2010 BOOK REVIEWS 85

as well as by others concerned with broader historical andcultural issues of the era.

Joe D. SegerCobb Institute of Archaeology

Mississippi State Universityjdsl @ra.msstate.edu

REFERENCES

Arubas, B.2006 The Impact of Town Planning at Scythopolis

on the Topography of Tel Beth-Shean: A NewUnderstanding of Its Fortifications and Status.Pp. 48-58 in Excavations at Tel Beth-Shean1989-1996, Vol. 1 : From the Late Bronze AgeIIB to the Medieval Period, by Amihai Mazar.Beth-Shean Valley Archaeological Project 1. Je-rusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

Mazar, A.2006 Excavations at Tel Beth-Shean 1989-1996, Vol.

1 : From the Late Bronze Age IIB to the Medi-eval Period, by Amihai Mazar. Beth-Shean Val-ley Archaeological Project I. Jerusalem: IsraelExploration Society.

Seger, J. D.In press Gezer VII: The Middle Bronze and Later Fortifi-

cations in Fields II, IV, and VIII. Winona Lake,IN: Eisenbrauns.

Cyprus, the Sea Peoples and the Eastern Medi-terranean: Regional Perspectives of Continuityand Change (= Scripta Mediterránea 27-28 [2006-2007]), edited by Timothy P. Harrison. Toronto: Ca-nadian Institute for iVIediterranean Studies, 2008.337 pp., 85 figures, 16 tables. Paper. $50.00. [Dis-tributed in North America by Eisenbrauns]

The issue of the Sea Peoples has been the object of manystudies, although most of these focus on the Philistines, Cy-prus, and the Aegean and their influence on the southernLevant. More up-to-date archaeological projects from Cy-prus, Cilicia, and the northern and southern Levant are nowproducing important data that will enable us to formulate abetter understanding of this phenomenon. This book, com-prising papers presented at a conference that took place atthe University of Toronto in 2006, includes a variety of ar-ticles tackling the issue from different perspectives.

The book is divided into four main categories. The firstis entitled "Philology, Iconography and Chronology." In thefirst chapter, Redford identifies the Tjeker and their origin.

Based on analyzing spellings in various inscriptions, he con-cludes that like other groups of the Sea People, the Tjekercame from western Anatolia or the Aegean. In his paper,Baruch Halpern connects the Sea People movement withthe rise of national territorial states. He also tries to identifysome groups of the Sea People.

Carl Ehrlich reviews the biblical references to Philistinedeities. Summarizing this section, he mentions that Dagonwas the main god of the Philistines. Other deities associatedwith the Philistines are Baal and possibly Ashtoret. Thenhe turns to the archaeological finds. The first item he refersto is the "Ashdoda." In this respect, Yasur-Landau's (2001)identification of this object with Ptgyh should be cited. Con-tinuing his review of the finds from Philistine sites. Ehrlichpoints to other cultic objects that were utilized by the Philis-tines, such as rhyta, libation vessels, incised scapulae, andthe inscription from Ekron mentioning the goddess Ptgyh,as well as other inscriptions bearing the names of Asheratand Baal. Such a survey cannot be complete without givingattention to the unique cultic finds from the favissa at Yavneh(Ziffer and Kletter 2007). Ehrlich also points to the tree mo-tives that appear on chalices from Tell es-Safi, yet he doesnot refer to a study dedicated to these items and their signifi-cance (Maeir and Shai 2005). In the conclusions, he pointsto the differences between the biblical testimony (mainlymale divinities) and the archaeological finds (predominanceof goddesses). This leads Ehrlich to conclude that Dagonwas not the main Philistine god; instead, the chief god wasa feminine deity.

Sturt Manning's chapter deals with the difficulties of us-ing ''*C analysis dating for the period around 1200 B.C.E.,the conservative date for the end of the Late Cypriot IIC andLate Helladic IIIB, and the collapse of the Late Bronze Agecultures in the Levant. The problem is due to the radiocarboncalibration curve. Yet, according to Manning, using radio-carbon dating in "holistic analyses of sequence(s) of infor-mation" is the path to take to date this problematic period.Based on this view, he concludes that the traditional datingis still preferable for those events.

The second portion of the book covers the Sea Peoplein Cyprus. To shed more light on the process that Cyprusunderwent from LC IIC to IIIA, Kevin Fisher highlightsthe architectural remains. Reviewing some architectural el-ements leads Fisher to conclude that even if some of themare Aegean in origin, their presence on Cyprus should beunderstood as adaptations. This was due to economic rela-tionships and not as a result of the presence of Aegean colo-nists. In examining the Ashlar Building at Enkomi, Fisherconcludes that the people who built this monumental build-ing were not Aegean. The inhabitants were Cypriot elitesclosely familiar with Aegean customs and architecture,adopting some of the elements that fit their needs in orderto strengthen their status and power. Lacking, however, isany reference to some of L. Hitchcock's publications (2003;2005).

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Laura Gagne discusses the Mycenaean IIIC:1 potteryassemblage from Cyprus. Utilizing ethnographic stud-ies as well as the technological perspectives of the potteryproduction. Gagne suggests two paths to explain the pres-ence of this style in Cyprus. The first sees Aegean pottersas the producers of the Pastoral Style pottery in Cyprus; theother sees Cypriot potters trained in Aegean pottery produc-tion and technique in charge of the appearance of the My-cenaean IIIC: 1 in the Levant. Although she concludes thata systematic study was never conducted, and such a studymust include all the regions in which this style appears, herstudy is still too limited to Cyprus and does not relate torelevant and similar studies from other regions (e.g., Ben-Shlomo 2006).

In the next chapter, Aristomenes Polyzois suggests thatthe existence of Aegeans along the Levantine coast and inCyprus at the end of the Late Bronze Age should be ex-plained as a process of infiltration, which began in the LHII period. Reviewing some aspects of the material culture(mainly pottery but not only) in both regions, Polyzois pointsto Aegean traditions. He argues that at the end of the LateBronze Age there was an immigration of people from thewest that brought with them an urban culture and other fea-tures of material culture that were not local to Cyprus andthe Levant. According to Polyzois, we cannot speak aboutcolonization; rather, it was a process that began during theLate Bronze Age as part of trade exchange and concludedin the Late Helladie IIIC. In his view, those Aegean settlerseventually "displace the local inhabitants." This is in con-trast to some other studies (e.g., Sweeney and Yasur-Landau1999; Uziel 2007), which showed that the local populationcontinued to live in the southem coastal plain and amongthe Philistines.

The third part of the book discusses various aspects of theSea Peoples in the northem Levant. Brian Janeway's chapterdeals with Aegean people in Tell Ta'yinat and its vicinity.The Mycenaean IIIC: 1 pottery from the Amuq Valley waslocally made. In addition, at the same time that it appears,there is a drastic decline in the trade pattem in the region.Likewise, Aegean-style loom weights show the same phe-nomenon as the pottery, yet no other Aegean material cultureaspects are attested in this region, and there is no evidencefor mass migration to this region. Thus, Janeway concludesthat Aegean (or Aegeanized) people came to this region andwere assimilated and probably took part in the formation ofthe Neo-Hittite Kingdom of Patina.

David Lipovitch's article focuses on culinary features,mainly based on the faunal remains, in order to recognizethe customs of the new ethnic group. He compares the fau-nal remains from three Mycenaean sites with those from TelMiqne/Ekron and Tell Ta'yinat. The study demonstrates thatthere is no clear dietary pattem in the Aegean, but there isa preference for beef and pork consumption. At Tel Miqne/Ekron, pigs were eaten during the Iron Age I, in contrast tothe situation in earlier and later periods. At Tell Ta'yinat,

there are no hints of Aegean customs. Lipovitch believesthat this behavior reflects adaptation in relation to the envi-ronmental conditions.

The next chapter, by Lione du Pied, also deals with earlyIron Age pottery from the northem Levant, from two coastalsites—Ras El-Bassit and Ras Ibn Hani. Du Pied highlightsdifferences between the southern and northern Levant (e.g.,the absence of cooking jugs in the northem Levant, and thekinds of decorative motifs). These differences indicate thatpotters developed local pottery styles and forms. The authoralso claims that at least at Ras Ibn Hani, there is an indica-tion for continuity from the Late Bronze Age, and thus thereis no need to explain the appearance of the Aegean potteryas a large-scale migration process. Similar to S. Sherratt's(1998) point of view, she further argues that "independent"merchants used this pottery in order to build their "new"identity. Yet one has to keep in mind that the wide range ofevidence from southem Levantine sites does not support thistheory (see, for example, Barako 2000).

The final section concentrates on the southern Levant.The first chapter in this section is the paper by Ayelet Gil-boa, who offers a fresh look at the topic based on the resultsand finds from Tel Dor. She suggests that the differencesbetween Philistia and Dor are a result of diverse phenom-ena. While Stern saw Dor in the Early Iron Age as Sikil(one of the Sea Peoples) and as later being conquered by thePhoenicians, she sees a continuation in the site's materialculture. She finds parallels for some of the ceramic reper-toire (both decoration and forms) in two regions: Syria andCyprus. All in all, Gilboa emphasizes that a much widerperspective should be used when dealing with the Sea Peo-ples phenomenon, and we should not always look for theirorigin in the Aegean or Cyprus, but rather also in Syria andthe Levant.

Ann Killebrew claims that the new residences of thesouthem coastal plain were connected with other "Aegean-ized" groups in Cypms and Cilicia. Reviewing some aspectsof the Philistine material culture (e.g., ceramics, hearths,bathtubs), Killebrew stresses the relationship between Cy-pms and the southem Levant coastal plain. She understandsthis migration to Philistia as colonization.

Studying the similarity and differences in material culture(such as pottery, ivory, and seals) between the Philistine'scities (mainly Ashdod and Ekron) leads David Ben-Shlomoto argue that there was interaction between the immigrantsand the locals. While at Ashdod there is a continuation inCanaanite and Egyptian presence during the transition fromthe Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age, the finds fromthe inland cities do not reflect such a scenario. According tothis interpretation, at sites like Ashdod the Philistines werea minority and politically weak (in contrast to the Egyptiansand Canaanites).

Laura Mazow suggests a new understating for the "bath-tubs," or at least some of them, claiming that they wereused for textile production. According to this interpreta-

2010 BOOK REVIEWS 87

tion, the presence of bathtubs in industrial contexts pointsto their use. Mazow argues that they were used for fullingwool.

The last paper, by Edward Maher, relates to the endof the Iron Age and the abandonment of Philistine Ekron.Maher claims that the Philistines' material culture in theseventh century B.C.E. reflects foreign influence, and forthat reason they (the Philistines) could not recover fromNebuchadnezzar's destruction. While he argues for an as-similation process, I would be more hesitant, since thereare some other aspects that indicate a unique ethnic identity(e.g., some late biblical narratives identify their origin inthe west; the goddess of Ekron in the seventh century B.C.E.;the name of the king of Ekron in the seventh century B.C.E.;the suggestion that unlike other local people, the Philistinesdid not practice circumcision). According to Maher, faunaland other finds from seventh-century B.C.E. Ekron indicatethat that the city was abandoned slightly before the Baby-lonians approached.

The book is well edited, with rare printing errors (e.g.,on pp. 44-^6, a few sentences are repeated; the Ahaziah inquestion was the ruler of the northern kingdom and not ofJudah [p. 38]; on p. 325 in the last paragraph there are nospaces between words). Although as a member of the Telles-Safi/Gath Archaeological Project, I may be somewhatsubjective, it seems that there are significant lacunae in thisconference and book—namely, the lack of contributionsfrom two primary, ongoing excavation projects in Philistia:Ashkelon and Tell es-Safi/Gath. However, the main goalsof this book are achieved, as it provides fresh data and newapproaches to the study of the Sea People based on new andold excavations as well as the application of new theories.Furthermore, it assembles in one volume, studies that focuson the Sea Peoples in Cyprus as well as the northern andsouthern Levant.

Itzhaq ShaiInstitute of Archaeology

Bar-Ilan Universityi_shai@yahoo.com

REFERENCES

Barako, T. J.2000 The Philistine Settlement as Mercantile Phe-

nomenon? American Journal of Archaeology104: 513-30.

Ben-Shlomo, D.2006 Decorated Philistine Pottery: An Archaeologi-

cal andArchaeometric Study. BAR IntemationalSeries 1541. Oxford: Archaeopress.

Hitchcock, L.2003 "And Above Were Costly Stones, Hewn Ac-

cording to Measurement...." Documentation ofPre-Classical Ashlar Masonry in the East Medi-terranean. Pp. 257-67 in METRON: Measuringthe Aegean Bronze Age: Proceedings of the 9thInternational Aegean Conference, Yale Uni-versity, New Haven, Connecticut, April 18-21,2002, ed. K. P. Foster and R. Laffineur. Aegaeum24. Liège: University of Liège.

2005 "Who Will Personally Invite a Foreigner, UnlessHe is a Craftsman?": Exploring Interconnectionsin Aegean and Levantine Architecture. Pp. 691-99 in EMPORIA: Aegeans in the Central andEastern Mediterranean: Proceedings of the 10thIntemational Aegean Conference, Italian Schoolof Archaeology, Athens, April 14-18, 2004, ed.R. Laffineur and E. Greco. 2 vols. Aegaeum 25.Liège: University of Liège.

Maeir, A., and Shai, 1.2005 Iron Age IIA Chalices from Tell es-Safi/Gath.

Pp. 357-66 in Timelines: Studies in Honour ofManfred Bietak, Vol. 2, ed. E. Czemy, 1. Hein,H. Hunger, D. Melman, and A. Schwab. Ori-entaiia Lovaniensia Analecta 149. Leuven:Peeters.

Sherratt, S.1998 "Sea Peoples" and the Economic Structure of the

Late Second Millennium in the Eastern Mediter-ranean. Pp. 292-313 in Mediterranean Peoplesin Transition: Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centu-ries bce: In Honor of Professor Trude Dothan,ed. S. Gitin, E. Stem, and A. Mazar. Jerusalem:Israel Exploration Society.

Sweeney, D., and Yasur-Landau, A.1999 Following the Path of the Sea Persons: The

Women in the Medinet Habu Reliefs. Tel Aviv26: 116^5.

Yasur-Landau, A.2001 The Mother(s) of All Philistines? Aegean En-

throned Deities of the 12th-l 1th Century Philis-tia. Pp. 329^5 in POTNIA: Deities and Religionin the Aegean Bronze Age: Proceedings of the8th Intemational Aegean Conference, Göteborg,Göteborg University, 12-15 April 2000, ed.R. Laffineur and R. Hägg. Aegaeum 22. Liège:University of Liège.

Uziel, J.2007 The Development Process of Philistine Material

Culture: Assimilation, Acculturation and Every-thing in Between. Levant 39: 165-73.

Ziffer, L, and Kletter, R.2007 In the Field of the Philistines: Cult Furnishings

from the Favissa of a Yavneh Tample. Tel Aviv:Eretz Israel Museum.

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