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Running head: JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 1
Adolescents’ Intake of Junk Food:
Processes and Mechanisms Driving Consumption Similarities Among Friends
Kayla de la Haye
RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, USA
Garry Robins
University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia
Philip Mohr
University of Adelaide, Adelaide, Australia
Carlene Wilson
Flinders Centre for Innovation in Cancer, Flinders University; and Cancer Council South
Australia, Adelaide, Australia
Please cite as: De la Haye, K., Robins, G., Mohr, P., & Wilson, C. (2013). Adolescents' intake of
junk food: Processes and mechanisms driving consumption similarities among friends. Journal
of Research on Adolescence.
Running head: JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 2
Abstract
Adolescents’ consumption of low-nutrient, energy-dense (LNED) food often occurs out of home,
and friends may be an important source of influence. This study tested whether observed
similarities in LNED food intake among friends result from social influence, and also explored
underlying psychological mechanisms. Three waves of data were collected over one year from
grade 8 students in Australia (N = 378, 54% male), including measures of food intake and related
cognitions, and friendships to grade-mates. The results of longitudinal social network models
show that adolescent intake was predicted by their friends’ intake, accounting for pre-existing
similarities and other potentially confounding factors. Changes to adolescents’ beliefs about
LNED food do not appear to be the mechanisms underpinning influence from their friends.
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 3
Adolescents’ Intake of Junk Food:
Processes and Mechanisms Driving Consumption Similarities Among Friends
Although adolescents’ diets are strongly governed by their family food environment
(Patrick & Nicklas, 2005), about half of their consumption of low-nutrient, energy-dense
(LNED) “junk” foods occurs out of home (Briefel, Wilson, & Gleason, 2009). In developed
countries such as the US and Australia, young peoples’ LNED food intake has increased
substantially in recent decades (Cook, Rutishauser, & Seelig, 2001; Jahns, Siega-Riz, &
Popkin, 2001), resulting in reduced diet quality and additional caloric intake (Jahns et al.,
2001). This has implications for both immediate and long-term health outcomes and is
thought to be one of many interrelated factors linked to increased body mass index (BMI) and
rates of obesity in young people (Nicklas, Baranowski, Cullen, & Berenson, 2001; Spruijt-
Metz, 2011).
Foods eaten out-of-home by adolescents are typically consumed in school and peer
contexts, and adolescent reports confirm that lunches and snacks are often eaten with friends
(Feunekes, de Graaf, Meyboom, & van Staveren, 1998). In cross-sectional studies,
consumption of snack foods and overall energy intake has been found to correlate with the
intake of an adolescents’ best friends (Feunekes et al., 1998), and male friends have been
found to be alike in their consumption of high-calorie foods (de la Haye, Robins, Mohr, &
Wilson, 2010). Even among adults, dietary similarities between socially connected peers
appear to be strongest for snack foods and alcohol, with effects over time suggestive of a
social influence process (Pachucki, Jacques, & Christakis, 2011).
Situational food norms, which entail factors such as social influence and portion size,
are theorized to have a powerful effect on food intake (Herman & Polivy, 2005). Although
social influence on food consumption is known to be pervasive and complex, one consistently
observed phenomenon is social modeling. Laboratory-based studies on social modeling of
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 4
eating, which pair naïve participants with experimental confederates, have shown that
individuals eat more when their eating companions eat more, and less when their companions
eat less (e.g. Conger, Conger, Costanzo, Wright, & Matter, 1980; Herman, Roth, & Polivy,
2003; Hermans, Larsen, Herman, & Engels, 2008; Rosenthal & McSweeney, 1979). This
“matching norm” effect has also been replicated in children (Salvy, de la Haye, Bowker, &
Hermans, 2012): for example, girls (aged 8-12) increased their intake of cookies when
exposed to a peer who ate a larger amount of cookies, relative to a peer eating a small number
of cookies (Romero, Epstein, & Salvy, 2009). Moreover, young people have been found to
match the food intake of friends more so than unfamiliar peers (Salvy, Howard, Read, &
Mele, 2009).
Similarities in diet and eating behaviors among adolescent friends have been observed
in a small number of cross-sectional survey-based studies (de la Haye et al., 2010; Feunekes
et al., 1998; Fletcher, Bonell, & Sorhaindo, 2011). Researchers have proposed that in these
naturalistic settings, the “matching” of eating behaviors arises through social influence
processes such as modeling (Monge-Rojas, Nunez, Garita, & Chen-Mok, 2002) and is
motivated by goals for peer approval (Unger et al., 2004). However, it is not clear from these
studies whether similarities in friends’ consumption patterns arise from socialization, or if
they can be explained by other confounding processes. One such process is friendship
choices that lead to dietary similarities, as friendships are often based on preferences for
similar others (Aboud & Mendelson, 1998). Although there is no evidence to suggest that
similarities in diet are a salient factor in adolescents’ friendship choices, friendships are based
on similarities in individual attributes and behaviors that are potentially correlated with diet
including gender, race or ethnic background, and obesity (de la Haye, Robins, Mohr, &
Wilson, 2011a; Simpkins, Schaefer, Price, & Vest, 2013). As such, accounting for friendship
selection processes when testing for socialization is critical (Veenstra, Dijkstra, Steglich, &
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 5
Van Zalk, 2013). To further this work, the current longitudinal study tested whether
associations in LNED food intake amongst adolescent friends, in the context of larger
friendship networks, could be explained by social influence, when potential confounding
factors were controlled.
The second aim of this study was to explore the mechanisms that might underpin
friends’ influence on adolescent LNED food intake. Despite the prominence of behavioral
modeling theory in social psychological research and evidence of social modeling effects on
food intake in adults and youth, a major limitation of the eating literature is the inability to
account for the reasons why people emulate each other (Herman et al., 2003).
Traditionally, health behavior theories emphasize the role of social-cognitive
mechanisms in mediating the influence of the social environment on behavior. For example,
the theory of planned behavior proposes that the behaviors we observe in others influence our
perceptions of social norms, which, along with attitudes and beliefs about behavior control,
shape our intentions and subsequent behaviors (Ajzen, 1991). More general theories of social
modeling also maintain that the observation of behavior in others shapes a range of
individuals’ beliefs and attitudes about these behaviors, guiding future actions (Bandura,
1977). For example, there is evidence that social factors influence not only perceptions of
social norms, but also attitudes towards the behavior and perceptions of behavior control
(Povey, Conner, Sparks, James, & Shepherd, 2000). Thus, we test a more general model of
social cognition, whereby friends’ food intake may predict adolescent intake by affecting a
range of cognitive constructs including norms, attitudes, perceived behavioral control, and
intentions (see the left panel of Figure 1).
However, other lines of thinking downplay the cognitive, considered aspects of food
choice, and instead highlight the imitative nature of social learning with regards to eating
behavior. This work proposes that environmental and social cues elicit somewhat automated,
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 6
imitative responses: akin to what is referred to as “mindless eating” (Wansink & Sobal,
2007). Support for this imitative process has been found in laboratory-based studies looking
at alcohol intake, where young people not only copied the quantity of alcohol consumed by
confederates, but also the rate at which they drank, suggesting a somewhat unconscious,
mimicked response (Larsen, Engels, Granic, & Overbeek, 2009; Larsen, Engels, Souren,
Granic, & Overbeek, 2010).
Aligned to this less cognitively-driven view of socio-environmental effects on eating
is Bem’s self-perception theory (1972), which proposes that beliefs associated with a
particular behavior tend to be fostered by reflecting on one’s past engagement in the
behavior. Thus, a substantially different model to social cognition theories might be
proposed, whereby youth “mindlessly” imitate the behavior of their peers, and subsequently
shape their beliefs and attitudes so that they are in line with the behaviors they have endorsed
(see the right panel of Figure 1).
As outlined in the literature reviewed above, despite consistent evidence of food
modeling in the laboratory, the extent to which this translates to natural settings, and how this
plays out over time, is unclear. Additionally, the mechanisms underpinning social influence
on food intake in youth and adults are not well understood, and additional work is needed to
test competing theories.
Current Study
The current study employed new statistical methods to model longitudinally
individual (self-reported) behavior in the context of larger friendship networks (Veenstra &
Dijkstra, 2011). These stochastic actor-based models (SABMs) for the co-evolution of social
networks and behavior (Snijders, Steglich, & Schweinberger, 2007) allow us to test
simultaneously factors that predict changes in complete social networks (i.e., relationships
among a bounded set of social actors), and changes in network members’ behaviors. Thus,
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 7
we are able to test for effects of friend influence on LNED food intake, controlling for the
role of food intake and other potentially confounding factors, which initially predict
friendships and network structure. This flexible modeling framework allows us to test these
peer influence effects alongside other known individual and family predictors of eating
behaviors, and to explore processes that mediate friend influence on LNED food intake.
Whether or not friends influence adolescent LNED intake, in addition to any
similarities when friendships are formed, will be the primary focus of this study. If we find
evidence of friend influence on LNED food intake, potential psychosocial mechanisms
underpinning this process will also be explored. Based on general social cognition models of
behavior (Ajzen, 1991; Bandura, 1977), we anticipate that adolescents will emulate the
behaviors of their friends, and that this process will be partially mediated via perceptions of
peer norms, attitudes, perceived behavior control, and intentions. Failure to support this
mediation hypothesis would suggest that an “imitation, self-perception” model, in line with
Bem (1972) and Wansink and Sobal’s (2007) theories (see Figure 1) is more plausible.
Method
Sample
Grade 8 students from two public high schools located in a major Australian city were
recruited in 2008 as part of a larger study looking at peer effects on obesity. At both schools
grade 8 is the first year of high school, with students feeding in from numerous primary
schools. The two schools were located in neighborhoods with similar middle-class socio-
demographic characteristics.
Information letters were mailed to students and their guardians at the start of the
school year, providing them with details about the study and the opportunity to opt-out.
Adolescents who joined the school throughout the year were also invited to participate. At
each wave of data collection, participating students were entered into a draw to win one of
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 8
several $20 gift vouchers. The study protocol was approved by the Human Research Ethics
Committees at the University of Adelaide and Australia’s Commonwealth Scientific and
Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO).
A total of 378 students took part in the study, nested in two schools, with each school
cohort defined as a separate “friendship network”. Participation rates in each cohort were
excellent: 92.9% of enrolled students in school 1 (N = 222, 52.7% male) and 90.2% of
students in school 2 (N = 156, 55.1% male). High rates of participation among eligible
network members, such as these, are important for modeling complete longitudinal network
data (Huisman & Steglich, 2008). At the beginning of the study, the mean age of participants
was 13.6 years in school 1 (SD = 0.4; range 12.3 to 14.4), and 13.7 years in school 2 (SD =
0.4; range 12.3 to 15.6).
Procedure and Measures
Paper-based questionnaires were administered by teachers three times during the
school year. Questionnaire items assessed friendships with grade-mates, intake of various
LNED foods over the previous month, and beliefs about the regular consumption of “high-
energy foods”. The measures were part of a larger questionnaire that took 25 minutes to
complete.
Friendship networks. Friendships among grade-mates were assessed by having
participants list the first and last names of an unlimited number of peers in their grade who
were “friends you hang around with the most”. The instructions did not specify the number
or gender of friends to nominate, and although ten spaces were provided for responses, many
respondents listed fewer or more than ten friends. Participants were then instructed to circle
the names of their “best friends” from among the friends they had listed. The subsequent
analyses consider only best friend nominations. Knowledge of what peers are eating, likely
to occur via regular face-to-face contact that characterizes close friendships, is necessary for
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 9
food matching effects, and indeed the literature suggests that close peer relationships are
relevant to adolescent food intake (Feunekes et al., 1998; Salvy et al., 2009).
A friendship network for the set of participants in each grade cohort, at each wave,
was represented as a directed, asymmetrical adjacency matrix, where cells coded as 1 denoted
a unilateral friendship between participants i and j, and 0 the absence of a friendship.
Intake of LNED foods. Food frequency items required respondents to record how
often in the previous month they had consumed one serving of 14 specific types of LNED
foods, including chocolate, candy (lollies), cookies (biscuits), cake, sweet pastry, savory
pastry (pies or pasties), pizza, hamburgers, hot dogs, fried chicken, French fries (chips), and
soda (soft drink). Respondents were not asked to specify the context in which they ate the
foods, however many of the items listed were available for sale at the school canteens or
nearby shops and thus may have been eaten in both school and other environments.
For each of the 14 items, frequency of consumption was recorded on a 7 point scale
where 1 = none in the last month, 2 = less than once a week, 3 = one to two times a week, 4 =
three to six times a week, 5 = one a day, 6 = two times a day, and 7 = three times a day or
more. As only one factor emerged from these 14 items, with each item loading fairly
uniformly on this factor, an overall measure of LNED food intake was derived by taking the
mean score (school 1 α = .80 to .86, school 2 α = .79 to .85). Although there is some evidence
that self-report food frequency questionnaires overestimate energy intake in youth, they are
commonly used in survey research and have been found to have acceptable validity and
reliability (McPherson, Hoelscher, Alexander, Scanlon, & Serdula, 2000).
LNED food-related attitudes and cognitions. Standard items were used to measure
attitudinal and cognitive variables derived from social cognition theories (Ajzen, 1991).
These items have been used and validated in a number of studies (Armitage & Conner, 2001),
including studies of adolescent health behavior (e.g., Kassem, Lee, Modeste, & Johnston,
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 10
2003; Marcoux & Shope, 1997). All items referred to beliefs about eating “high-energy foods
at least twice a day”, and these foods were defined as often having “lots of salt, sugar, or fat
(or all three)” with respondents instructed to consider the examples of these items listed in the
food frequency component of the questionnaire. These cognitive measures were rated on 7-
point scales anchored by two statements, unless otherwise noted.
Intention to eat high-energy foods in the coming month was measured by two items:
“In the next month, how often do you plan to eat high-energy food” (rated on a 7-point Likert
scale where 1 = once a week or less and 7 = four or more times every day) and “In the next
month, do you intend to eat high-energy food at least twice a day … definitely do not intend
to do this - definitely intend to do this”. The correlation between these two items was
moderate to strong (r = .63 to .76 in school 1, and r =.55 to .68 in school 2, across the three
waves), and the mean was used as an overall measure of intentions.
Attitudes towards ‘high-energy foods’ were measured by two items: “Would you like
to eat high-energy food at least twice a day … definitely would not like to do this - definitely
would like to do this” and “I think that eating high-energy food at least twice a day would
be… unenjoyable - enjoyable”. The correlation between these two items was moderate to
strong (r = .65 to .80 in school 1, and r = .55 to .64 in school 2, across the three waves) and
the mean score was used as a measure of attitudes.
Perceived descriptive peer norms were measured by the item “Of your close friends at
school, how many eat high-energy food at least twice a day... none of my close friends - all of
my close friends”. Perceived injunctive peer norms were measured by the item “Do your
close friends at school think that you should eat high-energy food at least twice a day... they
definitely think I should not - they definitely think I should”. Descriptive and injunctive peer
norms were tested independently in our models, in line with evidence that they capture
different normative constructs (Rivis & Sheeran, 2003). The correlation between these two
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 11
items was moderate (r = .36 to .48 in school 1, and r = .45 to .54 in school 2, across the three
waves).
Self-efficacy and controllability over the intake of LNED foods were measured by
two items. Self-efficacy was assessed by the question “If I wanted, I could eat high-energy
food at least twice a day…definitely false – definitely true”. Controllability was measured by
the question “Whether or not I eat high-energy food at least twice a day is entirely up to
me…strongly disagree – strongly agree.” Consistent with other research that identifies self-
efficacy and controllability as divergent constructs (e.g., Rhodes & Courneya, 2003), we
retained them as separate items in the analyses. The correlation between these two items was
weak to moderate (r = .30 to .54 in school 1, and r = .37 to.66 in school 2, across the three
waves).
Control attributes. Attributes known to be associated with adolescent friendships and
dietary intake were accounted for the in the models. Change in the friendship network
controlled for respondent gender (0 = female, 1 = male), ethnicity (1 = identify with an
ethnicity other than Anglo-Australian), and weekly allowance (i.e. pocket money) (4-point
scale, where 1 = less than $10 and 4 = more than $30). The role of weight status in friendship
choices was also controlled, given that overweight youth are marginalized in peer networks
(de la Haye et al., 2011a; Valente, Fujimoto, Chou, & Spruijt-Metz, 2009). At the dyad level,
the effect of sharing a home group class (meaning that they attended most core classes
together) on friendship choices was also included to account for greater opportunities for
certain pairs of students to become acquainted, and to account for shared environments.
Effects of gender, ethnicity, pocket money, and overweight on change in LNED food
intake were accounted for, as were perceptions of family LNED food intake. Perceived
family norms were assessed by the question “Do adults who are important to you (parents,
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 12
guardians, relatives) eat high-energy food at least twice a day” with responses anchored on a
7 point scale from they definitely do not this – they definitely do this.
Statistical analyses
SABMs for social networks and behavior. Stochastic actor-based models (SABMs)
for social networks and behavior (Snijders et al., 2007) were estimated to determine whether
friends’ intake of LNED foods influenced adolescent intake, controlling for a range of
predictors of friendships and diet. These models are implemented in the RSiena (Simulation
Investigation for Empirical Network Analysis) 4.0 software (Ripley, Snijders, & Preciado,
2012), and are described in Snijders, van de Bunt, and Steglich (2010), and Steglich,
Snijders, and Pearson (2010). Model parameters were estimated using a Method of Moments
procedure, whereby parameter vectors are adjusted to improve model fit through a series of
simulations. Effects were tested for significance based on a t-ratio (estimate divided by the
standard error).
Two parts of this model are estimated simultaneously: a network dynamics submodel
tests effects predicting changes to friendship ties, and a behavior dynamics submodel tests
effects predicting changes to the dependent behavior variable(s) (i.e., food intake).
Longitudinal measures of these variables (and covariates) represent the observed state of the
network at given points in time, and changes between the observed panels of data are
modeled using continuous time Markov chains to determine the most likely series of
unobserved micro-steps taken by actors when changing their ties or behavior. An evaluation
function determines the social “rules” that guide these changes, which are formalized as
specific parameters in the model and test for the hypothesized selection and influence effects.
A rate function estimates how many opportunities for change (in friendships and behavior)
occur between observations.
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 13
Model specification. For each school-based friendship network, two models were
estimated: the first tested the main effect of friend influence on food intake (basic model);
where evidence of influence was found, a second set of models were estimated testing for the
mediating role of cognitive variables (mediation models).
In the basic model, the hypothesis that friends influenced adolescent junk food intake
was tested with an effect of “friends’ total LNED food intake” (i.e., total similarity effect) on
changes to adolescent intake. A significant positive effect would indicate that actors’ overall
LNED food intake remained or became similar to the intake of their nominated friends.
Effects of covariates (gender, ethnicity, pocket money, overweight) on changes in intake
were controlled, and linear and quadratic shape effects were included to model the overall
distribution of scores (Snijders et al., 2010; Veenstra et al., 2013).
This basic model simultaneously accounted for factors predicting friendship selection
and maintenance. Associations between LNED food intake and friendship nominations were
controlled using four effects, the most relevant being intake similarity that captures the extent
to which friendships were established or maintained between peers with existing dietary
similarities. The model also included an effect of actors’ food intake on their outgoing
friendship nominations (intake ego), an effect of peers’ food intake on them receiving an
actor’s friendship nomination (intake alter), as well as a squared effect of peers’ intake
(intake squared alter) to control for non-linearity in this effect. The roles of gender, ethnicity
and pocket money on friendship choices were controlled using the same friendship selection
effects (covariate ego, covariate alter, same or similar covariate), and a dyad-level effect of
sharing the same home group class was also included (same classroom). Finally, models also
controlled for endogenous network effects, including tendencies for actors to reciprocate
friendships (reciprocity), and to befriend friends’ of friends (transitivity) and highly-
nominated peers (indegree popularity). The inclusion of these structural effects is standard
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 14
and necessary when modeling network data, in order to account for dependencies between
respondents who are connected via a social network (Snijders et al., 2007).
To avoid issues of collinearity, a forward selection approach was used to specify the
basic model (described in Burk, Steglich, & Snijders, 2007; Snijders et al., 2010). Effects for
each covariate were score tested against a null model (Schweinberger, 2012), and if any were
significant the group of effects was retained in the final model. Additionally, the final model
tested for time heterogeneity in the food-intake effects (Lospinoso, Schweinberger, Snijders,
& Ripley, 2010), and dummies were added, when needed, to account for significant
differences in these effects across time periods.
To examine whether friend influence on LNED intake was partially mediated by
adolescents’ beliefs about eating junk foods, we specified a second set of models for the co-
evolution of the friendship networks, LNED food intake, and related attitudes and cognitions
(mediation models). Thus, each model included rate and evaluation functions for three
dependent variables: friendships, food intake, and one cognitive measure. The same
parameters specified in the basic model were included in the mediation model, including the
effect of friends’ food intake on actor intake (i.e., behavior influence). To test for the
hypothesized mediation effects, this behavior influence effect was tested alongside an effect
of friends’ food intake on actors’ food-related cognition. In other words, did friends’
consumption of LNED foods influence adolescents’ intake of these foods as well as their
beliefs about eating these foods? Evidence of mediation would require that the effect of
friend intake on actors’ cognition be statistically significant, and that the addition of this
effect partially (or fully) accounts for the effect of friends’ intake on actors’ intake.
In addition to this mediation effect, the following parameters were also included as
controls in the mediation models: a) the effect of actors’ cognition on change in actor’s food
intake, and b) the effect of actors’ food intake on actors’ cognition.
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 15
Results
Descriptive statistics of the network and LNED food intake
A summary of descriptive statistics is presented in Table 1; these data show that the
two cohorts were comparable on the covariates measured. Table 1 also presents a summary of
the LNED food intake and cognition variables, with mean values suggesting that these
variables were fairly stable over time, and that there are consistencies between the two
schools. On average, participants consumed one serve of each LNED food item less than
once a week. Attitudes and beliefs about regular intake of these foods tended to be negative
or neutral, although showed upward trends over time suggesting that cognitions became
somewhat more positive, especially between the first two waves.
Structural characteristics of the two friendship networks are summarized in Table 2.
Across each wave, students nominated an average of 3 to 4 best friends, and about one third
of these friendship nominations were reciprocated (reciprocity index). Between each of the
three waves (Period 1 and Period 2), students, on average, maintained two friendships, but
also dissolved one friendship tie and nominated one new friend. Changes to the composition
of the network, as a result of students joining or leaving the school (Table 2) were modeled as
exogenous events at specified time points (Huisman & Snijders, 2003).
Observed similarities on LNED food intake among friends, called network
autocorrelation, is also summarized in Table 2. Moran’s I is a measure of spatial correlation,
and coefficient values close to 0 indicate that individuals who are connected in the matrix are
not more similar on the behavior than would be expected if they were randomly paired.
Values close to 1 indicate that connected individuals are very similar. Friend similarities on
LNED food intake were found to be modest, with increases in similarity over the school year
observed only in school 1.
Statistical Models for the Evolution of Networks and LNED food intake
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 16
The basic model (Table 3) tested for friend influence on LNED food intake (food
intake dynamics) by including an effect of friend intake on adolescent intake. In both schools,
this effect was positive and significant indicating that over time, respondents emulated the
LNED food consumption of their friends. Food intake dynamics were predicted by few
actor-attributes: only pocket money significantly and positively predicted intake in school 2,
indicating the more pocket money the more likely youth adopted higher intake levels. Effects
of gender, ethnicity, and perceived parent intake norms were not found to predict food intake.
The shape effects (negative linear and negative quadratic shape effects), interpreted in
consideration of the mean LNED intake values, indicate that there was an overall tendency
for actors to have low values on the LNED food intake scale (1 or 2), and that this effect was
curvilinear so that the behavior function was greatest for low LNED intake scores.
The tendency for adolescents to adopt similar eating patterns to their friends was
significant controlling for effects predicting friendship choices (friendship network
dynamics). In school 1, there was some evidence that adolescents with higher food intake
were less likely to make or maintain friend nominations (negative intake ego), although this
trend became weaker over time (negative intake ego * period 2 dummy). In this same school,
food intake was also associated with popularity: the combination of negative intake alter and
negative intake squared alter effects indicates that actors’ preference was to befriend peers
with LNED values slightly above the mean (3), more so than peers with low (1, 2) or very
high values. There was no evidence that food intake was associated with friendship choices in
school 2, and also no evidence that actors in either school selected friends whose intake levels
were similar to their own (intake similarity).
Covariates also predicted friendship choices, although these effects differed slightly
between schools. In school 1, actors preferred friends who were of the same gender, the same
ethnic background, who had similar amounts of pocket money, and who were in their home
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 17
group class. In this school, youth with more pocket money were more likely to nominate
friends (money ego), but were less likely to receive friend nominations (money alter),
although this latter preference was bimodal, indicating that actors preferred friends with both
low and high values of pocket money (money squared alter). In school 2, actors preferred
friends of the same gender, and who were in their home group class. Males in this school also
tended to make more friend nominations (male ego), but were less attractive as friends (male
alter); and students who identified with race or ethnic backgrounds other than Anglo-
Australian were less attractive as friends (race or ethnicity alter). There was also a tendency
for friendships to form among youth with the same weight status.
Finally, friendship network dynamics were also explained by similar structural effects
in both schools, including a tendency for actors to reciprocate friend nominations
(reciprocity), to befriend friends of their current friends (transitive ties), and to not make
friend nominations arbitrarily (outgoing ties). In school 2, there was also an aversion to
befriending peers who were already popular (i.e., high indegree). Although contrary to the
customary “Matthew effect” where popular individuals attract the most friends, a rejection of
popular or successful individuals is embedded in Australian culture and referred to as “tall
poppy syndrome”.
Statistical Models for the Evolution of Networks, LNED Food Intake, and Cognitions
Given that friends’ intake of LNED foods was found to predict adolescent intake in
both schools, we also examined if this process was mediated by cognitive mechanisms.
Specifically, we tested if actors’ tendency to adopt similar levels of food intake to their
friends was explained by friends’ intake influencing changes in adolescents’ beliefs and
attitudes about regular consumption of LNED foods.
A summary of the results obtained from the mediation models, which tested
mediation effects for six different cognitive constructs, are presented in Table 4 (only
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 18
estimates that directly tested effects of the cognitive variables are reported). There was no
evidence in either school that friends’ food intake predicted changes in adolescent beliefs or
attitudes towards regular LNED food intake (Table 4, column 1). Thus, the hypothesis that
friends’ influence on adolescent food intake was partially mediated by changes in
adolescents’ intentions, attitudes, perceived peer norms, or perceived control over this
behavior, was not supported. Moreover, there was negligible evidence that adolescents’
beliefs about LNED food intake predicted changes in their reported levels of food intake
(Table 4, column 2). Only adolescents’ perceptions of injunctive peer norms were found to
marginally and positively predict changes in their food intake in school 1, suggesting that
adolescents who reported that their school friends thought they should regularly consume
LNED foods were somewhat more likely to increase their food intake. Interestingly, intake of
LNED foods was found to predict changes in cognitions (Table 4, column 3). There was
some evidence that intake positively predicted changes in intentions, attitudes, and perceived
descriptive peer norms: these effects were significant in school 1, and marginally significant
in school 2, so that greater intake predicted stronger intentions to consume LNED foods,
more positive attitudes towards these foods, and stronger beliefs that friends regularly
consumed these foods. In school 1, greater intake of LNED foods also predicted perceived
injunctive peer norms, meaning that respondents with higher intake tended to adopt the view
that “my friends think I should eat high-energy foods”.
Discussion
Adolescents’ consumption of LNED foods was found to be predicted by the LNED
food intake of their school friends, in two cohorts of Australian high school students.
Specifically, adolescents’ intake became or remained similar to the intake of their same-grade
best friends over the course of the school year, over and above more general tendencies of the
grade cohort to adopt low levels of LNED food intake, and the positive effect of pocket
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 19
money on intake (school 1). Additionally, these peer effects were significant controlling for
potentially confounding associations between LNED food intake and friendship choices (as
found in school 1), together with other factors predicting friendship choices (covariates and
network structure) and LNED food intake. Thus, students with “low consuming” friends were
especially likely to adopt or maintain low levels of consumption, whereas those with “high
consuming” friends were likely to emulate or maintain similar high levels of consumption.
These findings are in line with laboratory-based studies that have consistently
demonstrated that adults and youth emulate the eating behaviors of their peers (Conger et al.,
1980; Hermans et al., 2008; Romero et al., 2009; Rosenthal & McSweeney, 1979), and cross-
sectional observational research showing that adolescent friends tend to have similar dietary
patterns, particularly with regards to snack foods (de la Haye et al., 2010; Feunekes et al.,
1998). Our work extends the findings on “matching norms” by supporting hypotheses that
these effects hold in a naturalistic setting, controlling for dietary similarities when these peer
relationships were formed, and further suggesting that friends may influence dietary
behaviors over time.
Social cognition models, such as the theory of planned behavior, propose that
behaviors are influenced by the social environment via cognitive mechanisms: in particular
perceptions of social norms (Ajzen, 1991). However, in this study we did not find evidence
that the effect of actual food intake norms (i.e., friends’ self-reported LNED consumption) on
adolescents’ consumption was mediated via changes in adolescents’ attitudes, perceived peer
norms, perceived behavioral control, or intentions. Rather, intake of LNED foods tended to
predict changes to beliefs about regularly consuming these foods, including related
intentions, attitudes, and perceived peer norms.
These findings are more line with health behavior or food intake theories that view
socialization effects as automatic rather than deliberative (Bem, 1972; Wansink & Sobal,
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 20
2007) (see Figure 1), as well as findings from similar research looking at peer network effects
on physical activity (de la Haye, Robins, Mohr, & Wilson, 2011b). From this perspective, the
modeling of eating behaviors in our social environment elicits a somewhat “mindless”
imitation (Wansink & Sobal, 2007). Conscious cognitive processes are therefore not
expended on making decisions about these recurrent, everyday behaviors, and so do not
strongly guide future behavior. Rather, beliefs and cognitions about eating may be formed
during opportunities to reflect on past behavior (Bem, 1972).
Although our findings lend support to “mindless imitation” social modeling process
on food intake, additional work is needed to evaluate a wider range of potential mediating
factors, including explicit and implicit cognitions related to food intake (e.g., Coronges,
Stacy, & Valente, 2011; Nosek, Greenwald, & Banaji, 2007). For example, to test whether
eating behaviors observed in one’s social network influences implicit cognitions about
consumption of LNED foods could be explored using Implicit Association Test (IAT) (see
(Coronges et al., 2011) . Future research should also explore the role of social goals in social
modeling effects; adolescents’ adoption of their friends’ behaviors may be more strongly
motivated by the desire to establish and maintain affiliations with peers in a new school
setting (Brown, Bakken, Ameringer, & Mahon, 2008), rather than their own beliefs about
junk food.
Results of the current study highlight the important role of “situational food norms”:
referring to external influences and opportunities, such as friends’ behaviors and the
availability of pocket money, that facilitate the adoption of unhealthy dietary practices by
youth. Opportunities to consume unhealthy foods presented by peers, or the ability to
purchase them, appear to have important influences on these eating behaviors that are not
mediated by beliefs or attitudes. Indeed, an alternate explanation to the “influence” effects
described above could be shared opportunities to consume LNED foods that are jointly
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 21
experienced by friends. For example, if friends’ engage in similar activities together they will
be exposed to similar environments and food-related stimuli, which may result in similar
consumption patterns. To test competing explanatory mechanisms of social influence vs.
shared environments, future work needs to assess explicitly the extent to which friends’ are
exposed to similar environments and eating opportunities.
Together, these results suggest that to mitigate successfully negative social-
environmental influences on adolescent junk food intake associated with behavior by peers, it
will be crucial to alter youths’ actual environments and peer behaviors, as opposed to their
perceptions of, or beliefs about, these social contexts. Creating peer contexts that have limited
availability to LNED foods, and targeting friendship clusters that are high consumers of
LNED foods, could therefore be effective in reducing intake and diffusing more healthful
eating practices through adolescent peer networks. Because LNED food intake was found to
predict positively changes in beliefs about the regular consumption of these foods, providing
youth with social referents that model healthy behaviors may have a positive effect in
reinforcing this behavior pattern in future. Although cognitions about LNED food intake did
not predict behavior over the 1 school year tracked in the current study, the wider literature
shows that attitudes and beliefs predict behavior over time, and as such the relationships
between cognitions and behaviors is likely to be bidirectional.
Limitations of the current study are largely due to measurement issues. Although self-
report food frequency questionnaires are a commonly applied and valid measure of dietary
patterns in youth, they have been found to overestimate energy intake and may not be as
accurate as food diaries (McPherson et al., 2000). Innovative methods to assess dietary
behavior more reliably and validly, without compromising participation rates or creating
excessive respondent burden, will be important in future research. The use of hand-held
mobile devices or ecological momentary assessments may be useful approaches to pursue in
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 22
future studies seeking to investigate the role of peers on children and adolescents’ food intake
in naturalistic settings. This will be especially useful to tease apart further the extent to which
friends’ joint experiences of different food environments might explain the food modeling
effects we observed. In the current study, the only shared environment controlled for was
enrolment in the same home group class.
Additional limitations are that this study explored socialization processes over the
course of one school year among early adolescents in their first year of high school, limiting
its generalizability. Whether or not friends influence LNED food intake among a more
diverse sample of youth, and whether these effects persist outside of the school setting or
have a lasting impact on dietary behaviors, needs to be explored in future work. For example,
differences in adolescents’ socio-economic status may be important to consider given health
inequalities and differing rates of family breakdown, with the potential for peers to be even
stronger referents among some youth. A further limitation of studying food-modeling effects
among grade-mates only is that we do not know the extent to which school-based friends in
other grades, non-school based friends, and respondents’ broader social networks, are
important to these behaviors. Although many of the LNED foods measured in this study were
available at or near the schools and so were likely to be consumed with school peers, these
foods would also be eaten in other environments and it is unclear if school friends or other
peers would influence intake in these other settings. Finally, as power analyses are not yet
available for RSiena models, we were not able to assess if we had sufficient power to detect
the hypothesized effects. Nonetheless, we identified significant predictors of behaviors and
cognitions, and the standard errors for our model parameter estimates were typically
reasonable, giving us greater confidence in our interpretation of the null effects. Of note, the
standard errors for the parameters testing the mediating role of cognitions were slightly
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 23
larger, and we cannot rule out the possibility that the models were underpowered to detect
these effects.
In conclusion, this study applied novel longitudinal social network models (Snijders et
al., 2007) to investigate the dynamic relationship between adolescent friendship networks and
intake of “junk” foods. The results suggest that adolescents’ friends influence their intake of
LNED foods over time, though not through commonly assumed cognitive mechanisms. This
highlights the importance of the peer context for addressing LNED food intake in young
people, and provides insights into strategies that may be useful in establishing contexts that
support more healthful eating.
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 24
Acknowledgements
Data were collected while K. de la Haye was being supported by an Australian Postgraduate
Award through the University of Adelaide, and a Preventative Health Flagship Scholarship
from Australia’s Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO).
We would like to thank several anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier
versions of this manuscript.
Authors addresses and affiliations
Kayla de la Haye, RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, USA
Garry Robins, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia
Philip Mohr, University of Adelaide, Adelaide, Australia
Carlene Wilson, Flinders Centre for Innovation in Cancer, Flinders University; and Cancer
Council South Australia, Adelaide, Australia
Author note
Correspondence regarding this paper should be addressed to Kayla de la Haye, RAND
Corporation, 1776 Main Street, PO Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA, 90407-2138, U.S.A.
Electronic mail may be addressed to [email protected]
Keywords: adolescents, friendship, diet, influence, selection, stochastic actor-based models,
social network
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 25
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Table 1. Individual Descriptive Statistics
School 1 (N = 222) School 2 (N = 156)
Characteristic Wave 1 Wave 2 Wave 3 Wave 1 Wave 2 Wave 3
N classes (avg. N per class) 9 (25) 12 (13)
% other ethnicity 31.1 29.5
M (SD) pocket moneya 1.8 (0.9) 1.7 (0.8) 1.9 (0.9) 2.0 (0.9) 2.0 (1.0) 2.0 (0.9)
% overweight or obese 25.8 24.0 23.6 17.2 22.7 21.0
M (SD) LNED food variables
Intakeb 2.3 (0.6) 2.2 (0.5) 2.1 (0.6) 2.3 (0.6) 2.3 (0.6) 2.3 (0.6)
Intentionsc 2.5 (1.5) 2.9 (1.3) 3.1 (1.4) 2.1 (1.2) 3.3 (1.5) 3.2 (1.5)
Attitudesc 3.6 (1.7) 4.2 (1.4) 4.3 (1.6) 3.2 (1.5) 4.3 (1.6) 4.2 (1.6)
Descriptive peer normc 3.7 (1.6) 4.2 (1.3) 4.2 (1.3) 3.4 (1.5) 4.1 (1.3) 4.1 (1.3)
Injunctive peer normc 3.0 (1.6) 3.5 (1.5) 3.7 (1.4) 2.8 (1.7) 3.6 (1.7) 3.8 (1.5)
Descriptive adult normc 2.4 (1.6) 3.2 (1.6) 3.3 (1.7) 2.4 (1.7) 3.6 (1.7) 3.6 (1.8)
a1 = less than $10, 2 = $10 to $20, 3 = $20 to $30, 4 = more than $30. b1 = none in the last month, 2 = less than once a week, 3 = one to two times a week, 4 = three to six times a week, 5 = one a day, 6 = two times a day, and 7= three times a day or more (average score over 14 food items). c 7-point scale anchored by strongly negative (1) and strongly positive (7) statements
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 33
Table 2. Friendship Network Descriptive Statistics
School 1 (N = 222) School 2 (N = 156)
Characteristic Wave 1 Wave 2 Wave 3 Wave 1 Wave 2 Wave 3
% non-respondents 14.4 14.9 11.7 13.5 12.8 10.3
M (SD) friends nominated 3.8 (2.5) 4.0 (2.6) 4.0 (2.8) 3.4 (2.5) 3.6 (2.3) 3.5 (2.4)
Reciprocity index .34 .37 .34 .33 .33 .37
Transitivity index .44 .43 .43 .41 .41 .39
Moran’s I for LNED food
intake
.09 .12 .17 .09 .08 .09
Period 1 Period 2 Period 1 Period 2
M new friendship ties 1.4 1.3 1.6 1.5
M stable friendship ties 2.2 2.4 1.9 2.1
M friendship ties dissolved 1.1 1.2 1.5 1.4
Composition change (joined,
left)
3, 3 3, 1 6, 1 5, 0
Jaccard index 0.48 0.49 0.38 0.42
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 34
Table 3. SABM Parameter Estimates (P.E.) and Standard Errors (S.E.) for the Basic Models
Parameter School 1 School 2
P.E. (S.E.) P.E. (S.E.)
Food Intake Dynamics
Friend intake (influence)a 0.88 (.41) * 1.07 (.46) *
Individual covariates
Pocket money 0.16 (.14) 0.22 (.10) *
Overweight -0.50 (.29)+ N.S.
Parent intake norm N.S. 0.05 (.05)
Shape effects
Linear shape -0.29 (.08) ** -0.03 (.07)
Quadratic shape -0.16 (.07) * -0.11 (.05) *
Friendship network dynamics
LNED food intake effects
Intake ego -0.07 (.04) + 0.03 (.05)
Intake ego * period 2 dummy -0.17 (.08) *
Intake alter 0.11 (.06) * 0.02 (.05)
Intake sq. alter -0.14 (.04) ** 0.05 (.03)
Intake similarity -0.06 (.47) 0.61 (.59)
Covariate effects
Male ego 0.03 (.09) 0.27 (.10) **
Male alter -0.06 (.09) -0.28 (.10) **
Same male 0.72 (.08) ** 0.77 (.09) **
Ethnicity ego 0.00 (.08) 0.04 (.10)
Ethnicity alter 0.11 (.08) -0.23 (.10) *
Same ethnicity 0.23 (.07) ** 0.12 (.09)
Money ego 0.09 (.05) * -0.05 (.04)
Money alter -0.17 (.05) ** -0.02 (.05)
Money sq. alter 0.12 (.04) ** -0.07 (.04)
Money similarity 0.56 (.15) ** 0.11 (.14)
Same classroom 0.85 (.07) ** 0.28 (.09) **
Overweight ego -0.06 (.09) 0.15 (.10)
Overweight alter -0.01 (.09) -0.14 (.12)
Same overweight -0.09 (.08) 0.15 (.09)+
Structural effects
Outdegree -3.21 (.22) ** -3.01 (.21)**
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 35
Reciprocity 1.42 (.11) ** 1.79 (.12) **
Transitive ties 0.49 (.03) ** 0.47 (.03) **
Indegree popularity (sqrt.) -0.11 (.08) -0.19 (.08) *
+ p < .10, two-tailed. *p < .05, two-tailed. ** p < .01, two-tailed.
Note. N.S. = non-significant. These effects were not included in the final model because they were found to be non-significant during the forward selection model specification. aSeveral variations for modeling this influence effect are available in RSiena, and because there was no strong theoretical reason to select on over another, three different specifications were score-tested. An effect of friends’ total food intake on actor intake (total similarity), defined as the sum of centered similarity scores between adolescents and their nominated friends, was found to be the best fit and was estimated in the final models. For this effect, larger differences in intake scores between friends are likely to be highly salient and result in intake change.
JUNK FOOD INTAKE IN FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS 36
Table 4. Summary of Select SABM Parameter Estimates (P.E.) and Standard Errors (S.E.) for the Mediation Models
Dependent LNED food variable
Effects of friend food intake on actor
cognitive variable
Effect of actor cognitive variable on
actor food intake
Effect of actor food intake on actor
cognitive variable
School 1 School 2 School 1 School 2 School 1 School 2
P.E. (S.E.) P.E. (S.E.) P.E. (S.E.) P.E. (S.E.) P.E. (S.E.) P.E. (S.E.)
Intention 0.06 (.17) 0.05 (.18) 0.11 (.11) -0.04 (.13) 0.24 (.07)** 0.11 (.07)+
Attitude 0.08 (.16) -0.02 (.15) 0.06 (.08) 0.07 (.10) 0.11 (.05)* 0.11 (.06)+
Descriptive peer norm 0.04 (.18) 0.02 (.19) -0.20 (.13) 0.05 (.11) 0.09 (.05)+ 0.10 (.06)+
Injunctive peer norm 0.07 (.19) 0.15 (.18) 0.16 (.09)+ 0.06 (.09) 0.11 (.05)* 0.05 (.05)
Self-efficacy 0.11 (.12) -0.05 (.15) 0.02 (.08) -0.01 (.07) 0.04 (.04) 0.05 (.06)
Perceived behavior control 0.12 (.13) 0.22 (.19) 0.01 (.07) -0.09 (.08) -0.03 (.04) -0.03 (.05)
+ p < .10, two-tailed. *p < .05, two-tailed. ** p < .01, two-tailed.
Note. All behavior and cognition models controlled for the same effects that were included in the behavior-only models. Only parameter estimates that directly tested effects of the cognitive variables are reported here.