Religious Social Services in Lebanon and Egypt fileI Overview of religious social services in Lebanon and Egypt 1. Introduction 1.1. Civil society and associational life in the Middle

DraftAugust 4, 2002

Religious social services in Lebanon and Egypt

P a p e r p r e p a r e d f o r

M N S H D

The World Bank

B y

Boris Nikolov

G r a d u a t e F e l l o wDepartment of Anthropology

Johns Hopkins University

Structure and content of the paper

This paper consists of two sections. The first one is an overview of religious social service organizations in Egypt and Lebanon, focusing on their place in civil society, the legal framework which defines associational life, the relations between civil society and government in the two countries, the role of associational life in the context of sharp social inequalities and class stratification, and the ways in which religious social services operate. The sources for the overview are secondary: reports by World Bank teams and independent researchers, statements by service providers, and academic research papers.

The second section is a case study of the social services provided by the Coptic Orthodox Church in Egypt. The study is based on annual reports issued by the Development Department of the church and interviews with directors and volunteers conducted by the author during his 1999-2001 field research in Egypt.

Definition

For the purposes of this study religious social services are defined as the services offered by community-oriented providers motivated by the ideals of charity and care of their religious tradition and organized in formal associations.

Main findings

Despite the lack of comprehensive and consistent data on the religious social services in Egypt and Lebanon, there is enough ground to make the following main conclusions:

• Religious social services are well-established, trusted and sought by their beneficiaries. The Muslim and Christian traditions of giving to charity guarantee substantial funds for social service.

• Although a clear-cut division between charity and development doesn't always exist, there is a trend to shift the provision of services from charity and relief to development. This trend is manifested in the poverty alleviation policies of some of the most influential and efficient religious social service organizations in both Egypt and Lebanon.

• The way religious social services determine their target groups remains potentially socially divisive. Many Muslim and Christian associations limit their services to members of their confessions only and see social service as part of proselytizing or missionary activities. Nevertheless, there are substantial inclusive efforts to provide services to those who need them regardless of their religion.

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I Overview of religious social services in Lebanon and Egypt

1. Introduction

1.1. Civil society and associational life in the Middle East: A brief conceptual framework

According to the widely accepted conception, civil society is the social space between the state and the individual where free association and debate become possible.1 Born in western political philosophy, this conception stresses the dynamic relationship between civil society and the state: on the one hand, the modern nation-state seeks to mobilize its subjects and organize their lives in order to create the common will which makes free society possible. On the other hand, society has its autonomous ways of being and needs maximum space free of state intervention to allow for individual freedom. The familiarity of these ideas often leads to oversimplifications which tend to radically oppose state and civil society. Depending on their ideological persuasions, arguments range from claims that the state should not create privileged spaces where alienation can occur (nationalism and, in the extreme case, totalitarianism) to calls for the extraction of the state as much as possible from civil society which functions best when left on its own self-adjusting forces and the market (laissez-faire liberalism).

Instead of opposing state and civil society, a more nuanced conceptualization will recognize their interdependence arguing that neither civil society is outside the power of the state, nor is state power monolithic and confined to its institutions. Rather, the penetrations of civil associations into state power fragment and decentralize it, while at the same time the state tries to expand its reach and legitimacy by cooperating with non-state actors in the public arena. Such an approach can help us better understand the political dynamic of control and cooperation which characterizes the relations between state and civil society in the Middle East. Moreover, it makes it possible to analyze the divisions in civil society itself, which, with its various forms of inequality and asymmetrical power, is far from homogeneous. In the case of Egypt and Lebanon, where class and religious divisions result in significant social stratification, the unequal status of providers and beneficiaries in terms of access to resources, political and social capital, determines to a great extent the scope of participation in and ownership of poverty reduction projects.

A conceptualization of civil society in the Middle East has to be able to recognize the role of community, in addition to that of the individual, for the functioning of civil associations and the public sphere. This is especially important for the study of religious social services which are based on notions of duty and communal belonging, rather than individual choice or life-style. Furthermore, such a conceptualization is bound to

1 The literature on civil society, especially the works published around and after the fall of the Berlin Wall, is enormous. For useful overviews see Ch. Taylor (1990), Keene; for civil society in the Middle East see Norton, A. (1995); Hanafi (2002) outlines some Muslim ideas of autonomy which correspond to the Western notion of civil society.

challenge the limits of secular liberal notions of civil society by incorporating confessional forms of public action which, although not secular, are important elements in the associational life of Middle Eastern societies.

1.2. Charity and care for the poor in the Muslim and Christian traditions

Islam has three main forms of giving to help the needy: zakat, sadaqa, and khums. Zakat, one of the five fundamentals of Islam, in its broadest meaning is any act of service to other man. As an obligation of alms-giving when a certain amount of wealth is reached or exceeded, it is seen as a way to purify the giver from selfishness and greed. Zakat is paid at almost a uniform rate of 2.5%. The money is collected by Zakat committees organized around mosques which mediate between the donors and the needy. In Egypt the Zakat committees are supervised by the Nasser Bank which reported in 1992 that the Zakat funds channeled through it had reached $10 million.2

Sadaqa is voluntary giving for charity which can be done freely and not necessarily to Muslim organizations. Due to the mostly private character of sadaqa, the amount of money donated through this type of giving is difficult to estimate. One way of distributing sadaqa is the waqf system of property bequests. Property given in this form generates income in perpetuity for the beneficiaries specified by the giver.3

Khums is a form of religious tax levied on Shi'a Muslims in the amount of 20% of the profit or the surplus of the past year's income.

Christian giving is less formally defined and can take the form of donations to churches and monasteries, directs support for specific projects, voluntary work (khidma – service), and property bequests. Although the Bible mentions that Christians should give 10% of their income to charity, this has not been codified into a mandatory rule and the decision on how much to give depends on the means and the will of the benefactor.

1. 3. Institutional forms of social service

Both Muslim and Christian social services can take institutional forms with different degrees of formal and informal structures -- mosques, churches, non-profit organizations, local associations, training centers.

As important sites of communal life and grass-roots Muslim activism, mosques provide a variety of social services. They set up clinics and hospitals, organize literacy classes, provide day care and welfare programs. Likewise, churches are important communal centers where healthcare and educational services can be provided, in addition to activities for children and teenagers, family counseling for newly married couples, and religious education. Churches also have a central role in the collection of donations -Egyptian Christians make their small donations to the local church which can use the

2 Kandil, A. 1998. "The Nonprofit Sector in Egypt", p. 145.3 Kandil, A. 1995. "Islamic Nonprofit Organizations", p. 258.

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funds to support its activities and, when donations exceed its needs, send the surplus to the Synod.

Both Muslim and Christian social services can be carried out through institutions other than the immediate religious ones. Registered as civic associations, such institutions have a greater freedom to choose the types of service they provide, as well as their beneficiaries.

1. 4. The place of religious social service associations in the non-governmental sector

The available specific information on religious social service organizations in Egypt and Lebanon is not comprehensive and allows for only a rough estimate of the number of such organizations and their share of the non-governmental sectors in the two countries.

As the survey conducted by A. Kandil in 1991 indicates, the number of Islamic non-profit organizations active in local development and social welfare has increased from 25% of all non-profit organizations in 1980 (estimated at 12, 800) to nearly 34% in 1990. The survey also highlights significant regional differences, showing the growing presence of such organizations in Upper Egypt and their relatively high concentration in the two biggest urban centers – Cairo and Alexandria.

LocationPercentage of total non-profit organizations

Islamic Christian

Upper EgyptMinia 56.8 12.8Assiyut 44.3 8.3

Urban regionsCairo 21.8 7.0Alexandria 33.3 5.6

Source: Kandil, A. 1995

Kandil also notes that the boundary between religious and secular non-profit organizations is often blurred or nonexistent. A survey of 400 local development organizations done by the Ministry of Social Welfare in 1991 shows that 53.5% of them operate in both the religious and secular spheres.4

It is not easy to estimate whether this trend persists ten years after Kandil's study. Given the fact that the government has made great efforts to restrict Islamist activities and limit associational life, it may be suggested that the trend is slowing down.

4 Kandil, A. 1995, p. 263.

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A similar regional snapshot of religious and non-religious voluntary associations is presented by LaTowsky for the Giza, Sharqiya and Sohag governorates.

TypeCommunitydevelopment

Muslimwelfare

Christianwelfare

Private

Scientificand

cultural

Non-religiouswelfare

Total

NumberofPVOs

650 625 75 450 95 250 2145

% ofthe total

30.3 29.2 3.5 21 4.4 11.6 100

Source: LaTowsky 1998, p. 9.

As most welfare NGOs in Lebanon today, religious social service associations multiplied and became active during and after the civil war (1975-1991), entering the sphere of service provision abandoned by the state. According to the data compiled in the World Bank report on Lebanese NGOs, the total number of associations registered between 1990 and 1999 was 1 809. At present, the number of registered NGOs can be estimated at a total 3 944.5

2. Governments and religious social services

2.1. Regulations of associational life – legal frameworks

2. 1. 1 Lebanon

According to Article 9 of the 1909 law regulating associational life in Lebanon, NGOs must register by declaring their foundation and "informing" the Ministry of Interior which issues a "receipt" acknowledging the submission of the necessary documents. The association must submit the names of its members and administrative body, as well as inform the ministry about changes in its constitution and leadership.6 Although in principle no further sanctioning by the state is needed, in practice civil associations are requested to seek approval before they begin to operate. The law, however, allows different interpretations and its application can distort its liberal character by creating procedural restrictions such as giving the Ministry of the Interior the prerogative of

5 Traboulsi, 0. et al, p. 20.6 Traboulsi, 0. et al, p. 17.

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granting licenses, instead of just registering associations, and establishing the practice of revoking the registrations of NGOs.7

2. 1. 2. Egypt

Law 32 of 1964 outlines the legal and bureaucratic structures that regulate NGO activities in Egypt. According to Law 32, the Ministry of Social Affairs (MOSA) and the "administrative entity" are entrusted with the powers of registration, control, supervision, regulation, oversight, management, and appointment. According to the law, the MOSA can refuse an association permission to be formed, prevent the association from getting foreign funding, appoint a temporary board of directors, and dissolve an association.

Associations are also subject to other administrative entities. Even if they have MOSA's approval for their intended activities, they generally must get permission from another agency as well. For instance, if a NGO wants to establish a primary school next to a mosque, it must get permission in the form of a license from the Ministry of Education.

Law 43 of 1979 — the law of local administration — allows the governorates to have control over NGO activities. The governorate can dissolve a NGO's board of directors and prevent the association from collecting money. Some of this control functions are recognized as necessary by NGO advocates. Much of it, however, is seen as detrimental to the freedom of association, expression, and economic enterprise.

The new NGO Law in Egypt

In May 2002 the Shura Council approved the draft of a new law regulating the activities of NGOs. The draft was presented as an alternative to Law 153 of 1999 which was ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Constitutional Court only a few months after it was passed by parliament.

Discussions at the Shura Council were about three main issues: the question of foreign funding, the liquidation of associations and the nature of activities NGOs are permitted to engage in. According to the new law, any funding from a foreign institution, based in or outside the country, is forbidden without prior permission issued by the Ministry of Social Affairs. An old Law 153 allowed funding from foreign institutions operating within the country, if they have agreements with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As for the nature of permitted NGOs activities, Article 11 of the new law prohibits NGOs from engaging in any activities undertaken by political parties and trade unions.

The Shura Council introduced two amendments to the draft. The first amendment concerned the arbitration committee, which mediates disputes between NGOs and the Ministry of Social Affairs before the matter is referred to the competent court. The law stipulates that the committee must comprise three of four parties: a judge, NGO federation representative, ministry official and NGO representative. The second amendment empowers the Ministry of Social Affairs to liquidate an NGO, seize its

•7Bissat, L., p. 8., Traboulsi, 0. et al, p. 18.

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property, confiscate its papers and freeze its assets if it violates certain conditions. These conditions are: allocating resources for a purpose other than that covered by the organization's mandate, if it joins any institution or association outside of Egypt without permission from the authorities, if it accepts foreign funding without permission, if it violates any aspect of the law and if its general assembly is not held for two consecutive years. The amendment gave the right to any ministry to liquidate any NGO which operate in its field.8

2.2. A Dynamic of cooperation and restrain

The relationships of Lebanese radical Islamist NGOs with the government are complex and often contradictory. NGO activists are as a rule very critical of the government, pointing out the state's discriminatory development policies which neglect the poor, corruption and incompetence. On the other hand, there is cooperation and even symbiosis between Islamist NGOs and local authorities. Describing Islamist NGO activities in the southern suburbs of Beirut, M. Fawaz points out that NGOs and local authorities have cooperated in water distribution projects, and that a number of activists actually have seats on municipal councils or are mayors.9

Government control is one of the main obstacles to the functioning of Egyptian NGOs as autonomous, independent bodies of civil society. Since welfare is not considered state monopoly any more, NGOs have government support and relative freedom to operate as long as they limit their activities to service provision. However, the Egyptian government suppresses NGO initiatives which are seen as contesting the state monopoly on political activity. Mixture of loyalty and lack of political agenda is the combination most likely to win state support and some freedom of operation.10

2. 3. Political issues

Contrary to popular opinion, the vast majority of Islamic social welfare organizations in Egypt are not politically active, limiting themselves to the provision of social services and "Islamic commodities" (books, education, entertainment). The notable exceptions are organizations linked to the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Gamaa al-Islamiya. Such links, however, don't necessary lead to the radicalization of the beneficiaries and should be seen in a more nuanced way. As A. Bayat points out, the relationship between political Islamists and the urban poor are rather pragmatic: Islamists tend to be active mostly in mobilizing the poor for participation in elections, whereas the poor who benefit from their services do not grant their support automatically and can be both appreciative and

8 See Al-Ahram Weekly, 30 May-5 June 2002 and 6-12 June 2002.9 See Fawaz, M., p. 13.10 Writing about the dynamic of state support and suppression of associational life in the region, Bayat points out that "governments, while allowing associational life, impose strict legal control by screening initiators; they also check fund-raising, and unilaterally outlaw non-conformist NGOs. [.. 1 In a way, this implies that in practice the state favors certain NGOs (depending on what they do) and is leery of others. For instance, associations that belong to well-connected high officials are treated better than are critical human-rights and women's rights organizations. It, is, therefore, crucial not to approach the NGO sector as a homogeneous entity." Bayat, A., p. 18-19.

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apprehensive.11 His analysis, however, doesn't deal with the relationships between Islamists and the poor peasants in Upper Egypt.

Unlike "social Islam", Christian social services in Egypt are rarely seen as posing political challenges to the state. There are several reasons for this. First, after sporadic outbursts of Christian political radicalism in the 70s, when members of Christian student organizations clashed violently with their Muslim counterparts, Christian political activism has been steadily decreasing. In the 2000 Parliamentary elections there were only four Christian candidates, three of whom won. The most recent public protests in June 2001 were triggered by representations of Christians in the media (the way in which Christian–Muslim marriage was shown on TV and newspaper publications seen as insulting to Copts), rather than by political issues.

Second, the current leader of the Coptic Orthodox Church Pope Shenouda III has established himself as the most authoritative and visible representative of the community. Due to his personal style and the authoritarian political system in Egypt, the Pope prefers to address communal problems by dealing directly with President Mubarak and government officials. This accumulation of power leaves little space for political claims and actions by independent (radical or not) Christian actors. Third, the official policy of the Coptic Church is to fully and unconditionally support the government on all key foreign and domestic political issues. The Pope has consistently tried to tone down and even suppress the criticism of Mubarak by diaspora groups in the USA.

3. Social aspects

3.1. Elitism and class stratification

In assessing religious social services as a form of activism it is important to point out that civil society is not a homogeneous social space in which equal actors interact. Rather, it should be seen as structured by power elations of inequality which place different actors in positions of superiority or dependence. Such inequalities are of central importance for the assessment of the levels of participation in religious social services, their links to extended networks of economic and political power, and their capacity to actually help the needy and reduce poverty.

Unlike Lebanon, where patronage is group/confession based, patron-client relations in Egypt tend to be mostly individual or based on common regional origin (regional welfare organizations). Favors are granted to individuals through family connections. During election campaigns it is not uncommon for well-connected candidates to provide services to the residents of their electoral area through local welfare organizations, proving that they can help and improving their chances to get elected.

11Bayat argues that "There is no evidence suggesting that the urban poor as a whole have offered an ideological allegiance to the Islamists or to the governments that have fought against the Islamists". See Bayat, A., p. 14.

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Bayat has pointed out that Islamism in the Middle East is a movement primarily of the politically and socially marginalized middle classes.12 Islamic social services, therefore, tend to reflect the complex situation of such groups, their attitudes, fears, and social priorities. One such consequence is the popularity of private schools organized by Islamic PVOs in Egypt. Status conscious urban middle class parents see these schools as a better option for their kids, compared to the crowded and ill-equipped public schools. Islamic schools, however, function as any other private schools and are rarely free of charge.

Despite their use of the development language of participation and mobilization, Hizbulla's attitudes towards the people it serves remain paternalistic. They select, rather than elect people to municipality counsels and work only with NGOs close to them.13

The paternalism and top-down organization of traditional (religious) welfare NGOs in Egypt restrict both participation in the social services and involvement in decision-making (ownership). Such organizations treat their beneficiaries more as recipients of charity than participants in development initiatives.14 Normally, the priorities and the agendas of such NGOs are decided by their leaders and donors, rather than through research and assessment of the actual needs of the potential beneficiaries. The beneficiaries are not in a position to question the quality of the services and to hold the NGOs accountable to them.

Islamic social services in Egypt are not exclusively limited to Muslims or to poor neighborhoods only – they operate in affluent urban districts and are offered to Christians as well. It has to be noted, however, that when social services are part of a broader moral agenda they can become exclusionary. Radical organizations such as al-Gamaa alIslamiya have a history of providing services which discriminated against women and minority groups and were generally hostile to secular institutions and practices.15

Professional well-organized religious NGOs CEOSS in Egypt base their operational activities on professionalism, management abilities, and efficiency. However, their hierarchy, lack of flexibility, and top-down decision-making tend to create a distance between them and their beneficiaries. When such NGOs rely mainly on foreign funding, they tend to become elite groups of professionals whose main goal is to preserve their own prestigious social standing.

4. How they operate

4.1. Capacity of religious social service organizations, outreach, recruitment of volunteers, field techniques for need assessment and project management

12 Bayat, A., p. 13.13Mona Harb el-Kak "Participation Practices in Beirut's Suburb Municipalities: A Coimparison between Islamic and Developmentalist' Approaches(paper presented at the 4th International Other Connections Conference, Beirut 25-28 October, 1999. Cited in Bayat, p. 13.14 Bayat, A., p. 18.15 Bayat, A., p. 14.

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Types of organization

Religious social service associations can be classified in several categories. In terms of their scope they can operate on a national level (although not necessarily in every region) and locally, working in a neighborhood, village or town. Associations can provide a range of welfare services – education, health, work with women, disabled – or specialize in one type of service. Last but not least, they can differ in the ways they choose their beneficiaries: they can limit their services to people from their own religion, or target the needy regardless of religious affiliation.

Large scale Islamic NGOs in Lebanon specialize in delivering specific types of services –healthcare, education, garbage collection, drinking water provision, training – to entire neighborhoods. Among these organizations are Jihad al Bina'a (Jihad in Construction), which specializes in construction and agricultural development, and operates in southern Beirut, south Lebanon and Bekaa; al Haya'a al Sahhiyah (The Health Committee) and The Islamic Educational Organization which operate in southern Beirut.

Small-scale organizations target specific groups such as the wounded in the Civil War and in the resistance against Israeli occupation, the war martyrs and their families, providing similar services such as food subsidies, health care, education and training.16

Volunteering and maintaining contact with the beneficiaries.

The role of volunteers in NGOs is generally considered crucial for defining the identity of an association, as well as for its capacity to mobilize large numbers of people and carry out its agenda. It is important, therefore, to point out that religious social service associations have created specific forms of volunteer organization which enable them to maintain regular long-term contact with their beneficiaries.

Although there are many variations, these forms of organization are characterized by several main features: the volunteers who participate in them are local people, they work with assigned families for extended periods of time, their responsibilities include regular visits, assessment of need, providing feedback on how the services are carried out and their intended and unintended results.Strong ties to the community, although not only Christian they resemble the patterns of "paternal care"

Organizational structures such as the "volunteer sisters" – groups of women who are organized on a territorial principle and work with specific families for extended periods of time – make it possible to maintain close links between Islamic NGOs in southern Beirut and their beneficiaries, to assess needs and make sure that the services reach the families that need them most.17 They also make sure that the beneficiaries live according to Muslim values.16 Fawaz, M., p. 12.17 Fawaz, M., p. 22.

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The Bishopric of Social Services of the Coptic Orthodox Church in Egypt has a wide national network of volunteers, mostly women, who are recruited by local priests, trained for two months in Cairo and sent back to their local communities. Working closely with the regional coordinators, the volunteers propose projects on the basis of need assessment and, if approved, carry out the actual implementation.

Participation.

Islamic social service NGOs in southern Beirut have developed close relations between themselves and the communities they serve and are entirely staffed by residents of the area.18 The participants in income-generating projects choose the area of activity themselves, thus bridging the gap between the skills they have and the needs of the community.

According to L. Bissat, Jihad al Bina'a operates in a top-bottom manner which leaves little space for the participation of beneficiaries. Assessment of need, project design, implementation, and impact assessment are done by the field engineers of the organization. On the other hand, Jihad al Bina'a has a clear understanding of the fact that success depends to a great extent on ownership and attempts to seek cost-sharing from beneficiaries where possible. Despite its style of operation, Jihad al Bina'a has a reputation of a high quality service provider and maintains strong ties with its beneficiaries19

Funding.

Due to the lack of information (budgets are not always disclosed), it is not possible to give comprehensive account of the sources of revenue and the structures of expenses of religious social service organizations. The following examples can provide an incomplete budget profile of some associations based on available data.

In the period of their existence, Islamic social service NGOs in Lebanon have shifted their funding from external to mainly internal sources. Initially, they all depended on funding from Iran, either directly or indirectly through Hizbulla. At present, they rely mainly on local funding collected through religious contributions or generated by for-profit companies which are set up to operate independently and donate their profits to the NGO. According to Bissat, Jihad al Bina'a has an annual budget of $ 5 million with funds drawn from Iran, contributions by welfare associations and individuals, donations of property by believers in Lebanon and abroad, profits from the Agricultural Inputs Company, fees from contracting work and consulting, cost-sharing with beneficiaries.20

The revenue structure of the Coptic Evangelical Organization for Social Services in Egypt (CEOSS) is as follows:

18 Fawaz, M., p. 14.19 Bissat, L. P. 11.20 Fawaz, M., p. 12, and Bissat, p. 13-14.

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Type of revenue Amount From total

In kind contributions 655,672 9%

Local contributions 355,967 5%

Donations 3,433,297 47%

Sales 2,288,408 32%

Other 499,582 7%

Total 7,289,188 100%

Source: CEOSS 2002. Amounts calculated at exchange rate 1 US$=4LE

It is important to note the relatively high percentage of revenue from sales which come from CEOSS's own development efforts. CEOSS has four income-generating projects which, in addition to providing almost one third of its total revenue, create employment opportunities and provide prospective entrepreneurs with examples of well-managed, successful enterprises.21

According to LaTowsky, the total revenues of religious welfare associations in the governorates of Giza, Sharqiya and Sohaq in 1992 were LE 28.1 million, coming from six major sources:

Type of revenue From total

Activity fees 51.59

Donations 33.80

Sate aid 4.61

Other grants 3.43

Economic activities 1.61

Member dues 1.07

Other 3.88

Total 100%

Source: LaTowsky 1998, p. 64.

21 CEOSS 2002, p. 16.

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4. 2. Measuring impact and effectiveness

Islamic social service NGOs in southern Beirut are successful mainly due to their ability to adapt and respond to the needs of the local community. As M. Fawaz points out, these NGOs have "an interestingly decentralized, easily approachable structure endowed with a strong outreach apparatus" combined with "a sense of mission, an aura, a culture, and a language" which help mobilize support for their services.22 Their projects fall roughly into two categories: one, food distribution and income transfer programs, which are seen as quick emergency solutions, and two, income generating projects whose goal is to attain financial self-sufficiency. Income generating projects are demand driven and include small businesses such as cigarette stands and local grocery stores, hairdresser's shops, bread-making.23

Whereas the impact of the distribution type projects can be easily assessed as one of limited, one-time relief, the assessment of the income generation projects goes beyond their economic results. The outcomes of such projects confirm the general view that small income-generation initiatives fail to create significant income increase for the participants, often failing to cover their actual cost. Although the success rate of the projects in southern Beirut was estimated at 25%, the NGOs calculations excluded the distribution, monitoring, and training costs.24

The real success of such projects, however, is measured differently. What counts most for both the Islamic NGOs and their beneficiaries is the social dimension of participating in such projects, the re-affirmed community links which create support networks and help overcome the hopelessness of local residents. Islamic NGOs in southern Beirut consider financial self-reliance as a means, rather than an end in itself,25 a way of increasing the ability of the community to survive on its own and reduce its dependency on the state. What counts as success therefore, is the creation of social space in which communal control over the means of survival is increased and the connections to Islamic NGOs are made stronger. Islamic NGOs in southern Beirut define such spaces using the language of social justice, empowerment to fight the discriminatory practices of the state, and (before the withdrawal of Israel from the South) resistance.

Christian churches in Egypt also tend to see the services they provide to local communities as part of their larger evangelical mission. The priests and the volunteers who participate in church services use their close ties to the beneficiaries to spread the Gospel, set up Sunday Schools and Bible study groups, and to increase church attendance. Regardless of the types of service provided – in kind, healthcare, education –and its effectiveness, what matters most for considering it a success is the extent to which it contributes to spreading the influence of the church and keeping the poor within the boundaries of the 'community.

22 Fawaz, M., p. 14.23 Fawaz, M., p. 18.24 Fawaz, M., p. 18.25 Fawaz, M., p. 19.

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5. Possibilities for cooperation with the World Bank: "entry points"

5. 1. Why should MNA get involved with religious social services?

• To support the trend of shifting social service provision from charity to development.

• To assess the needs and deliver services to social groups which otherwise may remain under the radar of other donors. As a rule, the ability of religious social services to tap into local networks and use their potential exceeds the abilities of any outsider organization. Since those immediately involved in religious social services – volunteers, religious figures – are usually members of the communities they serve, they have the insider knowledge needed to tailor their services to the specific communal and individual needs. Moreover, the people involved in religious social services are highly motivated and committed to their work

• To mobilize and strengthen areas of civil society which have the potential of being instrumental in poverty reduction and in promoting tolerance and development. To guarantee results, however, this potential has to be translated into effectiveness through capacity building and impact assessment.

5. 2. What projects should be supported?

Support of religious social services may contradict the World Bank mandate and policies in two ways: due to the places religion occupies in Middle Eastern societies, religious social services may be divisive alongside sectarian lines and politically subversive because of their links to radical religious organizations.

To qualify for MNA support, projects must pass two "tests": a "political radicalism test" and a "tolerance test". The "political radicalism test" assesses the goals and means of the organization (or its links to a "mother" structure) to determine whether political goals take precedence over development and whether the organization seeks to achieve its goals within the legal framework of the country. Failing this test will mean that the organization cannot be supported.

The "tolerance test" seeks to determine whether the services to be offered are limited to people of the same faith. Regardless of the religious belonging of the providers, the services should be open to qualifying beneficiaries from all religions represented in the community. This requirement will guarantee the equal access to services for all community members.

5. 3. How can MNA get involved?

MNA can support religious social services in two ways – indirectly or directly. Indirect support is possible through the funding or co-funding of projects implemented by

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international donors active in the area such as the World Council of Churches, the Anglican Church, CARE, CARITAS.

Direct support can follow USAID's example in Egypt where USAID has the right to work with NGOs without the approval and/or mediation of the Egyptian government.

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II. The Social Services of the Coptic Orthodox Church in Egypt: A Case Study

1. Background

The establishment of the Bishopric of Public, Ecumenical and Social Services (BLESS) of the Coptic Orthodox Church in 1962 came as a response to a growing need for the provision of services of holistic nature to the poor in Egypt.

As a bishopric established for a specific activity, rather than to serve a single diocese defined by territory, BLESS changed the structures of authority in the church. By institutionalizing a type of authority beyond the diocese, BLESS created conditions for the design and implementation of highly centralized programs to help the needy. Thus, in addition to the services provided by local priests and bishops, the church developed the capacity for nation-wide interventions to deal with social problems. Initially, the program included religious education, spiritual meetings for different age and sex groups, Bible study, and literacy classes.

In 1974, the Bishopric developed a comprehensive program to expand the services offered to women and develop the talents and skills of women and girls. The program offered courses in religious studies, literacy, needlework, dressmaking, home management. At the same time, a training program for women workers/teachers was initiated in order to provide the centers with competent staff. The Zabbaleen, or garbage collectors, were another marginal group that attracted the attention of the Bishopric. A special program was launched in collaboration with other agencies, aiming at helping them with spirituality, health, housing, literacy, and vocational training.

In 1976, the Bishopric turned toward the young people and especially school dropouts. Two vocational centers were opened in Cairo to give them skill-based training in carpentry, plumbing, electric-wiring, auto-mechanics and radio-television repair. The language centers opened by BLESS gave young people the opportunity to develop their linguistic skills, especially in English, in order to compete in the employment markets.

The second stage in the growth of BLESS began in1984 with evaluation of the existing programs in order to assess their effectiveness. The major goal of these studies was the creation of an integrated program of service on a national level. The guiding principles of this program were to pool resources and efforts in well-targeted initiatives, manage the resources effectively through the administrative structure, and to offer services to people caring for the "whole person".

These studies resulted in a major restructuring of the way BLESS worked and the establishment of a long-range program which addressed 10 priority areas:

1. Leadership training. Top priority was given to the training of personnel inleadership in the other nine areas of the program. The training included

17

developmental concepts and trends in the areas of concern for each of the regions in Egypt.

2. Employment generation. Opened 30 centers to create employment opportunities for young people and adults.

3. Primary health service provided preventive health programs for eye, parasitic and communicable diseases, dehydration and malnutrition problems. The program covered 30 villages.

4. The youth activities unit tried to meet the socio-economic needs of young people from rural areas through seminars and specialized training programs. Seminars, publication of books, educational assistance, monthly meetings were some of its projects.

5. The women and development unit supported the existing 147 community development centers for women.

6. The rural development unit helped farmers through training seminars, farmers clubs, and extension services.

7. The education Unit trains teachers in religious education and offers special curricula for job-oriented education.

8. The unit of service to inaccessible groups provided Christian social service to groups separated from the community like mentally retarded people, blind, and physically handicapped.

9. The development loans and small projects fund provided loans with a maximum of LE.500 to young people to start small projects on cooperative principles.

The area of family life has been always very important for the Bishopric. In 1976 a specific program for family education and family planning started. Its main aim is to help the Coptic family to make the right decision regarding size. In this regard a committee was formed to promote the principles of healthy family life through tree sectors: training, medical services, and fieldwork.

The third stage of BLESS's social work began in 1998 with the Comprehensive Integrated Development approach which is now the main operational principle of social service. At present, the CID activities of BLESS are structured in seven programs: youth, healthcare, education, economic development, agricultural development, community organization, gender and child office. (Table 1).

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2. Mission

The Development Department of BLESS defines its mission as based on the following goals and values:26

• The development department of BLESS, rooted in the tradition and spirituality of the Coptic Orthodox Church, participates in the development of poor and marginalized people [who are] God's brethren (Mat. 25:40).

• The main purpose is to help them discover their potentials, develop themselves, and improve the social, economic, and cultural conditions of their communities for a more abundant life for all.

• This is realized through God's love that fills the hearts and guides the steps of every steward, in participation with others working in the same field.

2. 1. Conceptualization of poverty

Poverty is conceptualized in social, rather than theological terms as the outcome of historical injustices -- racism, sexism, and class divisions. The roots of poverty in Egypt are in inter-related global and national factors such as the uneven distribution of resources, limited political and social participation, unequal access to the civil rights of citizenship, the authoritarian culture of the state and its precedence over civil society.

This conceptualization informs the vision of the Comprehensive Integrated Development (CID) strategy aimed at the empowerment of communities to be self-reliant and economically sustainable in addressing their needs. The strategy is designed to integrate local communities into a national development system and is carried out on the basis of the following seven principles:

• Empowering the communities to participate effectively in the development process and make the best use of their resources.

• Working with the whole community, Muslims and Christians.• Networking with the government and with non-government organizations.• Empowering community members to claim their rights.• Enabling women to participate effectively in the development process.• Building awareness of children's rights.• Enabling community members to organize themselves in formal associations to

manage their community affairs after CID projects are phased out.27

26 BLESS Development Department Plan 2000-2002, p. 1.27 BLESS Development Department Plan 2000-2002, p. 3.

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3. Organizational structure of the Development Department

The Development Department is led by a director who reports to the bishop and oversees the work of the program directors and the supporting centers. The department's four regional coordinators are responsible for the Cairo area, Lower, Middle, and Upper Egypt. They supervise the projects in their regions and work with the local development committees.

The department staff is well trained (some of its members have advanced degrees and/or have specialized abroad) and paid nominal wages. Staff members, however, consider themselves volunteers because as middle class professionals with good education and contacts, they could be making much more money in the private sector.

The work of the development department is supported by two centers. (Table 1). The Coptic Center for Human Resources Development (CCHRD) trains fieldworkers for their works in the communities participating in the CID program. It has boarding facilities where the fieldworkers stay during their 3-month training. The instructors are permanent staff. The St. Mark Coptic Center for Social Studies (CCSS) is a research institution which studies issues of development, citizenship, and participation of Copts in the political and social life of Egypt. In cooperation with other NGOs, the center has advocacy programs and a program to fight female genital mutilation.

4. Operation

4. 1. Overview

The Development Department of BLESS works in three areas: comprehensive integrated development (CID), youth and education, and advocacy.

CID was initiated in 1998 covering 7 communities – villages and poor urban areas – in Upper Egypt, Cairo, and Lower Egypt. By the end of 2000 the program was operational in 24 communities located in Lower, Middle, and Upper Egypt as well as the Cairo-Beni Suef area. The goal of the program is to reach 34 communities in 2002.

CID work is carried out in five stages: selection of the target communities, training of fieldworkers and development committee members, needs assessment, project planning, implementation. The Planning, Monitoring and Evaluation office (PME) is responsible for impact assessment which is done on the basis of quarterly reports and field visits.

The communities which will participate in development projects are selected according to poverty level – they have to be "the poorest of the poor", size – not too small, around 3000 people, so that the project can have greater impact, and religious diversity – BLESS tries to work with mixed communities of Christians and Muslims.

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Development committee members and fieldworkers are responsible for the assessment of need and the implementation of projects. The development committees consist of local leaders chosen by BLESS. Special efforts are made to include women in the committees and make sure they participate in the decision-making process.

Fieldworkers are mainly young unmarried women selected by local priests and coordinators and trained at the Coptic Center for Social Service. They carry out needs assessment using Participatory Rapid Appraisal, propose projects, and foster and evaluate participation. Participatory Rapid Appraisal is done through a series of public meetings at which the fieldworkers ask questions about the main problems of the community and let the people discuss their problems. These meeting are also seen as an opportunity for the fieldworkers to talk about healthcare, family problems, and illiteracy.

The Planning and Monitoring Section works with the regional coordinators to design an action plan for each participating community. Monitoring is done through weekly reports by the local coordinators, and field visits by the national coordinators and BLESS directors. Fieldworkers also provide feedback through their input in the action plans and participation in the annual meetings with BLESS directors.

4. 2. Funding

BLESS doesn't provide information about its sources of revenue and budget. Based on interviews with program directors, it can be estimated that its activities are funded by the church with some contributions by the World Council of Churches. The main sources of revenue are donations, church property, and income from monastery land and small enterprises.

4. 3. Programs

The available data is tabulated in seven tables, presenting the sate of the programs in 2000.

In the area of healthcare, BLESS focuses on primary health awareness, cooperating with the government in child vaccination campaigns, child and maternal health. Stressing pre-emptive medicine, it establishes clinics (rather than hospitals) with the aim of making them self-supporting. In the area of "environmental health" the program helps local communities to work with the government or local authorities in order to improve infrastructure and hygiene – build sewage facilities, connect clear water to houses, collect garbage, plant trees. (Table 2).

The Educational Program targets illiteracy at the national level. The students participating in the program prepare to take the elementary school exams and, upon passing, receive government certificates. After that they can be affiliated with a local school to continue their education and eventually receive a certificate equivalent to finished "junior high"

21

school. Part of the goals of the program is to improve the understanding of social and political issues in order to increase participation in public life. (Table 3).

The Economic Development Program provides loans to set up small projects, especially to women heads of households. The program organizes vocational training centers for mechanics, carpenters, plumbers, etc. It works even in small villages, offering work-shops to train people from several villages in different trades so that they don't compete with each other. The program has made attempts, not very successful, to work with businessmen to help people find employment. (Table 4).

The Rural Development Program targets mainly poor farmers. It trains farmers how to use eco-friendly inexpensive technologies, increase animal production, fight plant and animal diseases. The program also organizes "rural clubs" where people can socialize and discuss issues of common concern. (Table 5).

The Community Organization Program seeks to empower local communities. (Table 6).

The Gender and Child Office has no programs of its own, its task is to coordinate the activities of other programs related to women and children. It works for the inclusion of women in local development committees, encourages families to educate their girls, and supports child health programs. As part of the UNICEF child rights coalition, the office monitors the application of the child rights convention and is especially concerned with the rights of working children. The office also organizes Montessori day-care centers and nurseries, and trains teachers for them. (Table 7).

4. 4. Christian and Muslim Participation

Due to the lack of consistent information about all programs and regions, it is difficult to estimate how the commitment to offer services to both Christians and Muslims is carried out. The available information presented in Table 8 shows that community members from both religions benefit from the healthcare and educational programs. The "lessons learned' section of the 2000 BLESS Annual Progress Report states that best results in bringing people together are achieved when D work begins with infrastructure projects, rather than the more divisive and competitive economic ones.28

5. Assessment

The Development Department has successfully designed and implemented a wide range of programs targeted to different problems and needs of the poor. Although active in a limited number of communities, the programs cover the whole territory of Egypt, making it possible to initiate nation-wide development policies.

The programs with the greatest outreach and impact are in the areas of healthcare and education. The economic and rural development programs appear to be the least effective28 BLESS 2001., p. 42.

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ones, being focused mainly on training and having a limited impact on income generation.

BLESS demonstrates strong commitment to working with both Christians and Muslims. Although informed by Christian spiritual values, their work is carefully stripped of all elements which can be perceived as missionary or proselytizing. Working with both religious communities seems especially successful in the areas of women and child health, illiteracy, and the improvement of living conditions.

The use of fieldworkers who live in the targeted communities and maintain close contact with the beneficiaries creates the conditions for a high degree of participation at the stage of need assessment and planning. Annual meetings of department leaders with fieldworkers are an opportunity to have grassroots input in policy-making and program design, but their actual impact is difficult to assess because they have not yet become a permanent element of the work of the department.

Attempts to achieve sustainability and self-sufficiency are being made, but their results are difficult to assess and at the time of the study no regional program could be seen as having reached self-sufficiency. The development and implementation of programs can take very long. In conversations with program directors I was told that they expect to stay in the CID communities for 5 to 7 years before the programs reach at least a degree of sustainability. Furthermore, since the programs are funded by the church and participation of potential beneficiaries with their own funds appears negligible, the degree of ownership can be expected to be very low.

The impact assessment of the CID programs is insufficient. Although the Planning, Monitoring, and Evaluation Department has a central role in the work of BLESS, their assessment is done only as a top-bottom, one time comparison of planned and realized goals. It cannot evaluate the intended and unintended impacts of the programs and applies a very limited range of assessment tools.

6. Possibilities for cooperation with the World Bank: "entry points"

Best immediate results can be achieved if the World Bank cooperates with BLESS in he areas of healthcare and education where BLESS already has well-established programs reaching the greatest number of beneficiaries. The World Bank can participate by providing the expertise – rather than funding – needed to improve the efficiency of these programs.

Furthermore, the World Bank can provide consulting services to the directors of BLESS to help them improve their programs – especially the economic and rural development ones – and expand D to include new communities.

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References

Bayat, A. 2002. "Activism and Social Development in the Middle East". Int. J. Middle East Stud. 34, 1-28.

BLESS. 2001. 2000 BLESS Annual Progress Report.

Bissat, L. 1999. Lebanon: Local Political- and Community-Based Non-governmental

Organizations. A report prepared for ESCWA – Agricultural Section.

CEOSS. 2002. Annual Review 2001.

Civil Society and Governance in Lebanon. 1999. A report prepared by the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies.

Fawaz, M. 2000. Agency and Ideology in the Service Provision of Islamic Organizations in the Southern Suburb of Beirut, Lebanon. Paper presented at the UNESCO conference "NGOs and Governance in Arab Countries", March 29-31, 2000.

Hanafi, H. 2002. "Alternative Conceptions of Civil Society: A Reflective Islamic Approach". In S. Chambers and W. Kymlicka (eds.) Alternative Conceptions of Civil Society. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Harik, J. 1994. The Public and Social Services of the Lebanese Militias. Papers onLebanon No. 14. Centre for Lebanese Studies, Oxford University.

Kandil, A. 1998. "The Non-Profit Sector in Egypt". In H. Anheier and L. Salamon (eds.) The Non-Profit Sector in the Developing World: A Comparative Analysis. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

Kandil, A. 1995. "Islamic Nonprofit Organizations In the Process of Promoting a Caring Society". In P. Schervish, V. Hodginson, M. Gates (eds.) Care and Community in Modern Society. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.

LaTowsky, R. 1998. The Organization and Financing of Egypt's PVO Sector. The World Bank.

Norton, A. R. 1999. Hizballa of Lebanon: Extremist Ideals vs. Mundane Politics. Council on Foreign Relations, New York.

Norton, A. R. (ed.) 1995. Civil Society in the Middle East. 2vol. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

Taylor, Ch. 1990. "Modes of Civil Society". Public Culture, vol. 3, No. 1, Fall. The

Middle East Council of Churches Program Summary 2001. MECC.

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Traboulsi, 0., Ramadan, B., Riza, Sh. 2001. Mapping and Review of Lebanese NGOs. The World Bank.

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Annex

Table 1 BLESS Institutional Structure

Source: BLESS

26

Table 2. 1. Health and Environment Program – Primary Healthcare

ProjectsHealth awareness Clinics Treatment of

BilharziasisImprovementof nutrition

Vaccinationsof children

Regionsand Home Health Public Mobile Statio- Lab Patients Lab Educ.participatingcommunities

visits classes/attendance

meetings/attendance

nary tests/patients

treated tests classes

Lower Egypt 600 5/98 9/585 -- 2 60 25 43 2/43 2254 communities

Cairo area 950 20/115 30/635 -- 2 7 2 15 863 communities

Middle Egypt8 communities

1750 8/264 52/434 -- 7 1663 -- -- --

34campaigns

Upper Egypt 1617 13/87 22/687 21 2 1822 -- 134 -- 6609 communities

Source: 2000 BLESS Annual Progress Report

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Table 2. 2. Health and Environment Program — Improvement of Environmental Conditions

Projects

Regionsandparticipatingcommunities

Sewage disposal(pit latrines

construction)

Potable waterconnections

Roofs constructed Electric supplyconnections

Garbage disposal

campaigns

Lower Egypt4 communities

46 87 74 22 6

Cairo area3 communities

70 400 118 16 6


88 90 120 46 58

Upper Egypt9 communities

88 136 190 80 23


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Table 2. 3. Health and Environment Program – Improvement of Women Reproductive Health

Projects

Regionandparticipatingcommunities

Campaign against female genitalmutilation

Family planning Classes forpregnantwomen/

attendanceHomevisits -peoplevisited

Awarenessclasses

Publicmeetings/attendance

Home visitsAwareness

classesPublic

meetings/attendance


340 8/85 12/150 -- 4/85 6 6/52


380 20 4 314 22/55 -- 4/80


297 -- 11/665 68 -- 16/195 5


441 -- 15/781 204 -- 14/

113vaccinations


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Table 3. Education Program

ProjectsIlliteracy Awareness of public and social issues Improvement of school

achievementRegions Public Teachers Literacy Curriculum Awareness Libraries/ Support classes/andparticipatingcommunities

meetings/attendance

trained classes/attendance

development sessions books attendance

Lower Egypt 5/370 34 14/532 -- -- /200 26/5204 communities

Cairo area 3/200 3/13 10/165 -- 9 2/ 14/403 communities

Middle Egypt 12/525 /53 39/573 -- -- 5/ 18/1948 communities

Upper Egypt 18 11 23/403 -- -- /797 14/1519 communities


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Table 4. Economic Development Program

Projects


Vocational training Income generationprojects

Helping young people tofind jobs

(number hired)Local market studies(number attended)

Number trained


14 -- 20 14


18 -- 21 14


-- 95 112 11


25 8 89 25


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Table 5. Rural Development Program

Projects


Rural clubs Trainingof volunteers

Usage of eco-friendly techniques Incomeincrease

educationsessions

(sessions/attendance)

Volunteers Clubscreated

(workshops/attendance

Orientationsessions

Fieldvisits

Vet service Library

Lower Egypt4 communitie

3 1 2/3n/a

Urban area

Cairo area n/a3 communities Urban area

Middle Egypt 21 2 3/19 . 48/257 28 -- 5 8/3358 communities


32 2 3/43 80/236 10

83vaccinations

-- 31/156


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Table 6. Community Organization Program

ProjectsCommunity mobilization Capacity building

Regions Development Public NGOs Training of development Refresher coursesandparticipatingcommunities

committee meetings

meetings established Committee members(number attended)

(number offered)

Lower Egypt 48 23 -- 36 104 communities

Cairo area 21 13 -- 22 53 communities

Middle Egypt 72 15 -- 29 --8 communities

Upper Egypt 174 43 2 42 39 communities


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Table 7. Gender and Child Office

Projects


Training ofnursery teachers

Awareness building

Child clubs

Public meetings/attendance

Volunteers trained


5 4/115 5 1


8 -- 8 --


10 5 -- 1


12 9 10 2


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Documents

Religious Social Services in Lebanon and Egypt fileI Overview of religious social services in Lebanon and Egypt 1. Introduction 1.1. Civil society and associational life in the Middle