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Rapid Support Forces: Tactics of bloodshed and violence against civilians in Sudan is not
new
Authorities must ensure independent and effective investigations that include violations by RSF
against protesters, and civilians in war regions
Rapid Support Forces patrolling the streets of Khartoum in June 2019 (AFP)
A brief report that examines the evolution of the RSF and roles they have played in conflicts within and outside Sudan, including
the recent massacre in Khartoum.
June 2019.
2
Table of Contents
3. ………………….. Investigation process and the dismissal of general prosecutor by the TMC
4. ………………………………………... Role of the RSF in the 3 June Massacre in Khartoum
6………………... The evolution of the RSF and their roles in conflicts within and outside Sudan
8 ………............ Hemeti’s relationship with al Bashir and his role in internal conflicts within al
Bashir’s national Congress Party.
10. ………………………………………International support for a civilian government in Sudan
10……………………………………………………………..Conclusion and Recommendations
11. …………………………………………………………….…………………. Hemeti’s Profile
13……………….…………………….……. Annex 1(List of protesters killed since 3 June 2019)
15…………………………………..……. Annex 2 (List of protesters Injured since 3 June 2019)
3
Millions of Sudanese were hopeful for a regime change, and an end to decades of brutality by the
Rapid Support Forces (RSF) following the ouster of former President, Omar al Bashir after months
of yet the longest and the most significant protests in Sudan’s history. However, many were left
disappointed but still hopeful after security agencies including the government-backed
paramilitary RSF brutally dispersed a sit-in outside the army headquarters in Khartoum on 3 June
2019.
The sit-in had lasted since 6 April 2019, and pro-democracy protesters had vowed to continue until
the Transitional Military Council(TMC) cedes power to civilian authority. The seven-member
TMC was established with a mandate of overseeing a two-year transitional period after the
Sudanese Army ousted al Bashir on 11 April 2019.
The violent attack unfortunately did not only end the sit-in, but also ended negotiations to form a
joint transitional council between the TMC and Alliance for Freedom and Change(AFC), an
umbrella organization for opposition and protests organizers. The TMC instead called for a general
election in the next nine months.
The AFC has since laid conditions that must be fulfilled before negotiations can resume, including;
an admission by the TMC of responsibility in the attack, release of the all political and war
prisoners, restoration of internet services, and withdrawal of military from the streets in Khartoum.
Ten days after the 3 June massacre in Khartoum, the TMC admitted that it ordered the dispersal
of the sit-in outside the Army headquarters which by “mistake” left scores dead, hundreds injured,
arrested and/or disappeared.
In a press conference, shams al-Din Kabashi, the TMC spokesman admitted that all members of
the TMC and security officers had convened the night before, on 2 June and agreed to disperse
protesters. The Sudanese Attorney General and the Head of the Judiciary were both present in the
meeting and even gave undisclosed advice to the TMC.
Investigation process and the dismissal of general prosecutor by TMC
On 13 June, the TMC promised to investigate the massacre and “hold accountable anyone,
regardless of their rank, if proven to have committed violations."
ACJPS received reliable information that an investigation committee headed by the prosecutor
general was formed to investigate the massacre. The committee however includes some members
of the security forces including, the RSF who took lead in the massacre.
At the start of the investigations, approximately 400 members of RSF were arrested as suspects of
the massacre and were detained in Suba prison in Khartoum. However, a reliable source informed
ACJPS that the alleged “suspects” agreed to a deal with the TMC to be detained for a few days
and would be released thereafter. The arrest was merely a show to the international community
that investigations had commenced.
4
On 20 June, ACJPS received reliable information indicating that, prosecutor general, Alwaleed
Sayed Ahmed was dismissed by TMC and was replaced by Abdullah Ahmed. Alwaleed had
recently been appointed prosecutor general for Sudan after the overthrow of President Omar al
Bashir in April 2019 and was heading the investigation committee.
After being appointed head of the investigation committee in June, Mr Alwaleed admitted
participating in the meeting convened by the TMC to disperse the sit-in but claimed to have left
by the time the purge operations were discussed. It is still unknown whether his dismissal relates
to his role in the ongoing investigations of the 3 June massacre.
Meanwhile the TMC has since then rejected and ignored calls by the opposition and international
community to permit investigations by independent bodies of the United Nations and African
Union, claiming that Sudan is a sovereign state.
Role of the RSF in the 3 June Massacre in Khartoum
Killings, Torture, Rape and Property destruction; tools previously used by the genocidal
Janjaweed militia against civilians in Darfur and other regions.
On 3 June 2019, at about 5:00AM, the RSF jointly with the national security officers, including
child soldiers armed with automatic guns, tear gas, woods, sticks and leather lashes violently
dispersed the sit-in outside the Army headquarters, popularly known among the protesters as
strikers’ square or Columbia. The attack, aimed at dispersing pro-democracy peaceful protesters
left at least 119 people killed ( see Annex 1), hundreds injured (see Annex 2) and/or arrested,
several raped and properties of protesters looted. The joint forces prevented and even attacked
medical workers for trying to save injured protesters, including inside hospitals.
According to a reliable source, more than 40 bodies were
recovered from the waters after security forces tried to
camouflage the extent of their crimes, by throwing bodies into
the River Nile, weighing them down with bricks. some
victims were allegedly raped inside a clinic attached to
Khartoum University where they had run for safety from the
security officers. Personal belongings of protesters including
vehicles and tents were burned. Several protesters hid
themselves in nearby buildings for more than 24 hours, and
those tried to leave their hideouts after 2 days were beaten by
the security forces who by then, were patrolling the streets. Map of the Sit-in in Khartoum.
Earlier, thousands of pro-democracy protesters who gathered to demand for transfer of power to a
civilian government by TMC had erected road blocks using stones and blocks primarily at the
entrance of the Army headquarters, and surrounding streets including Aljama and Albaladia
5
streets. Volunteers from amongst protesters searched every person entering the sit-in to ensure no
weapons or sharp objects were smuggled in.
The roadblocks were to intended increase pressure on the TMC, one of the reasons why people
guarding the roadblocks, popularly known as Tarasa were the first to be attacked by security forces
on 3 June after several attempts earlier to remove the barricades.
In May, the head of the TMC, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan even briefly suspended
negotiations between the TMC and the opposition for 72 hours and demanded that the barricades
be removed.
Deployment of RSF on the streets, bridges and buildings
Following the massacre and dispersal of the sit-in, on 4 June, the AFC announced a nation-wide
civil disobedience to which the RSF violently responded, killing several people. The RSF were
deployed to patrol streets and bridges all over Khartoum and the neighboring town of Omdurman.
They were also deployed inside the Army headquarter and in Khartoum international airport. To
date, the RSF have been deployed in the Eastern Yard, inside Khartoum University where they
allegedly continue to harass civilians.
According to a reliable source, more RSF members have been deployed to Khartoum from Darfur
to provide reinforcement. At least 6 people were arrested by the RSF in the week of 24-30 June.
Shutting down the Internet and attack on the media
Since 3 June, right after the massacre, the TMC has shut down internet services in the Country for
“national security reasons”. On 23 June, Khartoum General Court passed a decision ordering Zain
Telecommunications Company to restore internet services. The company was sued earlier by Mr
Abdel-Alheem Hassan, a Sudanese lawyer following the blackout. ACJPS has been informed that
Zain Telecommunication company has only reconnected Mr Hassan following the court order,
however other millions of Zain customers remain disconnected.
The TMC has stated that the internet will be shut down for a long time because it represents a
threat to national security.
Since 30 May 2019, the TMC has closed down the offices of Aljazeera news channel in Khartoum
and withdrawn their license without giving any justifications. Its journalists were also banned
from reporting in the country with immediate effect.
Arrest, detention and harassment of opposition by RSF.
Mr. Yasir Saeed Arman, a member of Sudan People’s Liberation Movement- North (SPLM-N)
was arrested and detained for days by the RSF in an unknown location. Mr Arman is also a member
of the Alliance for Freedom and Change who participated in negotiations with the TMC after his
return to Khartoum from exile, shortly after the ouster of al Bashir. He was reportedly beaten by
masked members of the RSF who carried out the arrest during a raid in his residence.
6
Days before his arrest, Mr. Arman had stated that the TMC asked him to leave the country but the
following day, he made another statement stating that he met with political committee of the TMC
and they reached an agreement for him to stay in Khartoum.
On 7 June, General Secretary of SPLM-N, Mr Ismail Jallab, and spokesman Mubarak Ardol were
also detained by the RSF a few hours after meeting with the Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy
Ahmed who had come to mediate between the Opposition and TMC.
Mr. Arman, Mubarak and Jallab were all deported against their will by the TMC to Juba, South
Sudan days after their arrest.
On 7 June, the RSF arrested Mr Mohammed Asmaat, the director of a department within the Sudan
Central bank and also member of the AFC negotiation team. His arrest followed his participation
in a meeting with the Ethiopian Prime minister who had come to mediate between AFC and TMC.
Mr Asmaat was allegedly threatened earlier on 28 May 2019 by RSF against participating in any
civil disobedience strike announced by AFC.
On 28 May, the RSF threatened, beat and arrested employees and engineers of Electricity Power
Authorities in Al-Raiyadh neighborhood in Khartoum. This followed their participation in a 2 days
civil disobedience announced by the AFC.
The evolution of the RSF and their roles in conflicts within and outside Sudan.
General Mohamed Hamdan
Dagalo, Deputy to the TMC and
Commander of the RSF promised
to hang perpetrators of the 3 June
Massacre. Pictured in June 2019
during a rally in Khartoum (AFP)
The RSF, a government-backed paramilitary force born out of the Janjaweed militia has for
decades committed gross violations with impunity against civilians in Sudan. Their leader, the
current deputy of the TMC, general Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, commonly known as Hemeti
belongs to the al Mahria clan of the Northern Arab Rezigat tribe found in North Darfur. The clan
commonly identifies themselves as Rezigate Camelist, to differentiate themselves from other Arab
Rezigate tribes living in the states of South and Central Darfur (the cowboys).
7
In 2006, Hemeti arrived in Khartoum back from two separate journeys to; Chad-Egypt and then to
the United Arab Emirates. His travel mission had been to raise funds to establish a military
movement against Sudanese government but his focus changed after the Sudanese Armed Forces
(SAF), then under the command of General Awad Ibn Awaf, the former head of the Transitional
Military Council convinced him to form an alliance with the Sudanese government instead.
Thereafter, Hemeti, together with his troops which came to be known as the Boarder Guard
Forces(BGF), started fighting alongside the SAF against the Darfurian rebels who had launched
their campaign against the government of Sudan since 2003. The BGF committed gross human
rights violations against civilians in Darfur including murder, torture and rape among others.
The fight against rebels in Darfur continued in alliance with other militias in the region, including
those under the command of Musa Hilal, a member of the Mahamied clan of Rezigate tribe, Saeed
Abdulla Mahmoud from the Etifat clan of the Rezigate tribe, Ali Mohamed Abdul Rahman,
commonly known as Ali Kosheyb, Mohamed Abdalla Sharar also known as Digersho, and Ahmed
Abdul Rahim Mohamed, commonly known as Shakartalla.
It should be noted that some of these militia commanders including Ali Kosheyb have been
indicted by the International Criminal Court(ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Musa Hilal was later arrested in 2017 and charged with crimes under articles 50 (undermining the
constitutional system) and 130 (murder) of the Sudanese Criminal Act, 1991 and has been in
detention since then. General Shakartalla joined the SAF and is now the governor of Blue Nile
State.
In addition to the Darfur region, the BGF were also deployed to fight rebels in other Sudanese
states. For example, in 2014, the BGF were deployed to the states of West and Southern Kordofan
where they continued gross violations against civilians including mass killings, torture and rape as
the fought against the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement – Northern sector (SPLM-N). They
were withdrawn after a short while and deployed to North Kordofan.
The militias were also moved to South Darfur where they attacked nearly 26 villages in Eastern
Nyala, displacing approximately 70,000 civilians and to date, the area remains under their control.
In Blue Nile state, the BGF were deployed to fight the SPLM-N but were withdrawn after a short
while. They moved back to Darfur where were launched a series of attacks in areas under control
of Sudanese Liberation Movement /Minni Minnawi functions and, later against the Justice and
Equality Movement (JEM) in South Darfur.
In January 2014, al- Bashir rewarded the BGF by changing their name to Rapid Support Forces
and moved their administration from SAF to the National Intelligence Security Services(NISS).
In May 2017, the RSF fought against the joint forces of Sudanese Liberation Movement/Minni
Minnawi, Transitional Council, Sudanese Liberation Movement /Nimir Abdul Rahman in Darfur.
8
The clash ended with the arrest of 155 war prisoners who to date, remain in incommunicado
detention in Al-Huda prison, Khartoum.
In very supposed development, in August 2016, the RSF under the command of Hemeti appeared
in the Sudanese-Libyan boarder, supposedly to control the flow of illegal immigrants across the
border into Europe through Libya. Their deployment at the border followed the agreement by
Sudan to control migrant movement into Europe during the meeting of the Khartoum Process.
Millions of Euros have been paid by the European Union under Khartoum Process to facilitate the
work of the RSF in intercepting migrants at the border. In April 2019, Hemeti happily received
top western diplomats in his office as the deputy of the TMC.
It can rightly be said that the Khartoum Process simply modified the role of RSF from militias
who committed gross human rights violations against civilians in Sudan to a paramilitary force
tasked with fighting against illegal immigration into Europe. In their fight against illegal
immigration, RSF have been accused of gross human rights violations against immigrants, mainly
from the Horn of Africa. In 2016, 25 cars and tracks confiscated by the RSF from smugglers were
allegedly distributed to high ranks RSF offices without any official resolution while the suspects
were arrested and detained in Dungla criminal court, Northern State.
Hemeti’s relationship with al Bashir and his role in internal conflicts within al Bashir’s national
Congress Party.
Mohamed Hamadan Dagolo(Right) meets the Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman in Jeddah in May 2019 (SPA)
In 2015, Sudanese international relation policy witnessed an end to almost a 26-year relationship
between Khartoum and Iran since 1989. The relationship between the two countries ended after
9
Khartoum formed an alliance with Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates(UAE) mainly to seek
economic aid to revamp its struggling economy that had lost nearly 75% of oil revenues to South
Sudan after its session in 2011.
In return, Sudan agreed and deployed more than 17,000 Sudanese fighters, primarily comprised of
Hemeti’s RSF militia to fight in Yemen, in support of Yemeni president, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi,
who fled to Saudi Arabia after being ousted by pro-Iranian Houthi militias in Yemen. The
Sudanese fighters were deployed to Yemen under the command of the current head of the
Transitional Military Council, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan.
The other reason for this alliance was because Sudan believed that the alliance with the two Arab
countries would enhance its relationship with the United States of America, and eventually pave
way for the lifting of the United States imposed economic sanctions on Sudan since 1997(which
was lifted in 2017) as well to remove Sudan from the United States Department of States’ lists of
the counties that sponsor terrorism.
In fact, in May 2017, Mr. Taha Osman Alhussien, Director of the President’s office in al Bashir’s
regime was photographed shaking hands with United States President, Donald Trump at the
American Islamic Summit in Saudi Arabia which al Bashir could not attend because of the pending
arrest warrant issued against him by the ICC. Mr Taha was a close ally of al Bashir and reliable
information indicated that he personally advised al Bashir to form the alliance with Saudi Arabia
and UAE.
In a twist of events, on 14 June 2017, Mr Taha left Sudan for Saudi Arabia after a misunderstanding
with al Bashir that saw his dismissal from office. Al Bashir appointed Hemeti Abdul Gafar al
Sharif, the former director of NISS political section to investigate Taha’s allies against him.
However, the strained relationship between Abdul and al Bashir saw Abdul’s dismissal from office
later in February 2018. Moreover, he was sentenced to seven years imprisonment, which was later
reduced to six by the appeal court following his conviction on charges of abuse of power under
the NISS Act of 2010.
In the same week that Mr. Taha Osman left Sudan, all RSF troops were withdrawn from Khartoum
and deployed to South Darfur State, with salaries conditioned to be received from the later rather
than Khartoum. This was the starting point of the silent conflict between al-Bashir and Hemeti.
Later in July 2017, al Bashir issued a presidential decree to collect weapons in Darfur states, but
it was cancelled before it came into force and was replaced with second decree, NO 419/2017
which included the RSF as part of the security forces tasked to collected the weapons. Reliable
information indicated that Al-Bashir’s initial plan was to disarmed the RSF but he changed his
mind after realizing that the militia played a big role in Sudan’s alliance with Saudi Arabia and
UAE, that is supplying fighters in Yemen.
On 20 December 2018, Hemeti announced that the RSF would not engaged in quelling the anti-
government protests that broke out on 19 December 2018 and led to the overthrow of President al
10
Bashir on 11 April 2019. Clearly, Hemeti was still assessing the situation but he eventually played
his role in fall of Al-Bashir, not for the good of Sudanese People but for his own political interests.
Following the overthrow of al Bashir by the army, Mr. Taha Osman was one of the first exiled
Sudanese to return to Khartoum. He arrived in Sudan accompanied by Saudi delegation. He had
promised that “I will be back to Khartoum soon” during an interview in Addis Abba, Ethiopia with
Mr Maha Eltelyeb, a journalist of Altyaar newspaper. Mr. Abdul Gafar AL Sharif was also freed
three weeks ago from jail and all charges against him were dropped by the TMC.
Today, Khartoum the capital of Sudan is dominated by the RSF and their leader Hemeti remains
the deputy of the TMC since April 2019 despite the disapproval of his appointment by the both
Sudanese opposition leaders and the international community because of his role as leader of the
RSF that have committed gross violations in Sudan.
International support for a civilian government in Sudan.
The African Union has since 4 June suspended Sudan and initiated a mediation process whilst
the European Union has promised economic assistance conditional on power being handed to
civilians. It is however important for the international community to target that the financial
empire behind Hemedti's rise to power - including his exports of gold from Darfur, as well as his
direct profiteering from the war in Yemen through global sanctions for a better outcome.
Conclusion and Recommendation
The patterns of crimes committed over the past few weeks are all very familiar to the Sudanese
people. The same conduct that has been used over the past 30 years to terrorise civilians throughout
the country, including in Darfur, South Kordofan, Blue Nile, and now Khartoum where it is being
used to annihilate unanimous demands for regime change. The brutality of the RSF have to be
stopped and accountability must be among the measures used to do so.
ACJPS strongly calls on authorities to carry out an investigation which is independent, credible
and, which will hold RSF accountable for crimes committed against protesters and those
committed against civilians in all the war regions.
11
Who is Hemeti?
His full names Mohamed Hamadan Dagalo, he was born in 1974 in Gariz village, North Darfur.
He moved his clan, the Maharia clan of the Northern Arab Rezigate tribe to South Darfur State to
live in a land historically owned by four different tribes. They settled in a village called Un Algwra,
15 kilometers from Nyala, the capital of South Darfur. Mr. Hemeti finished his primary six class
at Masri primary school located in Western Kutum town, North Darfur. He carried out businesses
across borders with Libya, dealing in camels.
In 2005, during one of his trips to Egypt, he met a group of Nomads from Darfur and their
discussion led to the established of a military movement similar to Sudan Liberation Movements
that was lunched in Darfur in 2003 by Abdul Wahid Mohamed Noor and his colleagues Minni
Manawi, Ahmed Abdulshafi (Toba) and other four members of the Zagawa and Masalite tribes of
Darfur.
Mr. Hemeti was named the general command of the movement, then called the Democratic
People’s Front, composed of mainly University graduates except for a few including Hemeti.
Hemeti appointed his cousin, Hamadan as the military command of the movement.
The movement started its first military operation against the Police in Yara area, Central Darfur
state where they looted four police cars and established their military base near Un Algura village.
In 2006, Hemeti embarked on a Journey to Chad and Dubai to seek financial assistance for his
military movement, on his way back from Dubai through Khartoum, he was called by the Military
intelligent of SAF. He discovered that the military intelligent had found out all about his activities
and intentions. The call and subsequent meetings ended with a new deal where he accepted to join
the government of Sudan to fight against the Darfurian rebels.
In the same year, Hemeti’s fighters were taken by SAF from Darfur to Aljalili in Khartoum Bahari
for a military training. In 2007, Hemeti left South Darfur for Eastern Darfur to create a new alliance
with Darfurian rebels called, Sudanese Revolution Front Movement led by Mr. Salah Abu Alsura 1. After few months, General Hemeti headed back to Nyala, South Darfur after he found it difficult
to control his militia from a distance.
In 2014, his militia members received another military training by SAF in Kadaro, Khartoum
Bahari. Following that training, the name of the militia was changed from Board Guard Forces
under SAF affiliation to Rapid Support Forces under NISS umbrella.
1 Mr. Salah Abu Alsura is member of Rezigate tribe of Eastern Darfur. He grew up in Kosti town in White Nile State.
12
In 2017, Mr. Hemeti resettled his clan in Alzuroq area in upper Northern Darfur where he has
established a military base and residences. He has developed the area by constructing a hospital,
oil stores, custom station and an airport which is still under construction. Although most of the
sources of his finances are unknown, Hemeti and the RSF are reported to benefit from two gold
companies (Aljenaid and Alfatim companies) under their control in Jabal, North Darfur in addition
to 10% of salaries of Sudanese fighters in Yemen that goes to the RSF Fund.
Who is Ahmed Abdul Rahim Mohamed, also known as (Shakartalla)
Shakartalla was born in Ardamata village in West Darfur State. He joined the Sudanese Military
collage and graduated in 1984. He also participated in the Sudanese civil war under SAF between
1992-1999.
In 2004, he was sentenced to ten years in prison after he was convicted by a military court of
Elgenina, West Darfur for the murder of civilians from the Masalite tribe in Bida and Hajar krong
villages in 2000. He was imprisoned in Kober prison in Khartoum Bahari but was released a few
months later after he reached a deal with the government of Sudan to fight against rebels in
Elgenina.
Shakartalla formed about 2000 fighters, established a base in Central Elgenina town, and was later
transferred to Khartoum to join SAF. He was appointed in 2019 as governor of Blue Nile state.
13
Annex 1
Names of Pro-democracy protesters killed since 3 June 2019.
ACJPS has obtained names of the following people killed since 3 June in Khartoum, where
available, details of death have been included. Several un identified bodies were also recovered
from the Nile.
1. Abbas Farah Abbas (m), 27
2. Abdul Salam Kiesha Abdul Salam (m), 25
3. Abdul Whab Saeed (m), 21
4. Adam Eldouma (m), 40
5. Ahmed Jafar Mustafa Khugali (m)
6. Ahmed Mohamed Alfaki (m), 23
7. AL haj Suleiman (m)
8. Alamin Ismail Al-Amin (m), 27
9. Ali Fadul Alatiy Ali (m), sustained gun shot.
10. Ali Mohamed Elnoor known as Samba (m),25.
11. Ali Saboon Hassan (m), sustained gun shot.
12. Alkali Mohamed Mallah (m), 18
13. Almuzaz Suleiman (m),
14. Alnouman Rajab Ali Taha (m), 29
15. Alnzir Abdul Rahman (m)
16. Alwasila Nadir (m)
17. Amal Koac, her body was retrieved from River Nile in Khartoum
18. Amir Adam Yousef Abdul Kareem (m), 17 .
19. Amro Anas Mohamed Elsafi (m), sustained gun shot.
20. Amro Ibrahim (m),
21. Awad Saif Ataia (m)
22. Aymen Osama (m), 17, shot in chest .
23. Ayoub Mohamed Abakar (m), 20, shot in stomach.
24. Aziz Elide Mohamed Bushra (m), 41
25. Badur Eldien Rabie Mohamed Ali (m) sustained gunshot and his dead body was
recovered from River Nile.
26. Burie Adam Yousef (m)
27. Burie Mustasim Seif Eldien (m), 18
28. Daw Elbiet Ibrahim Mukhtar (m), 28 ,
14
29. Eaid Farooq Ahmed (m)
30. Faisal Abdul Aziz Abdullah (m), 38
31. Faiza Ahmed Osman (f), 60
32. Gabush Mubarak Adam (m), sustained gun shot.
33. Hanafi Abdul Shakour Hanafi (m), 22, was crushed by a military car on 3 June 2019.
34. Hassam Seif Elyajal (m), 40
35. Haytham Elnour (m), 15
36. Huzifa Mohamed Abdullah (m) 15
37. Ibrahim Musa (m)
38. Ibrahim Saleh Omer (m)
39. Ismail Ali Abdul Hadi (m) 42
40. Jebrallah Mohamed Mallah (m), 20
41. Jedo Mohamed Baraka Hamadan (m), 22
42. Juma Ismail Ahmed Sharaf Eldien (m), 35
43. Khatir Hussein khatir (m), 2, shot in head.
44. Laual Wellum Yak (m)
45. Maaz Abdullah (m), 20, shot in head.
46. Mahathir Idris Mohamed Zain (m)
47. Mahmoud Abdullah Alamir (m), 22
48. Mahmoud Ahmed Abdul Gaiuom (m)
49. Majdi Adam Babkir (m), 22
50. Mohamed Abdul Mahmoud Fadul Almwla Saeed (m), 32
51. Mohamed Abdullah Mohamed (m), sustained gun shot.
52. Mohamed Almjtaba Abdul Rahman Dawina (m), sustained gun shot and his dead body
found in the river Nile.
53. Mohamed Alsir Khamis Ibrahim (m), 22
54. Mohamed Fatihi Ali Ibrahim (m),
55. Mohamed Hashem Salih Mater (m) 26,
56. Mohamed Idis Alfaki Jedo (m), 24
57. Mohamed Suleiman Jalfour (m), sustained gun shot.
58. Mohamed Taj Alsir Mohamed (m),
59. Muhanad Mohamed Fouad (m), 14
60. Mujadid Izz Eldien Mohamed Nasur (m)
61. Mujahid Jemma Ramadan (m), 24
62. Mujtaba Salah Ahmed Alhadi (m)
63. Munzer Yousef Al-Amin (m), 28, shot
64. Murad Eltijani Mohamed Haj Elkhidir (m), 6
65. Musab Saeed Shegil (m), 23.
66. Mustafa Altaj Mohamed Osman (m)
67. Mustafa Suleiman Abdullah Nauma (m), sustained gun shot.
15
68. Naji Khandagawi Isa (m), 8, shot in head.
69. Omer Mohamed Hussein Bahar (m) 23
70. Osman Abdien Mahmoud (m), 28
71. Osman Hasaballa Sidiq (m)
72. Osman Ibrahim Hussein (m)
73. Osman Mohamed Gesim Elsied (m), 20, shot in the head.
74. Osman Sid Agmed (m), shot in the back.
75. Rana Jone (f)
76. Saad Mansur Abdien (m)
77. Saber Eltijani Abdul Rahman (m)
78. Saeed Mohamed Saeed (m), 39,
79. Salah Eldien Seif Eldwala Abdurrahman Ali Taha (m), 26
80. Samuel Emanuel (m)
81. Sidiq AL haj Ahmed Abakar (m), 17
82. Sidiq Ibrahim Osman (m), sustained gun shot.
83. Taj Eldien Alawal Dorman (m), 37
84. Udiey Bashir Nurie (m)
85. Walid Bakhit Elteyeb (m)
86. Walled Abdul Rahman Salim (m), 37, shot in chest.
87. Yasir Ali Mohamed Abdullah (m), she shot in chest and shoulder, his dead body was
found in river Nile
88. Zumran Hassan Yousef (m), 21
Annex 2
List of Injured People.
ACJPS has obtained details of the following people injured in the 3 June Massacre in Khartoum.
Where available, nature of injures have been included.
1. Abdul Elah Abu Zaid (m) Alhamadab neighborhood in Khartoum.
2. Abdul Gadir Abdul Rahim (m) Alnuzha neighborhood in Omdurman.
3. Abdul Monim Hatim (m), Khartoum Bahari.
4. Abdul Nasir Hashem (m), Kalakla neighborhood of Khartoum.
5. Abdul Rahman Eltahir (m)
6. Abdul Rahim Eltahir (m), Wad Nubawi neighborhood of Omdurman.
7. Abdul Rahim Ibrahim Saeed (m), Omdurman.
16
8. Abu Alkram Ahmed (m), Aljerif neighborhood of Khartoum.
10. Ahmed Abdul Kareem (m) wounded by a rubber bullet.
11. Ahmed Eid Suleiman, Arabic Market Khartoum
12. Ahmed Fatah Allah (m), Omdurman.
13. Ahmed Ibrahim Ahmed (m), Shambate neighborhood of Khartoum Bahari.
14. Ahmed Mohamed Alfaki (m)
15. Ahmed Mustafa (m), Jabra neighborhood of Khartoum.
16. Al- Noor Awad (m), Kalakla Square neighborhood of Khartoum.
17. Ali Ahmed Taha, (m), 17
18. Ali Mohamed Adam (m), Arabic Market of Khartoum.
19. Ali Mohamed Adam (m), Arabic Market of Khartoum.
20. Ali Osman (m), Al-Haj Yousef neighborhood in Khartoum Bahari.
21. Alisha Edis (f), Al- Sahafa neighborhood in Khartoum.
22. Alrayah Mohamed Abu Baker (m), Khartoum Bahari.
23. Amar Yaris (m)
24. Amel Taj Elide (f).
25. Ashraf Hashem Abbas (m), Almanshia neighborhood of Khartoum.
26. Awad Hamad (m), Dar Al-Salam neighborhood of Omdurman.
27. Ayaat Ahmed (f), Alslmania neighborhood of Khartoum.
28. Babkir Ali (m)
29. Babkir Mohamed Ali (m), Khartoum Bahari.
30. Babkir Zakary (m), Port Sudan, Red Sea State.
31. Bushara Mohamed (m), Omdurman
32. Bushara Mohamed Ali (m)
33. Eibhab(m).
34. Eltahir Abdul Jalal Eltahir (m), Omdurman.
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35. Emad Abu Baker Daoud (m), 27, shot in right shoulder. He was admitted at Eastern Nile
hospital in Khartoum Bahari. His ear was cut off by the RSF in main street on his way home after
being discharged from the hospital.
36. Habib Babkir(m), Alazhari neighborhood of Khartoum.
37. Hamadan Ali Ahmed (m), Kalakla square neighborhood of Khartoum.
38. Hamadan Mohamed (m), graduated of Eugenia University in West Darfur, was shot and
sustained injuries in the head. He was admitted in the intensive care unit of imperial hospital of
Khartoum.
39. Hassan (known as Tayara), (m), was shot and sustained injuries in his feet.
40. Hassan El-Sharif (m), 25, graduate of Kordofan University. He sustained injuries in the
head and right feet and was admitted at Imperial Hospital of Khartoum.
41. Hatim Alalmin (m), Almanshia neighborhood of Khartoum.
42. Hawa Ali (f), Mayo neighborhood of Khartoum.
43. Heba Elteyeb(f), Arkawiet neighborhood of Khartoum.
44. Huda Tariq (f), Omdurman.
45. Ibrahim Badul Kareem(m).
46. Ismail Musa(m), Kaforie neighborhood of Khartoum.
47. Ismail Musa(m), Kaforie neighborhood of Khartoum.
48. Jamal Hassan(m) student of Sudan technology, music and drama school. Sustained injuries
in several parts of his body as a result of lashing.
49. Khalil Alzain(m), Eid Hussein, neighborhood of Khartoum.
50. Loran Osman (f), Wad Nubawi neighborhood of Omdurman.
51. Lugman Ahmed Atiah (m), Eid Hussein, neighborhood of Khartoum.
52. Madih Mudawi (m), Alsalama neighborhood of Khartoum.
53. Majid Aljundi (m), Omdurman.
54. Malik Abdul Rahman, Thura neighborhood of Omdurman.
55. Mohamed Al- Bashar (m), 23, student of Korana University, sustained injuries in the back
resulting from lashing.
56. Mohamed Amir (m), Khartoum.
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57. Mohamed Jafar (m).
58. Mohamed Samir (m), Omdurman.
59. Mohamed Seif (m), Algadarif in Eastern Sudan.
60. Momen (m), shot and injured in the feet
61. Muaiad Jalal (m), Al- Sahafa neighborhood of Khartoum.
62. Mudathier Babakir (m)
63. Mujtaba Ahmed (m).
64. Mujtaba Ibrahim (m)
65. Murtada Eltahir (m).
66. Musa Majdie (m), Burie neighborhood of Khartoum.
67. Musab Ahmed (m), Al- Sahafa neighborhood of Khartoum.
68. Musab Kamil (m), Arkawiet neighborhood of Khartoum.
69. Mustafa Naji (m)
70. Mutaz Abdul Kareem (m), Khartoum Bahari.
71. Nadir Mudawi (m), Alslama neighborhood of Khartoum.
72. Nasir Jafar (m), Central Market of Khartoum.
73. Nasir Jamar (m),
74. Noor Elide Hassan (m), Al-Haj Yousef of Khartoum Bahari.
75. Noor Elide Hussein (m), Al-Haj Yousef neighborhood of Khartoum Bahari
76. Omer Abdul Aziz (m), Omdurman
77. Osman Mohamed Gism Alsied (m), Algadarif of Eastern Sudan.
78. Rawda Alsubih (f)
79. Sahib Hassan (m).
80. Samir Ali (m), Halfa Aljadida (new Halfa), Kasala State of Eastern Sudan.
81. Sief Elide Abdalla (m) Aljekhais village of Omdurman.
82. Suliman Ismail (m)
83. Susuan Majdi (f), Burie neighborhood of Khartoum.
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84. Yasir Omer (m), Al-Riyad neighborhood of Khartoum.
85. Yosef Juma (m), Al-Haj Yousef neighborhood of Khartoum Bahari.
86. Yousef (m), Al- Sahafa neighborhood of Khartoum.
87. Zinab Musa (f)