Repúblika | October 2014

republikamagazine.com October 2014 | ISSUE 16 | $4.95VIP

Vo

lum

e 3

| N

o 2

| I

ssu

e 1

6

[In truth, freedom | In veritate libertas]

279DEMOCRATIC MANDATE FOR BAINIMARAMA

MEANING OFTHE

n What’s so anti-Christian about equality?

n The impact of the youth vote

n Who were the electionking-makers?

Issue 16 | October 2014 3facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

Keeping track Polling observers watch the ballot count while in the background quarantined ballot boxes await verification at the Vodafone Arena in Suva.

OPINION

13 | The Rising Ape Alex Elbourne on the limits of free speech

14 | The Green Line Nakita Bingham on the risks facing tuna stocks

COVER

14 | Fiji takes route 279

REGULARS

9 | Briefing No answers yet on police

death-in-custody of suspect.

46 | The Last Word Ashfaaq Khan

on politics and marriage

FIJI VOTES

contentsrepublikamagazine.com /republikamag @RepublikaMag /republikamag Vol 3 | No 2 | Issue 16 | October 2014

ESSAYS

MA

DS

AN

NE

BE

RG

In the end, it was clear that after eight years of “strong, decisive leadership” in which Bainimarama ruled without an opposition and sometimes with a tough hand, he was

always going to come back to power through the ballot box under rules cre-ated by him and his Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum. Bainimarama was the only person to poll over 50,000 votes and indeed he garnered over 150,000 ballots more than his near-est rival sodelpa leader Ro Teimumu Kepa. Many of the FijiFirst candidates who got seats did so on the strength of Bainimarama’s popularity but what prompts people to vote in such a way?

14 | Route 279 Bainimarama’s magic number brings landslide victory for FijiFirst.

21 | Millenial majority Priya Chand How the youth vote determined the outcome of the general election.

CO

VE

R P

HO

TO

RIC

AR

DO

MO

RR

IS

republikamagazine.com October 2014 | ISSUE 16 | $4.95VIP

Vo

lum

e 3

| N

o 2

| I

ssu

e 1

6

[In truth, freedom | In veritate libertas]

279DEMOCRATIC MANDATE FOR BAINIMARAMA

MEANING OFTHE

n What’s so anti-Christian about equality?

n The impact of the youth vote

n Who were the electionking-makers?

26 | My 17 September Danish journalism student Mads Anneberg on his Fiji election experience.

‘Even though your decision time and

again has been overruled by an

interfering power, you seem to –

rightfully – believe in your impact.

You are nailing this democracy thing

and I can only hope the people you have

chosen today will do the same.

28 | King-makers Dr Satish Rai on the impact of the indo-Fijian vote

30 | Religion and equality Dr Kirstie Close-Barry asks what’s so anti-Christian about equality

32 | We are all Fijians Rolando Cocom on Fiji’s change in idealogical frameM

AD

S A

NN

EB

ER

G

RUGBY

40 | FRU saga Vilikesa Rinavuaka on the FRU v RKS saga

41 | Fifteens Vilikesa Rinavuaka presents an Alternative XV team.

SALON

35 | Walking the dream The late Tae Kami’s vision for children takes off

37 | Mua Voyage Pacific voyagers take message to the world

Issue 16 | October 20144 | Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

editor’snote [email protected] @RicardoMorris

Nailing this democracy thing

Vol 3 | No 2 | Issue 16

Published by Republika Media Limited | 8 Mitchell Street, Peace Embassy Suite A107, Suva | PO Box 11927, Suva, Fiji | Phone: +679 3561467 Mobile: +679 9041215 | Email: [email protected] | Printed by Quality Print Limited, Suva | ISSN: 2227-5738

PUbLISheR & edITORRicardo Morris

[email protected]

MANAGeR AdMIN/FINANCe

Prethi Vandana

[email protected]

AdMIN/MARKeTING

Rosemary Masitabua

[email protected]

Estelle Masitabua

[email protected]

We welcome your comments, contributions, corrections, letters or suggestions. Send them to [email protected] or leave a comment on our social media pages.

The opinions expressed in Repúblika are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher. The editor takes responsibility for all non-attributed editorial content.

CONTRIbUTORS

Alex Elbourne

Allan Steven

Ashfaaq Khan

Kirstie Close-Barry

Mads Anneberg

Nakita Bingham

Priya Chand

Rolando Cocom

Satish Rai

Vilikesa Rinavuaka

The outcome of the general elec-tion in September was a fore-gone conclusion for many. Prime

Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama himself had regularly expressed his confidence that he would be returned to power through the ballot box. The other political parties had their work cut out for them but in the end the structural bias and sheer momentum built up over the eight years – and especially in the last three or so years – meant FijiFirst was never at risk of losing.

Now that Fiji has returned to parlia-mentary democracy, the work of solidi-fying the nationhood that Bainimarama espoused will need to find a footing. Mindsets have changed, but there are still those who feel aggrieved by the way Bainimarama went about “building a better Fiji”.

People are drawn to Bainimarama because of his earthiness and decisive-ness, his record of getting things done (even if his own rules are sometimes ig-nored) and his reaching out to ordinary people. In him, perhaps the people see a bit of themselves.

Over the next four years, Bainimara-ma and the 31 other Members of Parlia-ment on his side of the house will need to live up to all the promises they have made and its not hard to see that they could.

The rub is when it comes to the

Opposition. Despite his earlier saying he was disappointed he would have to share space in Parliament with the 18-member Opposition who he says “got their seats based on lies”, he later told the un General Assembly he was ready to work with them to move Fiji forward.

The general election threw up many issues that political scientists will be studying in years to come. In this issue our contributors look at some of those issues.

One main factor in this election was the impact of the youth vote. Bainima-rama’s lowering of the voting age to 18 and the initiatives aimed at young peo-ple meant a huge proportion of them voted for him or FijiFirst candidates. Priya Chand examines just how sig-nificant young people’s votes were on 17 September.

The issue of a secular state and a common national identity were other points of contention. Sodelpa along with some Christian denominations reject the idea of both, saying a secular state ignored the Christian principles that Fijians accepted when Christianity was brought to Fiji and they say the use of the term Fijian is an appropriation of the indigenous identity.

Dr Kirstie Close-Barry, a researcher who has studied the Methodist Church in Fiji asks why equality for all is such a prickly issue for some Christians. Her

article examines a letter sent from a Methodist Church official to members outlining his views on a secular state.

Rolando Cocom, a graduate scholar at usp, describes the shift in our “ideo-logical frame” when it comes to embrac-ing a national identity. Previously, the catch-cry of the nationalists that domi-nated the discourse was “Fiji for the Fijians (referring indigenous Fijians)”, whereas now Bainimarama’s persistent message is that “we are all Fijians”.

Dr Satish Rai looks at the indo-Fijian community and suggests that they were the king-makers in the general elec-tion because they gave their votes to the person and party they felt could bring them stability and security – which was invariably FijiFirst.

It’s always good to get a neutral ob-server’s perspective and in our case we had Danish postgraduate journalism student Mads Anneberg who aqcuitted himself admirably during the elections coverage and it is his words I sign off with.

In his open letter to Fiji, Anneberg writes: “In my short time here, you people have inspired me in many ways – some more than you know. And your election is no exception. You are nail-ing this democracy thing and I can only hope the people you have chosen today will do the same.” R

In v

eri

tate

lib

ert

as


TALK bACK TO US

4Join us on facebook.com/republikamag4Email to [email protected] us on twitter.com/republikamag4Write to PO Box 11927, Suva, Fiji

inboxYour letters, feedback and viewpoints [email protected]

Working togetherAfter persistently labelling the newly elected opposition members “liars”, Bainimarama offered an ol-ive branch to them during his UN General Assembly speech saying he wants to “work together construc-tively in our new Parliament”.

Has Bainimarama ever been able to work with “opposition”?

Anare Motokulavia facebook.com/republikamag

Why didn’t he do that when he was home right after the election? Why do it in front of others? Get your backyard and Jerusalem sorted first Mr Bainima-rama.

Buna Veevia facebook.com/republikamag

Qorvis at work!

Makereta Waqavonovonovia facebook.com/republikamag

History stands to differ.

Viliame Wakavia facebook.com/republikamag

All the Best PM! God bless.

Tomax Tuivia facebook.com/republikamag

Loved it when he pronounced de-mocracy hesitantly. Over all, lots of self praise, the word revolution is mis-placed. Olive branch? I didn’t see one. It was all “talk”. We gauge him via action so benefit of the doubt is being placed for his record via actions.

Civil rights? You kidding me! His actions will show where his humanitar-ian claims are being formed. Common name and he said common religion? Ok wait a minute, secular means no religion via state, but didn’t mean on common religion either. So a fumble for sure. Native rights? Via removing an identity of a people without consensus is not democratic so please Mr PM, let’s not talk of this. It’s a forced name. Not accepted. Audience: 44 people present, 14 countries and not a single major one. Applause, Mary supported her spouse, great on her but very muted reception,

rather cold I think.Manoj Khelawan

via facebook.com/republikamag He said it, so let’s hold him ac-countable to his word. He has four years to work with the ‘liars’.

Gerald Maurice Chutevia facebook.com/republikamag

Wow that’s a good start, at least he is showing signs of sanity. Onward Fiji. Let’s work it out, differences aside. AG’s report and freebies to all the Fiji-ans, even the “liars” will be served. Hey, he promised the UN.

Vika Gasawaivia facebook.com/republikamag

I have heard him say that earlier as well. He wants to work together but regrets he has to work with the ‘liars’. He hopes they would work together to move Fiji forward. All the best Mr PM.

Kaushik Lalvia facebook.com/republikamag

After continuously trashing the opposition back home in the face of lo-cal media, he sweet-talked in front of the Assembly whose members knows him fully well. Shame.

Isimeli Mafi Turagavia facebook.com/republikamag

As soon as he touches down in Fiji it’s straight back to the name-calling and bully tactics.

Rups Juniorvia facebook.com/republikamag

Allegations against policeOn 1 October, Commissioner of Po-lice Ben Groenewald denied an Amnes-ty International report that highlighted the detention and alleged assault of a retired teacher, Joseva Bilitaki, who had allegedly sent text messages to the Prime Minister about the use of his song for the FijiFirst party campaign.

“The interference of military per-sonnel in policing issues is unacceptable and will be discussed with the relevant authority.” This is what we continue to remind this new government of, the

military should go back to their day job and leave the policing to the police of-ficers and the running of the country to the government and the opposition.

Buna Veevia facebook.com/republikamag

Why is the army responding to al-leged common nuisance? So is the army still at the beck and call of the PM? Who’s running the army? Why would Amnesty International report it saying they had received credible information regarding the incident?

Pauline Sing Kamavia facebook.com/republikamag

And having a say should not be inter-preted as annoyance, unless he texted like he was stalking. Fiji now has de-mocracy ... the world is watching.

Sigrid Ah Samvia facebook.com/republikamag

election coverage Thank you to those who took the effort to read, share and comment on our work during the lead up to election day, 17 September and the counting afterward.

Vinaka Repúblika. Appreciate you keeping us updated on the final count

Eroni Verevukivuki via facebook.com/republikamag

Thanks for the update!Aloisio Francis Moceituba

via facebook.com/republikamag Vinaka Repúblika for the updates!

Marita Manleyvia facebook.com/republikamag

Great job Repúblika. Great updates. Thank you for keeping us posted. The efforts and sacrifices. For Fiji - Ever Fiji. #Best nation in the world.

Inoke Veresavia facebook.com/republikamag

Vinaka! You’ve done exceptionally well keeping the Fijian international community members informed.

Moana Waqavia twitter.com/RepublikaMag


briefingThe nation reviewed

ALLANISING FIJI

AL

LA

N S

TE

VE

N

NUMBERS

15mLitres of water distributed to communities affected by the dry spell in September costing around $917,949.

79Taukei landowning units that have been deposited into the Land Bank since 2011.

83.9Percentage of voter turn-out at the September election.

450The total number of journalists and media workers who were registered to cover the general election. Of that number 37 were from overseas.

Record number of women in parliamentary roles

RETURN TO DEMOCRACY

EIGHT women have been elected into the

new 50 member Parliament bring the total

representation of women in parliament

to 14 per cent. In comparison, the United

States Congress is comprised of 18.4 per

cent women. Four women belong to the

ruling FijiFirst party while three are part of

the Opposition.

According to the Fiji Women’s

Rights Movement, Fiji has surpassed the

regional average of 13.4 per cent female

representation in Parliament. Forty-four

women contested the general election

which was also a high percentage for the

region.

Dr Jiko Luveni, FijiFirst party

president, who won a seat in the election,

resigned her position soon after and

was elected the Speaker of the House

of Representatives, making her the first

woman Speaker in Fiji.

The appointment of Ro Teimumu

Kepa as the leader of the Opposition was

also a historic occasion as she became

the first woman to be appointed to

the position. Ro Teimumu along with

SODELPA’s Salote Radrodro and NFP’s

Tupou Draunidalo are three women in

the 18-member Opposition which makes

female representation in Opposition 16.6

per cent.

All four women who were elected

into Government under the FijiFirst

banner have been appointed to Cabinet

and assistant portfolios. Rosy Akbar was

appointed Minister for Women, Children

and Poverty Alleviation; Mereseini

Vuniwaqa was appointed Minister for

Lands and Mineral Resources. Lorna Eden

was made Assistant Minister for Finance,

Public Enterprise, Public Service, Trade

and Tourism. Veena Kumar Bhatnagar was

appointed Assistant Minister for Health.

The Secretary-General to Parliament is

also a woman: Viniana Namosimalua.

n ASHFAAQ KHAN


MILESTONES


1

2

3

Dr Jiko Luveni became Fiji’s first woman Speaker of the House of Representatives on 6 October after her appointment was approved

by the first parliamentary vote.

SODELPA leader Ro Teimumu Kepa became the first woman Leader of the Opposition on 6 October when she was nominated

unopposed in Parliament to take the position.

Only 0.75 per cent of the 496,364 ballots cast in the September general election were invalid votes, a record low for an election

in Fiji. In the 2006 elections, invalid votes amounted to six per cent, while in the 2001 election it exceeded 11 per cent.

4WOWS Kids (Fiji) - Walk On, Walk Strong - an organisation aimed at improving the quality of life of children affected

by cancer, was registered as a charitable trust in September. Set up in honour of the late Tongan teenager Tae Kami, this marks another step forward since August 2008 when Tae passed away.

5Fiji Gas achieved an injury-free year in the previous year, for which the company rewarded its 132 workers with $33,000

in bonuses. CEO Peter Lee and director Harvie Probert visited the company’s five terminals nationwide in September to thank their workers personally.

THE investigation file into the death in custody of Vilikesa Soko in August has been returned by the Director of Public Prosecutions to the police because a “number of issues remain outstanding.”

A statement from the DPP, Christopher Pryde on 13 October said: “I have returned the file to police to conduct further investigations. Obviously, in matter as serious as the death of a person in policy custody, it is important that all issues are looked at very carefully before a final decision on any charges is made.”

The Director of Public Prosecutions will not give a timeframe for the completion of the investigation or a decision. “It is important that matters such as these are not rushed and that the authorities are left to get on with the job. The public can be confident that the matter is being thoroughly investigated.”

Soko died in Lautoka hospital on 20 August five days after his arrest. He had suffered massive internal injuries according to the autopsy report.

An internal police inquiry was upgraded to a criminal investigation by Police Commissioner Ben Groenewald after the post-mortem report was received and four officers were suspended pending investigations.

On 26 August Groenewald said: “I want to stress to the public and especially to Vilikesa Soko’s family that we are leaving no stone unturned in getting to the bottom of what happened. We want to be as thorough as possible so that all those responsible are brought to justice.”

Soko, a 30-year-old father of three from Kalabu settlement outside Suva, was arrested along with another suspect in a minivan while on the highway near Tagaqe village on the Coral Coast, several hours after a robbery at City Forex in Nadi on 15 August.

The post-mortem report attributed Soko’s death to multiple causes, including multiple organ failure, blot clots in the lung, bacterial infection of the blood, alleged severe trauma to the penis and traumatic rectal injury.

Soko and another suspect were admitted to hospital after their arrest. A third suspect, Senitieli Boila, appeared in the Nadi Magistrates Court on 19 August charged with aggravated robbery. He told the court of police brutality and asked for bail. Boila was denied bail and the case was transferred to the High Court.

Two other suspects in the $50,000 robbery remain at large. Five masked men armed with cane knives robbed the exchange staff while they were about to take the money to the bank.

Soko is survived by his partner and their three daughters, aged seven, five and three years.

A social media campaign using the hashtag #Kess_never_a_statistic has been launched hoping to bring the perpetrators of Soko’s death to justice.

The hashtag bears Soko’s nickname: Kess short for Kesa, an abbreviated version of his first name.

n RICARDO MORRIS

DEATH IN CUSTODY

LEFT: Vilikesa Soko in a 2013 photo with his children. ABOVE: A copy of Soko’s autopsy report.F

AC

EB

OO

K/S

UP

PL

IED

Still no answers as DPP returns Soko’s file to police


briefing The nation reviewed

Did Qatar pay a ransom to free peacekeepers?

HOSTAGE CRISIS

RE

UT

ER

S

THE United Nations had Qatar pay us$25 million (about fj$47m) to an Al-Qaeda-affiliated Syrian group to release 45 Fijian peacekeepers kidnapped on the Syrian Golan Heights, despite the UN’s avowal not to pay ransom for hostages, Israel’s Channel 2 reported on 10 October.

According to the Israeli report, video footage shows the transaction between the UN and the Nusra Front taking place near the Israel-Syria border on 11 September.

The Fijian soldiers, members of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force (undof), were captured on 28 August by the Nusra Front, an al-Qaeda affiliate, along the demilitarised zone separating Israel and Syria. Their 11 September release, Israel’s Channel 2 said Friday, was obtained after Doha made the ransom payment.

According to Channel 2, the video purports to show UN representatives crossing the border to Syria and waiting for the Nusra Front fighters, who later arrive in a convoy of white vehicles. The black-clad Syrian fighters can be purportedly seen conversing with the UN mediator, all while Israeli army soldiers are eyeing the proceedings from across the border, weapons drawn.

A Nusra Front member, equipped with a laptop computer, is captured on the video footage presumably checking if the $25 million in Qatari money had been deposited. According to Channel 2, two hours go by before confirmation of the bank transaction arrives, and then, very quickly, the Nusra Front fighters drive away and the UN peacekeepers cross the border to the Israeli side.

At the time of the peacekeepers’ release, a UN spokesman in New York denied that any ransom was requested by the group and said that none was paid, Reuters reported. Qatar, one country in the Middle East thought by the United States to have influence with the Islamist militant group, said Fiji had formally requested its assistance in freeing the hostages.

Three days before they were freed, army commander Brigadier-General Mose announced in a news conference that the hostages would soon be released unconditionally, but then retracted the statement after Ministry of Information officials denied it and deleted their social media posts about it. A statement was then released saying negotiations were continuing.

The militants reportedly gave the UN three demands for the safe release of the peacekeepers. Nusra Front insisted it was taken off the UN’s terrorist list and had also demanded humanitarian assistance and compensation for some of its members killed in fighting with the UN peacekeepers.

Fiji’s Foreign Minister Ratu Inoke Kubuabola travelled to the Middle East in September as a ministerial envoy seeking the help of Fiji’s allies there, in particular from Qatar.

A statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after the peacekeepers’ release said Ratu Inoke had travelled to Qatar specifically to discuss how the Middle East state could mediate, but neither confirmed nor denied knowledge of the ransom.

“The Qatari Foreign Minister assured they were sparing no effort to get the Fijian soldiers released safely,” the statement said.

It continued: “Minister Kubuabola thanked the Qatari Foreign Minister for the efforts they have put in to securing the release of the Fijian peacekeepers.”

The Qatari foreign ministry in a statement on 10 September, the day before the soldiers’ release said its foreign minister Dr Khalid Bin Mohammed Al-Attiyah had met with Ratu Inoke who sought their help.

On 16 September, the Fiji Times quoted Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs Amena Yauvoli as saying he was not aware of any ransom payment.

“The only assurance we got was from the Qatari Foreign Minister to my Foreign Minister giving the undertaking that the boys would be released within 24 hours after their discussion,” Yauvoli was quoted as saying.

Eighteen days after the foreign ministers’ initial meeting, Ratu Inoke and Al-Attiyah again met on 28 September on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York where Ratu Inoke reiterated his gratitude for the Qatari state’s help.

A statement from the Qatar foreign ministry said: “For his part, HE Dr. Al-Attiyah said that Qatar is sparing no effort to harness all its potential and diplomatic mechanisms to maintain life.”

Since the release of the Fijian peacekeepers last month, the UN has withdrawn many of its other peacekeepers from the area. Last month, the Philippines began pulling its peacekeeping troops out undof.

The Nusra front controls much of the Syrian side of the Golan Heights border with Israel.

n www.HAARetz.COM/

www.timeSofiSraeL.com/

FIjI AND QAtAR FOReIgN AFFAIRS

Fijian peacekeepers on their release at the Israel-Syria border on 11 September after being held captive by the Nusra Front.



ON THE RECORD

“this is more an achievement for women in general than it is for myself. really all i have to do is ensure that as a woman, i control those parliamentary sessions to the best of my ability.” Dr Jiko Lu-veni on her appointment, speaking be-fore her parliamentary confirmation as Speaker of the House of Representatives.

“it’s a proud moment for women in this country. this is also a time for collaboration and we need to have women in these positions so that people start accepting wom-en in leadership positions and start recognising and accepting women’s leadership and kudos to this government for being able to do this.” Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre coordinator Shamima Ali on Dr Jiko Lu-veni’s appointment as Speaker.

“is the opposition ready for me? Seriously!” Prime Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama ahead of the open-ing of Parliament following his FijiFirst’s party’s landslide win.

“i should step down - a culture we are making in the party. we in the PDP are determined to have leaders being accountable, i have today tendered my resignation as leader of the party. i remain com-mitted to the party, and will al-ways support it, in any way i can.”People’s Democratic Party leader and unionist Felix Anthony announcing he was quitting after the new party failed to win a seat in the general election - and that he was going on a holiday.

Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre | 88 Gordon St, Suva | Phone: 3313 300 / 9209 470 (24hrs) | www.fijiwomen.com

Dr Martin Luther King Jr (1929-1968)‘ ’Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.

You don’t have to suffer in silence

free and confidential counselling services and legal advice are available at our branches in suva, nadi, Ba, rakiraki and

labasa. You can call our hotline 24 hours a day.

Bilitaki’s arrest illegal, police chief admits, assault claim reviewed A RETIRED teacher who was taken into custody in late September and allegedly assaulted after he allegedly sent annoying text messages to the Prime Minister over the use of a song by the FijiFirst party, was detained unlawfully, the police commissioner says.

An investigation is underway into the circumstances of 60-year-old Josefa Bilitaki’s arrest including alleged assault and the involvement of military officers in the incident.

“Following an internal investigation into the detention of Mr Joseva Bilitaki it appears that certain processes were not carried out according to the law, for example the seizure of his mobile phone and his arrest and detention,” Groenewald said in a statement on 9 October.

“The police Director of Internal Affairs is currently dealing with the departmental procedures against the officers involved.

“I can also confirm that an investigation has commenced after the receipt of a formal complaint from Mr Bilitaki of his alleged assault by the arresting team,” Groenewald said, contradicting a statement he made nine days earlier.

The complaint by Bilitaki of alleged assault will be handed to the Director of Public Prosecution once the investigation is complete.

The police admission followed a front-page report in the Fiji Times on 4 October in which Bilitaki claimed four personnel accompanied by a police officer took him from his home in Qauia, Lami.

He was quoted as saying the policeman accompanying the other men said the four were military intelligence officers. Bilitaki was allegedly taken to “a place I do not recall as I was very frightened” before being taken to the central police station at Totogo.

Bilitaki, reportedly a FijiFirst party supporter, was taken by the officers after he

allegedly sent text messages while drunk to Bainimarama asking about payment for a song he wrote for the party.

However, nine days before his statement admitting the arrest was illegal, Groenewald had said: “The allegation of assault against Mr Bilitaki is void of all truth.” He had also asked people “not to jump to conclusion on what they read on social media.”

In a statement on 1 October Groenewald said Bilitaki was arrested by a “task team” at 10.30pm on 26 September. He was detained at Totogo Police Station in Suva for the alleged offence of annoyance in breach of section 376 of the Crimes Decree.

At 3pm the next day, Bilitaki was released and taken to CWM Hospital “where he recieved medical treatment for high blood pressure.”

Groenewald added: “The interference of military personnel in policing issues is unacceptable and will be discussed with the relevant authority.”

The Minister of Defence, Timoci Natuva, was briefed on the incident.

n RICARDO MORRIS

POLICE PROBE


briefing The nation reviewed

Pomp and circumstance ... President Ratu Epeli Nailatikau with Republic of Fiji Military Forces commander Brigadier-General Mosese Tikoitoga inspect the military parade on Fiji Day at Albert Park in Suva. The 44th Fiji Day since indepedence in 1970 also marked the first since the country’s return to parliamentary democracy in eight years and 27 years of being a republic.

DE

PA

RT

ME

NT

OF

IN

FO

RM

AT

ION

PICTURET

HE

BIG



how free is free speech?

n Alex Elbourne is the programmes director and Breakfast Show host on Legend FM. The views expressed are his own.

R

The Rising Apewith ALeX eLbOURNe

OPINION

So I kinda messed up last month. Had a bit of a meltdown on Face-book and ended up swearing at

someone who truly does not deserve to be spoken of that way. The reaction to my post was … interesting to say the least. Nothing quite like death threats on a Friday. And having your kids sworn at and all. Pretty classy all around.

In the end I apologised not just be-cause I thought I had to for the sake of appearances but because it was right thing for me to do. But the whole sor-ry episode got me thinking about free speech and hate speech and whether or not hate speech is free speech. There’s a saying that goes something like “Your rights end where my nose begins” … which basically means that we live in this huge society and every single indi-vidual within this said society is (theo-retically anyway) entitled to the same freedoms as long as it doesn’t infringe on another person’s freedoms.

And I think it is important to know exactly what is legally-protected free speech. We should all know what we are entitled to under the Constitution, and not use its definition for something it really isn’t.

But I think, along with that, it would be good to have a debate on what free speech as a concept is and whether we really desire the concept of free speech. It is easy to stand up for the speech of minority groups we agree with. It is easy to stand up for speech of people we do not agree with but are not really all that controversial. But do we actually like freedom of speech?

I remember reading an article a few years back about Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad who was sup-posed to speak at Columbia University. And there were these protests from students who wanted him banned and boycotted. One of the professors at the university who said “we should bring him in. You don’t have to like him, you

don’t even have to listen. But if we give him a forum, then we really are protect-ing liberty.” See, that’s the thing about free speech. It allows you to hear other points of view that you may not nec-essarily hear when you’re too busy re-stricting it. Control the narrative too much and you end up in an echo cham-ber where everyone is too busy saying the same thing. When that happens, it’s drink-the-Kool-Aid-time.

Banning someone from speaking means you’ve made a conscious decision to be ignorant and not hear something you do not want to just for political rea-sons. There are some American conser-vatives that I cannot stand, people like David Horowitz and Ann Coulter who have been banned from speaking due to protests or have had their speeches interrupted.

There was even a Facebook group called “Defend Academic Freedom at UT! Protest David Horowitz!”(think about the epic levels of irony in that statement). And like I said, I don’t agree with them on pretty much anything but the thought of not listening to them be-cause I don’t agree with their worldview just seems a bit off.

It’s human nature to interact with those who agree with us. But, it’s also really lazy. Allow yourself to interact with all sorts of people especially online where there are really no limitations to who you can chat with. And when you inevitably mess up, ‘fess up and take your medicine. Even if said medicine includes fake profiles on Facebook say-ing they’ll “find you, kill you and eat you”. Yeah.

Elections eh…Well, what a roller-coaster that was.

Man, from the 17th I was pretty much running on grog-fuelled adrenaline rush following all the happenings. And OMG it was happening! Voting, ink-stained fingers, counting and results and complaints and trolling and num-bers increasing and numbers decreas-ing and 279 and 297 and 317 and 283 and 303 and 283… The Elections Office gang must never, ever, ever want to count or

see another number in their life. Then there were the allegations of rigging.

My initial reaction was to put the complaints down to sour grapes be-cause those parties that complained did not “win” BUT the thing is, it’s good that they put the pressure on. It was their right to question what they saw. They did so.

What was interesting in the lead up to the elections was how confident all the parties were. Just really, really con-fident. Meanwhile, here’s me scratching my head and thinking “But there’s only 50 seats guys”… someone has to lose. So why were they all so confident?

Remember what I wrote earlier about the echo chamber? That was in full effect on social media. You’re a member of a political party’s Facebook page. Obviously everyone else on the page (with the exception of some trolls looking to start a flame war) also sup-ports that party.

So when someone says “Hey guys, my aunty told me they’re all voting for us” what you get is a sudden rush of people agreeing with the post and adding their own anecdotes. And everyone knows that “we’re gonna win this guys”. Just one problem there. Unless your aunty and her family number in the hundreds of thousands it won’t mean much come voting day and that’s assuming your aunty is really even going to vote for the party you support. She could be just do-ing the famous Fiji thing of telling you what you want to hear. As some parties found out last month.

So it’s done and like I said in my last column, the fun starts this month when the new parliament sits.

And here we are…Happy Fiji Day my fellow Fijians.

10thOctober again. Our country in her 44th year as an independent nation. So many ups and downs. So many things that can only happen in Fiji.


OPINION

n Nakita Bingham is a Suva resident and works as an assistant in sustainable marine managed areas. The views expressed here are her own.

R

So now that we’re officially demo-cratic on paper, we can finally breathe and get on with our lives.

I honestly believed for a minute perhaps this election would have had a climatic ending, one that would have changed the course of Fiji forever where citizens would realise the acceptance of coup cul-ture is not okay. But the people of Fiji have spoken and opted for democracy on its current terms, trusting in our newly-elected government to follow through on promises, policy and the implementa-tion of its manifesto.

Banimarama, you keep talking about a revolution, where the people of Fiji stand united under the front that Fiji be-longs to a melting pot of ethnicities – so now that we’ve broken down the racial barriers, let’s focus on moving Fiji for-ward sustainably and set the precedent of what that sustainability means for Fiji-ans, taking pride in the natural wealth of our nation and protecting it with policy and regulatory compliance that ensures our country’s environmental longevity for many generations to come.

In an effort to address environmental issues related to development, the cur-rent government has already provided a plan, the 2014 Green Growth Framework for Fiji: Restoring the Balance in Devel-opment that is Sustainable – calling for action and necessary steps that must be taken to mitigate possible challenges and imminent threats. Our fisheries are one example of an industry that’s been op-erating unsustainably. We have felt the pressure of the international demand for tuna resulting in the fishing industry that’s seen better days.

According to the ocean resources and biodiversity subsection of the Green Growth Framework, the government ac-knowledges, “deviations from the guide-lines set by the Tuna Management Plan saw licenses issued increased to 110 at one stage.” Furthermore it states, “Con-sistent with international and regional

obligations, such as the Monitoring, Control and Surveillance Treaty, a to-tal allowable catch (tac) limit of 15,000 tonnes has been set in the industrial fishers sector for targeted species such as yellow fin, albacore, and big eye tuna and bycatch such as marlin, wahoo and ogo.” The numbers are alarming and it’s clear that licenses’ were over-issued to meet the demand of the overseas tuna market. An article published in the spc fisheries newsletter (#141 - May–August 2013), mentioned, “with an average an-nual consumption of 50 kg of fish per person across the region (and at least 70 kg per person in some countries)”, the Fijian government has legally provided commercial interests, at maximum scale (110 boats at 15,000 tonnes each) to pull 1,650,000 tonnes of fish in one fleet turn-over – for this amount, the entire popu-lation of Fiji could eat for about 35-40 years.

If the state of offshore fisheries wasn’t controversial enough, coastal marine en-vironments are also under threat. Reefs close to inhabited shores, according to the Green Growth Framework, “…show chronic stress and impacts from fish-ing, sedimentation and pollution from land-based sources.” The framework also notes, “On a more local scale, Fiji’s increasing population has created pres-sures on reefs from fishing…” There’s no denying the people of Fiji rely on fish commercially and for subsistence. However, enduring longevity of fisheries under current practices, or “business-as-usual” is doubtful due to stressors like il-legal fishing, overfishing, pollution and all the ensuing consequences in the face of climate change and a steadily growing population.

SPC’s Statistics for Development Di-vision, projects a 45 per cent increase in population by 2035 for the region. With such challenges facing fisheries and ma-rine ecosystems, perhaps now is the time to address the necessity for Marine Spa-tial Planning, to properly manage all ma-rine based activities in Fiji’s 1,290,000km2 exclusive economic zone.

The result of certain fishing grounds being over-exploited has led fishermen

to look to new waters—often times fish poaching in i-qoliqoli areas. Early in Sep-tember, the Fiji Times reported that fish poaching in Macuata has always been a problem.

Northern senior fisheries officer Jo-seva Naceva said “Poaching is always an issue. Some are reported while others aren’t and we need a collaborative effort from the community in order to put a stop to it.

The Fiji Locally Managed Marine Area Network (flmma) is a community based approach to managing inshore fisheries, supported by ngos, govern-ment departments and academic insti-tutions. flmma is a network covering 10,745km2 to promote conservation, pro-tection, preservation and sustainabil-ity of marine ecosystems and resources, consisting of over 400 communities in 143 i-qoliqoli areas. It has established 960km2 tabu (no take) areas.

The 4fj Campaign is another ini-tiative launched this year to help raise awareness on the topic of fisheries. 4fj is a national campaign that promotes the longevity of kawakawa and donu.

Thousands of Fijians, from fisher-men to students around the nation have signed the pledge vowing not to buy, eat, sell, and catch the beloved fish belonging to the subfamily of grouper during peak spawning season from June through Sep-tember. Go to www.4fj.org.fj to take the pledge.

It will take tremendous involvement from politicians, decision makers, the community and commercial industry to address and remedy marine ecosystem stressors and threats.

The people of Fiji depend on ocean resources to fill their stomachs. The rec-ognition of the importance of sustain-able fisheries has been made in the 2014 Green Growth Framework.

Now the government can follow through diligently and take the proper steps to avoid a future where we have this entire ocean surrounding our islands but no fish in it.

Fish for thought

The Green Linewith NAKITA bINGhAM


COVeR


COVeR

4CONTINUed PAGE 16

FIJI TAKES

By RICARdO MORRIS

There really was no other way the 2014 general election could have gone. If there were

any doubts, the landslide win by FijiFirst in September confirmed

the predictable outcome – the completion of Josaia Voreqe

Bainimarama’s transfor-mation, not just of the

country, but also of his own career path from

military coup leader to elected prime

minister, from dictator to dem-ocrat.

Even ca-sual observ-ers and crit-ics could not

have failed to see how Bainimarama’s “revolution”, culminating in his establishing of a “movement” through his FijiFirst party, would be given a demo-cratic mandate. The stage had been carefully set since Bainimarama seized power in December 2006, acting he said with the backing of his military council to rid Fiji of corruption and racism.

Over the years, references to the military council became fewer and soon the spotlight shone unceas-ingly on Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, the Attorney-General and Minister for Justice, who some believe was the hand behind the throne, although Bainimarama himself denied the extent of Sayed-Khaiyum’s influ-ence just days before election.

Sayed-Khaiyum set about reworking the founda-tions of Fijian society, drafting and gazetting of laws that one estimate suggests had reached 400-odd de-crees by the end of the eight years of Bainimarama’s coup regime.


COVeR

By September 2014, through a com-bination of infrastructure development projects, reduced income tax, improved water supplies, a regulated and pli-ant media, an iron first, social welfare, scholarships and tuition-free education for children, FijiFirst was well on its way to victory. The only uncertain fac-tor was how many seats the party would get in the 50-seat House of Representa-tives, although Bainimarama had stated many times he hoped to get all seats, which would effectively have made Fiji a one-party state.

In the end, Fijians voted en masse for candidate 279. Bainimarama on his own raked in 202,459 of the total 496,364 valid votes counted – almost 41 per cent of all valid ballots and a huge 69 per cent of all votes cast for FijiFirst. These numbers gave FijiFirst 32 seats in Parliament.

Bainimarama’s nearest rival was Ro Teimumu Kepa, Sodelpa’s leader, who as the major alternative leader managed to bring in 49,485 votes of her party’s 139,857 total.

Many saw the election result as a stamp of approval for Bainimarama’s vision and plans for Fiji in this new political and social dispensation. As columnist Graham Davis wrote on his blog Grubsheet Feejee: “Not only has Bainimarama emerged triumphant at the polls, his program has now been overwhelmingly endorsed in what has unquestionably been a referendum on every aspect of his [it].

“Every citizen is now a Fijian by pop-ular acclamation. Every Fijian enjoys equal status and equal opportunity by popular acclamation. The Secular State is endorsed by popular acclamation. The Qoliqoli Bill is rejected by popular acclamation.”

Economist and commentator Dr Wadan Narsey writes that there are “two extreme interpretations of this metamorphosis, with the truth perhaps somewhere in between.”

On his blog Narsey writes: “At one extreme is Graham Davis’ euphoric and populist interpretation of the Bainima-rama journey as a glorious revolution and an unparalleled triumph of lead-ership creating a modern Fiji of equal citizenry.

“At the other extreme is the dark underbelly of the Bainimarama ‘revo-lution’ that civil society organisations and opposition parties have struggled against for the last eight years.

“With society failing to draw any kind of a line at a long series of seem-ingly small restrictions on their basic freedoms, Bainimarama’s step by step systemic imposition of military decrees and media policies, unfettered and un-opposed, eventually accumulated into the all-powerful propaganda machine that handed him a landslide electoral victory, easily hailed as ‘the people have spoken’,” writes Narsey.

But while the results were hugely one-sided, it may not always be that way. This was the first time Fiji voted under an open list proportional repre-sentation system and the manifestation of it at the ballot box, including the use of candidate numbers instead of names, was new even to those who had voted in previous elections. However it was also the simplest voting procedure by far and the parties with the most resources to pour into marketing and advertis-ing their numbers had the advantage. Even so, the momentum Bainimarama had personally picked up over his eight years in power was always going to be too hard to stop.

“The dynamic of this election is very different,” Associate Professor Sandra Tarte, director of USP’s Politics and International Affairs Program, told Repúblika.

“I think we have to see this election, as one of my colleagues put it, as ‘no or-dinary election’. It’s a transitional elec-tion, so things haven’t really settled yet. We are not seeing how this really will work in the long-term; we’re seeing a one-off here because it marks this turn-ing point where we’re going back to an election.”

One of the factors at play could have been the ‘better-the-devil-you-know’ attitude, with many of those from pre-viously marginalised communities and ethnic groups finally being given a sense of belonging and identity by Bainima-rama.

“People were probably influenced by the fact that they were uncertain about the outcome, they didn’t feel con-fident,” says Tarte. “In a sense, rather

than looking at all the different op-tions and choosing between all these different options, the different parties that emerged, they coalesced into two camps: the ones that favoured continu-ation with the current path and the ones that didn’t favour it. It was a choice of two alternatives in the end.”

FijiFirst supporters believed Baini-marama would continue with the struc-tural development and modernisation of Fiji, including the continuation of a revamped policy of tuition-free educa-tion. They viewed Sodelpa as an incar-nation of the ousted Laisenia Qarase’s Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (sdl) – and with it all the negative con-notations that were slapped on the par-ty by Bainimarama and his supporters.

Dr Steven Ratuva, senior lecturer in Pacific Studies at the Auckland Univer-sity of Technology, says the Indo-Fijian community saw in Bainimarama some hope that had eluded them since 1987.

“The Indo-Fijians needed security and Bainimarama was seen as someone who could provide it,” Ratuva said in an email interview with Repúblika.

“More than 70 per cent of Indo-Fiji-ans voted for FijiFirst. About 56 per cent of the Taukei voted for FijiFirst, show-ing that many are prepared to ditch the old political discourse of cultural protection in favour of cultural trans-formation, development and progress,” Ratuva said.

Whereas Bainimarama’s and FijiF-irst’s message was a united Fiji free of all forms of discrimination, Sodelpa struggled to be seen as anything but a Taukei-dominated party with ideals reminiscent of the former sdl, especial-ly with Qarase’s appearance on behalf of the party at meetings where he re-portedly made ill-conceived comments tending towards ethnic and religious divisions.

Tarte says voters were attracted by Bainimarama’s promise of “stability, fu-ture growth and prosperity.”

“I guess the message that appeals to many people [is] that this is a coun-try where everyone is included and it’s not divisive. There’s the positive pull of that message and the promise of what he can deliver, what he has delivered. And there’s the negative aversion to the other alternative – the Sodelpa alterna-

4FROM PAGE 15


COVeR

tive,” says Tarte. “I wouldn’t count this election as a

foretaste of what’s to come, but certain-ly it’s an important milestone.”

Ratuva believes Sodelpa made it harder for themselves by going up against the message of equality Baini-marama and FijiFirst were espousing and by confining their issues to those that appealed to the Taukei community.

“The minority communities were at-tracted by the multiracial position of Fi-jiFirst and more than 70 per cent voted for them,” explains Ratuva.

“The wider national appeal of Fiji-First was its strength compared to So-delpa which only targeted 60 per cent of the population and thus to win the election Sodelpa needed to win 83 per cent of the Taukei votes.

“On the other hand, FijiFirst just had to win 50 per cent vote of all communi-ties. Sodelpa had a higher level of dif-ficulty than FijiFirst.”

Tarte believes the fundamentals of Fijian society are changing and for Bainimarama to maintain power the government must continue to deliver on its promises and refrain from marginal-ising groups he dislikes.

“I think there is sufficient momen-tum now behind this transition – this phase of change we’re going through – to fundamentally alter the whole dis-course of politics in Fiji. It’s happen-

ing. If you get enough actors coming on board then in a sense the whole kind of way people see things changes.

“Obviously if these people fail to de-liver or seemingly marginalise certain groups they could be new kinds of reac-tion.”

Unlike Narsey, who believes Baini-marama’s government to have been il-legitimate ab initio, Tarte feels such thinking will not move the country far.

“The last coup was justified because it was seen as a way of getting rid of coups. It seemed that we were in a situ-ation where we couldn’t really tell what was right or what was wrong.

“And I don’t want to legitimise coups but I also feel that we need to break out of this cycle of thinking where we can’t justify this election because it was based on a government that came to power il-legally. We will never escape that co-nundrum so we need to somehow draw a line without dismissing (our experi-ences).”

Getting to this point has not been without tragedy and heartbreak. Baini-marama and Sayed-Khaiyum brought their regime to the general election “through coercion as much as anything”, says Tarte.

“That’s why we couldn’t have an elec-tion sooner because if they had an elec-tion back in 2009 it would of reverted to the status quo ante – the old divisions

would of resurfaced. I think it was a calculated decision to delay and in the meantime doing all these things to try and change the way people see things.”

In 2009, the year Bainimarama ini-tially announced he would convene elections, “feelings were still raw”, Tarte says. Some people are still aggrieved but sufficient time has elapsed, devel-opment has occurred and results have been achieved for people to be com-fortable enough to return Bainimarama with a democratic mandate.

“It’s a very hard price to pay and I think we have a history of doing this. When wrongs have been committed and we move beyond those in a sense that we don’t ever address them.”

Tarte says what’s needed now is to open up formal spaces so that opin-ions, ideas and feelings on sensitive is-sues can be aired in a constructive way rather than confined to social media. And maybe someday soon, when the passions surrounding elections and na-tional identity have settled, a truth and reconciliation commission could be convened.

“There may be a time in the not too distant future when we can look hon-estly at our past without people getting caught up in the whole lot of fear, the hate and all these other emotions,” says Tarte. R

meeting the masses ... Hundreds of people tried to shake newly-elected Bainimarama’s hand and take photos with him after he declared victory at the FijiFirst thanksgiving service on 21 September at the ANZ National Stadium.

RIC

AR

DO

MO

RR

IS


GOVeRNMeNT

SANJIT PATEL

n 2931 votes

MERESEINI VUNIWAQA

Minister for Lands and Mineral Resourcesn 1175 votes

PIO TIKODUADUAMinister for Infrastructure

and Transport

Leader of Government Business

n 3611 votes

FAIYAZ SIDDIQ KOYA

Minister for Industry, Trade and Tourismn 875 votes

AIYAZ SAYED-KHAIYUMAttorney-General and Minister for Finance,

Public Enterprises, Public Service, Communicationsn 13,753 votes

JOSAIA VOREQE BAINIMARAMA

Prime Minister Minister for iTaukei

Affairs, Sugar Industryn 202,459 votes

PARVEENKUMAR

Minister for Local Government, Housing

and Environmentn 6358 votes

RATU INOKE KUBUABOLA

Minister for Foreign Affairs

n 5414 votes

TIMOCI LESINATUVA

Minister for Immigration, National Security and

Defencen 2691 votes

OSEA NAIQAMU

Minister for Fisheries and Forests

n 2962 votes

DR MAHENDRAREDDY

Minister for Education, Heritage and Artsn 5398 votes

JONE USAMATE

Minister for Health and Medical Servicesn 939 votes

INIA BATIKOTOSERUIRATU

Minister for Agriculture, Rural and Maritime

Development and National Disaster Managementn 2010 votes

RUVENINADALO

Deputy Speakern 5018 votes

CABINET

VIJAY NATHAssistant Minister for

Education, Heritage and Arts

n 1616 votes

ILIESA DELANA

Assistant Minister for Youth and Sportsn 906 votes

VIAM PILLAYn 2391 votes

BACKBENCHERSASSISTANT MINISTERS

ROSY SOFIA AKBAR

Minister for Women, Children and Poverty

Alleviation n 990 votes

LAISENIA BALETUITUBOU

Minister for Youth and Sports n 830 votes

JOELI CAWAKIAssistant Minister for Agriculture, Rural and Maritime Development and National Disaster

Managementn 3394 votes

JIOJE KONUSI KONROTE

Minister for Employment, Productivity and

Industrial Relationsn 1585 votes

VEENA BHATNAGAR

Assistant Minister for Health and Medical

Servicesn 874 votes

ASSISTANT MINISTERS

LORNA EDEN

Assistant Minister for Finance, Public Enterprise, Public Service, Trade and

Tourismn 1869 votes

CABINET

CABINET

BRIJ LALn 2700 votes


GOVeRNMeNT

ASHNEEL SUDHAKARn 895 votes

BALMINDAR SINGH

n 1826 votes

ALIVERETINABULIVOU

n 1306 votes

SEMI KOROILAVESAUGovernment Whip

n 1611 votes

DR JIKO FATAFEHI LUVENISpeaker

n 2296 votes

ALVICK MAHARAJ

n 1016 votes

SPEAKER

NETANIRIKA

n 1361 votes

DR NEIL PRAKASHSHARMA

n 1391 votes

BACKBENCHERS

BACKBENCHERS

SAMUELA VUNIVALU

n 1463 votes

Faiyaz Koya takes his oath of office in front of President Ratu Epeli Nailatikau at Government House on 24 September.

RIC

AR

DO

MO

RR

IS

FIJI FIRST 32 seats

NFP 3 seats

SODELPA 15 seats

FIJI’S 2014 PARLIAMENT SPeaKerDr Jiko Luveni

Secretary-general(Viniana Namosimalua)

Deputy S-gClerk

Bainimarama(PM)

Sayed-Khaiyum(AG)

tikoduadua

Kubuabola

reddy

Vuniwaqa

akbhar

Koya

Delana

Naiqamu

eden

Bhatnagar

Nadalo(Deputy Speaker)

Koroilavesau(Government Whip)

Lal

Nath

Rika

BalmindarSingh

Patel

Seruiratu

Konrote

Kumar

Natuva

tuitubou

Usamate

Nabulivou

Sudhakar

Vunivalu

Pillay

Sharma

cawaki

maharaj

Salote radrodro

Vadei

Nanovogavoka

Nawaikula

tagivetaua

tikoca

Dulakiverata

Bulitavu

Kiliraki

Prem Singh

Draunidalo

Prasad(NFP leader)

Aseri radrodro

Matanitobua

Karavaki

Lalabalavu

Kepa(Opposition Leader)

A total of 496,364 valid votes were cast in the general

election. FijiFirst secured 59.2 per cent of the ballots (293,714 votes),

SODELPA took 28.2 per cent (139,857 votes) and the National Federation Party managed 5.5

per cent (27,066 votes). The other four parties and two independent candidates did not meet the 5 per cent

threshold to secure a seat in the 50-seat Parliament.


SODELPA NFPOPPOSITION

RO TEIMUMU VUIKABA KEPA

RATU NAIQAMA LALABALAVU

NIKO NAWAIKULA

Shadow Minister for Local Government,

Housing andEnvironment

MOSESE BULITAVU

VILIAME TAGIVETAUA

ANARE VADEI

Opposition Leader Shadow Minister for Education, Heritage

and Artsn 49,485 votes n 7348 votes n 6668 votes n 6276 votes n 6276 votes n 6276 votes

SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LIBERAL PARTY

Shadow Prime Minister and Minister for Sugar

and iTaukei Affairs

Shadow Minister for Public Enterprises and

Trade

Shadow Minister for Agriculture, Rural and Maritime Development

Shadow Minister for Health and Medical

Services

TUPOU DRAUNIDALO

DR BIMAN CHAND PRASAD

PREM SINGH

SALOTE RADRODRO

ASERI RADRODRO

JIOSEFA DULAKIVERATA

n 2300 votes n 2169 votes n 2105 votes n 2966 votesn 8097 votes n 1125 votes

SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LIBERAL PARTY NATIONAL FEDERATION PARTY

Shadow Minister for National Disaster

ManagementOpposition Whip

Shadow Minister for Immigration, National Security and Defence

Shadow Minister for Lands and Mineral

Resources

Shadow Minister for Infrastructure and

Transport

Shadow Minister for Women, Children and Poverty Alleviation/

Public Service

Shadow Minister for Finance, National

Planning and National Statistics

VILIAME GAVOKA

SEMESA KARAVAKI

RATU SULIANO MATANITOBUA

RATU SELA NANOVO

KINIVILIAME KILIRAKI

RATU ISOA TIKOCA

n 3690 votes n 3434 votes

SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LIBERAL PARTY

n 3268 votes n 2523 votes n 2413 votes n 2406 votes

Shadow Attorney-General and

Minister for Justice

Shadow Minister for Youth and Sports

Shadow Minister for Employment, Produc-

tivity and Industrial Relations

Shadow Minister for Fisheries and Forests

Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs

Shadow Minister for Trade and Tourism

OPPOSITION REPRESENTATIVES ON PARLIAMENTARY STANDING COMMITTEES

ECONOMIC AFFAIRSViliame Gavoka

Prem SinghAlternative member:

Aseri Radrodro

SOCIAL AFFAIRS Semesa Karavaki

Anare VadeiAlternative member:

Ratu Suliano Matanitobua

NATURAL RESOURCESRatu Naiqama LalabalavuRatu Suliano Matanitobua

Alternative member:Ratu Viliame Tagivetaua

PUBLIC ACCOUNTSDr Biman Prasad (Chair)

Aseri RadrodroAlternative member:

Salote Radrodro

JUSTICE, LAW AND HUMAN RIGHTSNiko Nawaikula

Roko Tupou DraunidaloAlternative member:

Mosese Bulitavu

FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND

DEFENCE

Ratu Isoa Tikoca

Salote Radrodro

Alternative member:

Roko Tupou Draunidalo


THE MILLENNIAL

MAJORITY

When the majority of Fiji went to the polls on 17 September, among those who visited to exer-cise their franchise at one of over 2000 polling

stations were many young people whose choices no doubt played an influential role in the landslide win of Voreqe Bainimarama’s FijiFirst party.

These voters, young leaders agree, have on the whole accepted Bainimarama’s vision of a “new Fiji” with a com-

mon national identity and the elimination of all kinds of discrimination and corruption.

While a diverse range of opinions exist on the “revolu-tion” achieved under Bainimarama’s “decisive” leadership and many Taukei people feel aggrieved at what they view as an assault on indigenous rights and insensitivity to issues close to their hearts, generally many of Fiji’s diverse com-munities realise that the issues that divide us will eventually become less significant.

Kaajal Kumar, the founder and executive director of the youth NGO Aspire Network, says the election results show

MA

DS

AN

NE

BE

RG

4CONTINUed PAGE 22

By PRIYA ChANdRepúblika Correspondent

How the changing views of Fiji’s youth population impacted on the general

election outcome.

Having her say... A young voter casts her ballot at Rishikul Primary School in Nasinu.


young people’s thinking had moved from an ethnicity-focused to policy-based system.

In an interview with Repúblika, Kumar said a big shift had occurred from the traditional voting patterns of the past, which could only come about through the major impact of a ‘new-generation’ thinking.

Also, for the first time in the historic September elections, 18-year-old Fiji citizens were given the vote, spurring widespread interest in what it means to build a democracy among a generation who were born just before or during the period from the first coup in 1987.

First-time voters and young people (between 18-30) accounted for 33 per cent of all registered voters, according to statistics released by the Fijian Elec-tions Office. If you also include ‘older’ youth between 31-40 years, the demo-graphic numbered 323,286 eligible vot-ers – more than half of the 591,101 reg-istered voters.

Taking this into account, it is not hard to see how they played a big part in the landslide win for Voreqe Baini-marama’s FijiFirst party, which scooped 293,714 or 59 per cent of the 496,364 valid votes cast.

Kumar says the results quite clearly showed FijiFirst won because of its de-velopment policies, stability and secu-rity – a major factor which reduced the risk of future political instability and created more economic development through investor confidence.

“A lot of young Fijians see Prime Minister Bainimarama as the father of modern and developed Fiji and that could be the reason why one politician attracted so many votes,” she said.

“Innovation comes through new ideas and the young generation is more attracted to innovation, a government that is willing to try new ideas and the Bainimarama government won because they value the knowledge of young peo-ple.”

Kumar said the young people of this generation now had a greater under-standing of their citizen rights and have the ability to question the government and those in power and impact their policy change – not just accept the poli-cies and ways of the government.

Between 2012 and 2014, Aspire Net-work interacted with young people across Fiji and Kumar says she discov-

ered many felt ethnicity did not matter but leadership that would focus equally on all of Fiji’s communities.

“The older generation of Fijian Indians in the past al-ways felt that voting for a po-litical party that was headed by a Fijian Indian would se-cure the political interest of Fijian Indians living in Fiji. This was not the case in the 2014 elections.

“Between 2012 to 2014 a large number of young Fijian Indians that Aspire Network interacted with through its programmes had a different thinking. They felt that race did not matter because we all were Fijians. What was important was that the lead-er served in the best interest of all Fijians.”

On the other hand, there was a large number of young Taukei who were concerned about their in-digenous rights, especially indigenous identity, rights to their land, and fishing grounds, the respect for their chiefs and the protection of their traditions and cultures.

These young people believe their traditional leaders should be accorded respect and their views and concerns and their wisdom must be taken into consideration when the Fijian govern-ment produced laws and policies about indigenous Fijian rights and issues.

“Very few”, though, “wanted Great Council of Chiefs reinstated,” said Ku-mar.

Kumar explained there was a shift in their thinking where these youth felt it was government’s greater role to protect resources, economic development of their land and improve their living stan-dards.

She said they understood that it was the role of the government to produce these laws and policies rather than their traditional leaders. Hence they indicat-ed they were going to vote along policy lines rather than on ethnicity or the ad-vice of their traditional leaders.

“This kind of thinking could only come about through education where a young Fijian Taukei could differenti-ate between the legal political gover-nance of a country and the traditional

governance structures that preserve the identity, cultures and traditions of in-digenous Fijian people,” she said.

She said young Fijians who went through Aspire Network programmes believed that in order for Fiji to prog-ress, citizens needed to live in peace and harmony, show respect for indigenous Fijian rights and the rights of all com-munities that call Fiji home.

Kumar added the general election results proved the majority of Fijians have accepted that all citizens of Fiji should be called Fijians because every-body lived in Fiji and “that it in no way takes away the rights of Taukei when an-other ethnicity is called Fijian.”

“The results also prove the majority of Fijians have accepted that Fiji should be a secular state.”

Some youth leaders, especially with-in the Taukei community, contend that while many young people had come to accept the term Fijian applies to all citi-zens, the indigenous community feels aggrieved that they have been arbitrari-ly deprived of their cultural institutions and identity.

William Nayacatabu, the president of the National Youth Council of Fiji, told Repúblika in an email interview, while the council had not carried out research on the topics of “Fijian” na-tionality and that of a “secular state”, some members who are mainly Taukei

FIJI VOTeS

Done deal ... Yabaki Seeto, 27, finishes casting his ballot at Rishikul Primary School in Nasinu.

RIC

AR

DO

MO

RR

IS


continued to flag these issues as unre-solved.

“Many young people continue to dis-agree with so many things but at the end of the day, we have come to accept what we have democratically agreed and this is what the aim of the NYCF Forum is all about,” he said.

Nayacatabu said the youth wings of all political parties had worked hard during the campaign period, which is why he says it is unclear what percent-age of young voters went to FijiFirst.

“NYCF noticed that there were mixed feelings amongst the young people in regards to the outcome of the elections,” Nayacatabu told Repúblika.

“Some were disappointed, some were happy, some were angry and it continues to be so. But as an entity that is impartial and neutral and peace be-ing one of our thematic areas, we con-tinue to advise young people who find it difficult accepting the results of the election to remain calm and accept the newly elected democratic government.”

He added many young people, com-pared to past years were now more ac-tive and interested in the governance of the country because of the increased education, awareness and training.

“Many young people are looking forward to the process of parliamen-tary democracy which would give room for debate on policies they think that should be changed.”

Nilesh Lal, the coordinator of Dia-logue Fiji, an NGO that promotes na-tional reconciliation through inter-community dialogue, believes the people have spoken and given their mandate to the political party they think will best serve them.

“Since the youth constituted a very significant portion of the electorate, they also voted signifi-cantly in favour of the winning party to bring about this re-sult,” he told Repúblika.

“It is very important to engage youth in civic decision-making, particularly one as important as the political gover-nance of the country, and I feel that the lowering of the voting age was a positive move towards increasing engagement.”

Lal added that youth were often considered a socially and politically apathetic group and that “it was good to see a grow-ing sense of responsibility and awareness amongst the youth

population leading up to and during the elections period.”

“Now there is a need to rejuvenate political dialogue at all levels to keep the state and the subjects engaged in discourse on issues which are critical for continued demo-cratic sustainability.”

For one first-time voter, Shabnil Ram, the issues were simple and FijiFirst – although it came out of a coup regime – had clearly spelled out a vision for Fiji he agreed. Ram told Republika he chose to vote for FijiFirst because the party was also pro-poor.

“Though they took the country by force and there may be a lot of criticism about them regarding this they have managed it well,” said Ram, a tertiary student.

He said with FijiFirst’s stand on a secular state and a Fijian national identity “shows

they were not only fighting for seats in parliament but also wanted unity amongst people.”

“FijiFirst was different because during their campaigns they showed people what they have done and what they would do.

“Other parties on the hand, went on saying that what Fiji-First had done was not right but none of them gave us reasons why we should vote for them.”

FIJI VOTeS

making his mark ... Filipe Tuilawalawa, 25, at Lomanikoro, Rewa shows his inked finger after

voting on 17 September at Rewa District School. Lomanikoro is the residence of Rewa high chief

Ro Teimumu Kepa, the SODELPA leader.

AS

HF

AA

Q K

HA

N

Young blood ... Voters and a polling day worker at Rishikul Primary School in Nasinu.

RIC

AR

DO

MO

RR

IS

R

n Priya Chand is a correspondent with Repúblika.

Issue 16 | October 201424 | Repúblika | republikamagazine.com Issue 16 | October 201424 | Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

Issue 16 | October 2014 25facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |Issue 16 | October 2014 25facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

Photos by Mads Anneberg, Ricardo Morris, Ashfaaq Khan, Department of Information


I believe this was one of those days whose memories will accompany you for a long time.

A day that, despite having the char-acteristics of any other day, with a be-ginning and an end, will go on to be more than that.

People will remember if they ticked, crossed or circled. Where they voted and whether they waited.

People will remember because, hopefully, this day marks a new time for Fiji.

This was not my election and I had no vote. Still I will remember for years to come how I ended up spending most of 17 September on a tiny island in Rewa, drinking Ro Teimumu’s kava.

Having been in Fiji for more than a week, I was hardly surprised when my day began with waiting three hours for

Voreqe Bainimarama.The former interim, soon to be elect-

ed, right-now-something-in-between Prime Minister was voting at Vatuwaqa Primary School, and a picture of him voting should sum up the past, present and future of this election and be worth the wait.

Like most places, there was a mas-sive queue in the morning. Meticulous-ly, voters would make their way up the stairs and turn left or right by surname.

A woman in a wheelchair entered the premises and caused a moment of confusion with the staff, but helpful, smiling and pragmatic as most other Fi-

jians, they let the ballot travel the stairs instead of her.

Multinational observers stopped by without remarks, and the Commission-er of Police came and told of a calm day in general.

So powerful was the positive spirit of this day that when Bainimarama fi-nally did show up, he smiled, interacted with the media and was as charismatic as ever.

He said he was confident he would win.

I headed back to the media centre and had it been any other place than Fiji, I probably would have stayed put and updated the website.

But instead we rented a car – my edi-tor, me and two others – and headed out of Suva. We went to one polling station at a primary school in Nasinu and one

FIRST PeRSON

By MAdS ANNebeRGRepublika Election Intern

ENDORSED

FREE LIFTOUT

BANG BANG P42

PROPERTYGUIDE

Electoral Commission gives polls thumbs up

84 PAGES $1.00 VIP OUTSIDE VITI LEVU $1.50 VIP THE FIRST NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED IN THE WORLD EVERY DAY

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 2014

2014 ELECTION WILL OF THE PEOPLE

What do you think? Email [email protected] call 3304111 or web https://www.facebook.com/fijitimesonline



THE Electoral Commission yester-day announced Fiji’s general elec-tion was conducted in a free and fair manner.This comes as fi nal results were still being released at the National Count-

ing Centre last night. The FijiFirst party leads by a big margin and the country will get to know the full results by tomorrow or Monday at the latest.Commission chairman Chen Bunn Young made the statement following allegations by some political parties that the vote counting process was

not fair and had irregularities.Mr Young said from their observa-tions of both pre-polling and polling day exercises, the process was indeed free and fair. But he also said the com-mission would investigate claims of “serious allegations,” raised by some political parties. “The Electoral Commission has

made their own observations from pre-polling to polling right throughout the divisions that’s in the Central, the Eastern, the Northern and the West-ern and we were satisfi ed with our-selves that the elections were carried out in a free and fair manner,” he said. Continued on PAGE 2

Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum and Rear Admiral (Ret) Voreqe Bainimarama’s FijiFirst party is poised to lead the country in the next four years.

Picture: MADS ANNEBERG/ Repúblika Magazine

SMILE, FIJI LOVES YOUP36

BULA FEVER

By NASIK SWAMI and DAWN GIBSON

My 17 SeptemberA Danish student’s open letter to Fiji

To the fantastic people of Fiji.

RIC

AR

DO

MO

RR

IS

CO

UR

TE

SY

TH

E F

IJI

TIM

ES


FIRST PeRSON

polling station where nothing appeared to be going on in Nausori.

This magic day led us further away from the capital in which its winners will soon gather. We wanted to visit Ro Teimumu Kepa’s polling station in Rewa.

Kilometres flew by and asphalt turned to gravel before we finally reached the place where a man in a mo-torised wooden punt would take us to the small island where she lives.

We learned that Ro Teimumu had just left, which sort of defeated the original purpose of our trip. But after visiting the two polling stations on the island, we got the second best thing.

In the spirit of the day and as a thank-you she had given kava to her SODELPA supporters in her community, which we were invited in for.

In a house with a high spirits, where the floor served as both floor and fur-niture, a handful of happy voters had gathered to celebrate.

There is hardly any point in telling you that this was SODELPA stronghold, with a good number of FijiFirst sup-

porters as well, because that was not the point. People were celebrating that they had voted, that they had been heard.

After several hours and God knows how many bowls of nature’s anti-Red Bull, we cautiously walked back. Along with the polling stations, sunlight was closed for business, and someone gra-ciously led us back to the boat through the darkness on a spiderweb of side-walks. Which were obviously not aside any road, making them just walks.

I am no expert, but I felt this day had been the perfect window through which to look at the election and even a very Fijian way of spending Election Day. And I mean that in the most positive way imaginable.

I am afraid we have lost much of our enthusiasm surrounding elections in Denmark. Not that we don’t vote and not that we don’t celebrate this day of democracy.

But over the years, everyone has simply come to agree on so many things that our vote cannot bring around two different tomorrows, which, I guess, de-creases the genuine excitement of hav-

ing your say.You, however. Even though your

decision time and again has been over-ruled by an interfering power, you seem to – rightfully – believe in your impact.

In that particular house on that small island in that remote area, every-one was proudly holding up their inked pinkies, singing songs to celebrate their vote.

In my short time here, you people have inspired me in many ways – some more than you know. And your election is no exception. You are nailing this de-mocracy thing and I can only hope the people you have chosen today will do the same.

n Mads Anneberg, a Danish exchange student at Auckland University of Technology’s Pacific Media Centre and Pacific Scoop was attached to Repúblika in September to cover the general election. Along with Alistar Kata, who worked with USP’s Wansolwara, the pair won a special topic scholarship to cover the election, with student editor Thomas Carnegie working in Auckland.

Dateline Fiji ... Mads Anneberg spent just under two weeks in September as an intern with Repúblika covering the lead up to and during the election and count. During that time, three of Anneberg’s photos for Repúblika were used by the Fiji Times, two of them (one show on facing page) were printed on as the lead photo on page one. On election day he drove the Repúblika team from Suva through Nasinu and Nausori stopping to observe polling venues along the way, ending up at Nadoi village, next to Lomanikoro, the seat of sodelpa leader and Rewa high chief Ro Teimumu Kepa.

Yours truly, Mads

AS

HF

AA

Q K

HA

N A

ND

RIC

AR

DO

MO

RR

IS


The king-makersA perspective on Fiji’s 2014 election

28 | Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

Dark days ... Two neighbours survey the ruins of a indo-Fijian house torched by rebels in Waidalice north Tailevu in August 2000, in an area that had strong support for coup leader George Speight.

WIL

LIA

M W

ES

T/A

FP

I have been following Fiji election 2014 keenly from the time the elec-tion was announced a few years ago.

Almost half of that time I lived and worked in Fiji. I participated in some of Professor Yash Ghai’s constitutional forums in Suva and shared a few of my thoughts with the members at one of these forums. Like many people living in Fiji and in the Fijian diaspora I was very happy that finally an election was taking place in Fiji. When I returned to Sydney in late 2012, I kept track of the events in Fiji and started a Fiji election segment on my online television chan-

nel The Fijian Diaspora TV. I shared my thoughts on the election processes with my viewers and was looking forward to presenting many more segments, right up to and beyond the election on 17 Sep-tember.

However soon it became clear to me, with some help from two articles written by Professor Wadan Narsey on the electoral processes that the elec-tion would be of a very different kind, a kind in which the role of the leaders of the participating parties would play a crucial, if not a deciding role. I had promised my viewers to present to them names of 50 candidates who I believed would be good as Fiji’s parliamentar-ians; to take Fiji forward. I ended up not doing that.

It had become clear to me, through

analysis of the electoral system used in Fiji that electoral victory or defeat would rely heavily on the votes that the leaders would attract. The popularity and abilities of the leader of a contest-ing party, and his or her ability to maxi-mise votes from the Fijian voters would, in the main, decide the fate of the party as well as rest of its candidates.

As the election campaign progressed it also became clear that there was no credible match for Voreqe Bainima-rama, the leader of the FijiFirst party. It also became clear that much thought had been invested by those in charge of this party’s election strategy to out-ma-noeuvre its opponents from the outset. The leaders of the two most prominent parties in Fiji, Laisenia Qarase and Ma-hendra Pal Chaudhry were sidelined

By JONI MAdRAIWIWIBy Dr SATISh RAI

Special to Repúblika

dISPATCh


from the election processes through le-gal processes and both their credibility as politicians and public servants was terribly maligned through the media. Their high flying political wings were truly clipped.

With Chaudhry sidelined as an elec-tion candidate, it appeared that the Fiji Labour Party (flp) did not have any credible member to replace him as the leader. Chaudhry decided to lead the party into the election, but his cred-ibility being in tatters by then, he was not the formidable leader he once was. Hence the Fiji Labour Party was out of contention to win the election. Without Chaudhry to vote for in this election, some of the staunch Labour supporters may have been left with little choice but to switch their votes to some other cred-ible indo-Fijian candidates in another party. The scene was set for an electoral wipe-out for the Fiji Labour Party. One of the two main parties who could have provided FijiFirst a credible challenge was thus rendered a non-player a few weeks before the voting day.

Now the main opponent of FijiFirst was the Social Liberal Democratic Party (Sodelpa), in many ways, the revised version of the old sdl party, which was ousted in 2006 by the future leader of the FijiFirst. It was considered by many, not the least by its own leadership, that Sodelpa provided the natural home for ethnic Fijian voters. But with its popu-lar and rather imposing leader in form of Qarase sidelined from election, the party initially struggled to find another leader. The leader finally selected did not have the same appeal as Qarase; later made obvious during the face-off on a live interview between her and Bainimarama. The election being a bat-tle of leaders, Sodelpa’s leader did not inspire much credibility and the possi-bility of her receiving a sizable Taukei vote to enable her to form a government was starting to look bleak; at least from some of our perspective.

With the fate of the flp sealed even before the election, it was an opportune time for the oldest Indo-Fijian party, the National Federation Part (nfp), to rise from its electoral ashes and grab the Indo-Fijian votes. It was a very hard act to follow, after flp’s sterling successes

since its initial 1987 victories and its ability to attract the indo-Fijian votes. However the election of the acclaimed Professor Biman Prasad as nfp leader was a step in the right direction.

With a great academic career and community work behind him, and blessed with an affable personality, it appeared that the nfp had found a lead-er who would revive the nfp as the natu-ral home for the Indo-Fijian voters. In many other circumstances Prasad may have been able to achieve just that. But in this election the indo-Fijians had a different agenda – well some 80 per cent of them anyway.

It was becoming clear from even a few years before this election that, for the majority of indo-Fijians secu-rity and peaceful existence in Fiji was the most important issue as far as this election was concerned. There is little doubt that the interim Bainimarama government had provided just that for them from 2006 and they believed that, if elected, Prime Minister Bainimarama would continue to provide security and peace for the much traumatised indo-Fijian community in Fiji. Additional offerings in the lead up to the election, such as free education and so on, would also have provided additional incentives to the indo-Fijians to vote for Bainima-rama.

There is scope for much more to dis-cuss and write on Fiji’s 2014 elections. However to end this little observation, I would like to recall briefly my thoughts on the person who started the coup cul-

ture in Fiji. I recall that media around the world wrote at the time that ‘God had spoken’ to Sitiveni Rabuka, or words to that effect, to carry out the coup to protect the rights of indigenous Fijians, presumably from the indo-Fijians.

A few years later I recall reading that his ethnic cleansing program of indo-Fijians was motivated by his de-sire to make the indo-Fijians electorally insignificant in Fiji, only their labour was needed. I am now amused by the fact that he didn’t realise that ‘God has weird and wonderful ways of working’. He perhaps did not realise that his ac-tions would eventually lead to the eth-nic Fijians, now the majority by far in Fiji, facing-off each other in electoral battles.

This was clearly witnessed in this year’s election. Rabuka too would have witnessed that in this battle, the indo-Fijians were the king-makers! Way back in 1987, drunk with power and a mis-placed sense of responsibility for his own people, Rabuka may not have con-templated this scenario.

Hopefully, today’s Fijian politicians will be proven to be more visionary!

Happy days ... Hindu devotees of the god Ganesha mark the end of a festival in its honour in Suva in August.

n Dr Satish Rai is a Sydney-based print and TV journalist and film and TV producer. He has background in policing (Fiji and London), sociology, anti-racism (UK), writing, academia, journalism, politics and film and TV production. He wrote his MA thesis on Colonialism and Political Coups of Fiji (1997). His doctoral thesis was titled In Exile at Home - A Fiji Indian Story (2011).

RIC

AR

DO

MO

RR

IS

dISPATCh

R


WHAT’S SO

EQUALITY?ABOUT

ANTI-CHRISTIAN

By Dr KIRSTIe CLOSe-bARRY

Body language ... Then FijiFirst MPs-elect at a multifaith thanksgiving service on 21 September at which Bainimarama claimed victory for his party in the general election he created. The Methodist Church chose not to attend an earlier service also held at the ANZ National Stadium in Laucala to mark the release of the 45 Fijian peacekeepers who had been held captive in Syria for two weeks until their release just before the election.

RIC

AR

DO

MO

RR

IS

OPINION


R

a significant Indo-Fijian population, it is well and truly time to find a way to accept them as Fijians. The language of exclusion needs to stop.

The recent elections, the first since the 2006 coup, were preoccupied with this issue. Not only were political fac-tions involved – with the coup leader Voreqe Bainimarama pushing to re-move the ethnic aspects of being ‘Fijian’ and others such as Sodelpa opposing this – but also religious leaders.

Just two weeks before the elec-tion the Reverend Iliesa Naivalu of the Methodist Church, still the most popu-lar denomination with iTaukei Chris-tians, circulated a letter in which he ad-vised Fijians to ‘vote wisely’ and ensure that Fiji becomes a Christian state. This comment signals support for Sodelpa, the only political party that has called for such a change.

Naivalu’s letter adopts exclusive lan-guage that has become the hallmark of Fiji’s ethno-nationalist politics, and something that Bainimarama has tried to stamp out. He wrote: “Christian-ity was being engraved in the lives of the iTaukei people” and accused the state of trying to “downgrade the God Almighty, his Son Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit to be equal with idols that are being worshipped in Fiji today.” In other words, of given equal respect to the faiths of Hindu and Islam.

Protecting indigenous rights in Fiji from settlers is a key concern. Naivalu even used Australia as an example of successful acknowledgement of indig-enous identity, noting the widespread practice of acknowledging traditional owners at state or religious events. The letter also suggested that indigenous Australians are able to access wealth through the native title system that has been established. It is no accident that he mentioned Australia. It was Austra-lian missionaries who helped to shape the Fijian church and embed indige-nous hegemony.

The interest in maintaining indig-

enous representation in politics is also on the agenda. Bainimarama has dis-mantled many of the government struc-tures that were created throughout the colonial period as a means of protect-ing Indigenous rights, beginning with the dissolution of the Great Council of Chiefs almost immediately after the 2006 coup.

The Methodist Church and Sodel-pa’s leaders have raised alarm at these moves, arguing that indigenous politi-cal rights and identity are under threat. No one would argue with the need to ensure that the indigenous people of Fiji need to have their rights to land and wealth protected. But does it have to be done at the exclusion of Indo-Fijian and other peoples?

This is a complex issue and one that Australians will find the hardest to answer since Australia is also facing questions regarding the recognition of indigenous peoples in the Constitution. Naivalu suggested that the Method-ist Church wants to aid “good relations and interaction of the different ethnic groups in Fiji”, but he said that peace will only exist if indigenous hegemony is maintained.

The church should try and model the way forward for the country, but its history is just as marred by ethnic ten-sions, and so needs to be highly reflec-tive and perhaps redefine itself if it is to

move forward with Fiji. After the arrival of indentured labourers from India in 1879, the Methodist mission tried to evangelise to Indo-Fijian communities with limited success. The mission in-stitutionalised ethnic separation in Fiji and in recent years the Taukei Meth-odists and the Indo-Fijian Methodists have operated within separate divisions of the one church.

Naivalu believes that the Methodist Church should take the lead on bring-ing the two ethnic groups together, “to understand each other, to acknowledge what is significant to the other and work out together constructive steps for a lasting peace.” However, the church has not necessarily been effective at bring-ing people together. However, it too needs to work at demonstrating peace and accommodation.

Fijian Methodism has been inhibited by this feared loss of identity through-out its history. The same problem keeps emerging time and time again. The question is: are we at a juncture where this can be addressed?

If the language of exclusion adopted by Methodists and Sodelpa’s leader-ship is to continue, we are not likely to see the Indo-Fijian community em-braced fully in Fiji. Despite the issues with Bainimarama’s coup and subse-quent government, it needs to be recog-nised for its efforts to ensure some de-gree of equality for the Indo-Fijian and other communities in Fiji.

Recognition of all of Fiji’s people as Fi-jians does not have to be to the detriment of iTaukei identity. Nor does it necessarily have to limit iTaukei access to land. Ques-tions of accommodation and inclusion despite ethnic and cultural diversity will be important for Fiji’s new parliament, and will be one of the main stumbling blocks faced by the Parliament’s foremost leaders, Bainimarama and Ro Teimumu Kepa.

Fiji is a country known as much for its coups as its tourist attractions.

n Kirstie Close-Barry is an Australian historian who has just completed a PhD looking at the history of racial and cultural division in Fiji’s Methodist Church. She would have received her doctorate in early October.

Y The Methodist Church re-sponded on 25 Septem-

ber to issues raised about the letter from Reverend Iliesa Naivalu, the church’s secre-tary for Christian citizenship and social services. The me-dia conference, a recording of which the church uploaded to YouTube, also addressed the church’s non-participation in the PM’s interfaith thanksgiv-ing service after FijiFirst’s win.

4http://tinyurl.com/qzvk8yz

At the last census, conducted in 2007, issue of who exactly is a Fijian.

iTaukei (indigenous Fijians) were 57 per cent of the population while Indo-

Fijians, the majority only a generation ago, made up 37 per cent. With such

At the heart of the ongoing struggles in this island nation is the


showcase. In the private judging you are required to meet your judges in person as they question you and try to get to know you better, while in the public judging you are asked questions and you are supposed to answer them with thousands of eyes on you.

Politicians on the other hand go to pocket meetings which become their venue of private judging and then they go on television programmes in which they are asked questions, which at times they do not know the answer to with thousands of eyes glaring at them. While the queens sing, dance, cook, do poetry, karate etc for their talent, politi-cians flash out their experience in law, civil service, finance, governance, trade unions as highly desirable talent.

At the end of the day for both beauty queens and politicians it all comes down to the votes. Mostly the smartest sound-ing contender with a solid talent and charisma wins and they give a big speech about how they are going to use this plat-form to do some really ground-breaking work (that is unless you know the judges personally) but the funny thing is that you usually do not hear from the reign-ing queen or the winning politician till the next event.

Pageants and elections have so much in common and I often wonder, just like the late Robin Williams did, that maybe these politicians should wear a slash let-ting us know who their corporate spon-sors are.

By ROLANdO COCOM

The use of the term “Fijian” as a label for national identification remained a significant ideologi-

cal frame in the run up for elections on 17 September.

By ideological frame, I refer to the fact that the phrase “We are all Fijians” is represented by an array of inter-re-lated set of stories, symbols, images, as well as rhetoric in an attempt to define and provide reasons as to why the public should or should not vote for a political

party. This ideology is represented as the highest maxim of social equality. It is used to justify, maintain, and increase popular support for the FijiFirst party.

This is visible in the media, where political candidates are often asked to take a position on this issue. The prem-ise is that if we know the candidate’s position on this, we will know their core political values and vision for Fiji. Those who are hesitant to support ‘Fijian’ as a common-term or ‘national identity’ are explicitly and implicitly cued to be pro-ponents of disunity and inequality.

Fiji or VitiIt is said that when the Europeans

had asked the Tongans for the name of islands we now know as Fiji, they pro-vided them with the term Viti. It follows that the terms ‘Fiji’ and ‘Fijian’ arose out of a mispronunciation of the word Viti. Colonialism inaugurated the emergence of a collective ‘Fijian race’ or the Taukei Kei Viti or Kai Viti, which loosely trans-lates into ‘the owners of Fiji land’ and ‘persons from Fiji’ respectively. Prior to this, identification was primarily based on one’s birth and kinship connections

From ‘Fiji for Fijians’ to ‘we are all Fijians’

OPINION


in a vanua or mataqali among distinct communities/confederacies and not as a collective ‘Fijian race’.

There were diverse pronunciations and spellings of Fiji such as “Beetee, Fe-gee, Fejee, Fidjee, Fidje, Fidgee, Fidschi, Fiji, Feigee, Vihi, Viji, and Viti” (Wil-liams & Calvert, 1859, p. 1). However, Fiji and Fijian became common labels used in the colonial state to refer to the land and the ‘natives’.

Coups and Fiji for Fijians These labels “Fiji/Fijian” are not in

themselves the problem or the solution to ethnic-relations in Fiji. The problem is the actions of elitist alliances and the practice of racial ethno-nationalism which have instilled divisive values

and practices to these classifications. Colonial policy and the coup-makers through their use of these categories have established the social boundaries between the two ‘races’. To the Fijians, the Indians were to be known as the vu-lagi (foreigner). To the Indians, the Fi-jians were to be known as the jungalis (jungle people). This is not to say that there are no cultural differences be-tween the two but that the state plays a crucial role in how these differences are viewed, expressed, and lived.

Support for the 1987 and 2000 coup was summoned precisely on a form of oppositional categorisation from the colonial period. It featured arguments to ‘protect’ the taukei (owners of the land), lotu (Christian religious beliefs), and the vanua (land and groupings), which were supposedly endangered. The mobilising theme was the protec-tion of Fijian interests with “Fiji for Fi-jians” as a rallying motto.

We Are All Fijians Unlike the previous coups in 1987

and 2000 which were executed under the ideological banner of “Fiji for the Fijians”, Bainimarama has been able to popularise the idea that his governance represents democracy with the motto “We are all Fijians” and “Fiji for all Fiji-ans”. Bainimarama, who was the com-mander of the Fijian army at the time, accused the Quarse government of elec-tion fraud and took control of govern-ment in 2006.

Since then, Bainimarama has con-ducted a widespread media campaign that emphasises “We are all Fijians”. In 2010, he issued a decree stating that the indigenous peoples should be officially known as the iTaukei and that all other citizens should be known as Fijians. He also issued many other decrees pro-claiming that his actions were in the best interest of all citizens, such as disman-tling the Great Council of Chiefs. The “We are all Fijians” phrase has become the common-sense lens from which to positively interpret and justify past and future actions of the Bainimarama regime. The issue of a common name

is linked to the efforts of the National Federation Party (NFP) which was the first party to advocate for a common roll and a common name for citizens prior to Fiji’s independence. However, at the time, Fijian politicians and intellectuals argued that such actions would be di-sastrous for Fijian identity and culture. Therefore, such proposals were never approved.

Bainimarama has been able to re-articulate this ideology at a time when no other message would have worked in his favour. He could not rely on the ideology of Fijian paramountcy (‘Fiji for Fijians’) because this was what the Qa-rase government was employing. Qarase was implementing policies which were designed to establish the dominance of Fijians in areas such as the economy, ed-ucation, and the public service. Baini-marama employed the ideology of ‘end-ing racism’ and of ‘moving Fiji forward’ to gain local and international support for his dismissal of Qarase, whom he had originally appointed after the 2000 coup.

Through this re-articulated ideol-ogy, Bainimarama has sought to down-play the fact that he came to power illegally, that he has violated the consti-tution, and that he has been unaccount-able over the years (For example, why would the Auditor-General reports only be release after the elections?). He has been able to do this because he com-manded the military and because he is phenotypically Fijian. The ideology of “We are all Fijians” is the emotional and symbolic glue which holds the Bainima-rama regime together. It has resounded with approval among some segments of populace including key public figures as it represents the idea of civic equality and nationality unity.

In March this year, Bainimarama an-nounced the formation of his political party called FijiFirst, a name which was designed to promote this ideological theme. His initial 2006 promise to have returned to the barracks after establish-ing mechanisms for a stable democracy

OPINION

follow the leader ... Civilians go through drill training at Fiji’s Parliament complex in June 2000 where George Speight and his supporters held Prime Minister Mahendra Pal Chaudhry and 26 other members of parliament hostage for 56 days. The Speight-fronted 2000 coup espoused the ‘Fiji for the Fijians’ views that had been popularised by the Taukei Movement.

PA

UL

JO

NE

S/A

FP

4CONTINUed PAGE 34


n Rolando Cocom is a graduate scholar at the University of the South Pacific. His research interest is focused on the processes and struggles of multiculturalism, nationalism, and identity.

R

had now been pushed aside. He now aimed to gain official support for his governance in the run up to elections. He has exercised several key social re-forms and media campaigns to this end: free education policy; reform of schol-arship scheme to be based on merit; rural development projects; creation of a new constitution, and appears to have de-facto control of Fiji’s mainstream media.

We are all Fijians, but who are youThe counter ideological frames of

the other parties contesting election are based on human rights and liberal democratic discourses. They argue that the Bainimarama regime has proven to be unaccountable, unjust, and undem-ocratic.

For instance, the Social Democratic Liberal Party (Sodelpa) argues that Bainimarama’s imposition of a com-mon name is against indigenous rights and culture. They hold that ‘Fijian’ must be the official name for the indig-enous peoples. This argument bears the traces of the ‘Fiji for Fijians’ ideology as it merges past members and support from the pro-indigenous campaign of the Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL) party, founded by Qarase in 2001. It supplements its ideological power by calling on the international convention of indigenous rights which asserts the right of indigenous people to protect their ‘identity’. Their ideological goal is to ‘reclaim’ Fijian cultural institutions and democracy. In this regard, this ide-ological frame is geared towards gaining massive Fijian support.

Another major party to contest the elections is the National Federation Party (NFP). And while it is likely that the NFP remains committed to idea that ‘Fijian’ is the best common name for civic unity, given the political situ-ation, they have chosen to inform the public that this should be done through democratic process and not by a mili-tary regime. They argue that the regime had no legal democratic authority to

employ this term for the citizenry. They prefer to take the matter up for public consultation which demonstrates its re-spect for law in a democracy and their empathy to dialogue with the indig-enous peoples. This underscores NFP’s ideological frame of liberal democracy, equality and respect for all citizens and in so doing encourages voters to support them and not FijiFirst which has been a dictatorship.

The NFP in my opinion is the best of the political parties. Their track record shows that they have always argued for equal representation, respect and compromise with the indigenous com-munity, and would properly lead Fiji towards democratic stability and sound economic growth.

However, there is a need for the FNP to insert themselves more radically in the “We are Fijians” ideology. “We are Fijians” must be dis-articulated and re-articulated in ways which demonstrate their commitment to equality, national unity, and gain popular support. They should emphasise the fact that by and large the populace continues to use the terms like ‘Indians’ and ‘Fijians’ in ev-eryday life, and that it is okay to use Fi-jian as a marker of national collectivity as well as a marker to refer to the indig-enous people. They should also devise strategies which can build on the desire for national unity in more creative ways. For example, they may pledge to have a day of national inter-cultural festivities, which will exhibit shared and unique cultural practices from all of Fiji cul-tures not just Indian and Fijian cultures. They should organise a group of sing-ers or actors from diverse ethnic back-grounds to create songs and dramas for their campaign. They may also consider a proposition to modify the constitution to insert a clause which declares Fiji a multi-religious state versus a secular state. In order words, they must pres-ent themselves with a more impressive strategy and symbols of national unity than the Bainimarama’s “We are Fijians” campaign.

Conclusion It would appear that Bainimarama

has been successful in the public sphere as far as this ideological device of “We are all Fijians” is concerned. Journal-ists and the media in general have con-sistently disapproved of any politician who disagrees with the use of Fijian as a common label. Those who disagree with Bainimarama’s “We are all Fijians” are cast as promoters of racial division and ‘returning Fiji to the politics of old’.

There are no guarantees that the policies of the Bainimarama govern-ment which one may interpret as pro-gressive will in effect create a stable multicultural Fiji. The regime’s hege-monic governance has come at the cost of media censorship, unaccounted eco-nomic practices, political corruption, and human rights violations as docu-mented by the alternative media and civil society reports. The illegal actions of Bainimarama are overlooked by FijiF-irst supporters who encourage the pub-lic to realize that the nation has finally achieved a ‘national identity’ and to observe the infrastructure development taking place (never mind its unsustain-ability).

For some of the populace, the ideol-ogy of “We are all Fijians” is a positive step towards national unity. For others, it is as a threat to Fijian identity. And still for others, it is an illegal change with no material rewards.

Fiji First had the upper hand because it has dominated the public sphere and has complemented this ideology with recent infrastructure development.

For better or for worse, the “We are all Fijians” motto has a wide appeal and it’s no surprise that Bainimarama won the election. But I also am not happy. Maybe I’ll be content, but not happy.

OPINION

4FROM PAGE 33

Cultural stimulus for the curious mindsalonRepúblika

Cultural stimulus for the curious mindsalonRepúblika

Walking strong for childrenC

OU

RT

ES

Y M

AR

K F

AA

MA

ON

I/B

IG M

AR

K P

HO

TO

GR

AP

HY

October 2014PAGe 36 Repúblika

republikamagazine.com

| salon

Tae Kami had only lived for 15 years but when cancer finally took her life on 16 August 2008,

she had already made an impact on Tonga, Fiji and the wider Pacific region with her valiant, upbeat and spiritual struggle with a rare form of the disease.

Even before her passing a song the young Tongan composed had provided inspiration for a charity aimed at improving the quality of life of children liv-ing with cancer.

Walk On, Walk Strong, Tae’s song, is the name of the charity her parents, Taholo and Sina Kami, set up to honour her vision.

The journey towards fulfilling their promise to their daughter reached a peak in September when WOWS Kids (Fiji) was officially registered as a chari-table trust.

In 2009, Sina Kami founded the Tae Kami Foun-dation in Tonga and initially the WOWS committee in Fiji worked alongside the Fiji Cancer Society.

Now, WOWS Kids (Fiji) is fully fledged and has broadened its reach to include children who are suf-fering from other life-threatening conditions.

“This is a very teary-eyed moment for us,” Sina Kami said from Nuku’alofa. “It was our daughter Tae’s dream that we set up an organisation to care for children who are suffering from cancer. My husband Taholo and I made a promise to her before she died that we would fulfill those dreams.

“Tae’s message was ‘Walk On, Walk Strong’, and this can be applied to so many things in life, not just health issues,” Kami explained. “It’s been a long, windy road to get us this far, and at times it has just been Tae’s words that have kept us going.”

In 2005 at age 12, Tae Kami was diagnosed with a rare cancer of the jaw, which meant extensive and costly specialised treatment in New Zealand. After several very complex operations over a period of three years, Tae passed away in August 2008.

Before she died, she wrote the song Walk On, Walk Strong as an encouragement to other patients and families struggling with cancer. The Tae Kami Foundation was set up with the hope of helping other Pacific families dealing with the same heartache.

n wOwS KIDS (FIjI)/tAe KAMI FOUNDAtION

Tae’s dying wish now a reality

Laughing Samoan Eteuati Ete took two weeks out of his busy life to lend his

personality to a 13-day marathon that raised funds for the newly-registered WOWS Kids (Fiji), a charity set up to honour the late Tae Kami’s life and vision.

“I’ve never bought into the celebrity status we the Laughing Samoans have been accorded. But I’ll accept it happily to raise funds for those in need,” Ete wrote in a post on the WOWS Kids Facebook page.

“A shocking statistic Taholo Kami (Tae’s mother) has shared with me is nine out of ten kids who get leukaemia in the western world are treated successfully. In the Pacific Islands only one out of ten is treated successfully.”

Ete put in extra hours of train-ing at his home in Wellington in the weeks leading up to the 6-18 October walk.

Early on 6 October, Ete start-ed his 462-kilometre clockwise trek around Fiji’s main island from Sukuna Park in Suva, where he finished the walk 13 days later on Saturday 18 October to fan-fare, an ‘international head shave’ and a free concert featuring top local performers Rako Pasefika.

“Meeting Tae Kami back in 2008 two weeks before she

died had a big impact on Tofiga (Fepulea’i) and me,” he before the walk. “So it was a privilege to be in Fiji last month for the WOWS Kids concerts to raise awareness for the Walk On Walk Strong cause.”

The WOWS Kids (Fiji) Walk around Viti Levu is essentially a “two-week walkathon” to raise

funds and a w a r e n e s s for children with cancer and other life-threatening conditions.

All funds raised will go towards the

work of WOWS Kids (Fiji), in-cluding the setting up of resource centres in Suva and Lautoka, as well as the WOWS Kids Care Fund, which helps to look after the needs of these children.

The other core walkers during the walkathon were former soc-ceer star Hussain Sahib, Francis Chung (in his wheelchair), Fiji Times journalist Dawn Gibson, WOWS Kids communications officer Jeremy Duxbury and Seru Rokosuka.

Ete added: “Thank you all very much for your amazing support and posts of encouragement. It’s meant a lot to me throughout the journey. If you can translate those words into monetary support I’d be even more grateful.”

n wOwS KIDS

rainbow sisters ... Tae Kami, centre, with her younger sisters in June 2008, two months before she died.

The GReAT WALK

FOR UPdATeS

n www.wowskids.org

n www.facebook.com/WOWSKidsFiji

n www.taekamifund.org

dONATe TO WOWS KIdS

(Tax deductible)

n BSP account number 104-16097

walking strong ... Eteutai Ete, with umbrella, and his walking companion Hussain Habib, left, with support walkers on day four of the WOWS walkathon.

WW

W.T

AE

KA

MIF

UN

D.O

RG

WW

W.F

AC

EB

OO

K.C

OM

/WO

WS

KID

SF

IJI


GuIdEd by nATurEThe MUA VOYAGe

FOR UPdATeSn www.muavoyage.comn www.facebook.com/muavoyage

Pressure increases on the developed world to open its eyes to the reali-

ties of climate change, as the Mua Voy-age expands to three canoes – sailing on behalf of all Pacific Islanders with the message to the world about ‘Our People, Our Islands, Our Ocean, Our Future’.

The three vaka canoes – the Maru-maru Atua of Cook Islands, the Uto ni Yalo of Fiji, and the Gaualofa of Samoa, which also has crew from Tonga – de-parted Suva, Fiji, this morning on the third leg of the Mua Voyage. They were farewelled with a ceremony at Laucala Bay on 14 October.

The three canoes are sailing to Van-uatu and then on to Australia, where they will join up with the Haunui of New Zealand. The four canoes will then sail together into Sydney Harbour – a high-profile and visible way to grab the world’s attention and convey the critical message on oceans and climate change.

The vaka canoes will sail under the Sydney Harbour Bridge on Wednesday 12 November, the opening day of the iucn World Parks Congress 2014. The Congress is the landmark global forum on protected areas, held once every 10 years, and is expected to bring together more than 3000 people from at least 160 countries.

“We the government and people of Fiji recognise the importance and brav-ery of what [you] are about to do, and the messages you are taking to Aus-tralia…” said Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, who was chief guest at

the farewell ceremony. “When they see those Pacific sails,

they’ll ask and wonder who you are and they will hear your call, your message from all of us – not just to the Congress but to the public of rich countries – [from] ‘ridge to reef’, our collective concern is about our people, our ocean and climate change… This message is very important – you are representing our countries and our families. I’m very proud and envious of you and your bravery.”

The voyage shows the lengths that

Pacific Islanders are willing to go to just to get the world’s attention on the important issues of management of the oceans and addressing climate change. The voyage demands the world join with Pacific Islanders to protect and manage the large ocean spaces in this climate-challenged world.

n IUCN

taking on the challenge ... The crew of Fiji’s Uto ni Yalo perform the bole before their departure.

UT

O N

I Y

AL

O T

RU

ST

WW

W.M

UA

VO

YA

GE

.CO

M


ADVERTORIAL

A NEW ENERGY FUTUREWITH

Solar energy – abundant, clean and renewable – is becoming more efficient every day. Here at Total, we are actively prepar-

ing the future by stepping up our ongo-ing investment in solar power, a critical component in the world’s sustainable energy supply.

For 30 years, specialists at Total and in our subsidiaries have helped drive progress across the photovoltaic solar energy chain, fostering the emer-gence of a reliable, efficient and cost-effective technology.

In 2011, by becoming the major-ity shareholder of SunPower, one of the world’s leading solar energy operators, Total has given new impetus to its de-velopment.

A major change in scale, with a key ambition: to become a new world lead-er in solar energy.

The renewable energy solution

For all countries on all continents, energy supply has

always been a major issue. Today, global warming is also a great challenge that leads us to make cleaner and planet-friendly choices.

The Pacific Island States, where the oil bill accounts for a sig-nificant share of the national wealth, are primarily affected. They are also the main vic-tims of climate change for example Kiribati and Tuvalu, whose dis-appearance is a likely threat, but also in Fiji where some villages had to be relo-cated.

Renewable energy is obviously the best solution to this double imperative of energy supply and environmental-ly friendly choices. Island states have understood this like Tokelau, the first country in the world to claim 100 per cent renewable energy. In Fiji - this is a much larger market - renewables account for 76 per cent of the energy mix, mainly due to hydro. The govern-ment goal is to achieve a 90 per cent rate in 2015. For that, the FEA wishes to increase the number of IPPs (Inde-pendent Power Producers), which will require a law guaranteeing a feed-in tariff. Without this assurance, which allows calculating the return on in-vestment, no reasonable investor will embark on the adventure. And when it comes to energy, it is better to be rea-sonable!

France is of course very sensitive to these issues. With the European Union, it has always been a driving force in the climate negotiations, developing a fruitful partnership with the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) chaired by Nauru. And it is France which will host in 2015 the 21st Conference of Parties (COP). Our ambition for this “Climate Summit - Paris 2015” is the

adoption of a new, ambitious, global and binding climate framework.

In the shorter term and more con-cretely, France is active in the region through the European Union, contrib-uting to 20 per cent of its official de-velopment assistance (ODA). France is also active through its companies, such as Total as we can obviously no-tice today, and though its Territories.

In New Caledonia alone – I take New Caledonia as an example because it is culturally the closest of our three Territories in the region - no less than 11 companies offer renewable energy solutions. They are very reliable com-panies – including some subsidiaries of world champions, such as GDF-Suez. One of them, Vergnet Pacific has already intervened in Fiji, with the construction of the Butoni wind farm near Sigatoka.

Those companies are just close by, which facilitates contact and after-sales service. They are at the heart of the subject that brings us together today. Some came on an exploratory mission to Fiji and with a feed-in tariff in place, they would certainly invest, imitating Total, a company which de-serves today our warm congratula-tions for this superb installation. It is the beginning, I am sure of a great ad-venture in solar energy in Fiji.

Speech by H.E. Gilles Montagnier, the Ambassador of France to Fiji on the inauguration of the Total Vuda solar farm

French Ambassador H.E. Gilles Montagnier makes his speech during the inauguration of the Total Vuda solar farm.


ADVERTORIAL

A NEW ENERGY FUTURESOLAR ENERGY

In developing their strategy of becoming an energy provider, Total (Fiji) Limited opened their

67kW photovoltaic solar system at their Vuda Point Terminal in June.

The idea for the solar system, which was de-veloped entirely by their staff, was to implement a concrete solution to reduce energy consumption, as well as to demonstrate the capability of Sun-Power1 E20 panels, the highest efficiency panels on the market today.

The 67kW system, consisting of 204 E20 panels organised in four ground-mounted rows, is capable of generating over 100MWh per year, supplying over 95 per cent of the Vuda Point Ter-minal’s power requirement. The grid-connected system will allow for any excess power generated to be transferred to the Fiji Electricity Authority’s grid, and also consume power from the grid when solar power generation is low and during the night.

The solar system, which is a true innovation for petroleum companies in Fiji and the Pacific, follows on from the introduction of Excellium Unleaded and Excellium Diesel fuels into the Fiji market. These innovations are indicators of Total (Fiji) Limited’s evolution from a traditional fuel company of the past to an energy company of the future.

Panels provide TOTAL power

Our strengthened commitment is underpinned by a belief, a real credibil-ity and a strategic vision. The belief that photovoltaic energy will soon fulfill its promise and become a key driver of the energy transition that society has to successfully implement in the com-ing decades.

The credibility conferred by our recognised solar expertise and our po-sition as an energy company. And a strategic vision that the solar energy industry requires significant human, fi-nancial and technological resources to improve efficiency, lower costs and di-versify applications, bringing it to com-mercial maturity.

Total is one of the companies ca-pable of harnessing these resources and becoming an international solar energy operator. Organic asset growth, new industrial partnerships, research

and innovation are the solid founda-tions on which we are building a long-term, profitable solar energy business.

In June 2011, following a friendly takeover bid, Total became the major-ity shareholder of u.S.-based SunPower, one of the world’s leading solar energy operators. We now hold a 66% stake in the company.

This agreement represented a ma-jor milestone in the deployment of our solar strategy.

Backed by Total’s financial strength and international footprint, SunPow-er is now at the centre of our solar en-ergy business.


By VILIKeSA RINAVUAKA

Rugby is what really matters in Fiji. It’s the game where good memories last a lifetime; and where the bad ones

fade at the sound of the final whistle with a handshake, a laugh and a beer or two.

But as always in rugby, as in life, things are never that simple.

A case in point is the recent saga of the five Ratu Kadavulevu School (RKS) stu-dents – Joseva Rauga, Ratu Epeneri Uluivi-ti, Timoci Meya, Ratu Filimoni Nawabalavu and Filipe Qoro – who were the subject of a tug-of-war between the Fiji Rugby Union (FRU) and RKS. The former wanted the five players in camp to depart with the Fiji Un-der 18 team for the Youth Olympic Games in Nanjing, China on 11 August. The latter wanted to hold on to the players so they could participate, later that same week, in the Deans Final – the pinnacle game in the career of all secondary school rugby players in Fiji. It was a school versus country issue.

For the outside observer though it ini-tially looked simply like a case of influential and vocal old boys, supported by a number of parents, clamouring to get their way over the custodians of the game in Fiji – the FRU. For anyone who doubts the FRU’s authority on the game it is actually enshrined within its constitution where the FRU is referred to as the “controlling body of the game of rugby union in Fiji”. The FRU constitution is of course the one officially recognised by the International Rugby Board (IRB).

This initial and relatively private tête-à-tête soon developed into a very public squabble when both sides were unable to come to an agreement. This resulted in the FRU issuing a media release on 9 August which amounted more or less to an ultima-tum to RKS.

The poorly written media release issued under the name of the new chief executive officer, Radrodro Tabualevu, stated: “The Fiji Rugby Union confirms that it will cite the Ratu Kadavulevu School rugby team for not releasing the students to participate in Youth Olympic Games in Nanjing, China…”

The release went further by clearly set-ting out what the FRU’s intentions were with regard sanctions for RKS: “The FRU

will make submission to the independent IRB sanctioned disciplinary committee to have RKS suspended from the Deans com-petition for not only bringing disrepute to the Fiji U18 7s team to Nanjing and not sup-porting the development of rugby in Fiji by releasing these players for National Duties.”

This release provoked a major backlash against the FRU via social media and in particular through Facebook; though many of the comments were simply a knee-jerk reaction by RKS supporters towards sud-denly losing five top players on the eve of the most important showdown in Fiji sec-ondary schools rugby.

However in all the noise there were a few distinct voices asking some very perti-nent questions with regard FRU’s commu-nication, planning and preparation:

As we now know, without the five play-ers RKS lost the Deans Trophy to Lelean Memorial School 13-8. It was obvious to those who watched the game that RKS were quite clearly affected by the loss of what amounted to a third of their starting XV. However despite this RKS coach Wai-sea Narusa remained upbeat in defeat.

“We came here to win even without our five key players that have joined the nation-al under 18 side for the Youth Olympics,” Narusa said.

“The boys should hold their heads up for a marvellous game and we also congrat-ulate Lelean for the win.”

As for the FRU, the inclusion of the five players from RKS in the Fiji Under 18s did not produce the desired outcome. The side was thumped in the semi-finals by France 34-12; and, despite being favourites for the gold medal, in the end had to settle for a bronze with a hard fought 12-nil victory over Kenya.

Knowing all this you now have to begin questioning exactly how the FRU actually prepared for this important tournament and whether decimating an RKS team preparing for the most important game in schoolboy rugby was in fact the correct thing to do.

As is often the case, hindsight is a great thing and while the five RKS players are known to be terrific XVs players were they really tested in the abbreviated code to jus-

tify being selected by the FRU before jet-ting off to Nanjing? In Nanjing they came up against teams who’d had several months of preparation for this one tournament. As everyone knows natural talent only gets you so far – it’s hard work and planning that gives you the win.

Furthermore was there really a need to take five RKS players in the first place? The Fiji Secondary Schools 7s competition was won by Nasinu Secondary School back in May, yet in a national squad of 12 players not a single one was from Nasinu.

Also, did persons responsible for team selection attend the Fiji Secondary Schools 7s tournament? Did the FRU communicate with Fiji Secondary Schools in good time their intentions surrounding the Youth Olympics? And the questions go on.

However, around every cloud has the proverbial silver lining and perhaps the best thing to have come out of all this is the fact the Fiji U18s actually failed to claim gold in a tournament that had only six teams competing; and with teams like Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and England not represented. Had the Fiji U18s claimed gold then it’s likely all pertinent questions surrounding the team’s planning and prep-arations would’ve been ignored with the FRU and the coaching staff of the Fiji U18s happy to accept all accolades pointing to the fact they’d claimed the win.

As it stands now though those ques-tions need to be asked and answered.

Finally, it should aIways be the call that national duty takes preference over provin-cial/club/school obligations and the FRU has the teeth within its own constitution to ensure this happens without having to threaten anyone with what the IRB may or may not do to them. However, it is not fair on local teams if the national body imposes its will without due warning or proper plan-ning as has obviously happened in this case.

The FRU needs to take a long hard look at its internal mechanisms and get the engine fixed before it becomes broken beyond repair – a good working calendar of events released to all its affiliates and mem-bers would be a start.

The RKS v FRU saga


The ALTeRNATIVe XVBy VILIKeSA RINAVUAKA

In the first week of October nation-al Flying Fijian head coach John McKee named a 30-man squad for

the November Tour which includes games in Europe against France (8 No-vember), Wales (15 November) and USA (21 November). The Flying Fijians squad selected by McKee is as follows:

1. Campese Ma’afu, 2. Jerry Yanuy-anutawa, 3. Manasa Saulo, 4. Taniela Koroi, 5. Isei Colati, 6. Peni Ravai, 7. Tuapati Talemaitoga, 8. Viliame Veiko-so, 9. Api Ratuniyarawa, 10. Leone Na-karawa, 11. Tevita Cavubati, 12. Nemia Soqeta, 13. Dominiko Waqaniburotu, 14. Nemani Nagusa, 15. Akapusi Qera, 16. Malakai Ravulo, 17. Masi Matadigo, 18. Nicola Matawalu, 19. Henry Se-niloli, 20. Nemia Kenatale, 21. Jonetani Ralulu, 22. Josh Matavesi, 23. Nemani Nadolo, 24. Vereniki Goneva, 25. Asae-li Tikoirotuma, 26. Watisoni Votu, 27. Alipate Ratuni, 28. Timoci Nagusa, 29. Metuisela Talebula, 30. Lepani Botia

Non-Travelling Reserves - Leroy Atalifo, Sunia Koto, Waisea Nayaca-levu, Samisoni Viriviri.

By all accounts it seems a pretty good squad. So we’ve set about the task of naming an equally as com-petitive Alternate Fiji XV that would challenge any Flying Fijian XV McK-ee would come up within the above named squad. It actually turned out to be an easier task than initially thought with a number of top class players put-ting their hand up for automatic selec-tion. Never mind that some of those selected may be looking to join other national teams or possibly be currently injured.

So what were we looking at when selecting our Alternate Fiji XV? Well we’ve gone for real power and grunt in the forwards. There are no frills with this eight-man forward pack who could anchor a jumbo jet to the tarmac. Then there’s a backline with experienced lo-cal talent on the inside, dynwamite in the centres and explosive speed out wide.

McKee are you taking notes be-cause we reckon our Fiji team would give a decent account of themselves against any team.

here we go then with the Alternative XV:

1. Ratu Penijamini Makutu

One of four local based players in the squad Makutu, 25 years, is arguably the most under-rated player in Fiji. Blessed with a size that would make WWE wrestlers tremble he is almost as agile as he is big and in the loose can be a tough opponent to put down. He needs to believe in himself to realise his full potential but we’d hope by put-ting him in a Fiji team Makutu would rise to the occasion. Makutu was last selected for Fiji for the 2012 November Tour. He was also unlucky not to be selected for RWC2011 when injury pre-vented him taking part in the trials.

2. Sunia KotoOne of five players in this side who

were part of the sensational RWC2007 team. The veteran Koto, 34 years, is as solid as they come and while he may not have the agility around the ground, as someone like incumbent Flying Fi-jian hooker Talemaitoga Tuapati, he has the experience and know how to match it with the best in the business. This former Suva prop forward has done well to hold down his position at French side Narbonne for a number of seasons now and currently enjoys seniority status at the French ProD2 club. Koto spent two years at London Welsh Prior to arriving at Narbonne

3. Alex hodgmanHodgman joined the champion

Canterbury squad this year. He repre-sented Fiji in the Under 20 tournament in South Africa in 2012 and impressed New Zealand selectors enough to then be selected in the NZ U20 side in 2013, playing his first match against his old teammates in the world championship opener between NZ and Fiji in France. He has been described by Canterbury Head Coach Scott Robertson as a big, athletic prop who has a bright future ahead of him. We just hope that bright future includes playing for the Flying Fijians and next year would be good thanks Alex.

4. Api Naikatini You get this guy really fit and injury

free and, with his iconic Mr T hairdo and beard, and you get arguably one of world rugby’s most outstanding lock forwards. However no matter what state of fitness he’s in on the field, in the white jersey, you can count on Nai-katini to give you 200% of effort. If you want someone to lay his heart on the field for you than Naikatini is your man. In this regard we’re presuming injury may be the reason for Naika-tini’s non-inclusion within the squad named by McKee.

5. Jone Qovu Over the years we’ve unfortunately

seen far too little of Jone Qovu in a Fly-ing Fijian jersey. Qovu’s sizeable tal-ents would probably have never been discovered were it not for the now defunct Colonial Cup. Playing for the Northern Sharks based up in Labasa a 21 year old Qovu, in the space of one season, took the team from the whip-ping boys of the competition to semi-finalists. A versatile player who initially began his career at lock but soon grew into a very powerful number eight as well. For this exercise we’re sticking him back at lock where his presence in the engine room alongside Naikatini will give real thrust to the tight five.

6. Sean Morrell ‘Sean who?’ we hear some of you

ask. This forgotten former Flying Fiji-an loosie has packed on the beef since he won his only cap for Fiji, against Ja-pan in the Pacific Nations Cup in June 2009. In July of the same year he was selected for the Fiji sevens team and won gold at the 2009 World Games. In 2011 he joined Romanian side CSM Baia Mare and this year was an integral figure for the side as they won the Ro-manian Club Championship. It’s un-fortunate for Fiji that Morrell is plying his trade in out of the way Romania as his talents deserve a far higher stage. Fiji head coach John McKee could do much worse than look at Morrell with RWC2015 in mind.

4CONTINUed PAGE 42


7. Netani Talei The ever-popular Talei who went

from a skinny and introverted Fiji age grade rep to a muscle bound, loud and colourful character who is never scared to flaunt his muscle bound torso at ev-ery opportunity. For a while he was even captain of the Flying Fijians and against Scotland in June, 2013 led the Fiji team in a new, but short-lived, version of the cibi called the bole. However outside of his colourful character on the field Ne-tani Talei is all business. Supreme fit-ness, coupled with good strength and a great deal of pace means Talei is a major asset to any Flying Fijian team.

8. Sisa Koyamaibole If you could pick one rugby player

in world rugby to be in your corner in a fight then forget the Tuilagi broth-ers, theTongan Maka clan, a fit Jonah Lomu or any South African front row forward – Sisa is your man. When he smells blood the man, who’s been tout-ed in the past as world rugby’s strongest player, is a beast. When that aggression can be teased out of the normally mild mannered Moala native and into a game then he can be devastating as he was during RWC2007 when Fiji came within 20 minutes of knocking South Africa out of the RWC.

9. Jock LuitaLuita’s talents have for some reason

barely been recognised beyond rep-resenting local provincial side Nadi. However Luita has all the makings of a top international scrumhalf. A whip-lash pass from the base of the scrum, a cheekiness around the field, an eye for the gap, a strong defender and an intel-ligent head on his shoulders. While it’s possible Luita may just have passed his prime he still remains a top class scrum-half as he proved for the Warriors dur-ing the Pacific Rugby Cup earlier in the year.

10. Jiuta LutumailagiThe easy option here would have

been to select Seremaia Bai but instead we’ve chosen Nadroga general Jiuta Lu-tumailagi. We like to think of Jiuta as ‘Mr Dependable’ on the field. He’ go-ing to do everything you need him to do. Basically what you see is what you get with Lutumailagi. It’s no frills rugby, just good smart commonsense play. In fact the only thing frilly about Jiuta is his various hairstyles.

11. Timoci MatanavouOK this was a difficult choice. Na-

polioni Nalaga for all the accolades he’s received playing in France for Cler-mont has quite surprisingly never really turned it on for Fiji. This is probably the reason why he has been left out of the Fiji 30 man squad and is certainly the reason why he’s not in this Alternate Fiji XV. Matanavou on the other hand is an exceptional winger in his own right for Toulouse. While Matanavou does not have the physical presence of Nalaga he has far better footwork and is a more natural runner with ball in hand. After performing so well in France over recent seasons it’s a pity Matanavou has only one Test cap to his name.

12. Seremaia burotuWe must admit to being a little sur-

prised at ‘Jerry’ Burotu’s absence from McKee’s 30-man squad. Playing for Bi-arritz in France, Burotu has proven to be a powerhouse and indeed on the odd occasion Burotu has gone from centre to playing no.8 such is the explosive power the man possesses. He perhaps lacks the wherewithal of some of the world’s best inside centres in terms of running lines and support play but for sheer power and size only Nemani Nadolo has it over him. In fact having Nadolo and Burotu as a centre pairing for Fiji could possibly be a masterstroke creating one of the most lethal and feared midfield partnerships in world rugby.

13. Setareki TamanivaluThere’s little doubt in anyone’s mind

the only reason Taranaki’s Setareki Ta-manivalu is not in the side is because he

has an eye on the All Blacks jersey. With the sort of form he’s been in this sea-son for Taranaki few people would bet against him walking into a black jersey in the not too distant future. RWC2015 may come too soon for Tamanivalu to do so but it’s more than likely, if All Blacks coach Steve Hansen has taken notice, he has as good a chance as anyone of be-coming the incumbent All Black no.13 come RWC2019.

14. Sireli bobo They say only the finest wine gets

better with age the rest just turn to vin-egar. Bobo is amongst the finest wine at anyone’s table. When you see Bobo run it’s like watching a thoroughbred horse in action. A physique any personal trainer would dream of Bobo may have lost perhaps a quarter of a second on the pace he had during RWC2007 but he is still quick and his superior fitness and strong genes mean he could well be around for a few more years yet. It’s in-teresting to think Bobo began his rugby career as a lock - whoever made the in-spired decision to try him on the wing deserves a medal.

15. Apisalome Waqatabu A gifted fullback whose talents

surprisingly remain undiscovered by any overseas club to date. For a couple of season’s we’ve all been waiting for Waqatabu to transfer his talents on the local scene into the international scene; but when he initially made the Fiji 7s squad a season or so back he was disap-pointing. However he seems to have put all that disappointment past himself and is currently in spectacular form for provincial rugby champions Nadroga and has an opportunity now to perform on the world stage after once again be-ing selected into the Fiji 7s squad for the Gold Coast 7s. As the form full back in local provincial rugby Waqatabu makes the cut in this Alternate Fiji XV.

Let us know what you think or give us an alternate suggestion by emailing us at [email protected]

The ALTeRNATIVe XV 4FROM PAGE 41

Issue 16 | October 2014 43facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |www.crowsnestresortfiji.com

Situated metres from the beautiful beach on Sunset Strip in Sigatoka, the resort offers sweeping sea views all around. The resort has spacious villas named and decorated in tribute to the ships that shaped Fiji’s history. Crow’s Nest offers a variety of accommodation, including self-contained rooms. The seagoing theme extends to the pool, a binnacle and brass-bedecked museum of bluewater relics from Fiji’s old whalers and sailors.

Tel: 650 0230 Fax: 652 0354 Email: [email protected]



SubScribe

Publisher and editor | Ricardo Morris republika Media Limited | 8 Mitchell Street, Suite A107, Suva, Fiji | Phone +679 3561467 | Mobile +679 9041215

[email protected]

FIRST NAME

DELIVERY ADDRESS

SURNAME

Ms Mr OtherSpecify

PHONE MOBILE FAX

EMAILRequired if signing up for digital issues only

POSTAL ADDRESSIf different from delivery address

SubScriber inforMationIs this a gift subscription?

If yes, please put your contact details in the ‘gift from’ box

below.

tick beLow if you wouLd Like to

Receive special offers from Republika Media Limited

Subscribe to our email updates

Email ..........................................................................................

Receive SMS text updates

Mobile number ........................................................

How to Pay

Subscribe online at republikamagazine.com

Credit card users can sign up online for either local or overseas delivery

8 :Online banking/transferANZ BankRepublika Media Limited Account 11829560Nausori Branch45 Main Street

Swift code ANZBFJFX

Cheques payable to Republika Media Limitedand mailed to PO Box 11927, Suva

Cash in person at our offices 8 Mitchell St, Peace Embassy, Suite A107, Suva

PLeaSe tick SubScriPtion Package

6 iSSueS$30.00*VIP

12 iSSueS$55.00*VIP

6 digitiaL iSSueS onLy

$15.00VIP12 digitiaL

iSSueS onLy

$30.00VIP

* These rates are for Fiji addresses only. For international subscription rates and to sign up, visit republikamagazine.com

gift froM

NAME

NUMBER

EMAIL orADDRESS

TICK IF YOU WOULD LIKE US TO INCLUDE A CARD ON YOUR BEHALF

Deposit atANZ BankRepublika Media Limited Account 11829560

Indicate your name and the term ‘subs’ in the statement narration field on the deposit slip and/or email us a scan of your deposit slip.

It is important that you let us know of your subscription details by emailing, calling or filling in the form on the website.

to Fiji and the Pacific’s newest voice of reason

Vodafone M-PAiSA using business number 20053

Cu

t o

ut

or

ph

oto

co

py t

his

fo

rm a

nd

sen

d it

to u

s w

ith

deta

ils o

f yo

ur

paym

en

t.

"


TRANSPORT (FIJI)

thelastwordComment is free*

*But

facts

are

sacre

d. ~

CP

Sco

tt

46 | Repúblika | republikamagazine.com Issue 15 | September 2014

R

n Ashfaaq Khan is a freelance writer and a filmmaker. He likes to write political satire and make educational films. He is married with one child.

By AShFAAQ hASAN KhAN

All those married folks out there, do you remember the days when you were single? Good times weren’t

they. Those thirsty Thursdays at the bar, late night movies with your girl or guy and those night outs you had with your mates. In most cases marriage slows us down. We have a whole other person to be accountable for and trust me when I say it is no walk in the park. With the elections now over it got me thinking on how much a marriage was exactly like the formation of a new govern-ment.

A lot of work is put into sweeping your potential partner off their feet. Lots of promises are made. Cheesy lines like “Baby I will bring the stars to your feet” or “I prom-ise never to leave your side” or my personal favourite, “we will NEVER argue”. Our pher-omone levels do not allow us to see the im-practicality of these promises and we really start to think that our path would be paved with stars.

A political campaign is the political equivalent to sweeping a person of his or her feet. A lot of promises are made and in our awe of the persona in front of us we un-dermine the practicality of these promises and we all flock to present a proverbial ring to our favoured leader in the form of a tick, cross, or circle. If enough people along with you favour a leader; congratulations you are married to the ideals and principals of the leader and his party for the next four years.

Like a marriage, a new government goes through various stages.

Stage 1: PassionThis is the honeymoon stage. The ro-

mance is instance. In retrospect, it often seems as short-lived as the scent of the roses you got on Valentine’s Day. As soon as your beloved leader forwards a motion in parlia-ment which adversely affects you, your faith and trust in your leader takes a motion in the opposite direction.

Stage 2: RealisationWhen Albert Einstein said that time is

relative he was not kidding. Soon after the honeymoon period is over you realise the improbability of the promises you were made coming true in the fashion you imag-ined it would. At this stage you discover that your leader is not only human; but he/

she has a thousand other priorities before yours. Disappointment and early conflicts are the hallmarks of this difficult, unavoid-able period, as the two of you make the first steps toward accepting each other for who you really are. If you see any future in your relationship with your government laying the groundwork for a long future together is based on acceptance, a certain degree of compromise on both ends, respect and will-ingness to change. This creates a foundation for being truly known, understood and sup-ported in the years ahead.

Stage 3: RebellionYou miss their long campaign videos

and rallies. They miss not having a ruthless mother-in-law (being a shameless meta-phor for the opposition) questioning their every move and motion. Even if you suc-cessfully navigate the realisation stage and lay a solid foundation for a workable coex-istence, a time inevitably comes when self-interest often overtakes the interest of your union with government and when this hap-pens a battle of wits occur.

Peaceful co-operation amid a battle of wit is tricky business. You both believe you’re right, so of course your partner’s wrong. That means you’re simultaneously offended at being called wrong and claim-ing the moral high ground. To this day I quiver, spill coke on my pants and for some strange reason start having the song “Eye of the Tiger” from Rocky 3 play in my head every time my wife asks me “do these jeans make my butt look big”. In eight years of marriage I have done numerous math-ematical calculations on the perfect butt-to-denim ratio but I must sadly admit that I have not come up with a workable solution to the problem. So I figured since I am not a mathematician maybe my approach was wrong. Maybe I should have stuck with a subject I am familiar with so with the quali-fications in philosophy at my disposal I tried my hand at the problem and, trust me guys, telling your missus according to Plato’s the-ory of forms, “your butt is mere projection of your actual butt on a cave wall which you are chained to, thus your perception of your butt is flawed and a mere unclear reflection”, is not an appropriate answer as well.

Much like in a marriage the relationship between voters and their government learn-ing the art of the good fight should be the mission at this stage – often it is the nature

of the battles, rather than the substance of the discussion, that leads to trouble. Why? Rebellious thoughts, when met with anger and frustration, often lead to rebellious ac-tions.

Stage 4: CooperationAs your relationship with your govern-

ment progress over time, they inevitably become more complicated. Careers grow, needs get bigger, personal commitments grow deeper, and expectations skyrocket. In the cooperation stage, your relationship takes on a business-like personality. Set aside all that love and emotion and person-al-realisation stuff: there are policies to be made, debts to be paid, investments to be handled, careers to be directed, health to be managed, and – first and foremost – chil-dren to be educated and moulded.

Step 5: ExplosionOut of nowhere disaster strikes, another

recession hits or a serious bout of inflation infests the economy. In this stage both you and the government are running amok try-ing to deal with this event. Both demand things of each other. The government de-mands resourcefulness and patience while being constantly belittled by the prover-bial mother-in-laws on their incompetence. You demand stability while both of you are knee deep in stuff you find at a manure packaging plant.

Confronted by a crisis, your relationship with your government can be a source of solace or be sorely tried by the unexpected pressure of new roles, new limitations and new fears.

Step 7: CompletionAfter four years of a lot of ups and downs

your relationship with your government comes to an end. Like an old married couple this is the time to reflect on the times you had together. If the good times outweigh the bad times you have the chance of con-tinuing your marriage with your govern-ment by asking for them back on the polls.

On the other hand you also have the op-tion of being wooed by another party and being swept of your feet again. In that case you are back at stage one.

Politics and marriage

A 105, 8 MITCHELL ST, SUVA P.O. BOX 9555, NAKASI, FIJI ISLANDSFAX (679) 341 2658 MOB: (679) 918 2521 / 9421110

[email protected]


A 105, 8 MITCHELL ST, SUVA P.O. BOX 9555, NAKASI, FIJI ISLANDSFAX (679) 341 2658 MOB: (679) 918 2521 / 9421110

[email protected]

Documents

Repúblika | October 2014