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8/9/2019 Reading Homer in the 21st Century
1/27
Reading Homer in the 21st CenturyAuthor(s): Pura Nieto HernándezSource: College Literature, Vol. 34, No. 2, Reading Homer in the 21st Century (Spring, 2007),pp. 29-54Published by: College LiteratureStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25115420 .
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8/9/2019 Reading Homer in the 21st Century
2/27
Reading
Homer
n
he 21st
Century.
Pura Nieto
Hern?ndez
Unlike the
original
audiences that
partic
ipated
in
the oral culture of
the
Greeks,
in
our
day
we
access
the
two
Greek
epic
poems
that
have
come
down
to
us
under the
name of Homer1
through
the act of
reading,
whether
in their
original
language
or
in
modern translations.
The
Homeric
poems
have been transmitted
to
us
and
achieved
their canonical
status
in
our
culture
as
writ
ten
texts,2
but
we
have
reason
to
assume
that
they
are
the result
of
a
long
tradition
of
poet
ry,
developed
in
oral
performance,
and
only
secondarily put
into
writing.
Even
though
it
is
impossible
to
demonstrate
to
everyone's
satisfaction
that the Iliad and the
Odyssey
were
composed
and
initially
transmitted
without
writing,
there
are
characteristics
in
their
style
which
are
best understood and
explained
if these
texts
started
as
oral
compo
sitions.3
The
terms
just
used,
oral
as
opposed
to
written,
and
reception
in
per
formance as
opposed
to
reading,
need
qualification.
First
of
all,
oral
has
very
dif
ferent
meanings
in
English.
It
can,
for
exam
Pura Nieto
Hern?ndez obtained
her Ph.D.
in
Classics
at
the
University
of
Salamanca
(Spain).
She is
currently
a
Lecturer
in
Classics
at
Brown
University
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8/9/2019 Reading Homer in the 21st Century
3/27
30
College
iterature
4.2
[Spring
007]
pie,
when
applied
to
language, simply
mean
spoken.
Now,
there is
a
com
mon awareness
that,
when
we
speak,
even
in
the
most
formal
situations,
we
use
language
in
a
way that
is
clearly different from the way
in
which
we
write. In
this
sense,
then,
as means
of
communication,
oral
can
be taken
as
the
opposite
of
written.
But
in
our
culture,
as
E.
J.
Bakker
puts
it
either
medium
. .
.
speech
or
writing,
comes
with its
own
set
of
associations,
even
its
own
mentality.
In
this
regard,
we
could understand oral
as
the
concep
tion
that underlies
a
discourse,
and
oppose
it
not to
written
but
to
literate
(2005,39).
Even
today,
in
our
heavily
literate
culture,
most
linguistic
situations lie
at
some
point
or
other
on
the
continuum between
the
two
extremes
repre
sented
by
oral and literate. In
addition,
as Bakker
notes,
we endow the
terms
oral and literate with cultural
value
and
we
tend
to
consider
texts
that
are
oral
as
to
their
conception
as
crude
or
primitive
...
or,
in
another
context,
as
'archaic'
simply
because
we use our own sense
and
conception
of
writing
as a
norm
(2005, 42).
All this becomes
particularly
relevant
when
dealing
with
poetry,
and
particularly
Homeric
poetry,
since
we are
evaluat
ing
a
discourse
that
was
never
meant to
be
read
but
was
produced
only
as
speech
from
the
perspective
of
our
norm,
which
is
literate,
not
oral.
In
sum,
we
speak of oral poetry
as
something else, different from
our
cultur
al
norm,
that
is,
literate
poetry.
But
in
a
society
without
any
use
of
writing
in
which
poets
might
compose
poetry,
they
would
be
simply
poets,
not
oral
poets,
in the
absence
of
literate
poets
to
whom
they
could
be
con
trasted.
The
same
could
be
said
of oral
composition,
or
oral
style,
whose
existence
makes
sense
only
in
contraposition
to
a
literate
style.
Concerning
Homer,
for
years
a
battle has been
going
on
between
hard
oralists
(who
exclude
the intervention of
writing
at
any
moment
of the
composition,
performance
or
transmission
of
the
poems)
and those
who
defend the idea that these
poems
were
composed
with the
help
of
writing.
But
numerous
studies
on
the
workings
of traditional oral
poetry
as
well
as
of
ordinary spoken
language
have
helped
us
understand
the
concepts
oral and
written
not
as
mutually
exclusive,
but
in
a more
flexible,
open
way.
In
the
Greek archaic
period
writing
must
have been
so
different from
our own
con
ception
of
writing
that
the
dichotomy
between
orality
and
literacy
again
breaks down
(Bakker
2005,45).
Although
the
Homeric
poems
were
put
into
writing,
and have been
transmitted
to
us
in
that
form
(that
is,
they
have been
textualized ),4
we
should bear inmind, when
we
read them, that they
retain
many
traits
revealing
their
origin
as
spoken
language.5
We
should
not
simply
transfer
onto
this
kind
of
discourse
our
conceptions
of
poetry
or
style
that has
developed
within
a
quite
different
conception
of
the
use
of
language,
that
is,
a
literate
one.
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Pura
Nieto
Hern?ndez
31
Since
terms
such
as
formula,
ringcomposition, typical
scenes
(all
of
which involve
repetition
at
some
level),6
or
parataxis
and additive
syntax
(which suggest
a
kind of staccato
at
the syntactical level),
are
commonly used
to
characterize
the oral
style
of
Homer,
it
is
not
otiose
to
include here
some
thoughts
on
these notions.The
groundbreaking
work of Milman
Parry
and
his
disciple
Albert
Lord,
which
inaugurated
the
field
of
oral
poetry,
concentrated
initially
on
the
study
of
the formula. 7
High
formulaic densi
ty
in
a
text
became
the decisive
criterion
for
considering
it
oral
or
not.8
It
is
true
that oral
texts
make
use
of formulae
in
a
way
that
literate
texts
do
not,
but
from the
time
of
Parry's
work the
concept
has been
expanded
and
re-defined,
often
according
to
different
evolving
trends and models
in
the
field of
linguistics.9
Linguists
in their
analysis
of
language
have found and
defined
a
series
of basic
units
such
as
word
or
sentence.
The
formulae
we
find
in
oral
poetry
fall
somewhere
between these
units:
they
are more
than
a
word but less
than
a
sentence.
In
spoken
discourse
in
any
language
there is
another unit
that
seems to
be
more
relevant
than
either
the
word
or
the
sen
tence:
it is
variously
called tone
group
or
intonation
unit.
It
isWallace
Chafe's achievement
to
have
paid
due attention
to
these
intonation
units
and
Egbert
Bakker's
to
have
applied
Chafe's research
to
Homeric
poetry.10
Intonation units
are
usually four
to
seven
words long, they
can
constitute
a
complete
syntactical
unit
or
need
some
complementation
to
make
sense
syn
tactically,
and
in
spoken language they
are
marked
by
intonation
boundaries
and, often,
by
pauses.
Although
intonation units
are
universal
properties
of
ordinary speech, they
can
be
stylized
into
metrical
properties
in
special,
poet
ical
speech.
In
other
words,
the
formulae
of
poetical language
coincide with
the intonation units of
spoken language.
They
are,
then,
not
so
much
a
characteristic feature of
an
oral
style
as
a
property
of
spoken
language
in
general.
The
same
can
be
said
concerning
Homeric
syntax.
The famous
Homeric
parataxis
or additive
style
is better understood ifwe
compare
it to
the
way
our own
syntax
is
produced
in
speech.
For
example,
an
expression
such
as
that
boy,
who
came
this
morning,
I
gave
him
the letter is
very
fre
quent
in
spoken language,
but would be
unacceptable
when
written. Instead
we
would write
I
gave
the letter
to
the
boy
who
came
this
morning.
Homeric
syntax
seems
also
to
operate
in
accord
with
the
parameters
of
speech
more
than the
norms
of written
language.
We
can
ascertain this
prop
erty
by
comparing
a
Homeric
passage
in
a
conventional
translation
to
the
effect of
the
movement
of
the
syntax
in the
original, preserved
as
much
as
possible
in,
for
example,
Bakker's
rendering
of Iliad XXIV. 391-93:
him
in
the battle
that
gives
men
kudos,
very
often
with
my eyes
I
have
seen
him,
also when
drawing
close
to
the
ships
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8/9/2019 Reading Homer in the 21st Century
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32
College
iterature4.2
[Spring
007]
he would
kill
the
Argives, lacerating
them
with
sharp
bronze.
(Bakker
2005,
31)
Here is Lattimore's rather literal version:
whom
many
a
time
my
eyes
have
seen
in the
fighting
where
men
win
glory,
as
also
on
that
time
when he
drove back
the
Argives
on
their
ships
and
kept killing
them
on
the stroke
of
the
sharp
bronze.
And
here
an even
freer
and
more
literate
rendering by Fitzgerald:
Never surmise
I
have
not
seen
him
with
my
very eyes,
and often, on the field. I saw him chase
Argives
with
carnage
to
their
own
shipways
.. .
We
can
appreciate
that
the
flow of
language
in
the
original
is
much
closer
to
the
way
we
all
speak
than
to
the
perfectly
balanced
sentences
we
tend
to
use
in
writing.
Thus far
I
have
attempted
to
convey
to
a
Greekless
reader
some sense
of
what Homer's
language
is
like and how
it
works. The
experience
of
reading
Homer in
Greek
is
an
intense
one:
the richness
of
the
language
at
all
levels,
its directness, the precision of words and constructions, the repetition of for
mulae
and formulaic elements
or even
of
whole
verses,
itsmetrical
nature,
all
these elements contribute
to
rendering
Homeric
language
a
very
peculiar,
idiosyncratic,
form of
Greek.
These
particularities
of Homeric
language,
of
course,
get
for the
most
part
lost
even
in
the excellent translations available.
But
even
deprived
of
these
fundamental
features,
transformed
into
other
words
and
adapted
to
other
cultural
contexts,
the Iliad
and the
Odyssey
are
still
immensely
attractive.
As
a
reader who has
spent
much time with the
Homeric
texts
in their
Greek
original,
I
have
often
wondered about
the
power
they
exert on Greekless
readers,
which I
experience
every
year
with
diverse
groups
of
students who
read
the
poems
in
English.
How
is
it
possible
to
capture
fully
the
joy
of
Homer
when read
in
translation?
Why
do
people
without
a
background
in
classical culture
or
languages
enjoy
reading
these
works? What do these
poems
have that make them
so
universal,
and
so
appeal
ing
even
when rendered
in
another
language?
What do
their
stories
have that
can
be transmitted
and which touches readers
beyond
the
language
itself?
The Iliad and the
Odyssey
as
texts
are
quite demanding
for
their
public.
When we start reading both poems we face a series of characters, both divine
and
human,
about whom
practically
nothing
is
said:
no
formal
presentation,
no
true
introduction
is
given.
We
can
extract
some
information about the
characters
from
other
speakers
in
the
text,
from
the situations
in
which
they
are
placed,
and also from the
epithets
and
patronymics
that
often
accompany
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8/9/2019 Reading Homer in the 21st Century
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Pura
NietoHern?ndez
33
their
names.
Thus,
for
example,
the
first
verse
of the Iliad
mentions
Achilles,
of whom
we are
told
his
wrath
is
the
subject
of
the
poem
and
that
he is the
son
of Peleus. Nothing else. A few lines later, when Agamemnon is
men
tioned
for the first
time
(1.7),
his
name
is
not
even
given:
the
son
of
Atreus,
lord
of men.
The
same
happens
with
the
introduction
of
the first
divine
character,
Apollo.
He is
presented
only
as
the
son
of
Leto
and
Zeus.
The
text
assumes
in
the
reader
or
listener
of this
poetry
a
lot of
previous
knowledge,
a
knowledge
that
must
necessarily
be shared
by
the
poet
and his
public.11
Obviously,
in
the
context
of
Greek
culture the
ancestry
of
Apollo
was
well
known.
Even
today,
with
a
very
limited, basic,
knowledge
of
mythology
it
is
perfectly possible
to
follow
the
main narrative
line
of
both
poems
without
too much trouble. But the Homeric
poems
are much more than their basic
storylines.
The
main
actions of the Iliad and
Odyssey
are,
in
fact,
set
against
the
background
of
a
much
larger
mass
of stories
involving
the human and
divine characters
that
figure
in
the
poems.
In
fact,
one
of the
surprising
fea
tures
of this
poetry
for
a
first-time reader
is
the
richness and
density
of
its
contents,
the fact
that
one
needs
to
read and re-read the
texts
to
appreciate
all that
is
going
on
within their lines and
to reconstruct
all
the
information
that
is
either
assumed
or
indirectly
alluded
to.
Both
poems present many
sec
ondary plots that involve
the main
characters and hundreds of minor char
acters
with
their lives
and
stories. Some
of
these
stories
are
clearly
expound
ed
by
the
characters
or
the
poet,
and
constitute
what
we
could call
para
narratives ;12
at
other
times,
though,
there
are
only
obscure
allusions,
scat
tered
throughout
the
text,
and
it is
very
difficult
to
reconstruct
the
full
story
just
from the
text
of Homer
alone.
In
these
cases
it
is
quite
obvious that the
poems
assume a
lot
of
information
as
well-known
by
the
public,
so
that
no
further
explanation
is
needed.
If
we
limit
ourselves
to
reading
and
explaining
Homer from
Homer,
following
the
principle
favored
by
the Hellenistic scholar
Aristarchus,13
it is
still
possible
to
enjoy
the
poems
as
self-standing
works of
art,
fully satisfying
even
without the
support
of
a
lot
of
external
information.14 The
many
lev
els
at
which
the
poems
develop
their
narrative
plots
are
sufficient
in
them
selves
to
achieve
two
fundamental
goals:
1)
to
produce
a
basic coherence
in
the tale:
the
narrative,
all
in
all,
makes
sense,
is
a
whole.
2)
to
accumulate
a
sufficient richness of
elements,
levels,
contrasts,
parallels,
etc.,
to
keep
the
interest
and the
attention
of
the
readers
or
listeners. And
yet,
a
reader
who
participates
as
fully
as
possible
in
the
cultural ambience
that lies
behind all
the
secondary
narratives
presented
in
the
poems
will
gain
a
much
deeper
appreciation
of them. These
secondary
stories
are,
as
Alden
puts
it
relevant
in
some
way
either
to
the
interpretation
of
their
immediate
context
or
to
that of the
main
narrative,
or
to
both
(2000,1).
Often the
relevance of
these
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34
College
iterature4.2
[Spring
007]
stories is
ambiguous,
since
the
narrator
presents
them
as
simply
the
point
of
view
of
the
character who tells the
story.
When the tale of
Agamemnon's
unfortunate return home is told in the Odyssey, it certainly creates suspense
about
Odysseus's
behavior
and the
outcome
of
his
trip.
But
it
is also
impor
tant
to
bear
in
mind how
the
story
is
told,
by
whom,
to
whom,
and
under
which
circumstances
(as
Olson
1990
showed).
Homeric
poetry
was
not
born
in
a
vacuum,
but
rather
in
the medium
of
the
rich and
highly developed
Greek culture
of
the
end of
the so-called
Dark
Age
and
the
beginning
of the Archaic
Age. 15
In
the cultural ambi
ence
that
produced
the
Homeric
poems
there
was a
large
mass
of folk
tradi
tions,
legends,
tales,
and indeed other
poems,
epic
poems
that
unfortunately
are
now
lost
to
us
but
about
which
we can
still know
something through
fragments
and
notices
in later
authors.
Besides the
major
episode
of
the
Trojan
War
that
produced
a
full
cycle
of
poetry
to
which Iliad
and
Odyssey
belong,
other
major mythical
events
were
also recounted
in
poems,
sto
ries
and
cycles
of
poetry.
Thus,
the
set
of
legends
centered
on
the
city
of
Thebes
and
the
story
of
Oedipus
and
his
family
were
the
subject
of
poems
such
as
the
Oedipodeia,
the
Thebais
and the
Epigoni;
several other
poems
dealt
with
Heracles and his
exploits.16
The
subset
of
these
poems
which
dealt with the Trojan War became known in the tradition collectively as the
Epic Cycle.
We
only
have
scant
fragments
from this
cycle,
but
are
informed
about
its
contents.17
Although highly
selective
in
regard
to
its
contents,
the
Homeric
tradi
tion
was
not
isolated from that
mass
of
cultural
elements and
poetry,
but
rather embedded
in
it,
and
preserves
traces
of
these
other
collateral traditions
and
poems.18
The
problem,
of
course,
is
to
determine what kind of relation
ship
exited between
the
Homeric
poems
and those other
works,
and
more
precisely
between
the Homeric
poems
and
the
poems
of
the
Epic
Cycle.19
Was the
Epic
Cycle
modelled on
Homer,
or the reverse? The first
problem
we
meet
in
trying
to
answer
this
question
is
that the
dating
of the
Cycle
remains
uncertain.20
Even
if
we
admit
(as
I
think
we
should)
that these
were
oral
poems
before
they
were
put
into
writing,
and
that
they
were
coeval
with
the
Homeric
poems,
comparison
between them
is
still
difficult,
given
that
we
only
possess
bare resumes of
their
plots
and
some
isolated
lines.
The school of
criticism
that has taken Homer's
connection
to
the
Epic
Cycle
most
seriously
and
explored
its
possibilities
in
depth
is
Neo-analysis.
Burgess provides a good definition of the purpose and method of the school:
In
more
general
terms
neoanalysis
can
be
described
as a
willingness
to
explore
the influence of
pre-Homeric
material
on
the
Homeric
poems.
In
this
respect
theories
concerning
the effect of folktales
or
Near Eastern
motifson the
Homeric
poems
are
comparable.
But
neoanalysis
has been
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PuraNietoHern?ndez
35
especially
concerned with the
pre-Homeric
tradition of the
Trojan
War
as
it
is
represented
by
the
Epic Cycle.
Because the
Iliad and
Odyssey
often
con
tain
direct references
to
such
a
tradition,
neoanalysts
propose
that
there
are
also indirect reflections
of this
Cyclic
tradition within the
Homeric
poems.
(Burgess
2001,
62)
Neo-analysis
has
attempted
to
demonstrate the
strict
d?pendance
of
certain
Homeric
passages
on
poems
of
the
Cycle.
Although
the
achievements of this
school
should
not
be dismissed
out
of
hand,
its
conclusions
have
not
been
accepted by
oralists,
since,
following
Parry
and
Lord,
they
believe
this
type
of
allusion
to
be
impossible
in
oral
traditions.21
The
question,
then,
remains: is Homer
alluding
to
poems
that
had
an
existence as texts, or simply using in particular ways the richness of the oral
tradition
of which those other
poems
also
were a
part.
As
one
commentator
puts
it:
There
is
no
way
of
telling
...
whether
Homer
refers here
to common
sto
ries
or
particular
poems.
The
number
of
these
references,
however,
does
show his
concern
to
place
his
own
work
in
a
context
of
other
epics
and
to
give
it
a
sense
of
reaching
out to
the
rest
of the
legendary
world.
(Dowden
1996,
52)
We should
at
this point go back
to
the notion of text and
its
value when
applied
to
the Homeric
poems.
Dowden
explains:
By
the word text
I
refer
to
a
fixed
poem.
...
A
narrative
may
indeed
become such
a
text
thanks
to
writing,
but
only
because
writing
fixes
it,
not
because there
is
something special
about
writing.
It is
perfectly possible
to
have
a
fixed
(memorized)
text
in
an
oral
tradition,
and
Nagy, noting
the
archaic accentuation
preserved
by
rhapsodes,
has
argued
that
Homer's
own
text
is
a case
in
point,
preserved
fixed
in
an
oral tradition. Between
the
two
extremes
of
total
fixity
and
utter
fluidity
lie
various
levels
of
semi-fixity.
.
. .
Amongst these
.
.
.
lies a firm and standard sense of how the story goes
(Procloss
summaries
of the
poems
of
the
Cyclic
epics
may
serve as a
model
for
this). (Dowden
1996,
47)22
In
regard
to
the
Iliad,
Dowden
notes
that
the author of the
poem
must
have
had
a sense
of his
own
text.
We
cannot
doubt that the
making
of such
a
poem
requires
a
good
deal of
planning
and
careful
preparation
of
events
in
the
nar
rative,
but
one
may
observe here that
a
Faktenkanon
or
fixed
order
of
events
and
a
full
poem
such
as our
Iliad
are
two
very
different
things.
And
precise
ly
one
of the
problems
that
we
face
in
comparing
Homer
with the
poems
of
the
Cycle
is
that
we
have
only
a
list of
the
events
narrated
in
the
poems,
but
not
those
poems
themselves,
except
for
some
scant
fragments.
Although
it is
common
to
refer
to
the
poems
of
the
Epic
Cycle
collectively,
as
if
they
were
uniform
and
together
constituted
some
kind
of
unity,
the
truth is far from
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36
College
Literature4.2
[Spring
007]
this.
The
Cycle
comprises
works that
are
very
different from
each
other
in
subject-matter,
quality, length,
etc.,
works that
were
probably composed
at
different
times,
and
each of them
bears its
own
particular relationship
to
Homer.23
The
situation,
then,
is
as
follows:
1)
The
texts
of the Homeric
poems
fre
quently
allude
to events
or
characters that
are
only
marginal
in
the Iliad
or
the
Odyssey
but
which,
aswe
know
from
other
sources,
had been much
more
developed
in
cyclic
poems.
2)
Although
we can
read the Homeric
poems
without
catching
every
allusion,
our
comprehension
of
certain
concrete
pas
sages,
and,
in
general,
of the
poems
is
considerably
richer
to
the
extent
that
we
do.
3)
We
do
not
know
whether
these
references
are
to concrete
texts,
or
even
passages
of
texts,
or
simply
evocations of common motifs of the tradi
tion
concerning
the
capture
of
Troy
set
of
legends.
The
problem
is,
then,
to
find
an
answer
to
two
questions:
in
Homer,
how
is
a
reference made
to
a
specific
item
which
lies outside
the
text
and
which the
singer
presumes
the
recipient
will
understand? And how
is
the
text
thereby
enriched
with
addi
tional
meaning?
(Danek
2002,
5).
The
subject-matter
of
Homeric
poetry
is
constituted
by
what
we
call
myths.
In
regard
to
this
concept
we
should
always
bear in
mind
that
myth
is
not
an
indigenous Greek category, but rather
a
practical way for
us
to
designate
a
complex
of
information about
the Greeks'
own
past
created
and transmitted from
generation
to
generation
and
which consists
of
a
mix
ture
of elements that
we
would
label
variously
as
historical,
legendary,
religious,
ethnographic,
scientific,
etc.
We
may
understand
myths
to
work in
a
similar
way
to
what
cognitive
scientists
have
described
as
scripts :
A
script
is
a
predetermined,
stereotyped
sequence
of
actions that
defines
a
well-known
situation
(Schank
and
Ableson
1977,
41,
ctd.
in
Rubin
1995,
24).
Thus,
for
example,
a
statement
such as: Richard went into a restaurant;
they
did not have fish is
perfectly
understandable;
the
same
is
true
of
Michael
visited his
doctor;
he
ordered
some
blood
tests.
A
statement
however,
such
as
Richard
went
into
a
restau
rant;
he ordered
some
blood
tests
is,
to
say
the
least,
surprising,
and,
in
prin
ciple,
does
not
make
a
lot of
sense.
The
actions
of the
first
parts
of
these
two
statements
evoke
other
actions and
objects
that
are
assumed
by
the
listener,
even
if
they
are
not
explicit.
A
second
property
of
scripts
is
that
members of
a
culture have
considerable
knowledge
about
the
kinds
of
routine activities
that
scripts describe,
and
they
can use
this
knowledge
to
make inferences
and
set
expectations
(Rubin
1995,
24).
With
myths
and the
stories
of
mythical
characters
something
similar
happens.
For
example,
the
mention
of Achilles
in
Iliad
1.1
as son
of
Peleus
evokes
at
a
certain
level
also
his
mother Thetis
and
their
wedding
and
problematic
union,
at
least for
participants
in
the
cul
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38
College
Literature4.2
[Spring
007]
Epic
poetry
was,
thus,
a
most
important
vehicle for the
transmission
of
all this cultural
baggage.
Each
performance
reenacted
stories of the
past,
which
were
presented
and
taken
as
truth.
Homeric
poets
hide themselves
behind
their
text.
Poetry
is
not
viewed
in this
tradition
as
the
product
of the
poet's
own
creativity
as
much
as a
reproduction
of
knowledge kept by
the
Muses.
The
conservative
character
of
epic
language
and
the transfer of
authority
over
the
text
to
the
Muses
are
fundamental factors
in
maintaining
the illusion
that all
performances
are
identical,
since
they
all
express
the truth
about
the heroes
of
the
past.
In
addition,
audiences
were
familiar with
the
main characters and their basic
stories
and,
in
particular,
with
the
chrono
logical
order of
events
in
those
stories;
they
could, therefore,
ratify
the
truth
of the tale.27 All this made
epic
poetry
an
important
factor of social cohe
sion.
If all
performances
are
assumed
to
be the
same,
if
repetition
creates
tra
ditional
referentiality,
which in
turn
creates
meaning,
then
variation,
when it
happens,
is
especially
relevant.
Here
we
observe
again
a
basic
principle
of
Homeric
composition:
meaning
is
created
through
variation
within
repeti
tion
(Scodel
2004,
49).
Thus
Foley
writes,
The
art
of the
Iliad
and
Odyssey
stems
neither
solely
from
the
uniqueness
of the instance
nor
solely
from
its
traditional
meaning,
but
rather
from
their
interaction
(1999,
7).
We
tend
to
consider
the Iliad and
Odyssey
as
the
most
traditional
exam
ples
of
Greek
epic
poetry,
and look
at
the remains
of
the
rest
(such
as
the
poems
of
the
Epic
Cycle
mentioned
before)
as
being
poorer
stuff28
But
it is
extremely
difficult
to
make
strong pronouncements
on
the
nature
and
artis
tic
quality
of those
other
poems,
since
we
have them
in
such
fragmentary
form.
There
are,
though,
certain
reasons
to
believe that the other
poems
were
rather
the
norm,
whereas
Iliad
and
Odyssey
were
highly
innovative and raised
the
tradition
to
another
level.29
To
begin
with,
both Homeric
poems
are
very
ambitious
in their
con
tents, much more than what we know of the rest of the
epic
tradition, and
not
only
by
the sheer
amount
of information
included
in
them,
but also
by
the
way
in
which
this
information
gets
organized.
Instead
of
presenting
a
lin
ear
succession
of
several
major
events
developed
in
so
many
consecutive
actions
(as
the
poems
of the
Cycle
seem to
have
done),
the Iliad and
Odyssey
concentrate
their
plots
on one
single
action
(the
quarrel
of
Agamemnon
and
Achilles for the
Iliad,
the
return
of
Odysseus
in the
Odyssey).30
In
addition,
the
actions of
the
Iliad and
Odyssey
are
only
minor
episodes
in
the whole
pic
ture
of
the
Trojan
War
and
its
aftermath.
And
yet, although they
are
much
more
limited and
specific
in
their
plots,
they
are
at
the
same
time
far
more
ambitious
in their
scope
and
their
temporal
dimension.
Thus,
even
if
the
Iliad
presents
its
subject
as
the
wrath
of Achilles
(just
one
episode
among
many
in
the
larger
story
of
the
fall of
Troy
at
Achaean
hands),
and
its
whole action
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PuraNieto
Hern?ndez
39
lasts
for
only
ten
days,
the
poem
in effect relates the
ten
years
of the
war
through
allusions
to
past
events
and
projections
of
future
ones.
The
Odyssey,
too, although
in
principle
a
poem
about the difficult
return
home
of
Odysseus
after the
war,
is
far-reaching
in
telling
us
the
stories
of
many
other
heroes who
fought
at
Troy.
This kind of
all-embracing
scope
within
a
single
action
seems
to
have
been
a
Homeric
innovation;
the
poems
of the
Cycle,
in
what
we
know
of
them,
were
more
Hrnited.
In
this
sense
at
least the
Homeric
poems
must
have
constituted
novelties,
very
much
appreciated
by
their audi
ences.
Telemachus himself
in
the
Odyssey
expresses
as a
matter
of fact the
preference
of
the
public
for
the
newest
song.31
This
is
his
response
to
Penelope's
request
that Phemius
stop
singing
the
Return
of the
Achaeans.
Since this
passage
is
placed
at the
very
beginning
of the
Odyssey,
Telemachus's
statement
seems
programmatic.
Phemius
s
audience
enjoys
his
song
because,
as
Telemachus
says,
it is
new.
But
the audience of the
Oydssey
is
hearing
even
a newer
song,
a
song
in
which Phemius's
poem
is
already
part
of
the
past.32
And thus the
Odyssey,
a
poem
that seeks
to
become the
Return
Song
par
excellence
and
presents
itself
as
the
final
poem
of
the
aftermath
of
Troy,
embraces
all
major
events
at
the
end of
the
war,
and
all
other
possible
Return
Songs :
we
hear about the death
of
Achilles,
the
Trojan
Horse,
the
destiny
of
Ajax,
the
safe
return
of
Nestor and
Menelaus,
and the
unfortunate
end of
Agamemnon. Through
this
sort
of
ambitious
scope,
the
Odyssey,
a
deeply
self-conscious
narrative,
places
itself
as
the
final word
on
the
Troy
tradition,
and
plays
off
the
Iliad and
several
poems
of the
Epic Cycle
(Aethiopis,
Hias
Miera,
Ilioupersis).
The
treatment
of
the
temporal
dimension
in
the
poems
is
very
much
connected
to
their ambitious
scope.33
Among
the
elements
that
are
often
taken
for
granted
in
the Iliad and
Odyssey,
and
therefore
need
not
be
explained
in
detail,
are
many
events
of the
past,
but
also of the
future. Past
and future are here used as relative terms in
regard
to the time of the main
narrative
of the
poems.34
Homeric
characters,
both
men
and
gods,
are
his
torical:
they
have
a
past,
a
present,
and
a
future.
Stories from
the
past
come
up
here
and
there
through
the
text.
Some
are
of
little
immediate
importance
for
the
main
plot,
and
serve
mainly
for
characterization and
individualiza
tion,
for
example,
the
biographical
vignettes
that
reflect
the
origins
and
life
at-home of
many
minor
warriors,
which the
poet
introduces
at
the
moment
of their
deaths.
Any
one
of these
episodes
has
very
little
bearing
on
the
action
of
the
Iliad,
and
yet,
taken
together, they
contribute
greatly
to
making
the
Iliad
what
it is:
not
only
the
poem
of
the
quarrel
between
Agamemnon
and
Achilles,
but also
the
poem
of the
Trojan
War. The
descriptions
of
these men's
previous
histories,
of
their time
at
home
before
the
war,
introduce
another
world
into
the
poem
that
contrasts
strongly
with the
main
narrative of
bat
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ties.
They
are
also
a
way
for the
poet
to
arouse
pathos:
these
warriors
are
not
just
numbers,
or
simple
names
in
a
list,
but
men
who
had
a
history
and
a
fife
that is
now
lost.35 They follow
a
traditional pattern and show many
common
elements,
whereas,
at
the
same
time,
they
present
original
combinations
of
those elements and
may
be
just
created
ad
hoc,
to
fit
a
concrete
passage.36
They
show
variation
in
length
too;
sometimes
they
are
just
a
few
words,
or
a
single
verse;
other
times,
they
constitute
a
full tableau.
Contrast,
for
exam
ple,
The lord
of
men,
Agamemnon,
brought
death
to
Elatos/
whose home
had been
on
the shores of
Satnioeis'
lovely
waters,
/sheer Pedasos
(VI.
34
35)37
with the
following
two
passages:
Diomedes of
the
great
war
cry
cut
down
Axylos,/
Teuthras'
son,
who
had
been
a
dweller
in
strong-founded
Arisbe,/
a man
rich
in substance and
a
friend
to
all
humanity/
since
in his
house
by
the
wayside
he
entertained
all
comers./
Yet
there
was none
of these
now
to
stand
before
him and
keep
off/
the
sad
destruction,
and Diomedes
stripped
life
from
both of
them,
Axylos
and his
henchman Kalesios....
(IliadVl. 12-18)
[Euryalos]
went
in
pursuit
of
Aisepos
and
Pedasos,
those whom the
naiad/
nymph
Abarbare had born
to
blameless Boukolion.
/
Boukolion himself
was
the
son
of
haughty
Laomedon,
/
eldest
born,
but his
mother
conceived
him in darkness and secrecy. /While shepherding his flocks he laywith the
nymph
and
lover
her,
/ and she
conceiving
bore him
twin
boys.
But
now
Mekistios'
son
unstrung
the
strength
of these and the limbs
in
their
glory,
/
Euryalos,
and
stripped
the
armour
away
from
their
shoulders.
(Iliad
VI.
21-28)
On
other
occasions,
though,
the stories
from
the
past
do
not seem
to
have been
created ad
hoc,
but
rather
to
be
fully
traditional. Often
they
are
simply
alluded
to
and
no
details
are
given,
which
seems
to
imply
the audi
ence's
familiarity
with
them.
In
addition,
they
are
normally
much
more
important
for the
development
of the
plot.
In this
category
we could
place
histories
of the
Homeric
gods.
We
have
a
paradigmatic
case
in
Thetis's
sup
plication
to
Zeus
on
behalf
of her
son
Achilles that will result
in
the
famous
Zeus's
will
or
design,
which
is the
motor
of
the Iliadic
plot.
As
Achilles
explicitly
mentions when
requesting
her
intervention,
she
is in
a
position
to
ask Zeus's
help
on
his
behalf,
since she
had
done
a
big
favor
for Zeus in the
past,
and the
god
is
therefore
indebted
to
her.
Thetis,
summoning
the
Hundred-handed
Briareos,
had
liberated
Zeus
when
Hera,
Poseidon,
and
Athena (note that they
are
all pro-Achaean gods in the war) had tried to bind
him
(1.395-407).The goddess, though,
when
addressing
Zeus
directly,
uses
a
much
more
vague
formulation:
if
ever
before
in word
or
action
/
I
did
you
favor
among
the
immortals
(1.503-04)
which
falls within
the
traditional
pat
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41
tern
for the
beginning
of
a
prayer.38
We
cannot
be
sure
that
without
the
exis
tence
of
such debt
Thetis would have felt confident
of
securing
Zeus's
help.
The tension between Zeus and his brother Poseidon in the Iliad offers
another
case
in
which what
happened
in
the
past
is
meaningful
for
the
pres
ent.
Poseidon
conspires against
his
brother whenever
possible.
We
have
just
mentioned the
conspiracy
of
Hera,
Athena and Poseidon evoked
in
1.395
407.
InVII.446
Poseidon
complains
to
Zeus
about the wall the
Achaeans
are
building.
In
VIII.201-07
Hera
proposes
to
him
a new
conspiracy;
but
here
Poseidon refuses
to
join
in. In
book
XIV
Poseidon
joins
forces with
Hera
to
deceive
Zeus;
Hera
makes
love with
Zeus in
order
to
put
him
to
sleep,
and
Poseidon takes the
opportunity
to
fight
on
behalf of the Achaeans
(352
ff.),
leading
the attack himself
(384).
Zeus's instructions to Iris
when,
in the next
book,
she is
dispatched
to
stop
Poseidon from
fighting,
show
again
the
rival
ry
between
the
brothers,
since I
say
I
am
far
greater
than
he
is
/
in
strength,
and
elder
born;
yet
his inward heart shrinks
not
from
calling
himself
the
equal
of
me,
though
others shudder before me
(XV. 165-67).
Poseidon,
in
his
reply
to
Zeus's
message,
affirms his
equality
with
his
brother,
invoking
the
distribution of
powers among
the three
sons
of
Cronus,
No,
no.
Great
though
he
is,
this that
he
has
said is
too
much
if he will force me
against
my
will,
me,
who am his
equal
in
rank.
Since
we are
three
brothers
born
by
Rheia
to
Kronos,
Zeus,
and
I,
and
the third is
Hades,
lord of the
dead
men.
All
was
divided
among
us
three
ways,
each
given
his
domain.
I
when
the lots
were
shaken drew the
grey
sea
to
live
in
forever;
Hades
drew
the lot of
the
mists
and the
darkness,
and
Zeus
was
allotted
the wide
sky,
in the
cloud
and
the
bright
air.
But earth and
high
Olympos
are common to all three. Therefore
I
am no
part
of
the mind of Zeus.
Let him
in
tranquillity
and
powerful
as
he is
stay
satisfied with his third
share.
And let him
absolutely
stop
frightening
me,
as
if
I
were
mean,
with his
hands.
(Iliad
XV185-99)
The
issue
of Zeus's
supremacy
and the
distribution of
power
among
the
sons
of
Cronus,
which
is
behind the
rivalry
of
the
brothers,
is
mentioned
in
another
passage,
this
time
by
the
poet
himself,
who
explicitly opposes
one
brother
to
the
other;
Two
powerful
sons
of
Cronos,
hearts
divided
against
each
other,
were
wreaking
bitter
agonies
on
the
fighting
warriors
(XIII.345-56)
and
Indeed,
the
two
were
of
one
generation
and
a
single
father,
but
Zeus
was
the
elder born and
knew
more
(XIII.354-55).
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Therefore,
when
in
XXI.441-57 Poseidon mentions
his
time
as
a
servant to
Laomedon
in
Troy,
one
cannot
fail
to
perceive again
his
resentment
against
Zeus,
who
punished
him
by
means
ofthat servitude.
But
human
characters
too
have
events
in their
past
that
turn out
to
be
crucial for the
main
plot
of the
poem.
At several
points
in
the
poem,
for
example,
different characters
evoke
moments
of the
past
in which
the
Trojans
showed
themselves
as
treacherous and unable
to
keep
their
word.
Thus,
at
V.648-51
Sarpedon
mentions
the
treatment
of Heracles
by king
Laomedon.
Laomedon had enrolled
Heracles
s
help
and
promised
to
give
him
horses
in
payment
for
ridding
Troy
of
a
sea
monster
that
was
attacking
their
coast.
But
Laomedon
never
fulfilled his
promise,
and,
as
Sarpedon
puts
it:
he
(sc.
Heracles)
did
destroy
Ilion the sacred /
through
the senselessness of one man,
the
haughty
Laomedon,
who
gave
Heracles
an
evil word
for
good
treat
ment. 39
Later
on,
we
read
that
Laomedon treated
even
Poseidon and
Apollo
the
same
way.
Poseidon,
in
a
reproachful
address
to
Apollo,
recalls the
event:
the
two
gods
served
king
Laomedon for
one
full
year,
Poseidon
building
a
wall
that
would
make the
city
impregnable, Apollo
shepherding
his
flocks.40
But when the
changing
seasons
brought
on
the time
for
our
labour
/
to
be
paid,
then
headstrong
Laomedon violated
and
made void /
all
our
hire,
and
sent
us
away,
and
sent
threats after us
(XXI.441-57).
Indeed
Laomedon wanted
to
sell the
gods
as
slaves. Laomedon's
complete
disregard
for
elementary
norms
of
reciprocity
constitutes
a
precedent
for
Paris-Alexander's
betrayal
of Menelaos's
hospitality,
the
reason
why
Greeks
and
Trojans
are at
war.
Poseidon's
intention in
this
speech
is
not to
let
Apollo
forget
the
way
they
were
treated
by
the
Trojan
king.
The
situation
brings
to
mind
a
similar
address,
earlier
on
in
the
poem,
by Agamemnon
to
Menelaos.
When
Menelaos
is
on
the
point
of
sparing
the
life
of
the
Trojan
Adrestos
in
exchange
for ransom, Agamemnon rebukes him: Dear brother, O Menelaos,
are
you
concerned
so
tenderly
/
with these
people?
Did
you
in
your
house
get
the best of
treatment
/ from
the
Trojans?
(VI.55-57).
Agamemnon,
like
Poseidon,
bears
continually
in
mind the
underserving,
treacherous
nature
of
the
Trojans.
There
is
another
passage
that deserves consideration
in
this
con
nection.
During
his
aristeia
(episode
of
an
individual warrior's
prowess
in
bat
tle)
in
Book
XI,
Agamemnon
captures
two
Trojans,
Peisander
and
Hippolochus,
sons
of Antimachus. The
poet
indicates
that
Antimachus
had
taken
more
gold
than
any
others from the
treasure
brought
to
Troy by
Alexander when
he carried
Helen
away.
He
had also
opposed
the
return
of
Helen
to
Menelaos.
When
Agamemnon
is
on
the
point
of
killing
his
two
sons,
they
again
make
an
offer
of
ransom,
to
which
Agamemnon replies,
If
in
truth
you
are
the
sons
of wise
Antimachus,
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43
that
man
who
once
among
the
Trojans
assembled advised
them
that
Menelaos,
who
came as
envoy
with
godlike
Odysseus,
should be
murdered
on
the
spot
nor
let
go
back
to
the
Achaians,
so
now
your
mutilation
shall
punish
the shame of
your
father.
(Iliad
XI.138-42)
Agamemnon's
words
underscore
again
the
untrustworthy
nature
of
the
Trojans.They
do
not
honor their
contracts;
when offered
hospitality, they
pay
it
back
by stealing
away
the wife and
treasures
of their
host;41
and when
an
embassy
is
sent to
them with
the
purpose
of
achieving
a
peaceful
end
to
the
conflict
they
propose
to
kill the
envoys.42
These
passages
contribute to
building
up
an
image
of the
Trojans
as
peo
ple
who
cannot
be
trusted,
whose word
is
evil
(as
Sarpedon
characterizes
Laomedon's),
or
has
no
value.43
But
Sarpedon's
short
speech
makes
a
second
important point
for the
reader
or
hearer of
the
Iliad,
namely,
that,
due
to
the treacherous behavior
of
the
Trojan
kings,
a
Greek
hero,
Heracles,
destroyed
the
city
in
the
past;
Troy,
therefore,
can
be
taken
again
by
the
Greeks.44
There
is
a
third
category
of
events
of the
past
that have
bearing
on
the
present
of the
poem:
events
in
which
gods
and humans interacted with
each
other.
The
Judgment
of
Paris is
one
of those
events.
Although
mentioned
directly only
at
XXIV.28-30,
it
nevertheless lies behind the
support
that
Aphrodite
lends
to
Paris
and
Helen,
and
more
generally
to
the
Trojans,
and
the
resentment
against
Troy
shown
by
Hera
and Athena.45
These
stories
are
mentioned
at
different
moments
of
the
plot
but
togeth
er
greatly
contribute
to
justifying
the Achaean attack
against Troy
and
the
Greek
mistrust
of the
Trojans.
When
the
Trojans
break the
truce
in
Book IV
(by
a
divinely inspired
action),
their behavior
is, then,
expected.
In the Odyssey too, past events of gods and humans extend their influ
ence as a
kind of
mortmain
over
the
present.
The last
stages
of the
Trojan
War
and
its
aftermath,
the
return
of
other
heroes,
are
developed
thematically
and
serve
as
justification
for
many
actions
and
events
in
the
poem.46
We
have
already
mentioned the
song
of
Phemius
in
1.325 ff.
about the
return
of the
Achaeans,
and
the
return
stories of
Nestor,
Menelaus,
and other
heroes
(3.130-92,
4.351-586).
The unfortunate
homecoming
of
Agamemnon,
who
is
killed
upon
arrival
by
his unfaithful wife
Clytaemnestra
and her
lover
Aegisthus,
casts
a
permanent
shadow
over
the
outcome
of
Odysseus's
return
in
the first
part
of
the
poem,
and
helps
to
justify
Odysseus's carefully planned
vengeance
in
the
second.47
Many
events
of the last
moments
of
Troy
are
also
touched
upon
throughout
the
poem,
such
as
Achilles's death
(5.308-10;
at
24.36-92 his
elaborate
funeral and the
games
in
his honor
are
also
men
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tioned),48
the
Trojan
Horse
(4.271-89,
8.
499-520),
the
dispute
of
Ajax
and
Odysseus
for
the
armor
of Achilles
(11.553-65),
events
narrated
in
the
cyclic
poems
Was
Miera
and
Woupersis. Odysseus
s
protracted
return
gives
him
expe
rience
and
prepares
him
for
the
situation he
will
be
facing
at
home.
His
past
as
ruler of
Ithaca,
as
husband
to
Penelope,
son
of
Laertes
and father of
Telemachus
is
precisely
what
moves
this
hero
forward,
to
continue his
voy
age,
to
make
it
back
home.
Odysseus
wants
to
return
to
that
past
situation
that
is
continually
evoked
through
the
poem,
and,
paradoxically,
as
he
des
perately
tries
to
get
back
to
his
past,
he advances
more
toward his
future.
His
is
a
collosal effort
to
get
things
back
to
the
way
they
were,
only
to
discover
that
things
have
dramatically changed.
When Teiresias reveals his
future
in the
underworld scene,
Odysseus
comes to terms with the
changes
and is himself
changed:
his
past,
as
he
remembered
and
wanted
it,
does
not
exist
anymore.
His
mother is
dead,
his
father
is
alienated from social
life,
and his
wife,
son,
and
household
are
under
siege.
In
spite
of
their
similar
scope,
and their similar ambitions
in
the devel
opment
of
their
plots
and their inclusion
of
past
events,
the
Iliad and the
Odyssey
also
present
major
differences.
One
point
in
which
the
two
poems
behave
very
differently
and
which
is
not
stressed
enough
in
current
scholar
ship is their
treatment
of the future. The Iliad often refers, through prophe
cies
and
anticipations,
to events
that
postdate
the end of the
poem,
above
all
to
the death
of Achilles and
the fall
of
Troy
and its immediate aftermath.
There
are
also
intimations
of
the future
in
the
Odyssey,
but all
events
that
are
predicted
in
the
Odyssey,
unlike the
Iliad,
come
to
full
realization
within
the
temporal
framework
of the
poem.
Projections
of
the
future
that
go
beyond
the time covered
by
its
own
narrative
are
practically
limited
to
the
predic
tion
of
Odysseus
s
death,
which has
some
bearing
but
whose
importance
cannot
be
compared
with
the
weight
attached
to
the
predictions
of Achilles's
death in the Iliad.
The different behavior
of
the
two
poems
in
regard
to
the
future
may
be
founded
on a
difference
of
scope
in
their
plots.
The
Iliad,
centered
on
the
episode
of Achilles's
dispute
with
Agamemnon
and
his
subsequent
wrath
against
the
Achaeans,
is also
a
poem
about
a
collective
enterprise:
the
war
of
Greeks
and
Trojans,
which
constitutes
the
last
major episode
in
the
Greek
mythical
tradition.
In
the character
of
Achilles the narrative
of
the
Iliad
binds
together
three
different,
and
traditional,
themes:
the
quarrel
of the
best
war
rior
with
the
figure
of
authority
in
a
war,
the
loss
of
a
very
close
friend,
and
the fulfillment
of
a
wish
which,
when
granted,
causes
greater
unhappiness
than before. The
quarrel
with
Agamemnon
leads
to
Achilles's
wish
to
see
the
Trojans
defeated and
to
be
himself honored
by
Zeus.
Zeus
grants
it, but,
at
the
Achaeans'
worst
moment,
when
Achilles's
best
friend, Patroclus,
takes
the
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8/9/2019 Reading Homer in the 21st Century
18/27
8/9/2019 Reading Homer in the 21st Century
19/27
46
College
iterature
4.2
[Spring
007]
But the truth is
that,
as
R.
Rutherford
put
it in
a
review
of
some
recent
titles
on
Homer,
We
simply
have
no
idea
who,
when and where
Homer
was.
On
the cre
ation of
the
name
and
persona
of Homer
see
West
(1999).
2 See Bakker
(2005, ix).The
Homeric
texts,
in
addition,
aremuch more
regular
and uniform than
other
known
oral
texts
that have
been
also
put
into
writing.
Some
critics
see no
other
way
to account
for
this
striking uniformity
than
to
postulate
the
dictation of the
text in
the
VIII
c.
(see,
among
others,
Janko
[1992,29]).
Other
schol
ars
prefer
a
different
vision of
the
facts and
speak
of
a
progressive
textualization;
see,
especially,
Nagy:
The fundamental
question
here
is
the
concept
of
multiformity
itself. What
is
described
as
'the
remarkable
uniformity'
of
the Uiad
and the
Odyssey
could instead
be viewed
as
a
matter
of
relatively
less
multiformity
in
terms
of these
poems
evolu
tion.
...
Multiformity
and
'uniformity'
as
polar opposites
cannot
simply
be
mapped
onto
oral and
written
poetry
respectively.
(Nagy
2001,113)
See
a
radical defense
of oral
composition
in
Pavese
(1998,
72-73);
others,
even
accepting
a
previous
oral
tradition,
consider the
composition
of the Iliad
or
Odyssey
impossible
without the intervention
of
writing.
3
The
relationship
of the Homeric
texts to
their
oral traditional
background
is
one
of the thorniest
questions
of
Homeric
scholarship.
It is connected
to
the issue
of
the
use
of
writing
in the
composition
of
the
poems,
and
to
many
complex
ques
tions about transmission.
I
am
as
skeptical
as
Foley,
I
will make
no
special
claim
about
the
precise
relationship
between
our
texts
of the
Homeric
poems
and
their
oral traditional
background,
in
part
because
I
believe that the
evidence
is
insufficient
to
support
a
confident
final
pronouncement.
. .
.
(1999, 4).
For
an
informed
expo
sition
of several
possibilities,
see
Scodel
(2002,
42-64).
4
On the
concept
of textualization
applied
to
Homer,
see
Nagy
(2001,
esp.
110
11)
where he
proposes
five different
stages
of textualization
for the
Homeric
poems.
Cantilena
(1997,
150-51)
expresses
his disdain for those who
uncritically
apply
to
the
Uiad
and
the
Odyssey
the
category
of
text,
which
allows
them
to
demonstrate
and confirm
the
unity
of
poems
which
are,
due
to
their
origins, prob
lematic in that
respect.
5
We
cannot
overstress
the
fact that the
poems
were
born
in
the
context
of
live
performance.
See
Foley,
In
the
case
of
a
living
oral
tradition,
the
very
act
of
performance
bears
special
mean
ing.
...
In
the
case
of
an
oral-derived,
textualized
tradition,
performance
can
be
keyed
rhe