterogeneousarsenal which included spears, Celtic typeswords, sica type curved daggers, shields, bows,

chain mail armor and helmets, riding selected andtrained horses, possessing exceptional mentalstate, these nobles were the core of the Geto-Dacian military organization that provides bothmilitary commanders, as well as special unitscomposed of their relatives, clients, personalguards, with probable addition of mercenaries.

For long considered as actually the mass ofcommon people, another group of soldiers werethe kometaii, long-haired warriors, in factwarriors of the king, coming from the lower, lessnoble strata of society, and binder core of a

compact and disciplined royal army. This


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hypothesis implies the existence of free landowners, who were called to periodically join thewarrior aristocracy (see also N. Ursulescu, M.Vasilescu, 1991). Endemic conflicts led to theirpermanent presence in the local militaryphenomenon. In a society where the tradition ofdeath on the battlefield, as the initiatory rite ofimmortality, show - along with the existence ofparade panoply and of lavish grave inventories -a complex imagine of the warrior function wouldbe inconceivable that the original symbolicmeaning of these capillati tresses has beenoverturned, transforming the hair, from anelement of social distinction and superiority intoa stigma of inferiority, as this social category has

hitherto been interpreted. In contrast to the pilophorii, aristocracy tie to function sacredsovereignty, kometaii appear to have originallyrepresented the noble warrior caste,representatives of the two Indo-Europeanfeatures, a highly specialized military elite,whose main occupation was war.

The existence of these elites is supported bythe combative qualities of this type of sword thatcould not be handled by anyone, requiringweapons professionals specially trained to fightusing this kind of weapon. Sword effectiveness in

facing opponents with defensive equipment,particularly Roman legionaries, seems to be duenot only to the qualities of the falx type swords,but the human element in this equation as well.Written sources mention the great psychologicalimpact of Dacian curved arms, the artistic andnumismatic confirm their widespread use, whilearchaeological finds are extremely rare, limited toa few specimens. The explanation stems from thefact that these swords were coveted trophies,their presence in most artistic ensembles is aclear message and the fact that these elite unitsare only a part, not the largest, of an army, and athird possibility would be the low social status ofthese warriors, whose funeral rites are not yetknown.

That this was not an aristocratic elite but verylikely only a specialized class of warriors,capillati mentioned by ancient sources, free bornmen with military obligations and are in arelationship of subordination to pilleati, isdemonstrated also by the absence of curvedsword from funerary contexts, with no cases offound grave inventory with falx dacica in itscomposition. The only falx dacica sword

discovered in a funerary context is the one fromViscri (Bra ov County), but it is a ratherproblematic find. the contrary, all certifiedarchaeological contexts, falx dacica appears to bea weapon hidden to avoid its confiscation or,more likely, not give away ownership status (C.Borangic, 2009, with bibliography).

The effectiveness of these fighters was theresult of combining two cleverly associatedelements. One of them lies in the special shape ofthe sword, which was capable of causing seriousinjury, even if the opponent was protected byarmor. The second element that led to thesuccessful man-weapon combo was the specialmental training of the falx handler. Using this

type of sword requires, in addition to rigoroustraining, a degree of heroism which, combinedwith the exceptional features of the weapon, can

justify the almost exclusive association ofDacians - and on coins Dacia as well - withterrible Dacian falx. The attachment of thesewarriors for such a weapon must be linked to theGeto-Dacian lack of thanatophobia and, verylikely with the magic and religious meanings thatthese curved weapons had in all cultures, theassociation between them and death being acultural constant seen to this today (C. Borangic,

2009). The sickle, the primary source ofinspiration for curved arms, was in the primordialmyths associated with time, but also with changeand rebirth, later becoming an attribute of Death(C. Bogdan Dobre, 2003).

Another curved weapon must be seen in thesame register and, a solid pruning knife, found ina similar context with the sword (Fig. 9/1). Thepiece is made of iron, hot forged, strongly curvedat the tip, like a beak, with the edge on the inside.Presents gloving tube and rivet hole. It wasmounted on quite massive a wooden tail, judgingby sleeve size. Given the specific shape it can beassumed that those who wielded them acted assupport troops in other units.

Pruning knifePlace of discovery, placename: Divici -

"Grad".Type of piece: pruning knife.Type of research: systematic research.Archaeological context: interior of T1 keep.Storage site: Mountain Banat Museum,

Resita.Repository inventory: no. 8666.Description: good conservation status.


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Size: L = 29, 5 cm = 43 cm exterior L.,interior L. = 32 cm, blade w. = 5.2 to 0.8 cm,gloving tube L. = 7 cm, gloving tube w. = 2.6 cm, rivet hole: 0.4 cm.

Dating:. I st century A.D.Technical execution: hot forging.References: novel.The position of these parts among tools or

weapons was an often discussed and disputedtopic in the literature (C. Borangic, 2010),belonging to one of the categories was oftendetermined in general, the process lacking afunctional analysis. Which is why, whileappearing in ancient representations (fig.8/1-2),they were treated peripherally by archaeologists.

No less effective than actual swords, thesepruning knifes were a tactical solution resorted toby both professional warriors, and especiallyordinary fighters. Acting as a reenactor, withinthematic associations, I participated by means ofexperimental archeology in the making of suchweapons and have tested their effectiveness inspecific situations, simulating battles with groupsof Roman legionaries (fig. 9/2- 3). Attached to atail made of strong wood, whose optimal lengthis between 1 and 1.5 m, these weapons couldproduce disarmament, serious head injuries, by

direct hits or fatal cuts to the legs or neck area.The long tail allowed a fight at a safe distancefrom the short swords of legionnaires andapplying two-handed strikes with the sickle,turned this ordinary tool in a terrible, extremelyefficient weapon. No less effective were shortertailed war hooks handled in tandem with a shield(fig. 9/3). Relatively inexpensive, the cost ofperforming such a war hook estimated at approx.3 hours of work, pruning knifes must have beenhighly prized and their number high enough forthem to become visible in Roman art and now inarchaeological finds.

Not unimportant is the presence of suchweapons on Trajan's Column, where a characterof noble rank, judging from the specific pileus,uses it against the Romans (fig. 8/1). Attached toa tail that is double, the blade length, the pruningknife is short and very curved, similar to somepieces from archaeological contexts. The fact thatsuch a weapon was wielded by a tarabostes maysuggest its effectiveness, enough to make himprefer it to other weapons that his rank and statuswould have allowed. The spread and frequentfindings of pruning knifes, dated especially in the

Ist century B.C. I st century A.D. across theentire area Dacian influence and their use, evenoccasionally, as weapons, allows the inclusion ofthis category of artifacts among those Dacorum falcibus mentioned by Cornelius Fronto (C.Borangic, 2010).

DiscussionsAnalyses of visibility ranges for fortifications

in the area have provided some very interestingresults. Situated on the last western peaks of theAlm jului Mountains, the fortification of Socol -"Palanaki Breg" had a very good viewshed tothe west and south, allowing it to control theapproach into the Danube Gorge (fig. 10). It has

no direct line of sight with Divici - "Grad", but itis very possible that they were part of a complexdefensive system located in the area of theAlm jului Mountains (see discusions above). Itscloseness to the Banat Plain, as well as the lowercourse of the Nera provides abundant farmlands the lack of major excavations do not allow us tosay to what extent the point was ascribed to traderoutes of the time - but the presence of stonearchitecture (M. Gum et.al., 1997) and monetaryfindings inside its control zone as well as thesurrounding areas (see fig. 2) constitute evidence

of the strength and prosperity of the inhabitantsof this fortification during the Dacian Kingdomsperiod.Divici - "Grad" has the most extensive visibilityrange of all analyzed fortifications, controllingaccess to the Danube for a distance of approx. 25km. It has a good view of plains that climb theslopes of the Alm jului Mountains, but also ofthe right bank of the river. The area where it waslocated is an area of expansion of the canyon (fig.11/A), where the Danube waters could be crossedin relative safety - more than that, during winterthere is a tendency for ice bridges to appear inthis area (information provided by L. M ruia).Merchant caravans and roaming bands ofwarriors, once on the south bank, could head tothe wide valley of the river Pek, from where theycould easily reach one of the most importanttrade and military routes of its time the MoravaValley. To the east, wide valleys offeredsufficient farm land, the proximity of themountains also offered plentiful wood and stone,which have actually been used to build thefortification in its second and third phase ofexistence, and fishing or hunting could become at


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Fig. 8 - Pruning knife appear in Roman art and craft reconstruction of such weapons. We thank ourcolleague Marius Barbu, reenactor and archaeologist, who kindly provided us with information and

pictures about the reconstitution and combat use of pruning knifes.

Fig. 9 1. Pruning knife discovered at Divici (drawing by I. Iova and M. Gymber). 2-3. Pruningknife tested during reenactment


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any time additional sources of food (G. El Susi,1996).

Monumental stone architecture, keeps withstories made of plastered brick, present in twooverlapping chronological phases of fortification,corresponding to I st century B.C. I st centuryA.D., the hierarchy of habitat in a "fortifiedacropolis" and a number of adjacent civiliansettlements and not least, the ability to change the

natural environment by massive terracing, isevidence of an ideology of design and expressionof power that is found in the same shapes in thearea of Dacian fortresses in Transylvania (seealso . The analogies do not stop there: thepresence of painted pottery, imported parts(acquired by robbery or trade), some true luxuryitems (M. Gum et. al., 1995, M. Gum et.al.,1997; A. Rustoiu, 2001, A. Rustoiu, 2006-2007;

Fig. 10 - Viewshed analysis of the Dacian fortifications from the Danube Gorge

Drgan A., 2012 a) and last but not least, thepresence of curved weapons attest undoubtedly alevel and a way of living comparable to that ofthe area of the capital of Dacian kingdom. Themyriad of hoards and stray finds from the areaDivici - Moldova Noua - Coronini, is furtherevidence of the prosperity of the area (fig. 2).

Besides the warrior nobles, with their relatedbands, the fortress, permanently inhabited,certainly housed skilled craftsmen, judging byspecific items discovered: cast pewter spoon, file,

jeweler chisel and anvil, pattern for cast rings etc.(M. Gum et.al., 1995, M. Gum et.al., 1997).Other findings, such as clay spindlewhorls,bronze mirrors and various household objectsreveal an interesting fresco on the lives of thosewho were the wives, the daughters or the mothersof the settlements residents.

Less known, stirred up by building amedieval stone fortress, the fortification ofCoronini/Pescari - La Cul has a specialstrategic position, being located right at the


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beginning of one of the narrow areas of theDanube Gorge (fig.11/B, C). It provides excellentvisibility to the north-east, with the fortificationof Divici - "Grad" in its line of sight, but does nothave a good angle of view to the east. Its roleseems to have been similar to that of Divici oneof the fords used for crossing the Danube waslocated in this area during Middle Ages, probablyused and known in Antiquity as well (A. Rustoiu,2005, A. Rustoiu, 2006-2007). Lacking, as far aswe know, elements of stone architecture (A.Rustoiu, 2006-2007), it is likely to have played asecondary role to the much more powerfulfortress of Divici.

Located in an area of widening (fig. 11/D),

the fortification of the Stenca Liubcova has anarea of restricted visibility (fig. 10), which isreduced to only the areas immediately adjacent,having no other fortified point in its line of sight.Very likely, the main role of this fortification wasto control access from the south bank of the river,in an area predisposed to the formation of icebridges (information provided by L. M ruia). Thefindings of the fortification (M. Gum , 1977, M.Gum, 1983) revealed a fairly prosperous center,defended, during the second Dacian Phase, by awall with a stone and earth filling.

Downstream along the Danube Ie elnia(eastern boundary of the area to analyzed by us),despite monetary discoveries and signs of cavedwelling, Dacian fortifications are missing - it islikely that this lack indicates merely a stage ofresearch, but the analysis of geomorphologicalfeatures can provide other explanations: here, thevalley narrows very much, with very large heightdifferences (fig. 11/E) - before the constructionof the dam, navigation in this area, as is wellknown, was highly problematic, crossing theriver with large armies being out of the question.

Although not located on the Danube Gorge,the fort of Dalbo e - "Grdite", discoveredduring some field research (O. Bozu, C. S crin,1979), controls access to Nera valley, as well asthe roads crossing from the Alm jului Mountainsto the Danube Gorge. The issue of Dacianhabitation of the Nera Valley also requires indepth research in the future, in the light of newdiscoveries: thus, after some field researchconducted at Borlovenii Old - "Leul" (Prigortown, Caras-Severin county) by L. M ruia haveled to the rescue of pottery fragments dating fromI B.C. - I A.D., suggesting the existence of

Dacian level that overlaps the prehistorichabitation previously reported here (O. Bozu, C.Scrin, 1979).

Lack of line of site between fortificationscannot be considered as evidence for the lack of asystem, the problem can be solved by observationtowers, which are archaeologically barely visible.Any new research in the area could provideinformation and clarification in this regard.

No doubt part of a single system, termed"Limes dacicus" by A. Rustoiu (A. Rustoiu,2005, A. Rustoiu, 2006-2007; A. S. tefan,2005), the fortifications around the Gorge knowrelatively similar chronological phases, linked to,in our opinion, a number of well-documented

historical events. As stated in the introductorypart of the study, the turn of the I st century B.C.and Ist A.D. is characterized by a series of violentconfrontations between Dacians and Romansthroughout the Danube region, becoming morepronounced. Historical sources of the periodmention the armies of the Dacian king Cotiso thatcome down from the mountains, crossing thefrozen Danube raiding south of the river - theonly area where the mountain borders on thegreat river is the one we are talking about. Facedwith these challenges, Augustus responds

promptly, sending Lentulus in the area, whichbrought peace to the region, driving out theDacians and placing several Roman garrisons onthe southern bank of the river. We tie thedestruction that happened at the beginning of theIst century A.D. to all fortifications on the Gorge,to this historical event.

Enthusiastic following this successfulmilitary action, the poet Horace speaks of thedestruction of Cotisos army - more realistic, theRoman historian Aenneus L. Florus says that theDacians "have not been defeated, but repulsedand scattered" (H. Daicoviciu, 1965), which isfully confirmed by archaeological findingsshowing a restoration of fortifications in the area(tab. 2). The very rugged topography, clearlyfavoring defenders, and the closeness to thepowerful Transylvanian nucleus of the Daciankingdom it is less than a three day trip on themountain trail roads that start at the mouths of theCerna river across the arcu-Godeanu massif-would have caused serious logistical and militaryproblems for the Romans if they had wanted tostart pacification and resettlement operations likethose conducted against the tribal factions of the


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Fig. 11 - Altimetric profiles across the Danube Gorge: A. Divici Grad Topolovnik (N-S); B.Coronini/Pescari La Cul Radosevac (E-V); C. Coronini/Pescari La Cul Jerinin Grad (N-

S); D. Stenca Liubcovei Dobra (N-S); E. Profile across Danube at Dubova (E-V).


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Wallachian Plain. Thus we think that this mightexplain why this area has fared distinctly fromother areas along the Danube, the decisiveconfrontation between the Dacians and Romansin the sector being postponed until the time of thegreat wars during the reigns of emperorsDomitian and Trajan.

Whether these fortifications were neutralizedduring the wars in the time of Domitian or duringthe first Dacian war, they seem to have ended in aviolent way, being stormed by the Romanlegions. Archaeological evidence for thefortification of Divici - "Grad" are quite eloquent,fully illustrating the dramatic confrontations. The

Fortress phase Second halfof II nd

centuryB.C

First half ofI st century

B.C

Second halfof I st century

B.C

First half ofI st century

A.D

Second halfof I st century

A.D

Coronini/PescariLa Cul I X XCoronini/PescariLa Cul

IIX X

Dalbo e Gr dite ? ? ? ?Divici-Grad I X XDivici-Grad II XDivici-Grad III X X

SocolPalana ki Breg X X X XStenca Liubcovei I X XStenca Liubcovei II X ? ?

Tab. 2- Fortifications and datings (M. Gum et.al. 1999; A. S. tefan, 2005; A. Rustoiu 2006-2007).

northwest side of the fortification wall wasdestroyed, and arrowheads and roman catapultprojectiles were discovered in the debris andburned layer behind the defense. Fragments oflorica squamata were discovered in the sameplace (M. Gum et.al., 1997; A. Rustoiu, 2006-2007). Regarding the arms we presented, it seemsnatural to believe that they were lost by defenderswho took refuge in the tower, trying, perhaps, alast resistance. Regarding the final moments ofthe fortification of Divici, A. Rustoiu launches an

interesting hypothesis, naming the Romans as thebuilders of the two grooves that cut the accesspath to the plateau of the city, being constructedduring the siege so as to cut off the defenders. Inour case, however, we express seriousreservations about it for several reasons: thedifference in height of 15-20 meters between thepath and plateau would put attackers who wouldlike to occupy advanced positions in an obviousdisadvantage; moreover, being in the immediatevicinity of the fort, they would have beenexposed, during rampart construction operations,to projectiles launched by the defenders. If they

wanted to isolate the city and its defenders beforethe final assault, the Roman army, so experiencedin siege operations, could find more feasiblesolutions.

The coin from Trajans time, dated betweenAD 112-117, discovered in the topsoil duringarchaeological excavations (M. Gum et.al.,1997), is no longer bound to the existence of thefort - its presence may indicate, however, adiscreet surveillance of this point by the Romans,during a time when the kingdom and the old

centers of authority were still alive in theconsciousness of the locals.

ConclusionsUse of modern methods of investigation, to

the extent that it can be done, combining themwith field research and excavations inmicrozones well defined, may provide newinsights into the analysis of issues such as thespatial distribution of sites in an area and thus,the issue of relations between thesearchaeological sites.

In this picture, curved weapons discovered in


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the ruins of the Dacian fortress Divici, animportant border fort, throws a bright light on theimportance of this border point. It is likely thatthe garrison stationed here, obviously related tothe power center from ureanu Mountains, wascomposed of elite soldiers, as weapons, type offortification tower itself, the geographicalposition converge towards this hypothesis.

Located at the meeting point of two worlds,Dacian warriors on the Danube Gorge built solidfortifications, integrated into a coherent system,which aimed at controlling access to key crossingpoints across the Danube. Consolidating itspower through trade, but also through plunder,they found themselves at the forefront of the

advance of Roman armies towards the Danube,managing to successfully resist until the era ofthe large Dacian-Roman confrontation.

The similarities to the situations encounteredin the Transylvanian area, especially in thenucleus around Sarmizegetusa Regia, raise manyquestions. The existence of influences amidpolitical, military and economic interdependenceis indisputable, but their meaning is hard to pindown precisely. Problems of chronology, but alsothose related to the current state of researchrequires extreme caution, but even so, we wonder

if the warriors of the Gorge, indisputablyinvolved in the broader phenomenon PadeaPanaghiurskij Kolonij (Dr gan A., 2012 b), willhave brought, on their way to Transylvania, themodel layout of these settlements....

This study is dedicated in the memory ofLiviu M ruia, university lecturer at the WestUniversity of Timi oara, PhD. and expertarchaeologist, researcher of the Dacians in Banat,and also a very close friend.

AcknowledgementsWe thank the collective of the Mountain

Banat Museum of Re ia for all the support andgood will they helped us with in the making ofthis study. Translation of this article was made byour good friend, Dan Vlase (Timi oara).

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Documents

Sacarin C., Berzovan a., Borangic C. - A Fort at the Edge of the Empire. Observations Enabled by the Discovery of Two Curved Weapons at the Dacian Fortress of Divici