KEY MESSAGES

� Rural−urban linkages, characterised by themovement of people, cash and goods, remain significant in Zimbabwe. The strength of theselinks varies over time and space, and depends on a number of variables, not least household economic status.

� Stakeholders need to start approaching migrationas one element of typical livelihood strategywhich can provide benefits to the householdunit, rather than as a negative coping strategy.

� The existence of rural urban linkages can impactupon many of the underlying causes ofmalnutrition. This research has found that themost obvious of these is food security, which is directly affected by these linkages. Child carepractises − such as breast feeding and weaning −are also affected.

� Rural urban linkages have both positive andnegative implications for nutrition. Certainlinkages are born out of necessity due to weak livelihoods, while others manifestregardless of whether a household is in crisis or not. Identifying the negative effects oflinkages should lead to policy interventions which may alleviate the damage.

� For typical poor households the advantages of having rural urban linkages are initiallyaccrued to the urban migrant. Poor householdsdo not send or receive remittances.

� Rural and urban components of the householdare part of one economic unit. This implies thata holistic approach is needed, which takes intoaccount the fact that policies and programmesimplemented in urban areas will have knock oneffects in rural areas and vice versa.

RURAL-URBAN LINKAGESZimbabwe

Full reports available from www.actionagainsthunger.org.uk

January 2012

Action Against Hunger www.actionagainsthunger.org.uk

Action Against Hunger | ACF International is an international humanitarian organisation committed to ending childhunger. Recognised as a leader in the fight against malnutrition, ACF works to save the lives of malnourished childrenwhile providing communities with sustainable access to safe water and long-term solutions to hunger. With 30 years of expertise in emergency situations of conflict, natural disaster and chronic food insecurity, ACF runs life-saving programmes in some 40 countries benefitting nearly 5 million people each year.

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE2

¹ Zimbabwean Central Statistical Office, (2009). Monthly InflationFigures. CSO: Harare.

FIGURE 1: CHRONIC MALNUTRITION, ZIMBABWE

CONTEXT At independence in 1980, the Zimbabwean economyexperienced a period of gradual growth and relativestability. A diverse economy, dominated by agriculturalproduction was complemented by a strongmanufacturing base. However, since the mid nineties,years of political, economic and social upheavalcombined with recurrent drought has brought thenation to the brink of collapse. At its height in August2008, inflation stood at an eye watering 231 millionpercent, before the Zimbabwe dollar was suspendedin April 2009.¹ The demise of the formal economy andmost public services followed. Unemployment hasremained above 80% for the last two decades, pushingmany people into the informal economy.² The situationis exacerbated by an AIDS epidemic, which has hit theeconomy hard, leaving many children orphaned.Improvements have been noted since 2009 throughthe formation of a coalition government and adoptionof a US$-based economy but the country is still reelingin the aftermath of a decade-long crisis. Chronic

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malnutrition in children under 5 is high, with bothrural and urban rates above twenty five percent, asindicated in Figure 1, left.

Traditionally, ACF’s target group has been the ruralpoor. Now, however, it is becoming increasinglyrecognised that in many places, there is no longer aclear cut distinction between rural and urbanlivelihoods. Rather, they are interconnected on manylevels. Recognising that this rural-urban gap no longerexists, that households often have one foot in the ruraleconomy and another in the urban economy, impliesthat ACF needs to understand the system as a wholerather than focussing exclusively on the rural sector.Rural urban linkages and interactions play anincreasingly significant role in local economies and inthe livelihoods of a large number of people.

Understanding the impact of rural urban linkages onthe main causes of childhood undernutrition, and the

² United Nation World Food Programme [WFP], (2012) Zimbabwe CountryProfile- Overview. Available at; http://www.wfp.org/countries/zimbabwe[Accessed; 31/01/2012].

FIGURE 2: MAP OF ACF ACTIVITIES

Gutu

Masvingo Town

Masvingo Town

LegendResearch LocationACF Areas of Operations

Gutu

Hwange

Kariba

Harare

Mutare

Bulawayo

ACF has been implementing integrated programmes in Zimbabwesince 2002, combining short and medium term integratedinterventions in agriculture, water and sanitation and nutritionin rural areas of the southern provinces. In May 2010, ACF beganan urban intervention in Masvingo Town. Vegetable gardens havebeen established, pit latrines built and water points establishedin five separate areas of Masvingo town.

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 3

ways in which these linkages can make a contributiontowards addressing the causes of undernutrition, iskey. With this in mind, ACF designed a research projectto strengthen our understanding of how multi spatialhouseholds function. The field work aimed to answerthe following broad questions: To what extent doesthe existence of strong links boost household resiliencein times of difficulty? To what extent are urbanhouseholds able to draw on assets and resources oftheir rural counterparts in times of stress? And, towhat extent are rural households able to draw onurban relatives?

In Zimbabwe, two research sites were chosen: Rujeko suburb in Masvingo town was chosen as theurban research location, and Mushayavanhu village inGutu District − approximately 2 hours by bus fromMasvingo − was selected as the rural location. InRujeko, data collection involved an initial survey of20 -30 migrant households, followed by more detailedfocus group discussions (FGDs) for household economyanalysis, in addition to discussions with recent migrants(post 2008) and long term migrants, plus a care givers’focus group. Gutu District was selected partly due toits proximity to Masvingo Town, but also because ACFhas implemented various projects in the district andhas good access to the population. In Gutu, initial

surveys were targeted at the relatives of urbanmigrants. These were followed up by focus groupdiscussions along the same lines as the urban site. Keyinformant discussions were also held governmentofficials from the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare,the Ministry of Agriculture Extension Service, Ministryof Local Government, Rural and Urban Developmentand with Action Contre la Faim (ACF) and CAREZimbabwe staff.

TYPES OF RURAL URBAN LINKAGES Rural − urban linkages, predominantly characterisedby the movement of people, (both short and long termmigration) cash and goods, remain significant inZimbabwe. Migration is entrenched in the history ofsouthern Africa. Since colonial times, young men haveleft home to work in the mines in South Africa,Botswana, Zambia, and indeed Zimbabwe. Althoughthe mines no longer drive the economies of the region,and miners have long since been retrenched, migrationremains an integral part of livelihoods, as illustratedby this research.

Masvingo Town, provincial capital is home to a growingnumber of migrants originating in various districtsacross southern Zimbabwe. The decision to move to

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE4

town long term is based on a combination of ‘push’and ‘pull’ factors, represented in figure 3 below.These are considered by individual households beforedeciding to migrate.

According to FGDs, households will perceive differentpush/pull factors as being more or less important,depending on their wealth group and theircircumstances. There are a number of reasons whypeople migrate, and not all of these are economic;the lure of the ‘bright lights’ of the city for the youthwas noted as a strong pull factor. As one market traderin Rujeko commented, “I wanted to experience lifein the city… I wanted to see electricity!” For middleand better off households, the education system andhealth facilities in town are a major incentive tomigrate. For this type of household, it is common forchildren to go to school in town, staying with relativesif their parents are still in rural areas. By contrast,poor households are more likely to migrate in search

of better economic opportunities. Ultimately however,the relative importance of each push/pull factor willbe unique to each household. The economy in ruralGutu revolves around rain fed agriculture. However,with increasingly unpredictable patterns of rainfall,leading to deteriorating yields, agriculture can nolonger be relied upon to provide the reliable livelihoodbase that it once did. Poor market infrastructure doesnot help. Limited opportunities for working on otherpeople’s farms do exist and it is common for poorhouseholds to generate a considerable proportion oftheir household food this way. The acquisition of cashfor poor households in rural Gutu is extremelydifficult. Instead, an intricate exchange system isused whereby people are paid for their work in kind³,and they are able to exchange agricultural producefor groceries in shops. Put simply, people leave theirrural homes, or the musha as it is known, becauseaside from agriculture, there are few opportunitiesto generate income in rural areas. As indicated in

FIGURE 3: PUSH AND PULL FACTORS

³ Typically, a labourer will be paid in maize. For example 6 days weeding earns 40 Kg maize grain.

RURAL URBANPUSH FACTORSHigh cost of living, job opportunitiesnot realised, illness

PULL FACTORSImproved job opportunities, better education, better health services

CASH, GROCERIES, INPUTS, ASSETS

PULL FACTORSCheaper education, psychosocial support,retirement plan, cultural attachmentt

FOOD

PUSH FACTORSDrought, lack of income generating opportunities

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 5

figure 4, above, typical poor households have threemain sources of income. Crop sales includes sale ofonions and tomatoes and petty trade refers mainly toselling wild foods such as insects, wild meats and wildfruits. The majority of labour is agricultural in natureand is therefore seasonal.

The overwhelming majority of longer term migrantsinterviewed in Rujeko (those that had been in the citysince before 2008) maintained access to land in themusha. In fact, 100% of those interviewed had visitedGutu at least once in the preceding year. Respondentscommented that maintaining access to the musha isimportant for a number of reasons. First and foremost,access to land enables households to have direct accessto food. Over half of those interviewed had consumedcrops grown in the musha. This is evidenced by figure5, opposite which indicates that a typical poor urbanhousehold derives almost 40% of food income from‘own production.’ It is the second most importantsource of food, after purchase. This will partly be fromurban agriculture, but will also incorporate food grownin the rural areas.

Participants in FGDs in both urban and rural areas notedthat agricultural production in rural areas involveslabour power from family members remaining at homeas well as those who have migrated to the city. It iscommon for migrants (or their spouses) to return tothe musha during the agricultural season to participate

FIGURE 4: POOR HOUSEHOLD SOURCES OF INCOME, GUTU (RURAL)

in all aspects of agricultural production, from landpreparation to harvesting. Some people interviewedmanaged to travel back and forth between town andthe musha, pursuing their regular economic activitiesalongside agricultural production, but others stayed inmusha for the whole season, returning to town oncemore when harvest was complete. The actual quantityof harvest received by urban migrants varied from lessthan 20kg of maize to over 300kg. Unsurprisingly, yieldswere determined partly by the size of the areacultivated and the wealth group of the migrant, butalso by the climate. Recent migrants (those who movedto the city after 2008), were much less likely to returnhome for such long stints to help with agriculturalproduction. This could partly be related to the desirefor them to prove that they can ‘make it’ in the city.Returning home too soon, even if only on a temporarybasis was perceived by younger migrants in particular,as losing face. Less than twenty percent of recentmigrants interviewed mentioned wanting to return tothe musha at some stage in later life.

By contrast, for more than eighty percent of long termmigrants, the ultimate plan was to return to the mushafor retirement. They acknowledged that if theybecome seriously ill, then they would be more likelyto return to the musha because health care is cheaperin rural areas, and family members could care forthem. But beyond the economic benefit of returningto the musha, most long term migrants wanted to

8%

40%52%

10%

38%

44%

Crop salesPetty tradeLabour

Own cropsPurchaseBarterFood aid/giftWild food

FIGURE 5: POOR HOUSEHOLD SOURCES OF FOOD, RUJEKO (URBAN)

4%

4%

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE6

return ‘home’. The cultural attachment householdshave to the musha cannot be underestimated.4 Themusha takes on particular cultural significance forZimbabweans; as confirmed in our research, it is theplace of choice to retire to and be buried, butimportantly, also represents connection to ancestors:

“ It is very important for people in thecity to maintain rural links; our culture,our history and traditions are in the ruralareas. People can quickly abandon their

traditions if they lose that connection. ”Obert Mubayi, 51, key informant, Masvingo

“Everything in the city costs money −rent costs money, bills cost money, transport costs money, school fees cost

money. Money, money, money. Everything costs…. it is too expensive. ”

Beatriz, 27, cross border trader and mother of 2

Interviews and FGD in Rujeko found that workingwomen with pre-school age children regularly leavetheir children in the rural areas with extended family− usually sisters or parents for short periods to enablethem to continue with their work. In particular, crossborder traders, will leave their young children withrelatives so they can travel across the border to SouthAfrica to purchase blankets, clothes and shoes for salein Zimbabwe. Without the ability to rely on theirextended families in rural areas, the incomegenerating opportunities for these women would beseverely restricted. Another increasingly commonpractice is for families with school age children, whonow live most of the time in Rujeko, to return to themusha during the school holidays, to see family andto reduce expenditure. As one participant in a FGDcommented,

4 (Andersson 2001b:100) quoted in Potts, D. (2010). Circular Migration in

Zimbabwe and Contemporary sub-Saharan Africa. Boydell and Brewer, London.

Similarly, for households that remain split (with themother and children staying in rural areas, while theirhusbands live and work in Masvingo), it is common forthe children to visit urban areas during school holidays,but usually for shorter periods. If work commitmentspermit, their fathers will also come to the musha tovisit when possible. Participants in FGDs in urban areasnoted that the spread of mobile phone technologyacross the region has already made communicationbetter. This is reinforced by the fact that 84 % ofhouseholds interviewed in Gutu had spoken to theirrelatives in urban areas, by phone, at least twice inthe past year, something which would not have beenpossible a few years ago. Although ownership of mobilephones may be out of reach for many poor households,it is common for those who do own them to allow othercommunity members to borrow their phonesoccasionally. While in its infancy at present, there aretelecommunications companies promoting the use ofthe mobile phone network as a means of transferringcash across the country. This is likely to expand inpopularity as phones become more accessible for thosein rural areas.

In sum, the majority of people interviewed in Rujekofelt that retaining a foothold in rural areas, keepingin touch with the musha, is beneficial. Keeping therural link alive spreads risk by diversifying thehousehold livelihood base and strengtheninghousehold’s asset base. On the other hand, urban areasprovide a place of refuge where single mothers forexample, are able to avoid social costs which wouldhave come to bear had they remained in ruralcommunities. In addition, FGD highlighted theimportance of the musha as a place where traditionalcultural practises and knowledge are preserved andprotected. For them, maintaining the rural linkprovides a means of safeguarding the intergenerationaltransfer of these important cultural values.

Participants in FGD highlighted that it is mainly middleand better off rural households that benefit from flowsof cash from urban areas within Zimbabwe, such as

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 7

Masvingo, Bulawayo, Mutare and Harare, but also fromfurther afield in South Africa. As discussed further inthe next section, poor households are unlikely to sendor receive remittances. For the most part, cash isbrought home in person, or sometimes migrants maygive cash to relatives or friends to pass on. Notsurprisingly, the quantity of cash sent back to the ruralareas varies significantly. According to participants inFGD, the closer the family tie, the more likely it isthat remittances will be sent back on a regular basis.They pointed out that close family members such aschildren, spouses and siblings are most likely to supporttheir families by sending back cash regularly whereasextended family will help out in a crisis but areotherwise focused on supporting their own immediatefamilies. The quantity of cash sent to the rural areasvaried widely, from $50 to more than $500 per month.Remittances are an important source of income forbetter off and middle rural households, representing18% of total income for better off households in Gutu,as indicated in figure 6, above.

In rural Zimbabwe, grandparent headed householdsare common place. This is largely due to the HIV/AIDSepidemic which has had catastrophic effect on thecountry. Grandparents are left to look after theirgrandchildren after their own children have died. Inthese cases, aunts and uncles living in urban areas are

13%

22%

42%

Crop salesSale of livestock &livestock products

BusinessTradeRemittances

FIGURE 6: BETTER OFF HOUSEHOLD SOURCES OF INCOME, GUTU (RURAL)

more likely to send cash to their parents to supportthese orphaned children. As indicated in figure 7below, it was reported that aside from cash, themajority of urban migrants bring non food items −groceries − with them when returning home for a visit.The most common items listed were cooking oil, soap,flour, sugar, soya chunks, salt, and tea. Thesecommodities are cheaper in the city, and in some casesare not readily available in rural areas. Migrants alsocommented that they would send agricultural inputsback to the musha at the beginning of the agriculturalseason; in most cases this refers to seeds only, butwealthier households also reported sending new toolsevery couple of years.

Interestingly grain was also reportedly sent back torural areas by 20% of urban households interviewed.On further probing, it was found that this is a relativelyrecent phenomenon, starting in response to successivefailed harvests relatively recently. It could be arguedthat this represents a preventive strategy employedby the urban component of the household to avertfood insecurity in the rural household; in other wordsa spatial redistribution of food security.

18%

5%

FIGURE 7: PROPORTION (%) OF URBAN HOUSEHOLDS SENDING ASSETS ‘HOME’ TO RURAL AREAS

60

50

40

30

20

10

0Cash Groceries Inputs Grain

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE8

RURAL-URBAN LINKAGES AND COPING ABILITY: DO THEY MAKE A DIFFERENCE IN TIMES OF CRISIS? We have seen that the majority of migrant householdsinterviewed in urban Rujeko maintain links of somesort with their rural area, the strength of which isdependent on a number of factors. The question towhich we now turn is, to what extent do these linksmake a difference in times of crisis?

The rural economy in Masvingo Province revolvesaround rain fed agricultural production, with somewealthier households also keeping livestock. The onlyother economic activity of note is trade, whichrequires a certain level of capital outlay to coverstart-up costs; such costs are beyond the capacity ofmost poor households. For them, sending a memberof the household to an urban area (Masvingo or furtherafield) represents a risk spreading strategy. The logicbeing that if harvests fail, which is becoming arelatively common occurrence, the rural componentof the household will be able to draw on incomeearned by those in the urban areas in order to covershortfalls in food income. However, reality issomewhat different. Our research has shown thatmigrants need to reach a certain level of food security

themselves, before being in a position to send cashhome. In many instances, those remaining in ruralareas do not benefit from the income earned in townfor a number of months, since the migrant hasnumerous costs he/she must cover, such as rent, bills,transport which must first be paid, before being in aposition to send any cash home to the musha. Asindicated in figure 8, below, this category consumesthe lion’s share, almost 40% of total expenditure forthese households.

9%

39%

FIGURE 8: POOR HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE, RUJEKO (URBAN)

8%3%

7%

14%

20% Staple foods Non staple foodsHousehold itemsInputsClothesEducationTransport/bills/rent

“ I am looking after 3 of my grandchildren alone, their parents diedlast year. None of my children are at

home any more. They have left for thecity. I speak with all my family regularly,

every week at least. I am lucky, my children send home money quite

regularly. When they come and visit me,I am usually able to send them back withsome food produced here, whether it’s

a bag of maize or ground nuts or some vegetables. ”

Abiya Zimutu, 73 resident of Gutu

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 9

Furthermore, until the migrant is established in town,it is less likely that he/she will return to the mushato help with agricultural production, so there will beless labour power available at critical times of year.This may imply that yields are lower, or incomegenerated reduced, putting a further strain on thehousehold. As one participant in a FGD in Gutucommented,

risk, taking advantage of a diverse range of seasonalopportunities across the spatial divide, to generatefood and cash. Investment is channelled back into therural area, the musha thereby boosting householdresilience, and strengthening safety nets. The factthat many middle income and better off householdschoose to keep on investing in the rural areas despiteresiding in the city further demonstrates the perceivedimportance of the musha, not least as a place tosafeguard assets which can be passed to futuregenerations.

IMPLICATIONS OF RURAL-URBANLINKAGES FOR NUTRITIONThe existence of rural urban linkages can impact uponmany of the underlying causes of malnutrition. Thisresearch has found that the most obvious of these is foodsecurity, which is directly affected by these linkages.

The case of Memory Tabneni, a single mother with a13 year old daughter, demonstrates well the impactthat maintaining rural links can have on urbanhousehold food security. Memory lives in Rujeko butlike many, she still has access to land in the rural areas,where her grandfather lives. He grows maize, groundnuts, round nuts, kovo and cabbage. Memory has astall selling tomatoes, onions, and oranges at the smallmarket in Rujeko. She is able to cover the bus fare tothe musha to help with planting and will then return

20%

15%

FIGURE 9: BETTER OFF HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE, RUJEKO (URBAN)

“There is a time lag between the migrant leaving for town, and the [rural] household feeling the benefits,

it may take months or even years. Some never do ”

Zivengwa Nunangangwa, 71, resident of Gutu

8%3%

18%3%

12%

13%

8%

Staple foods Non staple foodsHousehold itemsInputsHealthClothesEducationAlcohol/tobaccoTransport/bills/rent

In fact, many participants in FGDs perceived that it isthe migrants who move to urban areas who benefitmost from maintaining linkages with their rural area.Those left behind felt that, for the most part, theydid not feel the benefits to the same extent.

For middle and better off households, the picture isslightly different. For these households, the benefitsof linkages are felt by both rural and urbancomponents. They are more likely to remit cash torural areas on a regular basis, sometimes making asignificant contribution to household income, as seenin the previous section. In turn, they are more likelyto benefit by bringing food produced in rural areas forconsumption in town, thereby freeing up income to bespent on other essentials such as rent, bills, educationand health, as indicated in figure 9, above.

They also have the added bonus of being able to usefamily in rural areas for childcare purposes, and forinstilling important cultural values, which cannot befound in town.

In sum, those who can access, and exploit, elementsof both the rural and urban economy are able to spread

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE10

“ It is really important to have links with town, as my children can grow upknowing the countryside and knowing

town too… they will be ok.”FGD participant, Gutu

“Usually, come harvest, I can bring back enough maize to last me and mydaughter around six months. I am lucky. I can always go back to my grandfather

and stay with him … but I don’t stay long, I always want to come

back to town.”Memory Tabneni, 34, vegetable trader, Rujeko urban

to her stall in town while simultaneously going backand forth during the season to help with weeding.

For people like Memory, having access to land in therural areas translates into a significant food source:she estimates that 50% of the maize consumed in herhousehold originates in the musha. Furthermore,income that may otherwise be spent on purchasingfood in urban markets is freed up for other essentialssuch as rent, health costs or school fees. Memory’scase is typical of a middle income household straddlingthe rural urban divide.

“ In rural areas we used to cook withpeanut butter. Now we have cooking oil,which is much better for us .”

FGD participant, Rujeko

Care practises such as breastfeeding and weaning,may also affected by rural urban linkages. The Ministryof Health advises mothers to exclusively breastfeedfor the first six months, and to introducecomplementary foods while continuing to breastfeeduntil the child is twelve months. FGD participantscommented that many urban women introduce solidfoods younger than six months. This is perhaps relatedto the fact that urban mothers are less likely to beable to take their children to work with them. Rather

they need their babies to be of a certain weight sothey can be left with a carer in town, or with familyin rural areas so they can go out to work. Stoppingexclusive breast feeding before six months has clearimplications for nutrition. Infants are not capable ofdigesting solid foods before six months of age, and asa result they may end up with diarrhoea, which is oneof the most common underlying causes of malnutrition.

Long term and recent migrants felt that the diets oftheir infants and babies had improved since moving totown. The overriding perception among thoseinterviewed was that modern processed foods, thosethat could be purchased from shops, were equally, ifnot more nutritious than fresh foods typically consumedin rural areas, as the following statement shows:

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 11

In fact, our research found that, as a rule, infants’diets were more diverse and nutritious in rural areas.Consumption of empty calories in the form of snackssuch as popcorn, sweets, iced lollies and crisps, boughtfrom roadside stalls is relatively common for urbandwellers. Infants may also be given bread and teabetween meals. Tea is high in tannin which inhibitsabsorption of iron, which can have implications forchild development.

Contrary to expectation, our research found thatinfants in rural areas are more likely to consumenutritious food in the crucial weaning period. Herebabies are often weaned on nhopi − a mixture ofmashed pumpkin, peanut butter and maize meal. Thisimplies that infants of urban mothers who are left inrural areas with their families may in fact benefit frombeing left behind, as long as they are not weaned too

LINK OUTCOME IMPLICATION

Urban migrants maintain access to land in rural area

Proportion of HHfood for urban migrants comes from musha

• Expansion of sources of food: spreads risk• Frees up expenditure for use on other essentials such as

rent, bills, healthcare• Urban HH maintains dietary diversity. Less likely to

purchase empty calories in urban areas

Urban migrants participate in agricultural produc-tion in rural area

Rural households able to maximize returns from land

• Rural household benefits from labour power of urban relatives. Able to plant at the right time

• Rural household may use seeds brought by urban dwellers

Urban migrantsleave children withrural relatives

Migrant able to pursue income generating activities

• Migrant expands sources of income: spreads risk • Separation from mother at young age results in stopping

exclusive breastfeeding before the recommended age • Solid foods may be introduced too early BUT infants are

more likely to be given nutritious food on weaning

Urban migrantstake or send groceries back torural areas

Rural householdssave cash (or kind) asdon’t need to barterfor these goods

• Frees up limited cash/kind to purchase/exchangefor other goods

Urban migrantssend remittancesback to rural areas

Rural households income increased

• Enables HH to increase expenditure on non-agricultural products such as cooking oil, non food items, school fees etc

• Urban migrants are not able to accumulate capital

TABLE 1: RURAL URBAN LINKAGES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR NUTRITION

early, as indicated in Table 1, below.

Participants in FGD perceived hygiene levels and healthto be particularly challenging in urban areas. Rujekois a high density suburb of Masvingo, in some unfinishedparts of the settlement rooms are rented out withoutrunning water or functioning sanitation. The lack ofregular waste collection, combined with burst sewersand persistent water cuts lead to an environment inwhich diseases, particularly diarrhoea, can spreadeasily. The table below clearly outlines the impactthat rural urban linkages can have on nutrition security.

CONCLUSIONS & RECOMMENDATIONSRural-urban linkages, predominantly characterised bythe movement of people, (both short and long termmigration) cash and goods, remain significant inZimbabwe. Linkages persist for the majority of urban

RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE12

and rural households interviewed. The strength of theselinks varies over time and space, and will depend on anumber of variables, not least household economicstatus. Furthermore, the existence of rural urbanlinkages can have both positive and negativeimplications for nutrition security.

Data collected suggests that certain urban and rurallinkages are born out of necessity due to weaklivelihoods, while other linkages manifest regardless ifa household is in crisis or not. The former type oflinkage, especially for poorer households, tends to beexploited as a coping strategy − and may cause morelong-term detrimental effects for nutrition. Forexample, the migration of mothers during times of foodinsecurity can increase household income (improvingfood security in the short-term) but it may also lead toinappropriate weaning practices, influencing the child’slong-term growth and cognitive abilities. The migrationof a rural household member to an urban area, maycost the household more in the short-term (until themigrant finds a form of income) and can also imply thatthe migrant has switched to the less healthy urban diet.

Thus, while recognizing that stronger linkages may helpin times of food insecurity, this paper acknowledgesthat, certain linkages may also have detrimental effectson nutrition. Identifying the negative effects of theselinkages should lead to policy interventions (i.e.enhancing support networks for new rural to urbanmigrants or increasing non-farm employmentopportunities for rural mothers) which may alleviatethe damage.

Our research indicates that for typical poor householdsthe advantages of having rural linkages are initiallyaccrued mainly to the urban migrant. They are able tocapitalise on consuming food grown in rural areas: ownproduction represents over a third of food sources.There comes a turning point when the urban migrantis able to transfer the advantage back to the ruralhousehold, through sending remittances back, butanecdotal evidence suggest that there is a considerable

time lag between the two. This is demonstrated by thefact that poor households do not send or receiveremittances.

Policy makers need to recognize that rural and urbanelements of the household are part of one unit: thehousehold. This implies that a holistic approach isneeded, which takes into account the fact that policiesand programmes implemented in urban areas will haveknock on effects in rural areas and vice versa.Strengthening safety nets in both the rural and urbanareas is key.

Migration has featured as an important part of theregional economy for hundreds of years. This is notabout to change; people will continue to migrate fromrural to urban areas, (and usually back again), in searchof better economic and social opportunities. So, insteadof perceiving migration as a predominantly ‘negative’coping strategy, stakeholders need to start approachingmigration as one element of typical livelihood strategywhich can provide benefits to the household unit. Tothis end, NGOs could target migrants in urban areas,providing them with appropriate skill training whichwill improve their chances of accessing the formaleconomy. This in turn will increase the likelihood ofremittances being received in the rural household.Furthermore, NGOs could consider adding ‘recentin-migration’ as a criteria of vulnerability in urban areas.Monitoring programme impact in both the rural andurban component of the household would then benecessary.

This research has found that typical poor ruralhouseholds have few sources of income beyondagriculture. With increasingly unpredictable rainfall inthe region, a rural economy based solely on rain-fedagriculture is just not sustainable. In order to encouragehouseholds to spread risk, instead of predominantlypromoting agricultural activities such as communitygardens, NGOs need to explore options for off farmincome generation which will allow women in particularto become more financially independent.

By Morwenna Sullivan and Anna Brazier