Repúblika | September 2014

republikamagazine.com September 2014 | ISSUE 15 | $4.95VIP

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[In truth, freedom | In veritate libertas]

#FIJIV TESYOUR GUIDE TO THE GENERAL ELECTION

Elections are the most horrendous aspect of

democracy. It’s the most mundane, trivial,

disappointing, dirty aspect. ~ Gael Garcia Bernal

Issue 15 | September 2014 3facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

On the job Elections supervisor Mohammed Saneem addresses the media during pre-polling, while his deputies look on.

OPINION

13 | The Rising Ape Alex Elbourne on his third time to vote

14 | The Green Line Nakita Bingham green political choices

COVER

14 | It’s time to choose

REGULARS

9 | Briefing The good, the bad and the ugly of social media

46 | The Last Word Ashfaaq Khan on the battle for the political crown

FIJI VOTES

contentsrepublikamagazine.com /republikamag @RepublikaMag /republikamag Vol 3 | No 1 | Issue 15 | September 2014

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After almost eight years, and after a fren-zy of campaigning, the pitch of which has sometimes veered into the hysterical, Fijians in Fiji and overseas have finally began vot-

ing to choose their government for the country’s return to democracy. Despite the limitations, some logistical prob-lems and various alleged electoral of-fences, the pre-polling ahead of the main day on 17 September went ahead generally smoothly. But whether Baini-marama’s FijiFirst party is conferred a democratic mandate or people give it to some other party was anyone’s guess in the final few days before the polls closed.

17 | Candidates 16 pages of the national candidates list, facts and figures of the 2014 general election

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republikamagazine.com September 2014 | ISSUE 15 | $4.95VIP

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[In truth, freedom | In veritate libertas]

#FIJIV TESYOUR GUIDE TO THE GENERAL ELECTION

34 | Bose Levu Vakaturaga Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi on the role of the abolished chiefs’ body

‘ Is there a place for the Bose Levu Vakaturaga

in modern day Fiji? That is a question only the indigenous Taukei can properly answer.

Whatever decision the Taukei make should

be collective in nature, and not

for any one person to take

unilaterally.

36 | Beyond repair? Dr Satish Rai on the fragmentation of the Indo-Fijian community

38 | Press freedom Professor Satendra Nandan on media responsibility

40 | Silence of the dons Dr Christopher Griffin on academics and their silence on national issues

Issue 15 | September 20144 | Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

editor’snote [email protected] @RicardoMorris

Who will get Fiji’s mandate?

Vol 3 | No 1 | Issue 15

Published by Republika Media Limited | 8 Mitchell Street, Peace Embassy Suite A107, Suva | PO Box 11927, Suva, Fiji | Phone: +679 3561467 Mobile: +679 9041215 | Email: [email protected] | Printed by Quality Print Limited, Suva | ISSN: 2227-5738

PuBLIShER & EdIToRRicardo Morris

[email protected]

MANAGER AdMIN/FINANCE

Prethi Vandana

[email protected]

AdMIN/MARKETING

Rosemary Masitabua

[email protected]

Estelle Masitabua

[email protected]

We welcome your comments, contributions, corrections, letters or suggestions. Send them to [email protected] or leave a comment on our social media pages.

The opinions expressed in Repúblika are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher. The editor takes responsibility for all non-attributed editorial content.

CoNTRIBuToRS

Fiji

Alex Elbourne

Ashfaaq Khan

Christopher Griffin

Joni Madraiwiwi

Nakita Bingham

Satendra Nandan

Satish Rai

By all accounts, the final few weeks of campaigning for the much-anticipated general elec-

tion has been fiery. Suddenly, after almost eight years of

rule by decree, the democratic space has opened up and the cacophany has been deafening at times but reassuring nev-ertheless.

Headlines, news articles and opin-ions that editors would have been wary of publishing previously have gradually began showing up in the months count-ing down to the main voting day of 17 September.

While the free debate has been re-freshing, it was perhaps inevitable that there would be those who would use the opportunity to stir emotions and capi-talise on the sensitivities around issues such as land, national identity, indig-enous Fijian institutions, economic de-velopment and media freedom.

The FijiFirst party of Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama got off to a flying start earlier in the year even before it was registered. With the electoral rules being changed in the middle of the pro-cess and the odds against other political parties, at the close of the registration period, six parties and two indepen-dent candidates - made it through the hurdles and were allowed to contest the election against FijiFirst. With a slick

campaign, FijiFirst projected itself as a “movement” that was action-oriented and decisive and which would continue its “revolution” of reforming Fiji that it began with the 2006 military takeover.

Whether the effect of the six other parties will be to divert votes from Fi-jiFirst remains to be seen but opinion polls in the final few weeks showed that Bainimarama remained quite popular while the leader of the major opposition Social Democratic Liberal Party (So-delpa), Ro Teimumu Kepa had steadily picked up support.

Sodelpa was sticking to its strategy of promoting indigenous interests with the tagline ‘reclaim Fiji’ and was confi-dent of taking power.

The refreshed National Federation Party was also making an impact with its economist leader Professor Biman Prasad promising to reduce vat to 10 per cent if elected into office. Stacked with candidates from a variety of back-grounds and ethnicities, the country’s oldest party campaigned on a platform of ‘trust’, banking on its ‘clean record’ of not supporting coups and pledging to bring the cost of living down.

The new People’s Democratic Party, formed after key members split from the Fiji Labour Party, projected itself as the poor person’s party with workers rights high on its agenda. Its leader, Fe-

lix Anthony, promises ‘real change’.The Fiji Labour Party, for its part,

went into the polls without its longtime leader Mahendra Chaudhry who was disqualified after his conviction of ex-change control offences in June. Howev-er, being the seasoned politician that he is, Chaudhry remained front and centre in the party’s campaign meetings. The FLP may no longer be the force it once was, but it no doubt retains support, no-tably in the sugarcane belt areas.

Of the two other smaller parties, the One Fiji Party, whose registration was initially rejected, has offered an alterna-tive to PDP, NFP and Sodelpa and is led by charismatic young lawyer Vilimone Vosarogo.

The Fiji United Freedom Party, field-ing only three candidates, has put up a manifesto that lies on the fringes but of-fers some interesting ideas.

Roshika Deo and Umesh Chand are the only two independent candidates. They, along with the parties, will need to garner 5 per cent of the total votes cast to get parliamentary seats.

The stakes are high as Fiji goes to the polls. Whether it will be accepted as free and fair, whether any party will get an outright mandate to rule or if a coalition is in the offing is anybody’s guess. R

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TALK BACK To uS

4Join us on facebook.com/republikamag4Email to [email protected] us on twitter.com/republikamag4Write to PO Box 11927, Suva, Fiji

inboxYour letters, feedback and viewpoints [email protected]

The new government’s priorities During August, we asked people on our Facebook page what they thought were the three priorities for the elected government after September. Several people took the time to answer with responses below:

Democracy, transparency and ser-vice.

Raynold Waisalevia facebook.com/republikamag

Job opportunities, raising educa-tion standards, national security.

Mesake Sivoinavatuvia facebook.com/republikamag

Address common fear of insecurity. Revamp health sector because a healthy populace is the beginning of a healthy mind, healthy habits and healthy econ-omy. Give incentives to existing locally based businesses to grow and fast track job creation for our people.

Laisa Digitaki Weleilakebavia facebook.com/republikamag

Amnesty International opinionAfter voting, New Zealand should hold Fiji’s government to basic democratic standards, accord-ing to Grant Bayldon, executive di-rector of Amnesty International in New Zealand.

New Zealand should mind their own business! Cleanup your own back-yard New Zealand before you try and clean up someone else’s!

Nigel Swordvia facebook.com/republikamag

Agree ... whatever one thinks of the situation in Fiji, the colonialists in NZ should just butt out and sort out their own sh*t. Condescending twats.

Jeremy Duxburyvia facebook.com/republikamag

Yes, how dare the executive direc-tor of Amnesty International in New Zealand write an opinion piece asking that the New Zealand government hold a dictatorial regime accountable for its actions. How dare they! What’s next? Asking for torturers to be brought to justice? Shameful, if a country’s dicta-tor wants someone tortured then he or she has every right to torture that person without outside interference or critcism from a bunch of people whin-ing about human rights. – Please note sarcasm.

Laurence Beddosevia facebook.com/republikamag

Do we or anyone else tell you (Australia and New Zealand) how to run your country’s affairs? Not that you’d listen because your egos are so big!

Tanya Adamsvia facebook.com/republikamag

P.O.BOX 2427 Government Buildings, Suva

krlatchans.com

Phone: (679) 3477 268 Fax: (679) 3477 511Email: [email protected]

NEED TO CHARTER A BUS?


briefingThe nation reviewed

SKETCH THE NATION

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NUMBERS

198,777The total registered Methodists as at the church’s annual conference last month, a drop of 1788 since last year.

137The number of children in the care of the Social Welfare Department,most of them were victims of sexual and physical abuse and neglect.

60,000The number of people assisted under the Poverty Benefit Scheme, up from 21,000.

36The road death toll as at 1 September compared to 25 for the same period last year. The Western Division has recorded the highest number of fatalities.

Bakani, Dakuidreketi jailedCOURT WATCH

FORMER Native Lands Trust Board

(NLTB) general manager Kalivati Bakani

and businessman Keni Dakuidrekeit were

jailed on 15 August for abuse of office

in the latest criminal trial of people the

Bainimarama government said had been

involved in corruption.

Dakuidreketi received a six-year

sentence, while Bakani was jailed for

four years by the High Court in Suva for

offences dating back to 2004.

Bakani pleaded guilty to five counts

of abuse of office under section 111 of

the Penal Code, while Dakuidreketi was

convicted of five counts after a month-

and-a-half long trial relating to their

business dealings with the then-NLTB.

They were tried over their involvement

in loans to IT company Pacific Connex

through the NLTB’s commercial arm,

Vanua Development Corporation Limited.

At the time, Dakuidreketi was a

director of NLTB and had been made

chairman of VDCL after VDCL purchased

51 per cent shares in Pacific Connex. The

IT company’s maiden contract was to

install enterprise software at NLTB which

it quoted at $4.6m but did not have the

finances to implement without the VDCL

loans.

Bakani and Dakuidreketi were alleged

to have used funds attributed to extinct

mataqali (landowning units), trust

funds and grants to finance loans to the

newly incorporated Pacific Connex. The

Fiji Independent Commission Against

Corruption said this was prejudicial

to the rights of NLTB and indigenous

landowners. The IT company was given

some $5m of public funds, mostly

belonging to Taukei landowners but only

$200,000 was recovered.

Bakani was sentenced to 12 months

in jail on each of the five counts, while

Dakuidreketi received a sentence of 18

months for each of the five counts. Justice

Bandara ordered that three counts dealing

with loans from VDCL to Pacific Connex

be served consecutively while the two

counts where loan security was provided

be served concurrently.

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COMEDYMILESTONES


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Former Land Force Commander Colonel Jone Baledrokadroka is the first person to graduate with a doctorate from

the Australian National University College of Asia and the Pacific’s State, Society and Governance in Melanesia (SSGM) PhD programme.

The Fiji Scouts Association celebrated its 100th anniversary during the National Scouts Jamboree that was held at the Queen

Victoria School grounds in August. The jamboree also coincided with the 100 centennial celebration and marked a milestone achievement for the association with 2000 Scouts.

The Labasa Sangam College of Nursing marked a milestone on 21 August when it launched the first enrolled nursing

programme in the country with 25 students registered for the 12-month course. The course is a foundation level nursing programme from which students can later progress to staff nurse level or go on to the degree programme.

4Vodafone Fiji launched the country’s first mobile lottery game on 5 August. Chief marketing officer Sanjeewa Parera says

the PICK6 mobile lottery would revolutionise the gaming space of lottery in Fiji.

5BSP Life in August launched the start of construction of its Denison-Duncan Mixed Residential Development. The project is a gated

development and will be the first for this type of development in Suva. Situated on a two-acre block of land in a prime location, this development will provide 15 units, five of them high-end residences with swimming pools.

Laughing Samoans’ tour ‘resounding success’

AFTER taking their “Fresh Off Da Blane” acts to Suva and Nadi in August, the Laughing Samoans reflected on the impact their 2014 Fiji tour had made, both on themselves and the fans.

“The trip was an absolute joy for us,” front-man Eteuati Ete said. “The fans who turned out to see us at both shows were amazing, and we certainly felt and heard the love and the laughter.”

“Thank you to WOWS Kids Fiji and the Uto Ni Yalo Trust for bringing us to Fiji.”

Aside from the laughter and frolicking, Ete emphasised that visiting the children in the Lautoka, Nadi and CWM hospitals was a highlight for them.

“To know that what we do provides some relief for the children and parents going through so much hardship is humbling and satisfying,” he said.

“Please continue to support the work that WOWS Kids Fiji does. Thank you to the countless volunteers who supported the initiative and of course the sponsors without whom we couldn’t have charged such low prices. Vinaka, Fiji. Love you right back!”

WOWS Kids Fiji chairman Makrava Wilson reminded members that this tour was not a fundraiser but part of

the awareness campaign as the group

re-launches the brand and establishes its

registration.

“We are waiting for the accounts

to be finalised before sending them for

auditing,” Mr Wilson said, “and once that

process is complete, we will make the

accounts public.”

Meanwhile, comedy partner Tofiga

Fepulea’i echoed Ete’s sentiments.

“It’s always a great feeling

performing in front of people, but the

two shows in Fiji were simply an honour,”

he said. “It was humbling to perform as

part of WOWS Kids Fiji, and it felt special

to perform and bring laughter to families

with kids suffering with cancer.

“To know that what we love doing on

stage can make a positive difference to

these children is the greatest reward for

me as a performer and as a human being.

“To see the smiles on the faces of the

kids and hear the laughter from them in

the front row, that was priceless.”

Aunty Tala then gave thanks to the

“beautiful people of Nadi and Suva”,

adding that they look forward to coming

back again with a brand new show.

n WOWS KIDS FIJI

The Laughing Samoans, Eteuati Ete and Tofiga Fepulea’i at the Royal Suva Yacht Club.

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briefing The nation reviewed

ELECTIONS 2014

#FIJIV TESYouth vote to impact resultTHE final figures of people who registered to vote show that the majority of those eligible have registered including several thousand Fiji nationals overseas and that young people hold the balance of power.

Final statistics released by the Fijian Elections Office put the number of registered voters at 591,095 and of that 18-30 year olds total more than half of all voters at 323,286.

Men slightly outnumber women, with the majority of voters located in the Central Division.

In the two weeks of pre-polling ahead of the main day on 17 September, 65,875 were earmarked to cast their ballots with most of those voting early in the Western Divison.

SOCIAL media has introduced a new element to political campaigning, something that did not have to be reckoned with the last time Fiji went to a general election in 2006. Social media platforms have allowed Fijians with access to the internet personal space to express political opinions and share content.

While the benefits of social media for political candidates and ordinary people alike are unprecedented, there have been concerns at the level of discourse on these platforms as Fiji counted down to its first election in nearly eight years.

The GOODSocial media has become the

personification of free speech in the past few years. At the height of media censorship in Fiji, social media sites became the go-to place for people to exchange information. Social media at that point became the final frontier of free speech.

Social media allows ideas and opinion to be shared and discussed in real time without the mediation of the mainstream media. Now the media are forced to monitor and take notice of events that ‘go viral’ on social media.

Political parties have also recognised the immense free advertising that could be had through social media. Campaigning has never been so personalised and interactive. Ordinary Fijians all of a sudden have the opportunity to interact directly with candidates and have questions answered.

This has been helpful to candidates in promoting their interests. A prospective People’s Democratic Party candidate

(whose candidacy was rejected by the Electoral Commission) even went as far as making a personal manifesto, and other candidates have become advocates for aspects of their party’s manifesto rather than promoting the manifesto as a whole. Party activities, media appearances and political comments have now become fairly accessible.

The BADThe problem with social media is

that quite often there is an overdose of information. The flow of information is so rapid that it is hard to keep up. Information seems to come from various angles and biases and the information often lacks the neutrality and structure you would expect from an article written by a journalist.

Sources of information are difficult to verify and any given individual may have a personal agenda attached to their comments.

The forums and pages in which these comments appear seem to be generally one-sided and people seldom comment objectively.

A rumour, a misinterpreted comment or an out-of-context post can quickly take on a life of its own. Due to social media’s very nature, a falsehood can be shared or retweeted many times before it is debunked, but by then the damage is most likely done.

The UGlyIt is next to impossible to monitor

and edit social media posts because of the sheer speed of information flow. This can help social media become a breeding ground for hate speech, threats and

innuendo. In physical settings, people tend may not express their more bigoted views but social media gives them a convenient cloak to disassociate and be as blunt as possible.

Numerous fake profiles have sprung up through which people display racism, Islamophbia, and other ill-conceived notions. Several weeks ago a post on Facebook accused the government of changing the structure on top of the clock tower at the Government Buildings to resemble a mosque. Many people instantly shared what they viewed as distressing news. It turns out the dome-like structure at the top of the clock tower has always been there – it’s just been cleaned in the renovation the entire block has been undergoing.

The overdose of information leads many to immediately believe the information provided at face value without any verification. Politically this is highly damaging as people tend to get overwhelmed by their political differences and this makes it difficult for them to get an objective, holistic view on the policies of parties and candidates. This will lead to a whole cross-section of our population voting for a particular party only because they gravely dislike a single policy or stand of an opposing party.

Many voters are under the age of 30 and are voting for the first time in this election and many of them will have access to social media in one form or another. It will be highly interesting to see how this election will pan out with the wildcard of social media at play.

n AShFAAQ KhAN

The politics of social media



ON THE RECORD

“It is unrealistic for me to believe that you two were riding a ti-ger without knowing how to get away without being eaten... It is high time public officers realise that their interest is vested with the public and one day they are accountable for all their actions. They cannot run with the hare and hunt with the hounds.” Justice Janaka Bandara on 15 August in refusing a suspended sentence for Kalivati Bakani and Keni Dakuidreketu after their con-viction for abuse of office.

“The era the society thought in the same way you think today - ‘a husband cannot be held liable for raping his own wife as he has the right to the person of his wife’ - is dead and gone. In the eyes of the law, irrespective of their gender, everybody is equal and treated equally. A spouse is no excep-tion.” Justice Janaka Bandara jailing a Rakiraki man in the High Court at Lau-toka on 26 August for the rape of his es-tranged, six-months pregnant wife.

“I think you would understand with him on the ground and 44 men under his command, look-ing down the barrel of 150-200 armed elements with five or six times more weaponry than they have, the questions that will be running through the commander’s mind would be ‘Do I become a tiger and fight or do I become a cat and fight another day?’” Army commander Brigadier-General Mosese Tikoitoga speaking to journalists on 31 August on the capture of 45 Fijian peace-keepers at a UN controlled border cross-ing between Israel and Syria.

Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre | 88 Gordon St, Suva | Phone: 3313 300 / 9209 470 (24hrs) | www.fijiwomen.com

Dr Martin Luther King Jr (1929-1968)‘ ’Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.

You don’t have to suffer in silence

free and confidential counselling services and legal advice are available at our branches in suva, nadi, Ba, rakiraki and

labasa. You can call our hotline 24 hours a day.

HOSTAGE CRISIS

Peacekeepers released unharmedA SYRIAN militant group in late August seized 45 Fijian peacekeepers based at the border crossing on the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights but freed them after two weeks.

On 27 August, Syrian rebels overran the Quneitra crossing located on the de facto border between Syrian- and Israeli-controlled parts of the Golan Heights.

A day later, insurgents from the al-Qaida-affiliated Nusra Front seized the Fijian peacekeepers and surrounded their Filipino colleagues, demanding they surrender. The Filipinos managed to escape several days later following a gun battle.

Nusra Front described their actions as retaliation for what it called the failure of the United Nations to help Syrians victimised by the civil war, now in its fourth year.

The insurgents issued three demands

for the release of the Fijian peacekeepers: to be taken off the UN terrorist list, for humanitarian aid to be delivered to parts of the Syrian capital Damascus, and compensation for three of its fighters it says were killed in a shootout with UN officers.

Vigils had been organised by civil society and religious groups praying for soldiers’ safety and release.

As this issue went to press, there had been some confusion after an annoucement by military commander Brigadier-General Mosese Tikoitoga the soldiers’ release was imminent which the government later retracted. This was after the group released a video in which the soldiers were shown unharmed.

Two days later the 45 peacekeepers had been released to the United Nations personnel near the location from where they were taken. n RICARDO MORRIS

An image released by the Al-Nusra Front, which claimed responsibility for the seizure of 45 Fijian peacekeepers in August.

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briefing The nation reviewed

Queen of them all ... Nanise Rainima, 22, the newly crowned Miss Vodafone Fiji Hibiscus queen wearing a Kaiyanu caftan by local fashion designer Ana Rabuka of the Stylosophy Fiji Creations. She was photographed by Fotofusion Photography at the My Suva Picnic Park. Rainima is from Namuka, Nakelo in Tailevu and was educated at Suva Grammar School where she was head girl. Representing Apco Coatings, Rainima also won the prize for best research topic, and was awarded the Miss Personality, Miss People’s Choice and Miss National Tourism sashes.

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here we go, here we go...

n Alex Elbourne is the Breakfast Show host on Legend FM. The views expressed are his own

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This is it guys! After eight years we are going back to the polls. There’s a part of me that wants

to be all cynical and jaded about the whole process and about the concept of democracy itself but it’s a small part. A larger part is loving it, I admit it, I am a political junkie. All the drama, all the smear campaigns. All the promises. All the fake Facebook profiles spreading lies and deceit online. Wow. Just wow!

And it all comes down to this. Pre-polling is underway and around 10 per cent of registered voters are expected to vote before 17 September. The rest of us will wake up on that day and go to our assigned polling station and vote. And then we’ll wait. See, as interesting and dramatic as the campaigning season has been it will be nothing compared to the happenings when the circus, I mean parliament, is in session. It’s going to be fantastic I tell you.

We’ll swear at our elected repre-sentatives, we’ll agree with them, we’ll laugh at them. It will be entertaining and I for one welcome it. On a personal note, I’ve voted in two elections already and this is the first time I’m going to vote as a Fijian, ie, a citizen of this coun-try. The last two times I voted I was clas-sified as an “Other”. Yep, nothing like being called an “Other” in the country of your birth. Good times, good times indeed. So, time to make your choice: One Fiji Party, Fiji United Freedom Par-ty, Sodelpa, National Federation Party, FijiFirst, People’s Democratic Party, Roshika Deo, Fiji Labour Party, Umesh Chand. Who will it be? Get out there and vote. Don’t be indecisive. These are the people who are putting up their hands to decide your fate and your fam-ily’s fate for the next four years. So make your choice.

Politics be making us cray cray…Still on the subject of the upcoming

elections. Can we all please agree on a

few things? People on social media es-pecially Facebook using fake profiles to spread messages of hate and bigotry are truly cowards.

Over the past few months, I’ve no-ticed fake profiles popping up like a particularly bad rash talking about can-didates and/or parties in the worst pos-sible way. I’ve seen indigenous Fijians called monkeys, Fijian Indians being told to f**k off back to India, Muslims called spawn of the devil, Chinese Fi-jians being called dirty murderers, Kai Lomas being called “no culture” and on and on.

And none of these people have the balls to actually own their bigotry. I have no problems with bigots being allowed to openly express their views. I’m all for free speech and I mean free speech. But, like I said, own your bigotry. If you hate women, then say so. If you hate gay peo-ple, then say so. If you hate a particular ethnic group, say it.

But do it under your own name so the rest of us can treat your views with the contempt and derision it deserves.

Now, having said that. We really do need to start respecting each other’s political views more. If someone wants to vote for a candidate that you do not agree with, guess what? That’s perfectly fine. In Fiji, we seem to think that any-one who doesn’t agree with our views is wrong. We seem to think, how dare this person does not think the way I do. We really do need to grow up. It’s just politics. Is it important? Of course it is. Is it important enough to lose friends and family over? Some people think so. I don’t. So, the next time someone dis-agrees with your political views, instead of getting worked up maybe take a bit of time to listen.

We shouldn’t expect too much of our politicians or democracy for that mat-ter. Too many Fijians seem to be of the opinion that democracy and an elected government are like a magic bullet. Once we have a democratically elected government running things, the think-ing goes, everything will be hunky-dory and happy days will be here again. Un-fortunately, that’s about as far from the

truth as it’s possible to get. So, whoever we elect, don’t expect too much of them despite all the promises they’re throw-ing around right now. Remember, these guys are just politicians.

Could all those running for election please, please stop claiming God is on their side. I’m not too sure the creator of well, everything, appreciates you ap-propriating his/her name for your little political campaign.

Our new electoral system…It’s so fancy eh? With all the num-

bers and stuff. Is it just me or does the new system encourage parties to form coalitions? Is that a deliberate feature of this type of electoral system? On that note, it will be interesting to see which parties are able to go into coalition with each other. Imagine all the backroom wheeling and dealing that will be going on. Yay…politics!

Democracy’s biggest problem…Is it only me or does anyone else find

it crazy that we willingly hand power over to those who are actively seeking it ie politicians running in elections? Especially the professional politicians. The ones who have been around for ages. I read somewhere that a politi-cian has only two functions. One is to get elected, the second is to stay elected. And don’t get me wrong, I’m not say-ing they’re all like that. I’m positive that the people running for the first time in the elections are filled with the fervor and fire to go in there and make a dif-ference. Let’s see how long that passion lasts when the reality of compromise and deal-making to get anything done kicks in. So yeah, you guys, best of luck. Also, every single aspiring politician/party is absolutely confident of forming the next government if their Facebook pages are anything to judge by. Mean-while, there are only 50 seats so we’ll have some disappointed people around when the results are known.

The Rising Apewith ALEX ELBouRNE

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n Nakita Bingham is a Suva resident and works as an assistant in sustainable marine managed areas. The views expressed here are her own.

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I often think about how things were in Fiji a century ago, and if I could have a time machine I’d travel back

to the beginning of the 20th century to witness Fiji at a most interesting junc-ture: when the structural foundation our modern-day beloved country was being laid.

In the defining years post-Ces-sion, under the firm colonial rule of the British Empire, our future was represented by a pathway beginning to be forged by the late Ratu Sir Lala Sukuna, almost exactly 100 years ago – a crossroad that would help dictate the prospects of what the future Fiji would hold.

Today we, the people of Fiji, find ourselves pondering the same fate of what is in store for our future, as did our brothers and sisters who lived in a colonial era where oppression, dominance, and threats ruled the Fi-jians and Indians living in Fiji at the time.

In the past few months, we have all witnessed the growing intensity and heat of the national political race, and with elections just days away, the unwavering anticipation of the fate of our country is looming on the horizon.

I truly feel a sense of pride when I see my fellow countrymen and women taking the reins of their civic duties and working hard to ensure democracy and freedom prevail. However, in the event it shouldn’t, given thinly veiled threats from various people in positions of power, then perhaps Fiji should be the lead author in witting the book The Ped-agogy of Coup Culture.

I must admit, I’m a little bitter about this whole process and I truly admire those citizens who have maintained a sense of hope, their heads held high with dignity. If you ask me, (which no-body has) I would say this latest nation-al election process has at times seemed

very fast and loose with the boundaries of what democracy means, as the very process by which elections are occur-ring has not been representational in all formalities.

When a person’s freedoms have been taken away or censored, it leaves one feeling disempowered. Now it’s time to exercise the right to vote, many of us for the first time, and perhaps this can be

the election where a vote matters the most, reclaiming the power to elect a governing body who will restore checks and balances, transparency, and ac-countability, relieving Fiji from a system where national interests are determined by a select few without representational mandate.

Choosing a political party to side with has been a difficult task, but after ploughing through several manifestos, I finally arrived at a decision.

I’m 28 years old and I have never vot-ed because I spent a part of my adult life overseas and moved back to Fiji in 2009.

I never had the opportunity, but now with the 2014 election, I will make my

vote count and have faith that the pow-er it holds will prevail in this transition back to a democratic state.

Legitimising our form of govern-ment means every vote holds the weight to transform Fiji.

For every vote cast, each citizen sends a message to the politicians and government as a call of representation for what the majority of Fiji believes in.

It is an opportunity for all of us to have our voices heard, and it is better than having no voice at all.

Thinking that your vote doesn’t matter, that it won’t change anything, and not voting according to your best judgement, is a failure to accept per-sonal responsibility for your role in the fate of Fiji – it disempowers you and undermines the process of re-storing civil liberties that this elec-tion has provided the opportunity for those who care about their society to revive and reclaim.

The 2014 election is a testament of reclaiming human rights, reinstat-ing democracy, restoring individual freedoms and liberty, and ceasing the endeavours to disenfranchise our sov-ereignty by corporate interests and foreign powers. The absence of a gov-ernment ruled with checks and bal-ances means that decisions are made by a select few without the consent or discussion from a fair representation, perpetuating the cycle of inequality.

I’m voting because I want to see our government mobilised, enforcing and creating just laws and policy that will strengthen our core as a nation, en-suring our resources and ecosystems are protected and managed properly and not sold short or undervalued. I want to see mobilisation that maximises each citizen’s freedoms.

The future for me means a sustain-able Fiji, with minimal dependence on foreign resources. I’m voting because I don’t want to see our oceans depleted to meet the demands of consumers over-seas. I’m voting because it’s my right.

Why I’m voting...

The Green Linewith NAKITA BINGhAM


CoVER

It’s time to choose

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IJIF

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By RICARdo MoRRIS

More than eight years after Fiji last participated in a general election, its people are being

given the chance to have their say this September, in a vote that will define the country’s future.

Campaign rhetoric aside, at the heart of this general election is a verdict on the rule of Voreqe Bainimarama and his cabinet.

If people vote in numbers for his Fi-jiFirst party, he will return to power with a democratic mandate and it will mean they generally appreciate his military-

inspired “strong, decisive leadership”, as Bainimarama himself describes it.

If they reject him at the ballot box, it will mean that despite the extensive development across all sectors and the re-engineering of Fijian society, ulti-mately they viewed his military ousting of Laisenia Qarase’s government in De-cember 2006 as a breach of those values they aspire to.

Fiji’s oldest political party, the Na-tional Federation Party, says this general election is about choosing between per-petuating the “coup culture” or finally breaking that cycle.

This year, Fijians are going to the polls

under a new electoral system which its architect Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum says is more representational and removes the legal requirement to vote along ethnic lines that has been blamed by some for the divisions that have blighted Fiji since independence.

In the previous three general elec-tions, citizens voted for 71 members of the Lower House of Parliament under the alternative vote system. Those 71 seats were divided along “communal” lines with indigenous Fijians getting the bigger share of 23 reserved seats. The ethnic Indian community got 19 seats, general electors got three seats and one

#FIJIV TES


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Having his say A soldier at Queen Elizabeth Barracks casts his vote in pre-polling ahead of the 17 September main voting day, while left Voreqe Bainimarama addresses the crowd at Sukuna Park in Suva during a FijiFirst family fun day.

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was for a Rotuman member. There were also 25 “open” seats that anybody, re-gardless of ethnicity, could contest.

Voters were given two ballot papers – one for their communal constituency and another for an open constituency.

In 2006, 13 political parties and 68 in-dependent candidates – 338 candidates in total – contested the general election.

Of those, only 27 were women or 8 per cent of the total candidates. The total of 479,674 registered voters represented about 92 per cent of the estimated target of 517,000 eligible voters.

In contrast, this year Fijians go to the poll under an open-list proportional representation system and have only one vote in a single national constituency.

For the first time, 18 year olds have been given the vote and indeed young people aged 18-30 years make up more than half of all registered voters. Young people and their vote could very well be the kingmakers in this election.

The political parties decree imposes conditions that proposed parties must meet to be registered which is why there has been a drop in the number of parties contesting.

This year only seven political parties and two independent candidates are contesting, with a total of 248 candi-dates. Women’s representation has dou-

bled since the 2006 election with 16 per cent of candidates – 41 – being women.

Following a massive voter registra-tion drive, the Fijian Elections Office says 591,095 voters including those over-seas had been registered.

Fiji goes to the ballot under a new system – the D’Hondt system of pro-portional representation. The system favours large political parties and popu-lar independent candidates because a threshold of votes has been set in order for parties to qualify for a place in the new 50-seat single-chamber parliament.

Parties or independent candidates will need to poll at least 5 per cent of the total votes cast in order to qualify for a seat. The votes for parties or indepen-dent candidates who do not meet the threshold will be discarded before the rest of the votes are tallied and seats al-located to the remaining parties or inde-pendent candidates.

Of the many issues that have occu-pied candidates and their electorate, some are persistent ones like land, pov-erty, unemployment, education, health and economic development.

For the first time though, the debate over national identity – are we all Fiji-ans? – and the Great Council of Chiefs, important as they are, have dominated the national discourse to the point of

crowding out other bread-and-butter issues that could have been given more space.

FijiFirst and Qarase’s reincarnated Social Democratic Liberal Party (SO-DELPA) – led by the Rewa high chief Ro Teimumu Kepa – are undoubtedly the major players. Bainimarama him-self has acknowledged that SODELPA is FijiFirst’s only real competition but he remains confident of prevailing at the polls.

However, both FijiFirst and SODEL-PA also have to contend with the other parties, especially the revamped Nation-al Federation Party and the new People’s Democratic Party.

Under Professor Biman Prasad, the NFP has tried to shrug off its image of being an Indo-Fijian party to one broad-ly representative of Fijian society and taking advantage of its 50 years of exis-tence to urge voters to trust its leader-ship to restore economic stability.

PDP, which was formed after key par-ty figures broke away from the Fiji La-bour Party, is unabashedly union-based, being led by the former general secre-tary of the Fiji Trades Union Congress, Felix Anthony.

PDP has campaigned on a platform

4CoNTINuEd PAGE 16


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Parliamentary seats in Fiji’s propor-tional voting system will be allo-

cated through a mathematical formula called the D’Hondt method.

Victor D’Hondt was a Belgian mathematician who cre-ated the system in 1978. It allows fractional voting amounts to be converted to whole numbers.

This guarantees parties an exact number of seats in par-liament while aiming to preserve proportionality as much as possible.

The steps below show how D’Hondt’s method will al-locate seats in Fiji’s Parliament:

Step 1: Totalling the votesTotal votes for all candidates are counted and totalled.

Step 2: Independent and party votes calculatedVotes received by each candidate will then listed in de-

scending order and the total vote for each party is estab-lished.

For independent candidates, their total vote will be re-corded from step one.

Step 3: Determining the five per cent thresholdTo win a seat in Parliament, an independent candidate

or party is required to achieve five per cent of the overall number of votes.

To determine the threshold the following formula is used: total number of votes cast x 0.05 = threshold.

For instance if 500,000 people vote then this number

is multiplied by 0.05, giving the result of 25,000. This means an independent candidate or political party must re-

ceive 25,000 votes to win a seat.If they do not reach this vote threshold they will not

qualify for a seat in parliament and votes they receive will be excluded from step 4.

Step 4: determining the number of seatsThe total number of votes for each party and indepen-

dent candidate is tabled.This is done by dividing the total votes of each remain-

ing party and remaining independent candidate by one. For parties, but not for independent candidates, the total is then divided by two, and then by three, then by four and so on.

This is done up until a party’s total number of votes have been divided as many times as the number of candi-dates a party is running.

There are 50 seats in Parliament. The 50 highest figures on the table then determine the number of seats each party receives in parliament.

Step 5: Allocating seatsSeats are allocated to candidates in their parties based

in order of the votes they receive. For instance the candi-date who receives the highest number of votes is given first priority. The candidate who receives the second highest amount of votes is given second priority and so on until all 50 seats are allocated.

n ThOMAS CARNeGIe/PACIFIC SCOOP

How parliamentary seats will be allocated

#FIJIV TES

of restoring workers rights, human rights and the rule of law and bringing “real change” to Fiji.

Bainimarama’s FijiFirst has attracted a wide range of candidates from across the spectrum. It is the only party with a full field of 50 candidates.

The Fiji Labour Party also maintains its presence in this election and could yet prove it remains a force to reckon with. However, with the disqualifica-tion of its leader Mahendra Chaudhry because of his conviction on currency offences, it may not be the political pow-

erhouse that it once was.If none of the major parties appeal to

voters, they also have a choice of candi-dates from the two smaller parties – One Fiji Party and the Fiji United Freedom Party. One Fiji Party under lawyer Vilim-one Vosarogo is fielding 13 candidates, while FUFP is the smallest with just three candidates.

Fijians of all walks of life have a momentous choice ahead of them this month. Will they vote for the party of a person who despite his good intentions in reshaping Fijian society, came to pow-

er by force? Or will they retreat into the comformtable compartments of voting along ethnic and blood lines? The out-come should be one to watch.

Whichever way you look at it, this election is historic. It has been the longest period between elections post-independence, the longest polling pe-riod (two-week long pre-poll exersise), the lowering of the voting age and, of course, national identity.

Whatever the outcome, this month will indeed be a September to remem-ber. R

#FIJIV TES2014 NATIONAL CANDIDATES LIST


www.fijifirst.comFIJI FIRSTMark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

138RATU INOKE KUBUABOLARatu Inoke is the Foreign Minister.

139ASHNEEL

SUDHAKARSudhakar is a

lawyer by profession.

143JILILA KUMAR

Kumar is a retired vice principal.

145SANJIT PATEL

Patel is a former mayor of Nadi.

146APAKUKI KURUSIGA

Kurusiga was the deputy CEO of ITLTB.

153JIMILAI

WAINIBALAGI

Wainibalagi is a former senior civil servant.

162BRIJ LAL

Lal is the former per-manent secretary for

education.

167VIJAY NATH

Nath is a life insurance adviser and a driving

instructor.

169KOLETA SIVIVATU

Sivivatu is a lay preacher and former

teacher.

173BALMINDAR SINGH

Singh is a financial con-sultant who previously

worked at FICAC.

184ALIVERETI

NABULIVOU

Nabulivou is president of the Ginger Farmers’ Cooperative in Naitasiri.

185TIMOCI

NATUVA

Natuva is the Minister for Works, Transport and Public Utilities.

187SEMI

KOROILAVESAU

Koroilavesau is a retired navy commander and has worked in tourism.

200OSEA

NAIQAMUNaiqamu is the current CEO of Fiji Pine Trust.

212MERESEINI VUNIWAQA

Vuniwaqa is a former PS for Justice and Reg-istrar of Political Parties.

216SAMUELA VUNIVALU

Vunivalu is a former member of the RFMF.

217MATAIASI

NIUMATAIWALU

Niumataiwalu is the former MIDA director.

220RUVENI

NADALO

Nadalo has worked in hospitality for 30 years.

222JOSEPHVERAMO

Veramo is a social sci-entist and consultant.

223LUISA WAQANIKA

Waqanika has had a long career as a civil

servant.


www.fijifirst.comFIJI FIRST

232VILIAME

NAUPOTO

Naupoto the Minister for Youth and

Sports.

237PIO TIKODUADUA

Tikoduadua was recently PS in the PM’s

office.

240MOHAMMEDABE DEAN

A teacher by training, Dean is recognised for

his leadership.

245FAIYAZ KOYA

Koya is a lawyer based in Nadi and has served

on several boards.

250ROSY AKBAR

Akbar has a background in

education.

251AKHTAR ALI

Ali is a human resources specialist.

255AIYAZ

SAYED-KHAIYUMSayed-Khaiyum is the

Attorney-General of Fiji.

259LORNA EDEN

Eden is a board mem-ber of the Fiji Hotel and Tourism Association.

263LAISENIA

TUITOBOU

Tuitubou is the former commissoner central.

265DR JIKO LUVENI

Luveni is Minister for Social Welfare, Women and Poverty Alleviation.

279JOSAIA V

BAINIMARAMA

Prime Minister of Fiji.

282ILISONI

GALALA NO. 2

Galala is a community worker.

286NETANI

RIKA

Rika is the former commissoner eastern.

288DR NEIL SHARMA

Sharma is the Minister for Health

294JOELI CAWAKI

Cawaki is the former commissioner western.

303TEDDYFONG

Fong is a postgraduate student and environ-

mentalist.

304DR MAHENDRA

REDDYReddy is the chair of

the Commerce Commission

306PARVEENKUMAR

Kumar has been the longest serving mayor

in Fiji.

315JIOJE

KONROTE

Konrote has had an illustrious career in the

RFMF.

323ALVICK

MAHARAJ

Maharaj is a registered

pharmacist.

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.


FIJI UNITED FREEDOM PARTY www.tiny.cc/FUFP

268MANOJ KAMAL

Kamal is a businessman with a diploma in auto

engineering.

280NAYAGODAMU

KOROVOU

Korovou is a private school teacher.

299VILIAME

TAMANIVALU

Tamanivalu is retired but hopes to be the voice of the poor.


330SAVENACA

VAKALIWALIWAVakaliwaliwa is a social

commentator.

334ALEXANDERO’CONNOR

O’Connor has more than 41 years of

experience in the private sector.

351HIMAIYAT ALI

Ali is president of the Suva branch of the Fiji Institute of Surveyors.

352ILIESA DELANA

Delana is a Paralympic gold medallist.

356VEENA

BHATNAGARBhatnagar is a radio personality.

358JONE USAMATE

Usamate is the vMinis-ter for Labour.

361VIAM PILLAY

Pillay is a community worker.

362ADI LAISA TORA

Tora is a radio presenter.

365INIA

SERUIRATU

Seruiratu is the minister for agriculture.

376HOWARD POLITINI

Politini is a young entre-preneur and runs a tour business with his wife.


Number of MPs elected for

Fiji First

Number of MPs elected for Fiji United

Freedom

The only disabled candidate contesting this general election

is Iliesa Delana of FijiFirst.

Parliament will convene back at its original

location in Government

Buildings, where Sitiveni Rabuka staged his 1987 coup.

FIJI uNITEd FREEdoM PARTY www.tiny.cc/FUFP

268MANOJ KAMAL

Kamal is a businessman with a diploma in auto

engineering.

280NAYAGODAMU

KOROVOU

Korovou is a private school teacher.

299VILIAME

TAMANIVALU

Tamanivalu is retired but hopes to be the voice of the poor.


330SAVENACA

VAKALIWALIWAVakaliwaliwa is a social

commentator.

334ALEXANDERO’CONNOR

O’Connor has more than 41 years of

experience in the private sector.

351HIMAIYAT ALI

Ali is president of the Suva branch of the Fiji Institute of Surveyors.

352ILIESA DELANA

Delana is a Paralympic gold medallist.

356VEENA

BHATNAGARBhatnagar is a radio

personality.

358JONE USAMATE

Usamate is the vMinis-ter for Labour.

361VIAM PILLAY

Pillay is a community worker.

362ADI LAISA TORA

Tora is a radio presenter.

365INIA

SERUIRATU

Seruiratu is the minister for agriculture.

376HOWARD POLITINI

Politini is a young entre-preneur and runs a tour business with his wife.


Number of MPs elected for

Fiji First

Number of MPs elected for Fiji United

Freedom

The only disabled candidate contesting this general election

is Iliesa Delana of FijiFirst.

Parliament will convene back at its original

location in Government

Buildings, where Sitiveni Rabuka staged his 1987 coup.


FIJI LABouR PARTY www.flp.org.fj

135RONEEL LALIT

SINGHSingh has a diploma in business, accounting

and marketing and is a keen sports fan.

136LAISABALE

Bale holds a LLB (Hons) degree and runs a consultancy

business.

140SEKAIA SULUKA

Suluka is a retired police officer and

has received several awards for his service.

142MOHAMMED

KHANKhan is a Suva lawyer and a senior partner

of MA Khan ESQ, Bar-risters and Solicitors.

149LAVINIA

PADARATHPadarath holds a

master’s in HR manage-ment, a nurse by profes-

sion and former MP.

163MELI

BOGILEKABogileka was a former member of the Peo-

ple’s Coalition govern-ment.

165KAMLESH CHANDRA

Chandra has a com-merce degree and is a Nadi accountant and business consultant.

168VYAS DEO SHARMA

Sharma is a former MP and is the direcror of Khelvin Realtors Ltd.

170PASEPA ROSARINE

LAGILagi is a consultant in accounting, taxation

and business adminis-tration in Suva.

203KALISITO

MAISAMOAMaisamoa is lawyer who

holds qualifications in environmental health,

civil law and prosecution.

211MARIKA TAUVA

Tauva is a retired Assis-tant Superintendent of Police and has worked

with FICAC.

218TULA RAM

Ram is a retired farmer and a former building contractor and a social

worker.

224UDIT

NARAYANNarayan is a former MP and Minister for Primary and Preventative Health

Services.

227JOSAIA

WAQABACAWaqabaca is a taxi

operator and a former unionist.

239PONIPATE LESAVUA

Lesavua is a former parliamentarian and former Superinten-

dent of Police.

241PRATAP

SENSen is a retired school-

teacher, soldier, a preacher and a former

boxing champion.

246SOLOMONE CATAROGO

Catarogo is a former soccer national rep

and boxer, farmer and community worker.

247JONE BEBE

Bebe is a retired senior radio engineer and is currently a farmer in

Tailevu.

267SURENDRA

LALLal is a former MP and the current president

of the National Farmers Union.

272RUPENI

SILIMAIBAUSilimaibau is a business development consult-ant and holds a degree

in management.



275HARI

KRISHNAKrishna is a retired

principal education of-ficer and a former head

teacher.

289RATU FILIMONE RALOGAIVAU

Ralogaivau is a Bua chief and former Sena-

tor and MP.

302KAMLESH PRASAD

Prasad is a Labasa private investigator,

real estate agent and a former journalist.

309KINI

MARAWAI

Marawai is a Suva law-yer and a former trade

unionist.

314ANENDRA PRASAD

Prasad is a business-man and an active social and religious

worker.

319NARENDRA PADARATH

Padarath is a business-man and a former MP.

332 337PAULINI

WAQANOBOROCHANDAR

SINGHWaqaniboro was the

lone woman councillor elected in Labasa

in 2005.

Singh is a Nasinu busi-nessman and a former

Labour Senator.

360MONICA

RAGHWANRaghwan is director

and property manager of Raghwan Construc-tion and a former MP.

366VARAUN NITIN

LALLal is a businessman

and community worker in Ba.

370JOJI

KOROIWACA Koroiwaca is the

CEO of the Mataqali Rokacikaci Trust and is a retired police officer.

371PATRICK SINGH

Singh is a telecommu-nications engineer and

community worker.

373DAMODAR

NAIR

Nair is a Tavua busi-nessman and a former

MP.

378DEO

NARAYAN

Narayan is a communi-ty worker and a retired

police officer.

379DR ROHIT KISHORE

Kishore is an academic and ex-PS for Lands.

381ANAND SINGH

Singh is a lawyer and a former MP.

FIJI LABouR PARTY www.flp.org.fj


296PARAS RAM SOMAIYA

Somaiya is a Labasa farmer, former bank

officer and involved in the sugar industry.

Number of MPs elected for Fiji labour Party

Women make up 16 per cent of the 248

candidates in the 2014 general election at 41.


NATIoNAL FEdERATIoN PARTY www.nfpfiji.com


Ratutila is a traditional leader from Nasovivi,

Namuka, Macuata

137BAL

SUBRAMANI

Known as Bala Dass, he contested the 2001 and 2006 election for NFP.

141NARENDRA

REDDY

Reddy of Tavua has an exemplary record of

service to NFP and the community.

151EMASI

RAVULO

Ravulo of Savusavu is a former head teacher

with 28 years of education experience.

154ANSU VIKASHNI

LATA

Lata is a consultant and market researcher with

service in health and community work.

155ATTAR SINGH

Singh is a lifelong unionist who has now

turned to politics.

157SIDDIQ FAIZAL

KOYAKoya is a UK-educated

lawyer at his firm of Siddiq Koya Lawyers

in Nadi.

166SIMIONE NAITUKU

Naituku of Nausori has a strong background in social research and

studied law.

175DR ECI

NABALARUA

Nabalarua is a longtime academic in social

science and politics.

177DAVENDRA

NAIDU

Naidu is a successful Ba businessman and a

poultry farmer.

186PRAMOD

RAERae is an educator and trade unionist with a

lifelong affiliation with NFP.

191SATYA NAND

Nand is a retired teacher and an award-winning

vegetable farmer.

192LATCHMAIYA

NAIDUNaidu is a Labasa

community personality and established his own

business in 1987.

193KAVAI

RABUKAGAGARabukagaga of Wainunu,

Bua is a former police sergeant educated in Suva schools and USP.

199RAMAN PRATAP

SINGH

Singh is an NFP stal-wart, lawyer, former MP, senator and councillor.

201KHALID

ALIAli is a Ba cane farmer, a former deputy mayor and well known social worker in the district.

202PARMOD CHAND

Chand is a Labasa businessman and

experienced parliamentarian.

204DEVEN MAGAN

Magan of Toorak, Suva is a JP and a licensed investment adviser.

206DR SUNIL KUMAR

Kumar is an economist with four degrees and a strong analytical ability.

207SAKIUSA

MASINIVANUA RATUTILA

213TUPOU

DRAUNIDALO

Draunidalo is party president and a lawyer.




214FAY

VOLATABU

Volatabu is a community advocate

for women, an educator and unionist.

221SADASIVAN

NAICKER

Naicker has a long record of community service and is a former senior customs officer.

225RAKESH KUMAR

Kumar is an accounts auditor in Lautoka.

233PRISCILLA

SINGH

Singh is a human righters defender and gender justice

advocate.

248BIMAL

PRASAD

Prasad is studying law student and has been involved in community

service and football.

249SEMI

TITOKOTitoko hails from Ra

and is a lawyer having previously worked as a

court clerk.

256RAGHO NAND

Nand is a veteran social worker based in Nausori, a former

schoolteacher and MP.

261DORSAMI

NAIDU

Naidu is a lawyer and former NFP MP from

1992-1999.

270SANT KUMARI

MURTIMurti is a community and social worker and a retired school teacher

from Labasa.

273TUINADAVE

RADOGORadogo is an SDA church leader and operates a dive

and backpacker resort.

285AMRIT

PRASADPrasad is a retired civil servant with 32 years of service in agricul-

ture.

290PINO

VENASIOVenasio hails from Rotuma and is a transport owner

and teacher.

305ETONIA LOTE

Lote is a distinguished musician and educationist.

307MANASA

BARAVILALA

Baravilala is a former CEO of FRU with extensive business

experience.

311MOHAMMED

RAFIQRafiq is a former teacher

from Vanua Levu and is active in the

sugar industry.

316KELE

LEAWERELeawere of Na-droga is a major

international rugby star.

322DR BIJEND

PRASAD RAM

Ram is a medical doctor with 36 years

of service.

324PREM SINGH

Singh of Nadi is a businessman, consult-ant and experienced

politician.

326BHIM RAJ

Raj of Labasa is a retired civil servant who is involved in community work.

333JAGANNATH

SAMISami is prominent in the sugar industry, trade unions and

football.




Number of MPs

elected for National

Federation Party

339RAINJESH

SANSan is a highly

experienced former captain with Fiji Airways.

340USAIA MOLI

Moli’s career focuses on youth development

and mentoring.

341SENI

NABOUNabou has a

background in human rights, politics and

environmental activism.

343ANISHNI CHAND

Chand is a lawyer originally from Lautoka

and now residing in Nausori.

347DR BIMAN

CHAND PRASAD

Prasad is party leader and economics

professor.

349RISHI RAM

Ram runs his own taxi company and is a

commissioner for oaths and justice of the peace.

353ERONI

MAOPAMaopa is a lawyer and former police officer.

364KALISI

RATUWARARatuwara runs her own migration business and

is currently studying law.

374INIA

TAMANITamani served in govern-ment from 1968-2007 and rose to the post of

Director of Land Transport.

ChANd IS YouNGEST To STANdFiji’s oldest political party, the

National Federation Party fields the youngest candidate in this year’s general election.

Anishini Chand, originally of Lautoka is 23 years old and

lives in Nausori. She attended Lautoka Central College be-fore graduating from USP with a Bachelors of Arts and Bachelor of Law de-gree. She was admitted to the bar earlier this year. She has a career in civil litigation and criminal defence.

Chand says she is standing for election because she wants to see parliamentary democ-racy restored to ensure

that decisions of national signifi-cance are properly debated. She ad-vocates for separation of powers into legislative, executive and judiciary, upholding the rule of law and grant-ing justice to every citizen, and an independent media.

She wants citizens to have a right to protest and strike on issues on which they hold differing views. Public service appointments to be based on merit and while tackling unemployment issues, to ensure that job selection is open and merit-based. With economic development there should be a decent quality of life for every citizen.

Her slogan in this campaign is “justice, transparency, objective me-dia and equal opportunities for all.” n www.nfpfiji.com


oNE FIJI PARTY www.facebook.com/onefijiparty


144AKOSITA FINE

DITOKA

Ditoka is a former sen-ior government official.

156ASENACA BATIKARA

Batikara is a registered teacher.

183VILIMONE

VOSAROGO

Vosarosa is a lawyer and One Fiji Party

leader.

215IAN MITCHELL

SIMPSON

Simpson is a Taveuni businessman and con-

test the 1999 poll.

180ADRIU MISIKI

Misiki is a company director.

INdEPENdENT CANdIdATES

195 283

UMESH CHAND ROSHIKA DEO

Chand is a business-man from Nuku village on Rabi Island. He was the first person to submit a nomination for the 2014 general election.

Deo is a law graduate, feminist and a human rights advocate. She was one of the earliest to declare her candi-dacy last year.

226AKMAL

ALIAli has a degree and

sociology and a former GS of the USP Stu-dents’ Association.

236MAKERETA

ROSI

Rosi is an Urata village businesswoman.

242SITIVENI KALOU

Kalou is the general secretary of One Fiji

Party.

243SEMI

MOMOEDONUMomoedonu holds a

Bachelor of Commerce and a Diploma in Man-

agement.

260PAUL

PETERS

Peters is businessman who lives in Nasinu.

276PENI

VUEVUELALA

Vuevuelala is an employee of FSC and is interested in youth

development.

354VILIAME RAILE

Raile has experience in farming and hopes to engage youth in

agriculture.

375TALIAI

RASOLO

Rasolo is a real estate consultant.

Number of MPs elected for One

Fiji Party

http://tiny.cc/RoshikaDeo2014

192,273People aged 18-30 years who are eligible to vote

591,095Total number of Fijians

who registered to vote


PEoPLE’S dEMoCRATIC PARTY www.pdpfiji.com


Ram is a land developer and social worker who hopes to fight for truth

and justice.

Singh is the producer of Fiji’s Dancing Superstar and is an advocator of youth development

through arts.

147SATISH

CHANDRA With 13 years of

experience in the mining industry Mr Chandra hopes to work for workers’ rights.

152SURUJ MATI

NAND

Nand from Suva was a Member of Parliament

from 1999-2000.

159FELIX

ANTHONY

Anthony of Lautoka is the former General-secretary

of FTUC and a former MP.

161ADI SIVIA

QORO Qoro, a former MP, has served as a government official and consultant

for over 30 years.

174ANUANTAEKA

TAKINANATakinana from Suva is a retired school teacher

and former businessman advocating

equal citizenship

178NAZIA NISHA

KHANKhan is a taxi proprietor

who hopes to be the voice of the

underprivileged.

179KINICONI

BOGIDRAUBogidrau is a former soccer player and a

couch who advocates youth development

through sport.

181NAIPOTE

VERE Vere is a former policeman and a

lawyer who hopes to address the issue of

unemployment.

190JEREMAIA

TUWAI

Tuwai is an engineer advocating youth

advocacy.

196KOLINIO VUDA

TAVUAVuda is a community worker who wants to

promote the polices of the PDP manifesto.

198MAHENDRA

LAL Lal from Labasa has over 34 years of experience

in the sugar industry and hopes to bring down the

cost of living in Fiji.

205KALISITO

BOLATOLU Bolatolu is a community

worker involved with various activities with

religious groups.

209RAM

SURESH Suresh is a retired head

teacher and a pundit and hopes to focus on

education if elected.

210SUNIL DUTT

SHARMA

Sharma an engineer advocating community

capacity building.

229WAISALE TABUYA

Tabuya is a lawyer who hopes to

develop rugby for youth.

230ABHI RAM

231SANDEEP

NARAYAN SINGH

234MICHAEL

FERNANDO

Fernando is a retired farmer and social

worker

238ADI SIVO L

RAVUWALE

244ATUNAISA

DELAIDelai is a former

Policeman and hopes to continue to serve the

nation as a poltician.

Ravuwale from Labasa is a single mother who

stands for women empowerment.

Issue 15 | September 201428 | Repúblika | republikamagazine.com28 | Repúblika | republikamagazine.com



252SITIVENI LASO RAIKANIKODA

Raikanikoda is a lawyer and a former

prosecutor.

253NICHOLAS PETERO

BALEIKORO

Baleikoro is a youth and workers’ rights

advocate.

257ERONI

BAGASAUBagasau has been a

community worker in informal settlements

for 40 years.

258SULOCHNA

WATI

Wati has been a social worker for 20 years and is an advisory

councillor.

264MANASA NAICERU

NASARANasara is a retired

school teacher.

266JONE

DAKUVULA Dakuvula has worked as a consultant for many

NGOs and formerly was the director of CCF.

269ANAY

PRAKASHPrakash is a clerk

advocating infrastructure and

youth development.

271POATE

UCULOA Uculoa is a religious minister and founder of Apostles Gospel

Outreach Fellowship International.

278JONE

BARAVILALA RASI Rasi is a community

and youth worker from Matawalu village,

Lautoka.

281JOELI

DRODROLAGI

Drodrolagi is a cane farmer from Seaqaqa,

Macuata.

287SOLOMONE

NATOU Natou is a community worker from Nadi and

hopes to make a difference in the live of the underprivileged.

291PENI RAVAI

TURAGANISOLEVUTuraganisolevu is a

former teacher and SEO who hopes to reform the education system.

297ILAIJIA TAVIA VUNIYAYAWA

Vuniyayawa is a former draughtsman who hails

from Namara Village in Nadi.

300JOSIAH T J LOLOMA

Loloma is Labasa managing director and

a pastor.

301DR EMASI

QOVU Qovu is a former MP and runs a consulting

service.

312SAT

NARAYAN

313LYNDA

TABUYA

318PENI DAUKAULOTU

DELAI Delai has over 25 years’ experience in the hospi-

tality industry.

Singh is an exporter and social worker

from Rakiraki.

320ASHOK

KUMAR SINGH

321ADI VARANISESE

LIGALEVU Ligalevu held senior dip-lomatic/trade posts and is a business adviser.Ka

Has served in the police force for over twenty

years and hope to continue to serve Fiji as a Politician.

Tabuya is a success-ful lawyer who wants

young people to stand up for their rights.




338MUNESH PRASAD

Prasad is a commu-nity worker and advisory councillor from Savusavu.

342AMELE

WABALEWabale is an active

social worker who wants to focus on improving the standard of living in

communities.

346RATU ILIESA

RASERURaseru has held

executive posts in Fiji and New Zealand.

350MEREONI TUVOU

Tuvou is a house-wife from Sigatoka.

357VIJAY SINGH

Singh is a lawyer, businessman and a

former MP.

369ISIMELI NEIOKO

Neiko is a farmer and a retired solider and

businessman who hopes to focus on farmers in the

Sigatoka Valley.

Number of MPs elected for PDP

Mohammed Saneem, educated at USP and Labasa College,

is Fiji’s youngest Supervisor of Elections at 29 years old.

The D’Hondt methodFiji will use a proportional representation electoral system, with allocation of seats following the D’Hondt method. It is a highest averages method for allocating seats in party-list proportional representation. The method is named after Belgian mathematician Victor D’Hondt, pictured, who described it in 1878. There are two forms: closed list (a party selects the order of election of their candidates) and an open list (voters’ choices determine the order), which Fiji will use.

Proportional representation systems aim to allocate seats to parties in proportion to the number of votes received. For example, if a party wins one-third of the votes then it should gain one-third of the seats. In general, exact proportionality is not possible because the divisions produce fractional numbers of seats. As a result, several methods, of which the D’Hondt method is one, have been devised which guarantee that the parties’ seat allocations are whole numbers that sum to the correct total, while aiming to preserve proportionality as far as is possible. In comparison with the Sainte-Laguë method, D’Hondt slightly favours large parties and coalitions over scattered small parties.

Economist Dr Wadan Narsey writes: “Whether any candidate is elected will be decided not just by how many votes the party receives in total, but also by how many votes the candidates themselves receive relative to their fellow candidates.”

n Wikipedia/Narsey On Fiji

quot = Vs + 1

After all the votes have been tallied, successive quotients are calculated for each party. The formula for the quotient is:

Where V is the total number of votes that party received, and s is the number of seats that party has been allocated so far, initially 0 for all parties.


SodELPA www.sodelpa.org


148ASERI

RADRODRORadrodro has a Master’s in Business Admin and has served in executive positions in private and

public sector.

150NIKO

NAWAIKULANawaikula, a former MP, runs a legal prac-tice and specialises in

indigenous issues.

158SALOTE

RADRODRORadrodro has a BA and Post Graduate Diploma and is self-employed.

160NEMIA

VAINITOBAVainitoba attended

the University of Wolverhampton

in the UK.

164RATU SULIANO MATANITOBUA

Matanitobua is a former MP and human resources executive.

171MIKAELE LEAWERE

Leawere has a BA in education and has

worked as a teacher and various positions in ministry of education.

188RATU TEVITA

NIUMATAIWALU Ratu Tevita is a farmer from Visoqo, Namuka,

Macuata in Vanua Levu.

SUSHIL SUDHAKAR

Sudhakar is a former civil servant who has studied at Victoria

University in New Zealand.

172SAMU

SAUMATUASaumatua has a

Master’s in philosophy who has served as a senior military officer and the minister of local government.

176 182SEMESA

KARAVAKIKaravaki is a lawer

and a former Supervisor of

Election.

189PECELI

RINAKAMARinakama has a BA in history, politics and admin. He hopes to

promote indigenous right.

194LOSENA

SALABULASalabula has a BA in linguistics and history and is a former MP.

197MERE

SAMISONI Samisoni founded the

Hot Bread Kitchen chain. She holds a doctorate in

business admin.

208NIRMAL SINGH

219MOSESE

BULITAVU Bulitavuis a lawyer with

an MA in Good Governance.

228SIMIONE RASOVA

235MITIELI

BULANAUCA

254RATU NAIQAMA LALABALAVU

Lalabalavu is a former cabinet minister and

holds the chiefly title ofTui Cakau.

Vakatora has an MBA and is an accountant who has served in FIA

surveillance panel.

262TOMASI

VAKATORA

274ABDUL SAHIM

CAVALEVUCavalevu is an

accountant and is the general manager of West Meats Limited.

Rasova has worked in the hospitality and travel

industry and was the acting national director

of the SDL party in 2006.

Bulanauca has an MBA from the University New

England in Australia.

Singh was a former political and public affairs

specialist with US embassy and is CEO of Public Relations Fiji Ltd.




277VANE

SERUVAKULA

Seruvakula is a former employee of the

Vatukoula gold mine who is interested in socioeco-nomic development..

284MICK

BEDDOESBeddoes was the

former leader of opposi-tion and a businessman. He was also the Chief

Executive of the World Netball Company.

292JIOSEFA

DULAKIVERATADulakiverata is a

property valuer and has a master’s of

business property.

293PIO

TABAIWALU

Tabaiwalu has an MSc in social science. He is

the general secretary of SODELPA.

295VILIAME

TAGIVETAUATagivetaua was a former DO, divisional commis-

sioner for TLTB and Fisheries Commission.

298SIMIONE DROLE

Drole is a mineral explo-ration and development

consultant.

325DR TUPENI

BABA Baba has a PhD in education and has

served in three elected governments both in cabinet and senate.

MARIKA LEWAQAI

Lewaqai is a student at USP and hopes serve

the people of Fiji.

308RO TEIMUMU

VUIKABA KEPA Kepa is a former Teach-er and has served as the

education minister in the SDL government.

310 317SITIVENI

NAILEQE LOCOLoco was a

former teacher and education officer. He is from Naisaumuia

Village,Verata in Tailevu.

327JEREMAIA NAMUAIRA

Namuaira holds a gradu-ate diploma in public admin and a BA and

hopes to focus on land issues.

328LUKE VIDIRI RATUVUKI

Ratuvuki holds a Bach-elor of Agriculture and is interested in issues pertaining to qoliqoli

and tourism.

329LAISANI

QAQANILAWA Qaqanilawa holds an

MBA and is SODELPA’s youth representative.

331VILIAME SATALA

Satala was a former professional rugby

player in Japan, USA and France. He has also

been a coach.

335ANARE VADEI

Vadei is a retired civil servant.

336NANISE

NAGUSUCA

344RATU SELA NANOVO

345VILIAME GAVOKA

Gavoka has studied at the University of Hawaii and wants to develop the tourism industry.

Ratu Osea is a retired civil servant from Sigatoka vil-

lage, Nadroga.

348RATU OSEA

BOLAWAQATABU

355KINIVILIAME

KILIRAKI Kiliraki has served as the president of the Queen Victoria

School PGTA.

Nagusuca holds an MA in governance and was

also a former MP.

Ratu Sela is a com-pany executive.




359RATU ISOA

TIKOCA

Ratu Isoa is a former Fiji High Commissioner to Papua New Guinea.

363PENINA RAVULO

Ravulo has studied at USP and FSM

and hopes keep the economy strong by

protecting jobs.

368MARIKA

ULUINACEVA

Uluinaceva has devel-oped inclusive educa-tional courses such as

the Matua Programme.

372RATU JONE BOUWALU

Ratu Jone is from Na-moli village in Lautoka and is president of SO-DELPA West branch.

377PARAYAME CAKACAKA

Cakacaka holds a BA in management and education and has

been a teacher and an education officer.

380JOSEFA NATAU

Natau is a retired civil servant.

382RATU JONE

KUBUABOLA

Kubuabola has a MSc from University of

England and hopes to bring Fiji to

economic viability.

367GEORGE SHIU RAJ

Raj is an accountant and a former cabinet minister of the SDL

government.

Number of MPs elected for SODelPA

Make your own colour code and shade each seat according to the political party or independent candidate to show representation in the 50-seat single-chamber parliament.

FIJI FIRST

FLP

NFP

ONE FIJI

PDP

FIJI UNITED

SODELPA

FIJI’S 2014 PARLIAMENT

4195 people aged 81 years and older are

registered to vote in the general election.

GOVeRNMeNT

OPPOSITION


R

democracy is a word that has been thrown around a lot in the histo-ry of our nation. The ideology of

democracy has been much debated, and throughout the history of our nation the classic definition of democracy has been under constant threat. There have been many times the will of the people shown through the ballot has been threatened by the presence of bullets often in the name of ethnicity and religion.

The late A. D. Patel, the first leader of the National Federation Party, floated the idea that Fiji should vote under a common roll, a concept that was not appreciated by the ethnic Fijian dominated Alliance Par-ty. After Patel’s death in 1969, his succes-sor Siddiq Moidin Koya (popularly known as S. M. Koya) made a compromise with the Alliance Party and the result was a sys-tem of democracy which had Fiji’s popu-lation voting on ethnic lines.

Fijians, regardless of their ethnicity, are groomed to be ethnically segregated. According to Dr Satish Rai, a former Fijian academic based in Australia, when ethnic Indians first arrived in Fiji they were kept segregated from the native population by the British Colonial authorities. This was a shortsighted move was a measure to protect indigenous culture.

Either they lacked the foresight to see that this would create a serious problem after they allowed girmitiyas to stay back in Fiji as free labourers after their inden-ture contracts expired or it was a deliber-ate move by the colonial government to create a working class and business class of people who would live in Fiji and yet would not fully identify with the country.

The deliberate segregation of the eth-nic Indians of Fiji caused for the better part of our history of ethnic co-existence an identity crisis amongst them as they have always been labelled as Kai Idia or ‘people from Indian’ even though most ethnic Indians have very limited ties to their so called “Motherland” and several generations have been born here.

Politicians since independence have

not shied away from playing the “race card” whenever it was convenient for them. The “race card” is the ultimate trump card when it comes to Fijian poli-tics. Things like economic development, general bread-and-butter issues, crime, poverty, health care, welfare, women’s rights, and many other important policies take a back seat when this card is played. We have had three coups in the name of racial supremacy to prove this. All of these coups, including the 2006 “clean-up cam-paign”, have spelled economic disaster for Fiji.

Who do you blame for this divide? The British who are long gone or the vari-ous governments who have been power over the past 44 years of our history as an independent nation? The indigenous Fi-jian and ethnic Indian population in Fiji have co-existed for over 135 years but in all this time, a vast majority of the popu-lation does not understand each other’s language or culture.

This has done nothing but helped seg-regate us further. If you consider the social groups or friends group in schools, work-places or neighbourhoods you are bound to notice that these groups are usually ethnically mutually exclusive. Very rarely will you see a group of friends or col-leagues in the social circuit that is ethni-cally balanced. Language plays a very im-portant part in the formation of a social group. Say an ethnic Indian joins a group of indigenous Fijians. Sometimes even without realising members of the group of the same ethnicity will start conversing in their mother tongue resulting in the one member who does not understand the language feeling excluded. It is there-fore of paramount importance to teach the two groups each other’s language and culture from a very early age to bridge this gap, which is something that has begun in primary schools from this year.

The fact that the indigenous Fijians consider the ethnic Indians’ involve-ment in politics and policy-making on their behalf a threat is understandable as most ethnic Indians have a fairly limited understanding of Taukei protocols and customs. If Fiji truly wants to universalise the term Fijian for every citizen following

the model of Australia, New Zealand and other countries, the State should also con-sider the fact that these countries make a genuine effort in the inclusion of indige-nous customs, traditions and language in their academic systems and formal proto-cols to help preserve the indigenous ways and also to make every citizen a part of the culture regardless of ethnicity.

In similar fashion most ethnic Fijians fail to understand that it is important to make ethnic Indians feel a sense of be-longing to the country. Much has been said about the issue of a national iden-tity. The Bainimarama government na-tionalised the term ‘Fijian’. This has not set well with a lot of people who believe that the term Fijian should be exclusive to indigenous Fijians who believe that the term ‘Fiji Islander’ to be adequate as a national identity. Fiji Islander would have been and still can be a good term for our national identity but the term was hardly referred to when it was active in the past.

For example our rugby team is called the Flying Fijians, our rugby sevens team is referred to as the Fijian Sevens team and the golfer Vijay Singh is the “Fijian golfer” and I do not remember a time in which a prime minister or president of our nation addressed us as “my fellow Fiji Islanders”. This, though largely unintentional, was nothing short of a lack of acknowledg-ment for people of Fiji who did not iden-tify as ethnic Fijians. If Fiji Islander was or is to become the term for our national identity, I believe its usage should be en-couraged nationally and internationally.

As we head to elect our first democrat-ic government in nearly eight years, it is important that we do not make the same mistake that we have done in the past. It is important that we choose to vote for a party with policies that we identify with rather than making the choice on ethnic lines. In the long run we all are of this nation and we need to understand and respect our differences and embrace our similarities. Then only we can proudly proclaim that Fiji is the ‘way the world should be’.

By AShFAAQ KhAN

The politics of ethnicity

#FIJIV TES

Contributor


#FIJIV TES

Since its suspension in 2007 and subsequent abolition in 2012, the Bose Levu Vakaturaga (‘BLV’)

has been the subject of much heated and controversial debate. A large part of the criticism has been cast in terms of its elitist nature, comprised as it was of traditional indigenous leaders and senior elders, as well as its anti-demo-cratic origins and the part it played in Taukei ethno-nationalism. While those claims may have some merit, they do not explain the complete picture.

It may be of interest to share some Taukei perspectives in this regard, if only because there remains a certain reticence among them to share matters close to the heart of the Taukei more widely. Such attitudes are not helpful to promoting intercultural dialogue and engagement.

The origins of the BLV date back to the early days of British colonial rule when the governor and his administra-tion created an advisory body to advise him on matters relating to the indig-enous Taukei population, whose chiefs had ceded Fiji to the British Crown. It retained an advisory capacity up until independence, while nominating sev-eral of its members to the Legislative Council. Post independence, the BLV nominated members to the Senate or Upper House where they retained a veto over all legislation relating to Taukei af-

fairs, most prominently land. Post 1987 (to 2006) in a republican Fiji, the BLV elected the President who was a cer-emonial head of State.

It is salutary to reflect on the na-ture of the BLV and why it was given its name. The accepted translation is Great Council of Chiefs. However, that inter-pretation suggests hierarchy and ne-glects the nuances in the phrase “Bose Levu Vakaturaga”. “Vakaturaga” means in a chiefly or courtly manner, envision-ing that BLV proceedings would be in that vein. “Bose Levu” may be taken more as important council or gathering rather than great council. Put together, it became a gathering or meeting in which the emphasis was on the (chiefly) way in which discourse was conducted rather than on its status. The BLV con-noted the concept of meetings conduct-ed with dignity and respect in relation both to the matters discussed as well as the participants themselves.

The rationale of the BLV lay in the collective wellbeing of the Taukei rather than on individuals per se. Rooted in the indivisibility of the turaga (chiefs) and their tamata (people) as reflect-ed in the saying “Turaga na turaga ni tamata, tamata na tamata ni turaga’ (i.e. Chiefs are chiefs of the people, people are people of the chiefs). Education, ur-banisation, globalisation and the ubiq-uity of the media among other factors have eroded those emotions to some extent, but they still subsist in the com-munal Taukei identity that continues to manifest itself in our midst. What some observers and commentators have

overlooked is the power of symbols in our society. For a significant number of Taukei, the BLV represented some sense of themselves as a repository of knowl-edge and wisdom on matters Taukei, sitting at the apex of the Fijian admin-istration (as it then was). That is not to deny that many of them were concerned about reforming the institution and making it more relevant to the needs of the early twenty-first century.

For the Taukei in general, the BLV was part of their Taukei identity. In hav-ing some connection to members of the BLV who were from their yavutu, as in their place of origin or heritage, Taukei whether from the urban or rural areas identified with them. Their legitimacy was rooted in the context of the vanua and the three-legged stool relationship constituted together with the lotu (the Church) and the matanitu (the Govern-ment). Dismissing the BLV as somehow less Taukei in character because it was a colonial construct, misses the point. Like the lotu, the Taukei Administra-tion, Taukei Land Trust Board and the Taukei Lands Commission, the process of indigenisation was complete and its external origins had no bearing on cur-rent opinion. It had become in a very real sense a Taukei institution.

In applauding the removal of the BLV, the focus has been on the dissolu-tion of a reactionary and antediluvian entity. It has been welcomed as a re-formist and progressive initiative. How-ever, it is a matter of public record that Taukei voices have been deafeningly si-lent. It is not the silence of approval but

MU

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Bose Levu VakaturagaEthnic discourse and the

By JoNI MAdRAIWIWIBy JoNI MAdRAIWIWI

Special to Repúblika


#FIJIV TES

n Joni Madraiwiwi is a traditional leader, lawyer and a former Vice President of Fiji (2005-6).

R

of keeping one’s own counsel. At least until after the storm has passed. Media controls have contributed to that appar-ent silence. The loudest voices raised in favour, and given coverage, have emanat-ed from other communities. No mention was made, or justification attempted, of the arbitrary way in which the decision was taken to suspend and then (subse-quently) abolish the BLV. Or that the original suspension owed more to the umbrage taken by those in authority to the BLV’s initial refusal to endorse their choice for nomination as Vice President, rather than any issue of principle. In this rare display of independence, the BLV was accused of politicising its role.

The lack of consent or approval of the Taukei in the demise of one of their sig-nature institutions was considered un-important, in comparison to the debate over its relevance. Those who trumpeted the virtues of good governance, transpar-ency and accountability took refuge in an impenetrable silence. That the BLV had a certain legitimacy among the Taukei was an irrelevance. What mattered was a cer-tain messianic determination in know-ing what was best for the Taukei. So it is therefore critical to appreciate the angst felt by many Taukei at the disregard shown by one of their ‘own’, presented as part of a reformist agenda. Not the angst of anger, but that of bewilderment, hurt and confusion. One not dissimilar to the question posed by Christ to Saul on the road to Damascus “Saul! Saul! Why per-secutest thou, me?”

The continuing debate over the re-instatement of the BLV is portrayed as an attempt to reinstate chiefly preroga-tives and privileges. And yet the persis-tence of this conversation has little to do with those concerns, and more to do with the arbitrariness of the decision to remove the BLV. It is fuelled further by the adamant stance that it will, under no circumstances, be reinstated. What or how the Taukei feel about that is of little consequence. Had the Commander (as he then was) taken the time and trouble to consult the Taukei, he may well have got the response he sought; or at the very least support for significant reform of the BLV. In any case, while there was a certain prestige associated with mem-bership, the monetary and other benefits were derisory. Put bluntly, there were no

chiefly perks to be had and to frame the debate in those terms is both simplistic and misconceived.

Similar arguments about privileges are linked to the equally arbitrary deci-sion to abolish the entitlements of the Turaga ni Qali and Turaga i Taukei as extension of the mantra of “a common and equal citizenry”. Again there has been applause by non-Taukei observ-ers for the ‘democratisation’ of the dis-tribution of Taukei lease monies. The Taukei traditional system is by definition unequal: it is after all, a chiefly system. Those in chiefly positions of leadership necessarily have greater obligations than those they lead. Hence the differentials in distribution of lease monies for good reason. It worked reasonably well from its inception in 1944 to the recent past, and there have not been any reported instances of widespread abuse. Disputes over chiefly titles and receipt of monies related thereto are a separate issue. The determination to portray equalisation of lease monies distribution as a wonder-fully egalitarian reform only reinforces Taukei perceptions of cultural arrogance on the part of non-Taukei. A cultural lens, while having the potential to fall prey to myopia, also highlights the sig-nificance of context.

Further justification of the disestab-lishment of the BLV stems from the per-ception of it being representative of the Taukei elite. The stereotype is that of a body that was comprised solely of chiefs. A close study of its composition will re-veal that it was far more representative of the Taukei than has been assumed. It contained both chiefly and non-chiefly persons as well as educated and profes-sional Taukei who acted as advisers. So it was for the most part reflective of Taukei opinion, including the bouts of ugly nationalist and racist sentiment that abounded in the years after May 1987 and May 2000. For that the BLV must assume some responsibility, but it ill-be-hoves other communities to tacitly assert that these feelings were largely the pre-serve of the indigenous Taukei commu-nity. Racism is learned behaviour and all cultures, to the extent that they promote narcissistic traits among themselves and a disdain for the ‘other’, stand indicted.

The Taukei are simply more open in their belief they are entitled to recogni-

tion as the original inhabitants and ma-jority landowners of this country, their Taukei language is autocthonous to Fiji and theirs is its basic cultural reference. ‘A common and equal citizenry’ does not change those realities. That pledge needs to take account of them to create better understanding of how indigenous rights are part of human rights. While the former are not privileged as against the latter, they emphasise that this no-tion of equality accords a special place to Taukei as indigenous people of the land. In this dialectic, there is a readiness to cast the epithet of racism against those who would assert those perspectives. It is misplaced because there is no im-plied superiority or seeking of privilege or entitlement, more acknowledgment as a people indigenous to these islands; a relationship that predates the others and which seeks some kind of recognition.

Is there a place for the Bose Levu Vakaturaga in modern day Fiji? That is a question only the indigenous Taukei can properly answer. They conferred legiti-macy and authority on it through long years of practice and acquiescence. As their proportion of the population in-creases inexorably, matters of concern to the Taukei will assume prominence, whatever our notions of equality and the pronouncements of the Constitu-tion. They may well decide that the BLV has had its day, and it is time to move on. Whatever decision the Taukei make should be collective in nature, and not for any one person to take unilaterally. The basic issue is in what form, if any, should the BLV be reconstituted? Only when that initial hurdle has been sur-mounted may the discourse be widened about functionality, role and relevance. In that discussion all communities will have a right to participate where there is some potential for the BLV to have a national role. The Ghai Commission saw the BLV as playing a social and cultural role in the life of the nation, particularly in terms of promoting the Taukei lan-guage; something to ponder for the fu-ture, as we continue to explore (and find) a balance between and among common, ethnic and multicultural identities.

Beginnings ... The Great Council of Chiefs meeting at Waikava was opened by Governor Gordon on 20 November 1876 and lasted nearly three weeks. Gordon outlined his plans for indirect rule and established procedures for future meetings. Numerous resolutions were adopted and at the end of the meeting a letter to the British Queen was signed by the principal chiefs. Various people came to the climax of the meeting which included a feast, dancing and a solevu. Senior members of the Great Council of Chiefs with Cakobau seated at the top of the ramp above his brother Ratu Josefa Celua. The chief to his left, wearing a white masi turban is likely Musudroka, the Vunivalu of Rewa. Waikava, Vanua Levu, Fiji. Possibly photographed by F. Dufty, December 1876. This image is from the exhibition at the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology at Cambridge titled Chiefs & Governors: Art and Power in Fiji (6 June 2013 – 19 April 2014). Inspired by MAA’s exceptional collection of Fijian artefacts, photographs and archives, it is a collection closely linked to the early colonial history of Fiji and the foundation of the museum. Curated by Anita Herle and Lucie Carreau, Chiefs & Governors was the first exhibition dedicated to Fijian Art in the UK.


The foundation of the Indian com-munity in Fiji has been a fragment-

ed one starting with the recruitment, transportation and distribution of the original girmitiyas. I have discussed these issues in great detail elsewhere in my writings, films and online TV seg-ments. However here is a brief summary of them as a reminder for our readers.

The British recruiters of Fiji girmiti-yas, in pursuit of their policy of divid-and-rule, and perhaps for some other reasons as well, targeted their recruit-ment over a very large area of India, en-suring regional, linguistic, cultural, tra-ditional, caste and religious differences among the 60,500 Indians recruited and transported to Fiji from 1879 and 1916. The main regional groups were In-dians from Bihar, Northwest Province of Avadh (present day Uttar Pradesh), Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Mal-abar Hills (present day Kerala).

Later additions to these girmitiyas were the free migrants from Gujarat and Punjab, who migrated to Fiji on their own will in pursuit of business interests and independent farming opportuni-ties. The girmitiyas, however, formed, by far, the largest group of Indians in Fiji by the time the indentured system, now redefined as forced labour, ended finally in 1920.

Some 40 per cent of girmitiyas re-turned to their homes in India before or after completion of their indenture; most of the remaining 60 per cent were prevented from returning home, and exiled in Fiji to provide a cheap and per-manent source of labour. Almost all of them died in Fiji without ever setting their feet in their homeland or seeing their loved ones there.

However, despite all these differenc-es and despite many obstacles, especial-ly after their exile in Fiji, the vision and diligence of the girmitiyas towards their cultural identity helped them to form a semblance of integrated and caring community within a short period after the dreaded indenture system was abol-ished. All their hard work and sacrifices for the sake of their children, however, was unceremoniously destroyed by the 1987 coups.

The 1987 coups, which we now know from its executor, Sitiveni Rabuka, was also designed to perform the task of ethnic cleansing of the Indo-Fijians to a more manageable level; a task which, some 27 years later, is almost complete. The Indo-Fijian community of Fiji has been reduced from 52 per cent in 1987 to some 35 per cent in 2014, depleting by several thousand through migration each year.

A low birth rate, coupled with higher Taukei birth-rate will add to depletion of the Indo-Fijian community in Fiji. There will be a time in the not too dis-tant future, if the present trend con-

tinues, the Indo-Fijian community will consist mainly of all those who are not able to migrate because of poverty, low skill sets or low education qualifica-tions, and those who are doing well in business and those who are blessed with good jobs.

The rest would have migrated main-ly to the Pacific rim countries (Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United States), to join their near and dear ones who have already fled Fiji because of the three racist coups and one ‘clean-up’ coup since 1987.

The Indo-Fijian community is deep-ly fragment because of the effects of the coups, which was the catalyst for the In-do-Fijians initially fleeing from Fiji in a haphazard manner, especially after the 1987 coups. Families, relatives, friends, villagers, school and work-mates were scattered over several countries; once a caring and cohesive community in na-ture, now destroyed beyond recognition for ever.

But 27 years on from the destructive coups, the Indo-Fijians still living in Fiji were coming to terms with their reality. They had accepted that what had hap-pened to them was mainly beyond their immediate control, and just as their girmitayas did more than 100 years ago, they too decided to make sacrifices to ensure the security and progress of their children. Thousands migrated, but the majority of them, for various reasons, are still living in Fiji. The majority among them have accepted that they

An historical perspective on the fragmentation of Fiji’s ethnic Indian community

BEYoNd REPAIR?

By JoNI MAdRAIWIWIBy Dr SATISh RAI


#FIJIV TES


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will live in Fiji for the rest of their lives; but they still have a dream of sending their children and grandchildren over-seas one day.

After the initial shock of the coups and fragmentation of the Indo-Fijian community that followed, today, the ground reality for the Indo-Fijians liv-ing in Fiji and in the Fijian diaspora has been accepted with due reservations. People generally wish to move on with their lives, work hard and live in harmo-ny with each other. It appears that even coups in Fiji do not dampen the spirits of people of Fiji for too long. Coups have now become one of the ground realities in Fiji.

However, I believe that the 2014 elec-tion has the potential to fragment the Fijian community, both the indigenous and Indo-Fijian community in a way that no other event in Fiji has done in recent times, barring the fragmentation caused by the racist coups of 1987 and 2000. For the purpose of this article I will confine my views to the Indo-Fijian community only.

Even as we count down the days to the main polling event on 17 September, there is sufficient evidence to suggest that the Indo-Fijian community is being torn apart along political lines like no other election in Fiji before. We know that this kind of political fragmentation of the Indian community had started way back in the 1930s, when Maha Sangh (farmers’ union) was deliberately created by some of the free Indian mi-grants to break up the advancements made by the Kisan Sangh in favour of the girmitiyas.

The leaders of the new Maha Sangh sought the backing of the south In-dian community by giving them some financial incentives against the north Indian girmitiyas. The north Indians girmitiyas formed the largest Indian re-gional community in Fiji and supported Kisan Sangh. The free Indian migrants, which also included a few lawyers who were educated in the UK and perhaps were aware of the British divide-and-rule technique, successfully courted the south Indians who were late arrivals in Fiji with different cultural and linguistic practices from the north Indians. These differences provided these aspiring free Indian politicians fodder to exploit and

fragment the two communities, some-thing has not fully healed even today.

The next major fragmentation oc-curred when the hugely divided Na-tional Federation Party decided not to back its leader Siddique Koya to become Fiji’s first Indo-Fijian prime minister af-ter the party secured a surprise victory in the first general election in 1977. The party fragmented into two factions, the Dove and Flower factions, which in a few years, paved the way for the forma-tion of Fiji Labour Party.

The FLP went on to become the natural home for the Indo-Fijians, while also securing a small but significant minority of indigenous Fijians. The Fiji Labour Party secured an election victo-ry in the 1987 general election, but the government formed under its leader Dr Timoci Bavandra was short-lived, and it was ousted on 14 May 1987. We have already learnt that this coup led to the physical fragmentation of the Indo-Fi-jian community to different parts of the world.

I have outlined only a few of the frag-mentation processes that have been oc-curring in the Indian community from the time of their transportation and ex-ile in Fiji. The process is, however, much more complex and needs more space to do justice to the subject. This is point-ed out only to illustrate this complex process and bring us to 2014 elections, which threatens to put the final nails in this fragmentation process.

I don’t think any of the political activities in Fiji, from the time of the Kisan Sangh and Maha Sangh acrimony, posed threats to divide and fragment the Indo-Fijians as this election. I do not have space to argue fully as to why I have this opinion but I will leave the readers with a few pointers.

For the first time the Indo-Fijians have lost faith in their own leaders to provide leadership and especially se-curity to them. Most of those who I have spoken with and the mood that is reflected in the comments on social media is that they wish to have security at almost any cost in Fiji. They see the leader of the FijiFirst party providing them the security they need. I will not argue whether they are right in placing their faith in the new messiah for them; not too long ago the leader of the Fiji

Labour Party was their god! Today, for some reason or other, he has become the devil! But there is still support for the Fiji Labour Party because the die-hards will not desert their once-charis-matic leader.

The perceived fall from grace of the Fiji Labour Party also provided some oxygen to the almost-dead former natu-ral political home for the Indo-Fijians, the National Federation Party. Under the new and young leadership, a new-look multi-racial party may well attract back some of the Indo-Fijian votes in this election. The fourth party that is vying for the 35 per cent Indo-Fijian na-tional votes – the People’s Democratic Party – is led by some of the former FLP members.

Since the first election after indepen-dence, we saw the Indo-Fijians voting mainly for two parties. In the beginning the contest was between the Alliance Party and the National Federation Party. Then the contest was between warring factions of the NFP, followed by that between the Fiji Labour Party and NFP. Apart from the contest between the National Alliance Party (which always received votes from a minority of Indo-Fijians) and the National Federation Party, the contest was mostly between two parties which were considered to be Indo-Fijian-led.

But this is not the case this time around and this fact is bringing out very strong reactions within the community, even in individual families. As the elec-tion draws nearer, the arguments may grow stronger and divisions may well dig deeper. The next few weeks will be revealing and one hopes that no long-term or even permanent fragmentation in the Indo-Fijian community develops in Fiji as well as in the Fijian diaspora because of this election. I will re-visit this subject after the election. (I believe a similar fragmentation process may well be happening in the Taukei com-munity as well).

n Dr Satish Rai is a Sydney-based print and TV journalist and film and TV producer. He has background in policing (Fiji and London), sociology, anti-racism (UK), writing, academia, journalism, politics and film and TV production. He wrote his MA thesis on Colonialism and Political Coups of Fiji (1997). His doctoral thesis was titled In Exile at Home - A Fiji Indian Story (2011).

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In the political maelstrom that Fiji’s islands and individuals will suffer in

the next couple of months, more than freedom of the press will take a severe battering. And not always for the better.

In the past 27 years, Fiji has suffered coups: the worst and the best, as far as coups go. Those of us who care in our own ways for the beloved islands, and who love the island-nation because of its unnecessary suffering, know the price our people have had to pay in shattered lives, broken homes; but more than ever they also share a common destiny.

Many personal and family tragedies have touched and impinged on the na-tional collective consciousness. All hap-py families, wrote Leo Tolstoy, resemble one another, but every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. This is true of nations too for in a larger sense a nation is a family.

There are, however, experiences of which even the great Russian novelist, the unrivalled author of War and Peace, was unaware. For example, it’s been said that no poetry is possible after the Ho-locaust, or the bombing of Hiroshima

and Nagasaki. And yet the human heart beats with hope and the human imagi-nation continues to create: the birds sing in the trees of Hiroshima and new structures are built on the ruins of the Twin Towers. In Fiji’s new Constitution it’s beautifully and uniquely expressed: ‘freedom of imagination and creativity’.

You might think these human hap-penings have nothing to do with Fiji – sometimes missing on the world map; often seen as only two tiny dots or drops in the vast Pacific.

Fiji is, in my opinion, a microcosm of human ills and goodness, of pain and possibilities in a people: archaic in some ways, modern in many ways. Where else in the South Pacific will you find a peo-ple of such variegated vitality, humanity and a healthy sense of humour. When the warning of a tsunami is given, many drive to the shore to see if it’s coming!

After every cyclone, they rebuild and replant. After every coup, they have a new constitution and elections. Peo-ple vote in large numbers as if nothing had dented their faith in the inherent dynamics of democracy in the most in-timately intertwined multicultural na-tion of our region.

A small nation that has been through these heart-attacks and heart-aches surely deserves fresh air of freedom and

responsibility of the highest kind and deepest understanding and respect.

And it’s nowhere more visible than in the pages of our newspapers, maga-zines and the sounds and images of the audio-visual media.

Recently two international cases in journalism make the point tellingly: Pe-ter Greste, an Australian citizen and a TV journalist with Al-Jazeera, has been jailed for seven years, for allegedly sup-porting the ousted Mohammed Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood – a party that used the freedom of democracy to gain power and, once in power, began dismantling the structures that support and sustain democracy and its infinite variety and voices. The Arab spring of hope turned into a long winter of despair for many citizens. Many died.

The military intervened. So far, no American leader or a European states-man has called it a coup, as far as I know. So there are coups and coups as there are wars and wars: just and unjust.

Greste became a caged victim of the oily, mercenary, messy politics of the Middle East. The international outrage will eventually free an Australian citi-zen; what happens to his Egyptian col-leagues jailed with him is quite another matter.

The other case, in the heart of Eng-

By JoNI MAdRAIWIWIBy Dr SATENdRA NANdAN


Press for freedom with facts

A journalist has the

freedom to report

but also to show to

the reader and the

listener the truth of the

reportage


#FIJIV TES

land, is of Andy Coulson, the sometime media director of the British Prime Minister David Cameron. Coulson was also the former editor of now defunct News of the World owned by the me-dia mogul, Rupert Murdoch, known in Fleet Street as the ‘dirty digger’ from Down Under. Often his paper did dig deep – mainly dirt.

Murdoch has the reputation of making prime ministers and break-ing governments with the power of his press. This is flaunted as the freedom of the press by the many pampered jour-nalists in his Aegean stables.

One can question the judgement of Prime Minister Cameron, but few will disagree with the judgment of the dis-tinguished judge, Mr Justice Saunders, who jailed a rogue journalist.

Andy Coulson has been jailed for breaking the law under the nose of Fleet Street, which once symbolised freedom of the press, next to the House of Com-mons, the mother of parliaments.

What we should be asking is: how was this freedom used? And abused? And to what purpose? And how well the public interest was served or public trust betrayed? We live in a society sup-ported by these structures and if the salt loses its saltiness wherewith shall it be salted?

There’s nothing like absolute free-dom – your freedom extends to the tip of your fore finger but it ends at the tip of my nose.

In short, there’s no freedom of any kind without an equal sense of respon-sibility and the recognition of another’s liberty and respect for privacy.

When I was a young journalist in New Delhi on The Statesman, my favou-rite readings were the daily Manches-ter Guardian, a weekly magazine New Statesman and a monthly magazine aptly named Encounter.

The Guardian’s great editor, C. P. Scott, enunciated his paper’s philoso-phy: “Comment is free but facts are sa-cred.”

In that simple sentence is summed up the sacred duty, professional ethics and the sense of responsibility of the journalist. Seven years from now the Guardian will be celebrating its bicen-tennial – a fabulous achievement. And, like Johnnie Walker, still going strong

without losing its unique blend of malt whiskies so popular in Fiji.

Our own first local daily was found-ed in 1869. Few newspapers in a small colony enjoyed such monopoly of free-dom and power for over a century.

A few years ago when the Bainima-rama government changed the rules of media ownership there was quite a hue and cry – and yet media ownership is in Australia a major political and moral is-sue.

The government’s central thrust was that journalists and the media must take proper responsibility for what they feed the public they purport to inform and serve. They must write under their byline, which meant serious research, checking of facts and writing. The greater the power, the greater is the re-sponsibility.

In Fiji, too much damage had been done by tendentious propaganda by a few that had frayed the fabric of the Fijian society at so many levels of so-cial harmony and political growth of a young democratic nation.

And once a nation (and a person) suffers heart-attacks, it must take care of its daily diet and exercise both re-straint and responsibility.

And this is never more important than during an election.

In a pertinent case in the recent In-dian elections, a major political figure was banned from campaigning for mak-ing false claims against another party’s political platform. Personal vindictive-ness was the man’s main motive, not po-litical philosophy of any consequence.

The Election Commission inter-vened – winning an election on false premises or promises is just dishonest practice and corrupt politics. The leader was prevented from campaigning until investigations were completed.

In fact, the Fijian Electoral Commis-sion can stipulate that a party or an in-dividual who wins a seat on falsification of facts available to the public, should and could be deprived of their seat af-ter a judicial review finds that party or person guilty as charged. This, I think, will add credibility to the election pro-cess and will certainly act as a deterrent to unscrupulous demagogues.

Here’s a case of some relevance: I’ve been reading lately that the leader of a

political party has been saying the na-tive land tenure in Fiji is in jeopardy?

Is this true? What are the facts? Creating false fears is politically more heinous a crime than taking undeclared donations.

One has to read the preamble of the new Constitution to understand how far from the truth are this politically bankrupt leader’s pronouncements and assertions. And yet this party has the privilege of fighting the election on this very Constitution.

The land issue has been so falsely and fallaciously used in Fiji for so long that it’s no longer funny: the Electoral Commission has the power, I think, to put an end to this kind of lurid and lu-dicrous propaganda.

It will help make this election more exhilarating and exciting when it can make the candidates think and get out of their ghettoes of race, religion, com-munalism, fear-mongering, using cor-rupt and corrupting strategies.

A journalist has the freedom to re-port but also to show to the reader and the listener the truth of the reportage.

Journalism is not a crime but jour-nalists cannot be criminals either, as Andy Coulson’s case rather disgracefully illustrates. The criminal then becomes the news of the world.

A journalist should always remem-ber the occupational hazards of his profession (to paraphrase the old fore-caster’s lament):

Among life’s dying embersThese are my regrets:When I’m right no one remembersWhen I’m wrong no-one forgets.Freedom of the press, academic free-

dom, parliamentary privilege, are ad-vanced and strengthened by those who practise these with professional ethics and personal integrity and conscien-tiously deepen public trust, individually and collectively.

When you devalue the institutions, we’re all diminished.

n Professor Satendra Nandan is currently writing a book on his political and literary experiences of Fiji, India and Australia. His latest book, Nadi: Memories of a River, was published in July. Nandan was the first chairman of the Media Industry Development Authority.

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oPINIoN

By Dr ChRISToPhER GRIFFIN

I refer to two articles in the March is-sue of Repúblika, one by Professor

Wadan Narsey on the “hibernation of Taukei intellectuals academics in par-ticular, the other by Ratu Joni Madrai-wiwi, “Beyond a culture of silence”. But for the moment I’ll confine myself to Dr Narsey – and expand on him – who here and elsewhere discourses on the “culture of silence” idea, which I intro-duced over a decade ago in a little book that grew from two earlier pieces on lan-guage, thinking and development, and from ruminating upon the 1987 coup. (Texts, violence, lies & silence: anthro-pologist and islanders, negotiate the truth, USP, 2003, 98 pages.)

Clearly, the “culture of silence” con-cept has resonated. Furthermore, Dr Narsey’s passing reference in March to “cultures of silence”, plural, is valid and worth further exploration, for the phe-nomenon is not exclusively indigenous, and its implications for communication within, and across, ethnic boundaries are manifold. For both these reasons, however, it is odd Dr Narsey appears un-aware of the book, a silence or hiberna-tion of his own, which sits uncomfort-ably with his rhetoric on other people’s transparency and entitlements.

I should explain. By entitlement I

mean entitled to be heard, entitled to speak and (for that matter) speak out. Which in turn mean entitled to be ac-knowledged.

There is also another side to en-titlement one’s entitlement or right to remain silent, and one’s entitlement or right to expect silence. In law, for in-stance, the first applies to defendants, and the second applies to magistrates and judges who expect ‘silence in court’. The latter also applies, of course, to eth-nic Fijian chiefs sitting in traditional gatherings, where deference is obliga-tory.

The right to remain silent is further bound up with another entitlement, the right to remain ignored, pass un-heard, and go about one’s private busi-ness without being held to account. In-deed, so fundamental is this to what it means to be ‘human’ that when robbed of it – by tricksters, thieves, States act-ing legitimately or illegitimately, or by anyone else – we feel de-humanised, our very humanity violated. Personhood and privacy, trust gone, all further in-teraction is jeopardised.

Numerous philosophers, jurispru-dence scholars, sociologists of religion – cults especially, as well as writers have mined this territory. None bet-ter than Kafka and Orwell whose bleak landscapes are globally evident today,

not only in totalitarian states, but in established liberal democracies where surveillance (and its counterpart, the forced confession), is a norm we were unaware of until Edward Snowden broke his silence via the Guardian and Washington Post, and Julian Assange began Wikileaks.

State and private enterprise sur-veillance is ubiquitous and our Trojan horse is high tech. Some we have tac-itly agreed to for our safety: CCTV, spy satellites, and drones; the innocent ap-parently have nothing to fear from the harvest of mega-data. Others we have embraced with such fervor we can no longer envision life without them: mo-bile phones, smart phones, computers and the internet, email, iPads, Google Earth, GPS and social media. Yet all threaten our privacy. All are subject to the gaze of the witch–hunter.

Whereas legitimate state surveil-lance must mostly remain covert and its operatives bound to secrecy, journal-ists and academics in the sciences and humanities are not merely entitled to speak the truth, it is their duty, and it is the duty of newspaper owners and edi-tors, and university administrators, to encourage them. Both institutions are essential to democracy and open soci-eties. And many journalists, academics and others risk life and limb to deliver

Silence of the donsEntitlement and our cultures of silence


oPINIoN

– Peter Greste, for example.Conversely, there is sometimes

sound reason for the silence of the dons, not least in the Pacific. Firstly, most sim-ply lack of time to sufficiently research and speak outside their specialty. The diligent don’s life of lecture preparation, teaching, setting and marking exams, doing research and sitting on commit-tees put a brake on speaking. Loss of nerve is not the only reason.

Second, as Ratu Joni has explained, in Fiji (and other small, consensus–ori-ented, Oceanian societies where social connectivity is pervasive) the desire not to offend relatives weighs heavily with indigenous intellectuals in a way it does not for non-indigenes.

Finally, local academics may fear career-damaging retribution from their administrations if they voice un-palatable truths. The days when dons and students considered themselves as much “the university” as administra-tors are gone. The university is a cor-porate body, a bureaucracy, managers are less disposable then teachers. Their language is rich in euphemism (e.g. “change management”) and the jargon of business manuals and funding agen-cies. Careers are easily stymied.

Fear of missing out on grants, incur-ring punitive teaching loads, getting little or no conference or study leave,

or not having one’s contract renewed, loom large in the regional academic’s mind, especially when there is no ten-ure. Small wonder those in early or mid-career “hibernate” and hope for better climes and times, or seek them overseas. It is easier for those further in their careers when finances are more secure, families grown up, and the beg-ging bowl more or less taken care of. It is different otherwise and in indigenous cases the dependency is unceasing.

That said, the Pacific academic intel-lectual is not entirely off the hook. The public is entitled to hear occasionally from its well-paid, independent, profes-sional thinkers, if only because objec-tive rational dissent remains relatively scarce.

On stages bigger than our own any number of academics have played the role of what I call “public intellectual” who in plain language, English or ver-nacular, short on ego, big on society, call elites to account, identify humbug, and uphold human rights.

The linguist Noam Chomsky is one such.

Closer to home retired USP geog-rapher, Emeritus Professor Crosbie Walsh, is a public intellectual, and so is Dr Wadan Narsey. Each brings critical and divergent expression to national af-fairs, and in this picture we can include

another former USP professor Satendra Nandan. Of the three, only Narsey lives here permanently and Walsh stands alone as not being a Fiji national or an ousted politician.

It might not be too much to say some are born to be public intellectuals, some are made public intellectuals, and some have public intellectualdom thrust upon them. The late Simione Durutalo who I seem to remember wrote a paper on the Pacific intellectual combined something of the last two, and once again represented the type people are entitled to hear from.

After all, what is a don worth if he or she cannot lay claim to rational ar-gument, informed opinion, and a sem-blance of wisdom regarding the “good life”; the life lived-well?

And what is a university worth if its administrators do not support their faculty and students in this pursuit via a diversity of courses that critically ex-amine the human condition, and in that examination directly or indirectly help us find solutions to the problems our condition has created.

n Dr Christopher Griffin is a British social anthropologist who lectured at USP for seven years in the late 1970s and early 1980s. He lives in Rakiraki and is the author of Nomads Under the Westway published in 2008.

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How free to speak out? ... The former main entrance at USP’s Laucala Campus. Some of the academcs there have come in for criticism, but also an attempt to understand their silence, on issues within the domain of academic freedom to speak out on.


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Situated metres from the beautiful beach on Sunset Strip in Sigatoka, the resort offers sweeping sea views all around. The resort has spacious villas named and decorated in tribute to the ships that shaped Fiji’s history. Crow’s Nest offers a variety of accommodation, including self-contained rooms. The seagoing theme extends to the pool, a binnacle and brass-bedecked museum of bluewater relics from Fiji’s old whalers and sailors.

Tel: 650 0230 Fax: 652 0354 Email: [email protected]

A 105, 8 MITCHELL ST, SUVA P.O. BOX 9555, NAKASI, FIJI ISLANDSFAX (679) 341 2658 MOB: (679) 918 2521 / 9421110

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46 | Repúblika | republikamagazine.com Issue 15 | September 2014

R

n Ashfaaq Khan is a freelance writer and a filmmaker. He likes to write political satire and make educational films. He is married with one child.

By AShFAAQ hASAN KhAN

Now that the Hibiscus Festival is over, I thought I would have to wait an entire year to see queens

wearing fancy dresses, smiling at the camera and trying their best to sound canny while advocating on a subject that they “believe in”.

My thoughts on the matter changed taking a drive one day when I saw a very fine looking photo of Bainimarama in a very bright bula shirt on the side of a bus asking me to vote for him. A few minutes further ahead I see a very savvy looking Professor Biman Prasad along with a Tupou Draunidalo asking me to vote for them. Just a little further down I see Ro Teimumu Kepa dressed in a traditional sulu chamba and spotting her iconic buiniga. This got me thinking how much politics is like a giant beauty pageant. Think about it: every politician tries to look their best, sound their best, dress their best and try and make themselves sound smarter than all the other politi-cians.

Every beauty pageant and election begins with the selection of contestants/candidates. The first thing to ensure is that the contestant is likable (or at least can pretend to be), has a pleasant per-sonality, looks good and has some cha-risma.

Now that the wishy washy things are out of the way you have to think of some technicalities. In both cases it is helpful if you have not been involved in anything indecent prior to the actual event; you should be a citizen of the country and “appear” passionate about the issues sur-rounding national development.

After the announcement of the con-

testants for Hibiscus these women are under constant criticism from the pub-lic. Comments like, “Oh my god, look at the dress she is wearing!” or “I can’t believe she said that!” becomes run-of-the-mill conversations. The public and your competition thrive on your flaws and flinch at your success. Politicians are no different. Straight after their candi-dacy is announced every aspect of their lives is examined under a proverbial mi-croscope. How much money does the candidate make? What his relationship with his wife is like? Their friendships are questioned along with everything they hold private. To the public they be-come objectified and must be a model of perfectness.

During the time in which they actu-ally compete for the pageant crown the stuff gets real. All of a sudden you are to appear in front of thousands of people in front of you and watching on television. At that point you have to ensure that re-gardless of what you are feeling you have to put up a show, look and sound smart and get as many people to like you as possible.

Politicians face the same dilemma. One moment you are living a quiet and private life and the next you are in the spotlight. All of a sudden you have advis-ers advising you what to wear (you can’t wear something too expensive as it might put the poor folks off and you can’t wear something too cheap because you’ve got to execute class), telling you to mind your Ps and Qs and at the same time you have to come up with and advocate an is-sue which is near and dear to you.

Most beauty pageants require you to participate in private and public judg-ing while you must possess a talent to

showcase. In the private judging you are required to meet your judges in person as they question you and try to get to know you better, while in the public judging you are asked questions and you are sup-posed to answer them with thousands of eyes on you.

Politicians on the other hand go to pocket meetings which become their venue of private judging and then they go on television programmes in which they are asked questions, which at times they do not know the answer to with thousands of eyes glaring at them. While the queens sing, dance, cook, do poetry, karate etc for their talent, politicians flash out their experience in law, civil ser-vice, finance, governance, trade unions as highly desirable talent.

At the end of the day for both beauty queens and politicians it all comes down to the votes. Mostly the smartest sound-ing contender with a solid talent and charisma wins and they give a big speech about how they are going to use this plat-form to do some really ground-breaking work (that is unless you know the judges personally) but the funny thing is that you usually do not hear from the reign-ing queen or the winning politician till the next event.

Pageants and elections have so much in common and I often wonder, just like the late Robin Williams did, that maybe these politicians should wear a slash let-ting us know who their corporate spon-sors are.

The scramble for the crown

Issue 15 | September 2014 47facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |www.elections�ji.gov.� facebook.com/Fijianelectionso�ce twitter.com/ElectionsFiji

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I’m Votingbecause I’m

�jian

As you enter, you will be given a Voter Instruction Booklet

Produce Voter Identi�cation

Sign the Voter List

Upon receipt of the Ballot Paper, proceed to a voting screen;

Circle or Tick or Cross the number of the candidate you wish to vote for on the ballot paper

After voting ink will be applied to your left index or little �nger

Place the ballot paper in a ballot box

And you have voted

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AT YOUR POLLING STATION

FIJIAN ELECTIONS OFFICE

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Repúblika | September 2014