WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES UNITE!

QUOTATIONS FROM

CHAIRMAN

MAO TSE - TUNG

★

FOREIGN LANGUAGE PRESSP E K I N G 1966

QUOTATIONS FROM

CHAIRMAN

MAO TSE -TUNG

★

FOREIGN LANGUAGE PRESSP E K I N G 1966

First Edition 1966

Printed in the People’s Republic of China

Study Chairman Mao’s writings, followhis teachings and act according to hisinstructions.

Lin Piao

A facsimile of the above state-ment by Comrade Lin Piaoin his own handwriting appearson the previous page.

FOREWORD TO

THE SECOND EDITION OF

QUOTATIONS FROM

CHAIRMAN MAO TSE-TUNG

(December 16, 1966)

Lin Piao

Comrade Mao Tse-tung is the greatestMarxist-Leninist of our era. He has in-herited, defended and developed Marxism-Leninism with genius, creatively and com-prehensively and has brought it to a higherand completely new stage.

Mao Tse-tung’s thought is Marxism-Leninism of the era in which imperialismis heading for total collapse and socialismis advancing to world-wide victory. It is apowerful ideological weapon for opposingimperialism and for opposing revisionism

and dogmatism. Mao Tse-tung’s thoughtis the guiding principle for all the work ofthe Party, the army and the country.

Therefore, the most fundamental task inour Party’s political and ideological workis at all times to hold high the great redbanner of Mao Tse-tung’s thought, to armthe minds of the people throughout thecountry with it and to persist in using itto command every field of activity. Thebroad masses of the workers, peasants andsoldiers and the broad ranks of the rev-olutionary cadres and the intellectualsshould really master Mao Tse-tung’sthought; they should all study ChairmanMao’s writings, follow his teachings, actaccording to his instructions and be hisgood fighters.

In studying the works of Chairman Mao,one should have specific problems in mind,study and apply his works in a creativeway, combine study with application, firststudy what must be urgently applied so asto get quick results, and strive hard toapply what one is studying. In order real-ly to master Mao Tse-tung’s thought, it is

essential to study many of Chairman Mao’sbasic concepts over and over again, andit is best to memorize important statementsand study and apply them repeatedly. Thenewspapers should regularly carry quota-tions from Chairman Mao relevant to cur-rent issues for readers to study and apply.The experience of the broad masses in theircreative study and application of ChairmanMao's works in the last few years hasproved that to study selected quotationsfrom Chairman Mao with specific problemsin mind is a good way to learn MaoTse-tung's thought, a method conducive toquick results.

We have compiled Quotations fromChairman Mao Tse-tung in order to helpthe broad masses learn Mao Tse-tung’sthought more effectively. In organizingtheir study, units should select passagesthat are relevant to the situation, theirtasks, the current thinking of their person-nel, and the state of their work.

In our great motherland, a new era isemerging in which the workers, peasantsand soldiers are grasping Marxism-

Leninism, Mao Tse-tung’s thought. OnceMao Tse-tung’s thought is grasped by thebroad masses, it becomes an inexhaustiblesource of strength and a spiritual atombomb of infinite power. The large-scalepublication of Quotations from ChairmanMao Tse-tung is a vital measure for en-abling the broad masses to grasp MaoTse-tung’s thought and for promoting therevolutionization of our people’s thinking.It is our hope that all comrades will learnearnestly and diligently, bring about a newnation-wide high tide in the creative studyand application of Chairman Mao’s worksand, under the great red banner of MaoTse-tung’s thought, strive to build our coun-try into a great socialist state with modernagriculture, modern industry, modern scienceand culture and modern national defence!

C O N T E N T S

I. The Communist Party !

II. Classes and Class Struggle *

III. Socialism and Communism @#

IV. The Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People $%

V. War and Peace %*

VI. Imperialism and All Reaction-aries Are Paper Tigers &@

VII. Dare to Struggle and Dare to Win *@

VIII. People’s War **

IX. The People’s Army ((

X. Leadership of Party Committees !)$

XI. The Mass Line !!*

XII. Political Work !#$

XIII. Relations Between Officers andMen !$*

XIV. Relations Between the Armyand the People !%#

XV. Democracy in the Three MainFields !%&

XVI. Education and the Training ofTroops !^%

XVII. Serving the People !&)

XVIII. Patriotism and Internationalism !&%

XIX. Revolutionary Heroism !*!

XX. Building Our Country ThroughDiligence and Frugality !*^

XXI. Self-Reliance and Arduous Strug-gle !($

XXII. Methods of Thinking and Meth-ods of Work @)#

XXIII. Investigation and Study @#)

XXIV. Ideological Self-Cultivation @#&

XXV. Unity @%!

XXVI. Discipline @%$

XXVII. Criticism and Self-Criticism @%*

XXVIII. Communists @^*

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XXXIII. Study #)$

Unless otherwise stated, the pagenumber given for the source of a quota-tion refers to the first English editionof the book or pamphlet cited as pub-lished by the Foreign LanguagesPress, Peking.

In cases where a word or phraselinked to the preceding text has beenomitted in the opening sentence of thequotation, an asterisk is placed afterthe source. This is also done in a num-ber of places where the English render-ing has been reworded to make up foromission of context or to improve thetranslation.

Translator

1

I. THE COMMUNIST

PARTY

The force at the core leading our causeforward is the Chinese Communist Party.

The theoretical basis guiding our think-ing is Marxism- Leninism

Opening address at the First

Session of the First National

People’s Congress of the People’s

Republic of China (September 15,

1954).

If there is to be revolution, there mustbe a revolutionary party. Without a rev-olutionary party, without a party built onthe Marxist-Leninist revolutionary theoryand in the Marxist-Leninist revolutionarystyle, it is impossible to lead the workingclass and the broad masses of the people

2

in defeating imperialism and its runningdogs.

“Revolutionary Forces of theWorld Unite, Fight Against Im-perialist Aggression!” (Novem-ber 1948), Selected Works , Vol.IV, p. 284.*

Without the efforts of the Chinese Com-munist Party, without the Chinese Com-munists as the mainstay of the Chinesepeople, China can never achieve independ-ence and liberation, or industrialization andthe modernization of her agriculture.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24, 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 318.*

The Chinese Communist Party is thecore of leadership of the whole Chinesepeople. Without this core, the cause ofsocialism cannot be victorious.

Talk at the general receptionfor the delegates to the ThirdNational Congress of the New-Democratic Youth League ofChina (May 25 , 1957).

3

A well-disciplined Party armed with thetheory of Marxism-Leninism, using themethod of self-criticism and linked withthe masses of the people; an army underthe leadership of such a Party; a unitedfront of all revolutionary classes and allrevolutionary groups under the leadershipof such a Party — these are the three mainweapons with which we have defeated theenemy.

“On the People’s Democratic

Dictatorship” (June 30 , 1949),

Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 422.

We must have faith in the masses and we musthave faith in the Party. These are two cardinalprinciples. If we doubt these principles, we shallaccomplish nothing.

On the Question of Agricultural

Co-operation (July 31 , 1955), 3rd

ed., p. 7.*

[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 188.]

Armed with Marxist-Leninist theory andideology, the Communist Party of China

4

has brought a new style of work to theChinese people, a style of work whichessentially entails integrating theory withpractice, forging close links with the massesand practising self-criticism.

“On Coalition Government”

(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. III, p. 314 .*

No political party can possibly lead a

great revolutionary movement to victory

unless it possesses revolutionary theory and

a knowledge of history and has a profound

grasp of the practical movement.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-

munist Party in the National

War” (October 1938), Selected

Works , Vol. II, p. 208 .

As we used to say, the rectificationmovement is “a widespread movement ofMarxist education”. Rectification meansthe whole Party studying Marxism throughcriticism and self-criticism. We can cer-

5

tainly learn more about Marxism in thecourse of the rectification movement.

Speech at the Chinese CommunistParty’s National Conference onPropaganda Work (March 12,1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 14.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 428.]

It is an arduous task to ensure a betterlife for the several hundred million peopleof China and to build our economicallyand culturally backward country into aprosperous and powerful one with a highlevel of culture. And it is precisely in orderto be able to shoulder this task more com-petently and work better together with allnon-Party people who are actuated by highideals and determined to institute reformsthat we must conduct rectification move-ments both now and in the future, and con-stantly rid ourselves of whatever is wrong.

Ibid., pp. 15-16.*

Policy is the starting-point of all thepractical actions of a revolutionary partyand manifests itself in the process and theend-result of that party’s actions. A revolu-tionary party is carrying out a policy

6

whenever it takes any action. If it is notcarrying out a correct policy, it is carryingout a wrong policy; if it is not carryingout a given policy consciously, it is doingso blindly. What we call experience isthe process and the end-result of carryingout a policy. Only through the practice ofthe people, that is, through experience, canwe verify whether a policy is correct orwrong and determine to what extent it iscorrect or wrong. But people’s practice,especially the practice of a revolutionaryparty and the revolutionary masses, cannotbut be bound up with one policy or another.Therefore, before any action is taken, wemust explain the policy, which we haveformulated in the light of the given cir-cumstances, to Party members and to themasses. Otherwise, Party members andthe masses will depart from the guidanceof our policy, act blindly and carry out awrong policy.

“On the Policy Concerning In-dustry and Commerce” (February27, 1948), Selected Works, Vol.IV, pp. 204-05 .*

7

Our Party has laid down the generalline and general policy of the Chinese revo-lution as well as various specific lines forwork and specific policies. However, whilemany comrades remember our Party’sspecific lines for work and specific policies,they often forget its general line andgeneral policy. If we actually forget theParty’s general line and general policy,then we shall be blind, half-baked,muddle-headed revolutionaries, and whenwe carry out a specific line for work anda specific policy, we shall lose our bear-ings and vacillate now to the left and nowto the right, and the work will suffer.

“Speech at a Conference of Cad-res in the Shansi-Suiyuan Lib-erated Area” (April 1, 1948),

Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 238.*

Policy and tactics are the life of theParty; leading comrades at all levels mustgive them full attention and must neveron any account be negligent.

“A Circular on the Situation”(March 20, 1948), Selected Works,Vol. IV, p. 220 .

8

II. CLASSES AND CLASS

STRUGGLE

Classes struggle, some classes triumph,others are eliminated. Such is history, suchis the history of civilization for thousandsof years. To interpret history from thisviewpoint is historical materialism; stand-ing in opposition to this viewpoint ishistorical idealism.

“Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for-

Struggle” (August 14, 1949),

Selected Works, Vol. IV, p 428.

In class society everyone lives as a mem-ber of a particular class, and every kindof thinking, without exception, is stampedwith the brand of a class.

“On Practice” (July 1937),

Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 296.

9

Changes in society are due chiefly tothe development of the internal contradic-tions in society, that is, the contradictionbetween the productive forces and therelations of production, the contradictionbetween classes and the contradiction be-tween the old and the new; it is thedevelopment of these contradictions thatpushes society forward and gives theimpetus for the supersession of the oldsociety by the new.

“On Contradiction” (August1937), Selected Works, Vol. I,p. 314 .

The ruthless economic exploitation andpolitical oppression of the peasants by thelandlord class forced them into numerousuprisings against its rule. . . . It was theclass struggles of the peasants, the peasantuprisings and peasant wars that constitutedthe real motive force of historical develop-ment in Chinese feudal society.

“The Chinese Revolution and theChinese Communist Party” (De-cember 1939), Selected Works,Vol. II, p. 308.*

10

In the final analysis, national struggle

is a matter of class struggle. Among the

whites in the United States it is only the

reactionary ruling circles who oppress the

black people. They can in no way

represent the workers, farmers, revolu-

tionary intellectuals and other enlightened

persons who comprise the overwhelming

majority of the white people.

“Statement Supporting the Amer-

ican Negroes in Their Just

Struggle Against Racial Discrim-

ination by U.S. Imperialism”

(August 8 , 1963), People of the

World, Unite and Defeat the

U.S. Aggressors and All Their

Lackeys , 2nd ed., pp. 3-4 .*

It is up to us to organize the people.

As for the reactionaries in China, it is up

to us to organize the people to overthrow

them. Everything reactionary is the same;

if you don’t hit it, it won’t fall. This is

also like sweeping the floor; as a rule,

11

where the broom does not reach, the dust

will not vanish of itself.

“The Situation and Our Policy

After the Victory in the War of

Resistance Against Japan”

(August 13 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. IV, p. 19 .

The enemy will not perish of himself.

Neither the Chinese reactionaries nor the

aggressive forces of U.S. imperialism in

China will step down from the stage of

history of their own accord.

“Carry the Revolution Through

to the End” (December 30 , 1948),

Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 301.

A revolution is not a dinner party, or

writing an essay, or painting a picture, or

doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined,

so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind,

courteous, restrained and magnanimous.

A revolution is an insurrection, an act of

12

violence by which one class overthrowsanother.

“Report on an Investigation ofthe Peasant Movement in Hunan”(March 1927), Selected Works,Vol. I , p. 28 .*

Chiang Kai-shek always tries to wrestevery ounce of power and every ounce ofgain from the people. And we? Ourpolicy is to give him tit for tat and to fightfor every inch of land. We act after hisfashion. He always tries to impose waron the people, one sword in his left handand another in his right. We take upswords, too, following his example. . . . AsChiang Kai-shek is now sharpening hisswords, we must sharpen ours too.

“The Situation and Our PolicyAfter the Victory in the War ofResistance Against Japan”(August 13 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. IV, pp. 14-15.

Who are our enemies? Who are ourfriends? This is a question of the first im-portance for the revolution. The basic

13

reason why all previous revolutionarystruggles in China achieved so little wastheir failure to unite with real friends inorder to attack real enemies. A revolu-tionary party is the guide of the masses,and no revolution ever succeeds when therevolutionary party leads them astray. Toensure that we will definitely achievesuccess in our revolution and will not leadthe masses astray, we must pay attentionto uniting with our real friends in order toattack our real enemies. To distinguishreal friends from real enemies, we mustmake a general analysis of the economicstatus of the various classes in Chinese so-ciety and of their respective attitudes to-wards the revolution.

“Analysis of the Classes in Chi-nese Society” (March 1926), Se-lected Works, Vol. I, p. 13.

Our enemies are all those in league withimperialism — the warlords, the bureau-crats, the comprador class, the big landlordclass and the reactionary section of theintelligentsia attached to them. The lead-

14

ing force in our revolution is the industrialproletariat. Our closest friends are theentire semi-proletariat and petty bour-geoisie. As for the vacillating middlebourgeoisie, their right-wing may becomeour enemy and their left-wing may becomeour friend — but we must be constantly onour guard and not let them create con-fusion within our ranks.

Ibid., p. 19.*

Whoever sides with the revolutionarypeople is a revolutionary. Whoever sideswith imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism is a counter-revolutionary. Who-ever sides with the revolutionary peoplein words only but acts otherwise is arevolutionary in speech. Whoever sideswith the revolutionary people in deed aswell as in word is a revolutionary in thefull sense.

Closing speech at the SecondSession of the First NationalCommittee of the Chinese Peo-ple’s Political Consultative Conerence (June 23 , 1950).

15

I hold that it is bad as far as we are con-cerned if a person, a political party, anarmy or a school is not attacked by theenemy, for in that case it would definitelymean that we have sunk to the level of theenemy. It is good if we are attacked by theenemy, since it proves that we have drawn aclear line of demarcation between theenemy and ourselves. It is still better if theenemy attacks us wildly and paints us asutterly black and without a single virtue; itdemonstrates that we have not only drawna clear line of demarcation between theenemy and ourselves but achieved a greatdeal in our work.

To Be Attacked by the Enemy IsNot a Bad Thing but a Good Thing(May 26, 1939), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.*

We should support whatever the enemyopposes and oppose whatever the enemysupports.

“Interview with Three Correspond-ents from the Central News Agency,the Sao Tang Pao and the HsinMin Pao” (September 16 , 1939),Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 272.

16

Our stand is that of the proletariat andof the masses. For members of the Com-munist Party, this means keeping to thestand of the Party, keeping to Party spiritand Party policy.

“Talks at the Yenan Forum onLiterature and Art” (May 1942),Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 70.

After the enemies with guns have beenwiped out, there will still be enemies with-out guns; they are bound to struggle des-perately against us, and we must neverregard these enemies lightly. If we do notnow raise and understand the problem inthis way, we shall commit the gravest mis-takes.

“Report to the Second PlenarySession of the Seventh CentralCommittee of the CommunistParty of China” (March 5 , 1949),Selected Works , Vol . IV, p . 364 .*

The imperialists and domestic reaction-aries will certainly not take their defeatlying down and they will struggle to the

17

last ditch. After there is peace and orderthroughout the country, they will still en-gage in sabotage and create disturbances invarious ways and will try every day andevery minute to stage a come-back. Thisis inevitable and beyond all doubt, andunder no circumstances must we relax ourvigilance.

Opening address at the FirstPlenary Session of the ChinesePeople’s Political ConsultativeConference (September 21, 1949).

In China, although in the main socialisttransformation has been completed withrespect to the system of ownership, andalthough the large-scale and turbulent classstruggles of the masses characteristic of theprevious revolutionary periods have in themain come to an end, there are still rem-nants of the overthrown landlord and com-prador classes, there is still a bourgeoisie,and the remoulding of the petty bourgeoisiehas only just started. The class struggle isby no means over. The class struggle be-tween the proletariat and the bourgeoisie,

18

the class struggle between the differentpolitical forces, and the class struggle in theideological held between the proletariatand the bourgeoisie will continue to be longand tortuous and at times will even be-come very acute. The proletariat seeks totransform the world according to its ownworld outlook, and so does the bourgeoisie.In this respect, the question of which willwin out, socialism or capitalism, is still notreally settled.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocketed., pp. 51-52.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 409.]

It will take a fairly long period of timeto decide the issue in the ideological strug-gle between socialism and capitalism in ourcountry. The reason is that the influence ofthe bourgeoisie and of the intellectuals whocome from the old society will remain inour country for a long time to come, and sowill their class ideology. If this is not suffi-ciently understood, or is not understood at

19

all, the gravest mistakes will be made andthe necessity of waging the struggle in theideological held will be ignored.

Ibid., pp. 52-53 .

In our country bourgeois and petty-bour-geois ideology, anti-Marxist ideology, willcontinue to exist for a long time. Basically,the socialist system has been established inour country. We have won the basic vic-tory in transforming the ownership of themeans of production, but we have not yetwon complete victory on the political andideological fronts. In the ideological field,the question of who will win in the strugglebetween the proletariat and the bourgeoisiehas not been really settled yet. We stillhave to wage a protracted struggle againstbourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology. Itis wrong not to understand this and togive up ideological struggle. All erroneousideas, all poisonous weeds, all ghosts andmonsters, must be subjected to criticism; inno circumstance should they be allowed tospread unchecked. However, the criticism

20

should be fully reasoned, analytical andconvincing, and not rough, bureaucratic,metaphysical or dogmatic.

Speech at the Chinese CommunistParty’s National Conference onPropaganda Work (March 12,1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 26-27.*[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 434.]

Both dogmatism and revisionism runcounter to Marxism. Marxism must cer-tainly advance; it must develop along withthe development of practice and cannotstand still. It would become lifeless if itremained stagnant and stereotyped. How-ever, the basic principles of Marxismmust never be violated, or otherwise mis-takes will be made. It is dogmatism toapproach Marxism from a metaphysicalpoint of view and to regard it as somethingrigid. It is revisionism to negate the basicprinciples of Marxism and to negate its uni-versal truth. Revisionism is one form ofbourgeois ideology. The revisionists denythe differences between socialism and capi-talism, between the dictatorship of the pro-

21

letariat and the dictatorship of the bour-geoisie. What they advocate is in fact notthe socialist line but the capitalist line. Inpresent circumstances, revisionism is morepernicious than dogmatism. One of ourcurrent important tasks on the ideologicalfront is to unfold criticism of revisionism.

Ibid., pp. 27-28.

Revisionism, or Right opportunism, is abourgeois trend of thought that is evenmore dangerous than dogmatism. The re-visionists, the Right opportunists, pay lip-service to Marxism; they too attack“dogmatism”. But what they are really at-tacking is the quintessence of Marxism.They oppose or distort materialism anddialectics, oppose or try to weaken the peo-ple’s democratic dictatorship and the lead-ing role of the Communist Party, andoppose or try to weaken socialist trans-formation and socialist construction. Afterthe basic victory of the socialist revolutionin our country, there are still a number ofpeople who vainly hope to restore the

22

capitalist system and fight the working classon every front, including the ideologicalone. And their right-hand men in thisstruggle are the revisionists.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,pp. 56-57.[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 411-12.]

23

III. SOCIALISM AND

COMMUNISM

Communism is at once a complete system

of proletarian ideology and a new social

system It is different from any other ide-

ological and social system, and is the most

complete, progressive, revolutionary and

rational system in human history. The ide-

ological and social system of feudalism has

a place only in the museum of history. The

ideological and social system of capitalism

has also become a museum piece in one

part of the world (in the Soviet Union),

while in other countries it resembles “a

dying person who is sinking fast, like the

sun setting beyond the western hills”, and

will soon be relegated to the museum. The

communist ideological and social system

alone is full of youth and vitality, sweep-

24

ing the world with the momentum of anavalanche and the force of a thunderbolt.

“On New Democracy” (January1940), Selected Works, Vol. II,pp. 360-61.*

The socialist system will eventuallyreplace the capitalist system; this is anobjective law independent of man’s will.However much the reactionaries try tohold back the wheel of history, sooner orlater revolution will take place and willinevitably triumph.

“Speech at the Meeting of theSupreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.in Celebration of the 40th An-niversary of the Great OctoberSocialist Revolution” (November6, 1957).

We Communists never conceal our po-litical views. Definitely and beyond alldoubt, our future or maximum programmeis to carry China forward to socialism andcommunism. Both the name of our Party

25

and our Marxist world outlook unequivo-cally point to this supreme ideal of thefuture, a future of incomparable brightnessand splendour.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 282 .*

Taken as a whole, the Chinese revolu-tionary movement led by the CommunistParty embraces the two stages, i.e., thedemocratic and the socialist revolutions,which are two essentially different revolu-tionary processes, and the second processcan be carried through only after thefirst has been completed. The democraticrevolution is the necessary preparation forthe socialist revolution, and the socialistrevolution is the inevitable sequel to thedemocratic revolution. The ultimate aimfor which all communists strive is to bringabout a socialist and communist society.

“The Chinese Revolution and theChinese Communist Party” (De-cember 1939), Selected Works,Vol. II, p. 330-31 .*

26

Socialist revolution aims at liberating theproductive forces. The change-over fromindividual to socialist, collective ownershipin agriculture and handicrafts and fromcapitalist to socialist ownership in privateindustry and commerce is bound to bringabout a tremendous liberation of the pro-ductive forces. Thus the social conditionsare being created for a tremendous ex-pansion of industrial and agricultural pro-duction.

Speech a t the Supreme S ta te

Conference (January 25 , 1956).

We are now carrying out a revolutionnot only in the social system, the changefrom private to public ownership, but alsoin technology, the change from handi-craft to large-scale modern machine pro-duction, and the two revolutions are inter-connected. In agriculture, with conditionsas they are in our country co-operation mustprecede the use of big machinery (in capi-talist countries agriculture develops in a

27

capitalist way). Therefore we must on noaccount regard industry and agriculture,socialist industrialization and the socialisttransformation of agriculture as two sep-arate and isolated things, and on noaccount must we emphasize the one andplay down the other.

On the Question of Agricultural

Co-operation (July 31 , 1955), 3rd

ed., pp. 19-20.

[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 197.]

The new social system has only just beenestablished and requires time for its con-solidation. It must not be assumed thatthe new system can be completely consol-idated the moment it is established, forthat is impossible. It has to be consoli-dated step by step. To achieve its ulti-mate consolidation, it is necessary not onlyto bring about the socialist industrializationof the country and persevere in the socialistrevolution on the economic front, but tocarry on constant and arduous socialist rev-olutionary struggles and socialist educationon the political and ideological fronts.

28

Moreover, various contributory internationalfactors are required.

Speech at the Chinese CommunistPar ty ’s Na t iona l Con ference onPropaganda Work (March 12 ,1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.*[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 423.]

In China the struggle to consolidate thesocialist system, the struggle to decidewhether socialism or capitalism will pre-vail, will still take a long historical period.But we should all realize that the newsystem of socialism will unquestionably beconsolidated. We can assuredly build asocialist state with modern industry, mod-ern agriculture, and modern science andculture.

Ibid., pp. 2-3.

The number of intellectuals who are hos-tile to our state is very small. They donot like our state, i.e. , the dictatorship ofthe proletariat, and yearn for the old so-ciety. Whenever there is an opportunitythey will stir up trouble and attempt tooverthrow the Communist Party and re-

29

store the old China. As between the pro-letarian and the bourgeois roads, as be-tween the socialist and the capitalist roads,these people stubbornly choose to followthe latter. In fact this road is impossible,and in fact, therefore, they are ready tocapitulate to imperialism, feudalism andbureaucrat-capitalism. Such people are tobe found in political circles and in indus-trial and commercial, cultural and educa-tional, scientific and technological andreligious circles, and they are extremelyreactionary.

Ibid., pp. 3-4.

The serious problem is the educationof the peasantry. The peasant economyis scattered, and the socialization of agri-culture, judging by the Soviet Union’sexperience, will require a long time andpainstaking work. Without socialization ofagriculture, there can be no complete, con-solidated socialism.

“On the People’s DemocraticDictatorship” (June 30 , 1949),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 419.

30

We must have faith, first, that the peas-ant masses are ready to advance step bystep along the road of socialism under theleadership of the Party, and second, thatthe Party is capable of leading the peasantsalong this road. These two points are theessence of the matter, the main current.

On the Ques t ion o f Agr icu l tura lCo-operat ion ( Ju ly 31 , 1955) , 3 rded., p. 18 .*[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 196.]

The leading bodies in co-operatives mustestablish the dominant position of the poorpeasants and the new lower middle peas-ants in these bodies, with the old lowermiddle peasants and the upper middle peas-ants — whether old or new — as the sup-plementary force. Only thus can unitybetween the poor and middle peasants beattained, the co-operatives be consolidated,production be expanded and the socialisttransformation of the entire countryside becorrectly accomplished in accordance withthe Party’s policy. Otherwise, unity betweenthe middle and poor peasants cannot beattained, the co-operatives cannot be con-

31

solidated, production cannot be expanded,and the socialist transformation of the en-tire countryside cannot be achieved.

In t roduc to ry no te to “How Con-t ro l o f the Wutang Co-opera t iveSh i f t ed f rom the Midd le to thePoor Peasan t s” (195 5 ) , The So-cial is t Upsurge in China ’s Coun-tryside, Chinese ed., Vol. II.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 254.]

It is essential to unite with the middlepeasants, and it is wrong not to do so. Buton whom must the working class and theCommunist Party rely in the countryside inorder to unite with the middle peasantsand realize the socialist transformation ofthe entire countryside? Surely on none otherthan the poor peasants. That was the casewhen the struggle against the landlords wasbeing waged and the land reform was beingcarried out, and that is the case todaywhen the struggle against the rich peasantsand other capitalist elements is being wagedto achieve the socialist transformation ofagriculture. In both these revolutionaryperiods, the middle peasants wavered in

32

the initial stages. It is only after they clearlysee the general trend of events and the ap-proaching triumph of the revolution that themiddle peasants will come in on the sideof the revolution. The poor peasants mustwork on the middle peasants and win themover, so that the revolution will broadenfrom day to day until final victory.

Introductory note to “The Les-son of the ‘Middle-Peasant Co-operative’ and the ‘Poor-PeasantCo-operative’ in Fuan County”(1955), The Socialist Upsurge inChina’s Countryside, Chinese ed.,Vol. II.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 257.]

There is a serious tendency towardscapitalism among the well-to-do peasants.This tendency will become rampant if wein the slightest way neglect political workamong the peasants during the co-operativemovement and for a very long period after.

Introductory note to “A Res-olute Struggle Must Be WagedAgainst the Tendency TowardsCapitalism” (1955). The SocialistUpsurge in China’s Countryside ,Chinese ed., Vol. I.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 261.]

33

The agricultural co-operative movementhas been a severe ideological and politicalstruggle from the very beginning. No co-operative can be established without goingthrough such a struggle. Before a brand-newsocial system can be built on the site ofthe old, the site must be swept clean.Invariably, remnants of old ideas reflectingthe old system remain in people’s mindsfor a long time, and they do not easily giveway. After a co-operative is established, itmust go through many more struggles be-fore it can be consolidated. Even then,the moment it relaxes its efforts it maycollapse.

Introductory note to “A SeriousLesson” (1955), The SocialistUpsurge in China’s Countryside,Chinese ed., Vol. I.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 260.]

The spontaneous forces of capitalism havebeen steadily growing in the countrysidein recent years, with new rich peasantsspringing up everywhere and many well-to-do middle peasants striving to becomerich peasants. On the other hand, many poorpeasants are still living in poverty for lack

34

of sufficient means of production, with somein debt and others selling or renting outtheir land. If this tendency goes unchecked,the polarization in the countryside willinevitably be aggravated day by day. Thosepeasants who lose their land and those whoremain in poverty will complain that we aredoing nothing to save them from ruin or tohelp them overcome their difficulties. Norwill the well-to-do middle peasants who areheading in the capitalist direction be pleasedwith us, for we shall never be able to satisfytheir demands unless we intend to take thecapitalist road. Can the worker-peasantalliance continue to stand firm in thesecircumstances? Obviously not. There isno solution to this problem except on anew basis. And that means to bring about,step by step, the socialist transformationof the whole of agriculture simultaneouslywith the gradual realization of socialistindustrialization and the socialist transfor-mation of handicrafts and capitalist industryand commerce; in other words, it means tocarry out co-operation and eliminate therich-peasant economy and the individual

35

economy in the countryside so that all therural people will become increasingly welloff together. We maintain that this is theonly way to consolidate the worker-peasantalliance.

On the Question of AgriculturalCo-operation (July 31 , 1955), 3rded., pp. 26-27.*[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 201-202.]

By overall planning we mean planningwhich takes into consideration the interestsof the 600 million people of our country.In drawing up plans, handling affairs orthinking over problems, we must proceedfrom the fact that China has a populationof 600 million people, and we must neverforget this fact.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 47.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 407.]

In addition to the leadership of the Party,a decisive factor is our population of 600million. More people mean a greater fer-ment of ideas, more enthusiasm and moreenergy. Never before have the masses of

36

the people been so inspired, so militantand so daring as at present.

“Introducing a Co-operative”(April 15, 1958).

Apart from their other characteristics,the outstanding thing about China’s 600million people is that they are “poor andblank”. This may seem a bad thing, butin reality it is a good thing. Poverty givesrise to the desire for change, the desire foraction and the desire for revolution. On ablank sheet of paper free from any mark,the freshest and most beautiful characterscan be written, the freshest and most beau-tiful pictures can be painted.

Ibid .

After the country-wide victory of theChinese revolution and the solution of theland problem, two basic contradictions willstill exist in China. The first is internal,that is, the contradiction between the work-ing class and the bourgeoisie. The secondis external, that is, the contradiction be-tween China and the imperialist countries.

37

Consequently, after the victory of the peo-ple’s democratic revolution, the state powerof the people’s republic under the leader-ship of the working class must not be weak-ened but must be strengthened.

“Report to the Second PlenarySession of the Seventh CentralCommittee of the CommunistParty of China” (March 5 , 1949),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 369.

“Don’t you want to abolish state power?”Yes, we do, but not right now; we cannotdo it yet. Why? Because imperialism stillexists, because domestic reaction still exists,because classes still exist in our country.Our present task is to strengthen the peo-ple’s state apparatus — mainly the people’sarmy, the people’s police and the people’scourts — in order to consolidate nationaldefence and protect the people’s interests.

“On the People’s DemocraticDictatorship” (June 30 , 1949), Se-lected Works , Vol. IV, p. 418 .

Our state is a people’s democratic dic-tatorship led by the working class and based

38

on the worker-peasant alliance. What isthis dictatorship for? Its first function isto suppress the reactionary classes and ele-ments and those exploiters in our countrywho resist the socialist revolution, to sup-press those who try to wreck our socialistconstruction, or in other words, to resolvethe internal contradictions between our-selves and the enemy. For instance, toarrest, try and sentence certain counter-revolutionaries, and to deprive land-lords and bureaucrat-capitalists of theirright to vote and their freedom of speechfor a specified period of time — all thiscomes within the scope of our dictatorship.To maintain public order and safeguardthe interests of the people, it is likewisenecessary to exercise dictatorship over em-bezzlers, swindlers, arsonists, murderers,criminal gangs and other scoundrels whoseriously disrupt public order. The secondfunction of this dictatorship is to protectour country from subversion and possibleaggression by external enemies. In thatevent, it is the task of this dictatorshipto resolve the external contradiction be-

39

tween ourselves and the enemy. The aim ofthis dictatorship is to protect all our peo-ple so that they can devote themselves topeaceful labour and build China into a so-cialist country with a modern industry,agriculture, science and culture.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocketed., pp. 6-7 .[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 387.]

The people’s democratic dictatorshipneeds the leadership of the working class.For it is only the working class that is mostfar-sighted, most selfless and most thor-oughly revolutionary. The entire history ofrevolution proves that without the leader-ship of the working class revolution failsand that with the leadership of the workingclass revolution triumphs.

“On the People’s DemocraticDictatorship” (June 30 , 1949),Se lec ted Works , Vo l . IV, p . 421 .

The people’s democratic dictatorship isbased on the alliance of the working class,the peasantry and the urban petty bour-

40

geoisie, and mainly on the alliance of theworkers and the peasants, because thesetwo classes comprise 80 to 90 per cent ofChina’s population. These two classes arethe main force in overthrowing imperialismand the Kuomintang reactionaries. The tran-sition from New Democracy to socialismalso depends mainly upon their alliance.

Ibid.

Class struggle, the struggle for productionand scientific experiment are the three greatrevolutionary movements for building amighty socialist country. These movementsare a sure guarantee that Communists willbe free from bureaucracy and immuneagainst revisionism and dogmatism, andwill for ever remain invincible. They are areliable guarantee that the proletariat willbe able to unite with the broad workingmasses and realize a democratic dicta-torship. If, in the absence of these move-ments, the landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements and ogresof all kinds were allowed to crawl out,

41

while our cadres were to shut their eyes toall this and in many cases fail even todifferentiate between the enemy and our-selves but were to collaborate with theenemy and were corrupted, divided anddemoralized by him, if our cadres were thuspulled out or the enemy were able to sneakin, and if many of our workers, peasants,and intellectuals were left defencelessagainst both the soft and the hard tacticsof the enemy, then it would not take long,perhaps only several years or a decade, orseveral decades at most, before a counter-revolutionary restoration on a nationalscale inevitably occurred, the Marxist-Leninist party would undoubtedly become arevisionist party or a fascist party, and thewhole of China would change its colour.

Note on “The Seven Well-Written Documents of ChekiangProvince Concerning Cadres’Participation in Physical La-bour” (May 9 , 1963), quoted inOn Khrushchov’s Phoney Com-munism and Its Historical Les-sons for the World , pp. 71-72.*

42

The people’s democratic dictatorshipuses two methods. Towards the enemy, ituses the method of dictatorship, that is,for as long a period of time as is necessaryit does not let them take part in politicalactivities and compels them to obey thelaw of the People’s Government and toengage in labour and, through labour,transform themselves into new men. To-wards the people, on the contrary, it usesthe method not of compulsion but ofdemocracy, that is, it must necessarily letthem take part in political activities anddoes not compel them to do this or that,but uses the method of democracy in edu-cating and persuading them.

Closing speech at the SecondSession of the First NationalCommittee of the Chinese Peo-ple’s Political Consultative Con-ference (June 23, 1950).

Under the leadership of the CommunistParty, the Chinese people are carrying outa vigorous rectification movement in orderto bring about the rapid development of

43

socialism in China on a firmer basis. It isa movement for carrying out a nation-widedebate which is both guided and free, adebate in the city and the countryside onsuch questions as the socialist road versusthe capitalist road, the basic system of thestate and its major policies, the workingstyle of Party and government function-aries, and the question of the welfare of thepeople, a debate which is conducted bysetting forth facts and reasoning things out,so as correctly to resolve those actual con-tradictions among the people which demandimmediate solution. This is a socialistmovement for the self-education and self-remoulding of the people.

“Speech at the Meeting of theSupreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.in Celebration of the 40th An-niversary of the Great OctoberSocialist Revolution” (November6, 1957).

Most arduous tasks lie ahead of usin the great work of construction. Al-though there are over 10 million mem-

44

bers in our Party, they still constitute a verysmall minority of the country’s population.In government departments and publicorganizations and enterprises much workhas to be done by non-Party people. It isimpossible to get this work well done unlesswe are good at relying on the masses andco-operating with non-Party people. Whilecontinuing to strengthen the unity of thewhole Party, we must also continue tostrengthen the unity of all our nationalities,democratic classes, democratic parties andpeople’s organizations, and to consolidateand expand the people’s democratic unitedfront, and we must conscientiously get rid ofevery unhealthy manifestation in any linkin our work that is detrimental to the unitybetween the Party and the people.

“Opening Address at the EighthNational Congress of the Com-munist Party of China” (Septem-ber 15, 1956).

45

IV. THE CORRECT

HANDLING OF

CONTRADICTIONS AMONG

THE PEOPLE

We are confronted by two types of socialcontradictions — those between ourselvesand the enemy and those among the peo-ple themselves. The two are totally differ-ent in their nature.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 2.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 384.]

To understand these two different typesof contradictions correctly, we must firstbe clear on what is meant by “the people”and what is meant by “the enemy”. . . . Atthe present stage, the period of building

46

socialism, the classes, strata and socialgroups which favour, support and work forthe cause of socialist construction all comewithin the category of the people, whilethe social forces and groups which resistthe socialist revolution and are hostile toor sabotage socialist construction are allenemies of the people.

Ibid., pp. 2-3.

In the conditions prevailing in Chinatoday, the contradictions among the peoplecomprise the contradictions within the work-ing class, the contradictions within thepeasantry, the contradictions within theintelligentsia, the contradictions betweenthe working class and the peasantry, thecontradictions between the workers andpeasants on the one hand and the intellec-tuals on the other, the contradictions be-tween the working class and other sectionsof the working people on the one hand andthe national bourgeoisie on the other, thecontradictions within the national bour-geoisie, and so on. Our People’s Govern-ment is one that genuinely represents the

47

people’s interests, it is a government thatserves the people. Nevertheless, there arestill certain contradictions between the gov-ernment and the people. These includecontradictions among the interests of thestate, the interests of the collective andthe interests of the individual; betweendemocracy and centralism; between theleadership and the led; and the contradic-tion arising from the bureaucratic style ofwork of certain government workers in theirrelations with the masses. All these are alsocontradictions among the people. General-ly speaking, the people’s basic identity ofinterests underlies the contradictions amongthe people.

Ibid., pp. 3-4.

The contradictions between ourselves andthe enemy are antagonistic contradictions.Within the ranks of the people, the con-tradictions among the working people arenon-antagonistic, while those between theexploited and the exploiting classes have anon-antagonistic aspect in addition to anantagonistic aspect.

Ibid., p. 3.

48

In the political life of our people, howshould right be distinguished from wrongin one’s words and actions? On the basisof the principles of our Constitution, thewill of the overwhelming majority of ourpeople and the common political positionswhich have been proclaimed on variousoccasions by our political parties andgroups, we consider that, broadly speak-ing, the criteria should be as follows:

(1) Words and actions should help to

unite, and not divide, the people of our

various nationalities.

(2) They should be beneficial, and

not harmful, to socialist transformation

and socialist construction.

(3) They should help to consolidate,

and not undermine or weaken, the peo-

ple’s democratic dictatorship.

(4) They should help to consolidate,

and not undermine or weaken, demo-

cratic centralism.

(5) They should help to strengthen,

and not discard or weaken, the leader-

ship of the Communist Party.

49

(6) They should be beneficial, andnot harmful, to international socialistunity and the unity of the peace-lovingpeople of the world.

Of these six criteria, the most important arethe socialist path and the leadership of theParty.

Ibid., pp. 57-58.

The question of suppressing counter-revolutionaries is one of a struggle betweenourselves and the enemy, a contradiction be-tween ourselves and the enemy. Among thepeople, there are some who see this questionin a somewhat different light. Two kinds ofpersons hold views different from ours.Those with a Rightist way of thinking makeno distinction between ourselves and theenemy and take the enemy for our own peo-ple. They regard as friends the very personswhom the broad masses regard as enemies.Those with a “Left” way of thinkingmagnify contradictions between ourselvesand the enemy to such an extent that theytake certain contradictions among the peo-ple for contradictions with the enemy and

50

regard as counter-revolutionaries personswho are not really counter-revolutionaries.Both these views are wrong. Neither canlead to the correct handling of the questionof suppressing counter-revolutionaries orto a correct assessment of this work.

Ibid., p. 25.

Qualitatively different contradictions canonly be resolved by qualitatively differentmethods. For instance, the contradictionbetween the proletariat and the bourgeoisieis resolved by the method of socialist rev-olution; the contradiction between the greatmasses of the people and the feudal sys-tem is resolved by the method of democrat-ic revolution; the contradiction betweenthe colonies and imperialism is resolvedby the method of national revolutionarywar; the contradiction between the workingclass and the peasant class in socialist so-ciety is resolved by the method of collec-tivization and mechanization in agriculture;contradiction within the Communist Partyis resolved by the method of criticism andself-criticism; the contradiction between

51

society and nature is resolved by the meth-od of developing the productive forces.. . . The principle of using different meth-ods to resolve different contradictions is onewhich Marxist-Leninists must strictly ob-serve.

“On Contradiction” (August 1937),Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 321-22.

Since they are different in nature, thecontradictions between ourselves and theenemy and the contradictions among thepeople must be resolved by differentmethods. To put it briefly, the former area matter of drawing a clear distinctionbetween ourselves and the enemy, and thelatter a matter of drawing a clear distinc-tion between right and wrong. It is, ofcourse, true that the distinction betweenourselves and the enemy is also a matter ofright and wrong. For example, the questionof who is in the right, we or the domesticand foreign reactionaries, the imperial-ists, the feudalists and bureaucrat-capital-ists, is also a matter of right and wrong,

52

but it is in a different category from ques-tions of right and wrong among the peo-ple.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,pp. 5-6 .[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 386.]

The only way to settle questions of anideological nature or controversial issuesamong the people is by the democraticmethod, the method of discussion, of criti-cism, of persuasion and education, and notby the method of coercion or repression.

Ibid., p. 11.

To be able to carry on their productionand studies effectively and to arrange theirlives properly, the people want their govern-ment and those in charge of production andof cultural and educational organizationsto issue appropriate orders of an obligatorynature. It is common sense that the main-tenance of public order would be impos-sible without such administrative regula-

53

tions. Administrative orders and themethod of persuasion and education com-plement each other in resolving contradic-

tions among the people. Even administra-

tive regulations for the maintenance of

public order must be accompanied by per-

suasion and education, for in many cases

regulations alone will not work.

Ibid., pp. 11-12.

Inevitably, the bourgeoisie and pettybourgeoisie will give expression to theirown ideologies. Inevitably, they will stub-bornly express themselves on political andideological questions by every possiblemeans. You cannot expect them to dootherwise. We should not use the methodof suppression and prevent them from ex-pressing themselves, but should allow themto do so and at the same time argue withthem and direct appropriate criticism atthem. We must undoubtedly criticizewrong ideas of every description. It cer-tainly would not be right to refrain fromcriticism, look on while wrong ideas spread

54

unchecked and allow them to monopolizethe field. Mistakes must be criticized andpoisonous weeds fought wherever they cropup. However, such criticism should not bedogmatic, and the metaphysical methodshould not be used, but efforts should bemade to apply the dialectical method. Whatis needed is scientific analysis and convinc-ing argument.

Ibid., pp. 55-56.

To criticize the people’s shortcomings isnecessary, . . . but in doing so we musttruly take the stand of the people andspeak out of whole-hearted eagerness toprotect and educate them. To treat com-rades like enemies is to go over to thestand of the enemy.

“Talks at the Yenan Forum on

Literature and Art” (May 1942),

Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 92.

Contradiction and struggle are universaland absolute, but the methods of resolvingcontradictions, that is, the forms of strug-gle, differ according to the differences in

55

the nature of the contradictions. Somecontradictions are characterized by openantagonism, others are not. In accordancewith the concrete development of things,some contradictions which were originallynon-antagonistic develop into antagonisticones, while others which were originally an-tagonistic develop into non-antagonisticones.

“On Contradiction” (August1937), Selected Works, Vol. I,p. 344 .

In ordinary circumstances, contradictionsamong the people are not antagonistic. Butif they are not handled properly, or if werelax our vigilance and lower our guard,antagonism may arise. In a socialist country,a development of this kind is usually onlya localized and temporary phenomenon.The reason is that the system of exploitationof man by man has been abolished and theinterests of the people are basically the same.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 14 .[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 391.]

56

In our country, the contradiction betweenthe working class and the national bour-geoisie belongs to the category of contradic-tions among the people. By and large, theclass struggle between the two is a classstruggle within the ranks of the people, be-cause the Chinese national bourgeoisie hasa dual character. In the period of the bour-geois-democratic revolution, it had both arevolutionary and a conciliationist side toits character. In the period of the socialistrevolution, exploitation of the working classfor profit constitutes one side of the char-acter of the national bourgeoisie, while itssupport of the Constitution and its willing-ness to accept socialist transformation con-stitute the other. The national bourgeoisiediffers from the imperialists, the landlordsand the bureaucrat-capitalists. The contra-diction between the national bourgeoisieand the working class is one between theexploiter and the exploited, and is by na-ture antagonistic. But in the concreteconditions of China, this antagonistic classcontradiction can, if properly handled, betransformed into a non-antagonistic one and

57

be resolved by peaceful methods. However,it will change into a contradiction betweenourselves and the enemy if we do nothandle it properly and do not follow thepolicy of uniting with, criticizing andeducating the national bourgeoisie, or if thenational bourgeoisie does not accept thispolicy of ours.

Ibid., pp. 4-5.

It [the counter-revolutionary rebellion inHungary in 1956] was a case of reactionariesinside a socialist country, in league with theimperialists, attempting to achieve theirconspiratorial aims by taking advantage ofcontradictions among the people to fomentdissension and stir up disorder. This lessonof the Hungarian events merits attention.

Ibid., p. 15.

58

V. WAR AND PEACE

War is the highest form of struggle forresolving contradictions, when they havedeveloped to a certain stage, betweenclasses, nations, states, or political groups,and it has existed ever since the emergenceof private property and of classes.

“Problems of Strategy in China’s

Revolutionary War” (December

1936), Selected Works, Vol. I,

p. 180 .

“War is the continuation of politics.” Inthis sense war is politics and war itself isa political action; since ancient times therehas never been a war that did not have apolitical character. . . .

But war has its own particular character-istics and in this sense it cannot be equated

59

with politics in general. “War is the con-tinuation of politics by other . . . means.”When politics develops to a certain stagebeyond which it cannot proceed by the usualmeans, war breaks out to sweep the obstaclesfrom the way. . . . When the obstacle isremoved and our political aim attained,the war will stop. But if the obstacle isnot completely swept away, the war willhave to continue till the aim is fully accom-plished. . . . It can therefore be said thatpolitics is war without bloodshed while waris politics with bloodshed.

“On Protracted War” (May1938), Selected Works, Vol. II,pp. 152-53.*

History shows that wars are divided intotwo kinds, just and unjust. All wars thatare progressive are just, and all wars thatimpede progress are unjust. We Commu-nists oppose all unjust wars that impedeprogress, but we do not oppose progressive,just wars. Not only do we Communists notoppose just wars, we actively participate in

60

them. As for unjust wars, World War Iis an instance in which both sides foughtfor imperialist interests; therefore the Com-munists of the whole world firmly opposedthat war. The way to oppose a war of thiskind is to do everything possible to preventit before it breaks out and, once it breaksout, to oppose war with war, to opposeunjust war with just war, whenever possible.

Ibid., p. 150.

Revolutions and revolutionary wars areinevitable in class society and withoutthem, it is impossible to accomplish anyleap in social development and to over-throw the reactionary ruling classes andtherefore impossible for the people to winpolitical power.

“On Contradiction” (August1937), Selected Works, Vol. I,p. 344.*

Revolutionary war is an antitoxin whichnot only eliminates the enemy’s poison butalso purges us of our own filth. Every just,

61

revolutionary war is endowed with tre-mendous power and can transform manythings or clear the way for their transfor-mation. The Sino-Japanese war will trans-form both China and Japan; providedChina perseveres in the War of Resistanceand in the united front, the old Japan willsurely be transformed into a new Japan andthe old China into a new China, and peopleand everything else in both China andJapan will be transformed during and afterthe war.

“On Protracted War” (May 1938),

Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 131 .*

Every Communist must grasp the truth,“Political power grows out of the barrelof a gun.”

“Problems of War and Strategy”

(November 6, 1936), Selected

Works , Vol. II, p. 224 .

The seizure of power by armed force, thesettlement of the issue by war, is the centraltask and the highest form of revolution.

62

This Marxist-Leninist principle of revolu-tion holds good universally, for China andfor all other countries.

Ibid ., p. 219.

Without armed struggle neither the pro-letariat, nor the people, nor the CommunistParty would have any standing at all inChina and it would be impossible forthe revolution to triumph. In these years[the eighteen years since the founding ofthe Party] the development, consolidationand bolshevization of our Party have pro-ceeded in the midst of revolutionary wars;without armed struggle the Communist Partywould assuredly not be what it is today.Comrades throughout the Party must neverforget this experience for which we havepaid in blood.

“Introducing The Communist”(October 4 , 1939), SelectedWorks , Vol. II, p. 292.*

According to the Marxist theory of thestate, the army is the chief component ofstate power. Whoever wants to seize and

63

retain state power must have a strong army.Some people ridicule us as advocates ofthe “omnipotence of war”. Yes, we areadvocates of the omnipotence of revolu-

tionary war; that is good, not bad, it isMarxist. The guns of the Russian Com-munist Party created socialism. We shallcreate a democratic republic. Experience inthe class struggle in the era of imperialismteaches us that it is only by the power ofthe gun that the working class and the la-bouring masses can defeat the armed bour-geoisie and landlords; in this sense wemay say that only with guns can the wholeworld be transformed.

“Problems of War and Strategy”

(November 6 , 1938), Selected

Works , Vol. II, p. 225.

We are advocates of the abolition of war,we do not want war; but war can only beabolished through war, and in order to getrid of the gun it is necessary to take up thegun.

Ibid.

64

War, this monster of mutual slaughter

among men, will be finally eliminated by

the progress of human society, and in the

not too distant future too. But there is only

one way to eliminate it and that is to

oppose war with war, to oppose counter-

revolutionary war with revolutionary war, to

oppose national counter-revolutionary war

with national revolutionary war, and to

oppose counter-revolutionary class war with

revolutionary class war. . . . When hu-

man society advances to the point where

classes and states are eliminated, there will

be no more wars, counter-revolutionary or

revolutionary, unjust or just; that will be

the era of perpetual peace for mankind. Our

study of the laws of revolutionary war

springs from the desire to eliminate all wars;

herein lies the distinction between us Com-

munists and all the exploiting classes.

“Problems of Strategy in China’s

Revolutionary War” (December

1936), Selected Works, Vol. I,

pp. 182-83.

65

Our country and all the other socialist

countries want peace; so do the peoples of

all the countries of the world. The only

ones who crave war and do not want peace

are certain monopoly capitalist groups in

a handful of imperialist countries which

depend on aggression for their profits.

“Opening Address at the EighthNational Congress of the Com-munist Party of China” (Septem-ber 15, 1956).

To achieve a lasting world peace, we

must further develop our friendship and

co-operation with the fraternal countries in

the socialist camp and strengthen our soli-

darity with all peace-loving countries. We

must endeavour to establish normal diplo-

matic relations, on the basis of mutual re-

spect for territorial integrity and sovereignty

and of equality and mutual benefit, with

all countries willing to live together with

us in peace. We must give active support

to the national independence and libera-

tion movement in countries in Asia, Africa

66

and Latin America as well as to the peacemovement and to just struggles in all thecountries of the world.

Ibid .

As for the imperialist countries, we shouldunite with their peoples and strive to co-exist peacefully with those countries, dobusiness with them and prevent any possiblewar, but under no circumstances should weharbour any unrealistic notions about them.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 75 .[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 421.]

We desire peace. However, if imperial-ism insists on fighting a war, we will haveno alternative but to take the firm resolu-tion to fight to the finish before going aheadwith our construction. If you are afraidof war day in day out, what will you doif war eventually comes? First I said thatthe East Wind is prevailing over the WestWind and war will not break out, and now

67

I have added these explanations about thesituation in case war should break out. Bothpossibilities have thus been taken intoaccount.

Speech at the Moscow Meeting

of Communist and Workers’

Parties (November 18, 1957),

quoted in “Statement by the

Spokesman of the Chinese Gov-

ernment” (September 1, 1963).*

People all over the world are now discuss-ing whether or not a third world war willbreak out. On this question, too, we mustbe mentally prepared and do some analysis.We stand firmly for peace and against war.But if the imperialists insist on unleashinganother war, we should not be afraid of it.Our attitude on this question is the sameas our attitude towards any disturbance:first, we are against it; second, we are notafraid of it. The First World War wasfollowed by the birth of the Soviet Unionwith a population of 200 million. TheSecond World War was followed by theemergence of the socialist camp with a

68

combined population of 900 million. Ifthe imperialists insist on launching a thirdworld war, it is certain that several hundredmillion more will turn to socialism, andthen there will not be much room left onearth for the imperialists; it is also likelythat the whole structure of imperialism willutterly collapse.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,pp. 67-68 .[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 417.]

Make trouble, fail, make trouble again,fail again . . . till their doom; that is thelogic of the imperialists and all reactionariesthe world over in dealing with the peo-ple’s cause, and they will never go againstthis logic. This is a Marxist law. Whenwe say “imperialism is ferocious”, we meanthat its nature will never change, that theimperialists will never lay down theirbutcher knives, that they will never becomeBuddhas, till their doom. Fight, fail, fight again, fail again, fightagain . . . till their victory; that is the

69

logic of the people, and they too will nevergo against this logic. This is another Marx-ist law. The Russian people’s revolutionfollowed this law, and so has the Chinesepeople’s revolution.

“Cast Away Illusions, Prepare

for Struggle” (August 14 , 1949),

Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 428.

Just because we have won victory, we

must never relax our vigilance against the

frenzied plots for revenge by the imperial-

ists and their running dogs. Whoever re-

laxes vigilance will disarm himself political-

ly and land himself in a passive position.

“Address to the Preparatory

Committee of the New Political

Consultative Conference” (June

15 , 1949), Selected Works, Vol.

IV, p. 407 .

The imperialists and their running dogs,the Chinese reactionaries, will not resignthemselves to defeat in this land of China.They will continue to gang up against the

70

Chinese people in every possible way. Forexample, they will smuggle their agents intoChina to sow dissension and make trouble.That is certain; they will never neglect theseactivities. To take another example, theimperialists will incite the Chinese re-actionaries, and even throw in their ownforces, to blockade China’s ports. They willdo this as long as it is possible. Further-more, if they still hanker after adventures,they will send some of their troops to in-vade and harass China’s frontiers; this, too,is not impossible. All this we must takefully into account.

Ibid.*

The world is progressing, the future isbright and no one can change this generaltrend of history. We should carry on con-stant propaganda among the people on thefacts of world progress and the bright fu-ture ahead so that they will build their con-fidence in victory.

“On the Chungking Negotiations”(October 17 , 1945), SelectedWorks , Vol. IV, p. 59.

71

The commanders and fighters of the en-tire Chinese People’s Liberation Army ab-solutely must not relax in the least theirwill to fight; any thinking that relaxes thewill to fight and belittles the enemy iswrong.

“Report to the Second PlenarySession of the Seventh CentralCommittee of the CommunistParty of China” (March 5 , 1949),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 361 .

72

VI. IMPERIALISM AND ALL

REACTIONARIES ARE

PAPER TIGERS

All reactionaries are paper tigers. In ap-pearance, the reactionaries are terrifying, butin reality they are not so powerful. From along-term point of view, it is not the reaction-aries but the people who are really powerful.

“Talk with the American Cor-respondent Anna Louise Strong”(August 1946), Selected Works,Vol. IV, p. 100 .

Just as there is not a single thing in theworld without a dual nature (this is thelaw of the unity of opposites), so imperial-ism and all reactionaries have a dual na-ture — they are real tigers and paper tigersat the same time. In past history, beforethey won state power and for some time

73

afterwards, the slave-owning class, thefeudal landlord class and the bourgeoisiewere vigorous, revolutionary and progres-sive; they were real tigers. But with thelapse of time, because their opposites — theslave class, the peasant class and the pro-letariat — grew in strength step by step,struggled against them more and morefiercely, these ruling classes changedstep by step into the reverse, changedinto reactionaries, changed into backwardpeople, changed into paper tigers. Andeventually they were overthrown, or willbe overthrown, by the people. The re-actionary, backward, decaying classes re-tained this dual nature even in their lastlife-and-death struggles against the people.On the one hand, they were real tigers; theydevoured people, devoured people by themillions and tens of millions. The cause ofthe people’s struggle went through a periodof difficulties and hardships, and along thepath there were many twists and turns. Todestroy the rule of imperialism, feudalismand bureaucrat-capitalism in China took theChinese people more than a hundred years

74

and cost them tens of millions of lives be-fore the victory in 1949. Look! Were thesenot living tigers, iron tigers, real tigers?But in the end they changed into papertigers, dead tigers, bean-curd tigers. Theseare historical facts. Have people not seenor heard about these facts? There haveindeed been thousands and tens of thou-sands of them! Thousands and tens ofthousands! Hence, imperialism and allreactionaries, looked at in essence, from along-term point of view, from a strategicpoint of view, must be seen for what theyare — paper tigers. On this we should buildour strategic thinking. On the other hand,they are also living tigers, iron tigers, realtigers which can devour people. On thiswe should build our tactical thinking.

Speech at the Wuchang Meetingof the Political Bureau of theCentral Committee of the Com-munist Party of China (Decem-ber 1 , 1958), quoted in the ex-planatory note to “Talk with theAmerican Correspondent AnnaLouise Strong”, Selected Works,Vol. IV, pp. 98-99 .*

75

I have said that all the reputedly power-ful reactionaries are merely paper tigers. Thereason is that they are divorced from thepeople. Look! Was not Hitler a paper tiger?Was Hitler not overthrown? I also saidthat the tsar of Russia, the emperor ofChina and Japanese imperialism were allpaper tigers. As we know, they were alloverthrown. U.S. imperialism has not yetbeen overthrown and it has the atom bomb.I believe it also will be overthrown. It,too, is a paper tiger.

Speech at the Moscow Meeting

of Communist and Workers’

Parties (November 18 , 1957).

“Lifting a rock only to drop it on one’s

own feet” is a Chinese folk saying to de-

scribe the behaviour of certain fools. The

reactionaries in all countries are fools of this

kind. In the final analysis, their persecution

of the revolutionary people only serves to

accelerate the people’s revolutions on a

broader and more intense scale. Did not the

persecution of the revolutionary people

76

by the tsar of Russia and by ChiangKai-shek perform this function in the greatRussian and Chinese revolutions?

“Speech at the Meeting of theSupreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.in Celebration of the 40th An-niversary of the Great OctoberSocialist Revolution” (November6, 1957).

U.S. imperialism invaded China’s ter-ritory of Taiwan and has occupied it forthe past nine years. A short while ago itsent its armed forces to invade and occupyLebanon. The United States has set uphundreds of military bases in many coun-tries all over the world. China’s ter-ritory of Taiwan, Lebanon and allmilitary bases of the United States onforeign soil are so many nooses roundthe neck of U.S. imperialism. The nooseshave been fashioned by the Americansthemselves and by nobody else, and it isthey themselves who have put these noosesround their own necks, handing the endsof the ropes to the Chinese people, the

77

peoples of the Arab countries and all thepeoples of the world who love peace andoppose aggression. The longer the U.S.aggressors remain in those places, thetighter the nooses round their necks willbecome.

Speech at the Supreme StateConference (September 8, 1958).

Imperialism will not last long because italways does evil things. It persistsin grooming and supporting reactiona-ries in all countries who are againstthe people, it has forcibly seized manycolonies and semi-colonies and manymilitary bases, and it threatens thepeace with atomic war. Thus, forced byimperialism to do so, more than 90 per centof the people of the world are rising orwill rise up in struggle against it. Yetimperialism is still alive, still runningamuck in Asia, Africa and Latin America.In the West imperialism is still oppressingthe people at home. This situation mustchange. It is the task of the people of the

78

whole world to put an end to the ag-

gression and oppression perpetrated by

imperialism, and chiefly by U.S. impe-

rialism.

Interview with a Hsinhua NewsAgency correspondent (September29, 1958).

Riding roughshod everywhere, U.S. im-

perialism has made itself the enemy of the

people of the world and has increasingly

isolated itself. Those who refuse to be en-

slaved will never be cowed by the atom

bombs and hydrogen bombs in the hands

of the U.S. imperialists. The raging tide

of the people of the world against the U.S.

aggressors is irresistible. Their struggle

against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys

will assuredly win still greater victories.

“Statement Supporting the Pana-manian People’s Just PatrioticStruggle Against U.S. Imperial-ism” (January 12, 1964), Peopleof the World, Unite and Defeatthe U.S. Aggressors and AllTheir Lackeys, 2nd ed., pp. 9-10 .

79

If the U.S. monopoly capitalist groups

persist in pushing their policies of aggression

and war, the day is bound to come when they

will be hanged by the people of the whole

world. The same fate awaits the accom-

plices of the United States.

Speech at the Supreme State

Conference (September 8 , 1958).

Over a long period we have developed

this concept for the struggle against the ene-

my: strategically we should despise all our

enemies, but tactically we should take

them all seriously. This also means that

we must despise the enemy with respect to

the whole, but that we must take him se-

riously with respect to each and every con-

crete question. If we do not despise the

enemy with respect to the whole, we shall be

committing the error of opportunism. Marx

and Engels were only two individuals, and

yet in those early days they already de-

clared that capitalism would be overthrown

throughout the world. But in dealing with

80

concrete problems and particular enemies weshall be committing the error of adventurism

unless we take them seriously. In war,battles can only be fought one by one andthe enemy forces can only be destroyed oneby one. Factories can only be built one byone. The peasants can only plough theland plot by plot. The same is even true of

eating a meal. Strategically, we take theeating of a meal lightly — we know we canfinish it. But actually we eat it mouthfulby mouthful. It is impossible to swallowan entire banquet in one gulp. This isknown as a piecemeal solution. In military

parlance, it is called wiping out the enemyforces one by one.

Speech at the Moscow Meetingof Communist and Workers’Parties (November 18, 1957).

It is my opinion that the internationalsituation has now reached a new turningpoint. There are two winds in the worldtoday, the East Wind and the West Wind.There is a Chinese saying, “Either the East

81

Wind prevails over the West Wind or theWest Wind prevails over the East Wind.”

I believe it is characteristic of the situationtoday that the East Wind is prevailingover the West Wind. That is to say, theforces of socialism have become over-whelmingly superior to the forces of im-perialism.

Ibid .

82

VII. DARE TO STRUGGLE

AND DARE TO WIN

People of the world, unite and defeatthe U.S. aggressors and all their runningdogs! People of the world, be courageousdare to fight, defy difficulties and advancewave upon wave. Then the whole worldwill belong to the people. Monsters of allkinds shall be destroyed.

“Statement Supporting the People

of the Congo (L.) Against U.S.

Aggression” (November 28 , 1964),

People of the World, Unite and

Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and

All Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., p. 14.

The Communist Party of China, havingmade a clear-headed appraisal of the inter-national and domestic situation on the basisof the science of Marxism-Leninism, rec-

83

ognized that all attacks by the reaction-aries at home and abroad had to bedefeated and could be defeated. Whendark clouds appeared in the sky, wepointed out that they were only temporary,that the darkness would soon pass and thesun break through.

“The Present Situation and OurTasks” (December 25 , 1947), Se-lected Military Writings, 2nd ed.,p. 347 .[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 159.]

Historically, all reactionary forces on theverge of extinction invariably conduct a lastdesperate struggle against the revolutionaryforces, and some revolutionaries are apt tobe deluded for a time by this phenomenonof outward strength but inner weakness,failing to grasp the essential fact that theenemy is nearing extinction while theythemselves are approaching victory.

“The Turning Point in WorldWar II” (October 12, 1942), Se-lected Works, Vol. III, p. 103 .

If they [the Kuomintang] fight, we willwipe them out completely. This is the way

84

things are: if they attack and we wipe them

out, they will have that satisfaction; wipe

out some, some satisfaction; wipe out more,

more satisfaction; wipe out the whole lot,

complete satisfaction. China’s problems

are complicated, and our brains must also

be a little complicated. If they start fight-

ing, we fight back, fight to win peace.

“On the Chungking Negotiations”

(October 17 , 1945), Selected

Works , Vol. IV, p. 56 .

If anyone attacks us and if the conditionsare favourable for battle, we will certainly

act in self-defence to wipe him out reso-

lutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely

(we do not strike rashly, but when we do

strike, we must win). We must never be

cowed by the bluster of reactionaries.

“On Peace Negotiations with the

Kuomintang — Circular of the

Central Committee of the Com-

munist Party of China” (August

16 , 1945), Selected Works, Vol.

IV, p. 49.*

85

As far as our own desire is concerned,

we don’t want to fight even for a single

day. But if circumstances force us to fight,

we can fight to the finish.

“Talk with the American Cor-

respondent Anna Louise Strong”

(August 1946), Selected Works,

Vol. IV, p. 97.

We are for peace. But so long as U.S.

imperialism refuses to give up its arrogant

and unreasonable demands and its scheme

to extend aggression, the only course for

the Chinese people is to remain determined

to go on fighting side by side with the

Korean people. Not that we are warlike.

We are willing to stop the war at once and

leave the remaining questions for later

settlement. But U.S. imperialism is not

willing to do so. All right then, let the

fighting go on. However many years U.S.

imperialism wants to fight, we are ready to

fight right up to the moment when it is will-

ing to stop, right up to the moment of com-

86

plete victory for the Chinese and Koreanpeoples.

Speech at the Fourth Session of theFirst National Committee of theChinese People’s Political Consulta-tive Conference (February 7, 1953).

We should rid our ranks of all impotentthinking. All views that overestimate thestrength of the enemy and underestimatethe strength of the people are wrong.

“The Present Situation and OurTasks” (December 25 , 1947),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 173.

The oppressed peoples and nations mustnot pin their hopes for liberation on the“sensibleness” of imperialism and itslackeys. They will only triumph by strength-ening their unity and persevering in theirstruggle.

“Statement Opposing AggressionAgainst Southern Vietnam andSlaughter of Its People by theU.S.-Ngo Dinh Diem Clique”(August 29 , 1963), People of theWorld, Unite and Defeat the U.S.Aggressors and All Their Lackeys,2nd ed., p. 6 .

87

No matter when this country-wide civilwar breaks out, we must be well prepared.If it comes early, say, tomorrow morning,we should also be prepared. That is pointone. In the present international and do-mestic situation it is possible that for atime the civil war may be kept restrictedin scale and localized. That is point two.Point one is what we should prepare for,point two is what has existed for a longtime. In short, we must be prepared. Be-ing prepared, we shall be able to dealproperly with all kinds of complicatedsituations.

“The Situation and Our PolicyAfter the Victory in the Warof Resistance Against Japan”(August 13 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. IV, p. 22 .

88

VIII. PEOPLE’S WAR

The revolutionary war is a war of the

masses; it can be waged only by mobilizing

the masses and relying on them.

“Be Concerned with the Well-

Being of the Masses, Pay Atten-

tion to Methods of Work”

(January 27, 1934), Selected

Works , Vol. I, p. 147.*

What is a true bastion of iron? It is the

masses, the millions upon millions of peo-

ple who genuinely and sincerely support

the revolution. That is the real iron bastion

which it is impossible, and absolutely im-

possible, for any force on earth to smash.

The counter-revolution cannot smash us; on

the contrary, we shall smash it. Rallying

millions upon millions of people round the

89

revolutionary government and expandingour revolutionary war, we shall wipe out allcounter-revolution and take over the wholeof China.

Ibid., p. 150.*

The richest source of power to wage warlies in the masses of the people. It ismainly because of the unorganized state ofthe Chinese masses that Japan dares tobully us. When this defect is remedied,then the Japanese aggressor, like a madbull crashing into a ring of flames, will besurrounded by hundreds of millions of ourpeople standing upright, the mere sound oftheir voices will strike terror into him, andhe will be burned to death.

“On Protracted War” (May 1938),Selected Works , Vol. II, p. 186.

The imperialists are bullying us in sucha way that we will have to deal withthem seriously. Not only must we havea powerful regular army, we must alsoorganize contingents of the people’s militia

90

on a big scale. This will make it diffi-cult for the imperialists to move a singleinch in our country in the event ofinvasion.

Interview with a Hsinhua NewsAgency correspondent (September29, 1958).

Considering the revolutionary war as awhole, the operations of the people’s guer-rillas and those of the main forces of theRed Army complement each other like aman’s right arm and left arm, and if wehad only the main forces of the Red Armywithout the people’s guerrillas, we wouldbe like a warrior with only one arm. Inconcrete terms, and especially with regardto military operations, when we talk of thepeople in the base area as a factor, wemean that we have an armed people. Thatis the main reason why the enemy is afraidto approach our base area.

“Problems of Strategy in China’sRevolutionary War” (December1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, p.238 .

91

Unquestionably, victory or defeat in waris determined mainly by the military, po-litical, economic and natural conditions onboth sides. But not by these alone. It isalso determined by each side’s subjectiveability in directing the war. In his endeav-our to win a war, a military strategist can-not overstep the limitations imposed by thematerial conditions; within these limita-tions, however, he can and must strive forvictory. The stage of action for a militarystrategist is built upon objective materialconditions, but on that stage he can directthe performance of many a drama, full ofsound and colour, power and grandeur.

Ibid., pp. 190-91.*

The object of war is specifically “to pre-serve oneself and destroy the enemy” (todestroy the enemy means to disarm him or“deprive him of the power to resist”, anddoes not mean to destroy every member ofhis forces physically). In ancient warfare,the spear and the shield were used, thespear to attack and destroy the enemy, and

92

the shield to defend and preserve oneself.To the present day, all weapons are still

an extension of the spear and the shield.The bomber, the machine-gun, the long-range gun and poison gas are developmentsof the spear, while the air-raid shelter,the steel helmet, the concrete fortifica-tion and the gas mask are developments

of the shield. The tank is a new weaponcombining the functions of both spear andshield. Attack is the chief means of de-stroying the enemy, but defence cannot bedispensed with. In attack the immediateobject is to destroy the enemy, but at the

same time it is self-preservation, because ifthe enemy is not destroyed, you will bedestroyed. In defence the immediate ob-ject is to preserve yourself, but at the sametime defence is a means of supplementingattack or preparing to go over to the attack.

Retreat is in the category of defence andis a continuation of defence, while pursuitis a continuation of attack. It should bepointed out that destruction of the enemyis the primary object of war and self-

93

preservation the secondary, because onlyby destroying the enemy in large numbers

can one effectively preserve oneself. There-fore attack, the chief means of destroyingthe enemy, is primary, while defence, asupplementary means of destroying theenemy and a means of self-preservation, issecondary. In actual warfare the chief

role is played by defence much of the timeand by attack for the rest of the time, butif war is taken as a whole, attack remainsprimary.

“On Protracted War” (May 1938),

Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 156.

All the guiding principles of militaryoperations grow out of the one basic prin-ciple: to strive to the utmost to preserve

one’s own strength and destroy that of theenemy. . . . How then do we justify theencouragement of heroic sacrifice in war?Every war exacts a price, sometimes an ex-tremely high one. Is this not in contradic-tion with “preserving oneself”? In fact, there

94

is no contradiction at all; to put it moreexactly, sacrifice and self-preservation areboth opposite and complementary to eachother. For such sacrifice is essential not onlyfor destroying the enemy but also for pre-serving oneself — partial and temporary“non-preservation” (sacrifice, or paying theprice) is necessary for the sake of generaland permanent preservation. From thisbasic principle stems the series of principlesguiding military operations, all of which —from the principles of shooting (takingcover to preserve oneself, and making fulluse of fire-power to destroy the enemy) tothe principles of strategy — are permeatedwith the spirit of this basic principle. Alltechnical principles and all principles con-cerning tactics, campaigns and strategy rep-resent applications of this basic principle.The principle of preserving oneself anddestroying the enemy is the basis of allmilitary principles.

“Problems of Strategy in Guer-

rilla War Against Japan” (May

1938), Selected Works, Vol. II,

pp. 81-82.*

95

Our principles of operation are:(1) Attack dispersed, isolated enemy

forces first; attack concentrated, strongenemy forces later.

(2) Take small and medium citiesand extensive rural areas first; take bigcities later.

(3) Make wiping out the enemy’seffective strength our main objective; donot make holding or seizing a city orplace our main objective. Holding orseizing a city or place is the outcome ofwiping out the enemy’s effective strength,and often a city or place can be held orseized for good only after it haschanged hands a number of times.

(4) In every battle, concentrate anabsolutely superior force (two, three, fourand sometimes even five or six times theenemy’s strength), encircle the enemyforces completely, strive to wipe them outthoroughly and do not let any escapefrom the net. In special circumstances,use the method of dealing the enemycrushing blows, that is, concentrate allour strength to make a frontal attack and

96

an attack on one or both of his flanks,with the aim of wiping out one part androuting another so that our army canswiftly move its troops to smash otherenemy forces. Strive to avoid battles ofattrition in which we lose more than wegain or only break even. In this way,although inferior as a whole (in terms ofnumbers), we shall be absolutely superiorin every part and every specific cam-paign, and this ensures victory in thecampaign. As time goes on, we shallbecome superior as a whole and even-tually wipe out all the enemy.

(5) Fight no battle unprepared, fightno battle you are not sure of winning;make every effort to be well prepared foreach battle, make every effort to ensurevictory in the given set of conditions asbetween the enemy and ourselves.

(6) Give full play to our style offighting — courage in battle, no fear ofsacrifice, no fear of fatigue, and con-tinuous fighting (that is, fighting succes-sive battles in a short time withoutrest).

97

(7) Strive to wipe out the enemy

when he is on the move. At the same

time, pay attention to the tactics of

positional attack and capture enemy

fortified points and cities.

(8) With regard to attacking cities,

resolutely seize all enemy fortified points

and cities which are weakly defended.

At opportune moments, seize all enemy

fortified points and cities defended with

moderate strength, provided circum-

stances permit. As for all strongly de-

fended enemy fortified points and cities,

wait till conditions are ripe and then take

them.

(9) Replenish our strength with all

the arms and most of the personnel cap-

tured from the enemy. Our army’s main

sources of manpower and matériel are at

the front.

(10) Make good use of the intervals

between campaigns to rest, train and con-

solidate our troops. Periods of rest, train-

ing and consolidation should not in

general be very long, and the enemy

98

should so far as possible be permitted nobreathing space.

These are the main methods the People’sLiberation Army has employed in defeatingChiang Kai-shek. They are the result ofthe tempering of the People’s LiberationArmy in long years of fighting againstdomestic and foreign enemies and are com-pletely suited to our present situation.. . . our strategy and tactics are based ona people’s war; no army opposed to thepeople can use our strategy and tactics.

“The Present Situation and OurTasks” (December 25 , 1947), Se-lected Military Writings, 2nd ed.,pp. 349-50.*[Selected Works, Vol. IV, pp. 161-62.]

Without preparedness superiority is notreal superiority and there can be no initia-tive either. Having grasped this point, aforce which is inferior but prepared canoften defeat a superior enemy by surprise-attack.

“On Protracted War” (May 1938),Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 165-66 .

99

IX. PEOPLE’S ARMY

Without a people’s army the people have

nothing.

“On Coalition Government”

(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. III, pp. 296-97.

This army is powerful because all its

members have a conscious discipline; they

have come together and they fight not for

the private interests of a few individuals

or a narrow clique, but for the interests of

the broad masses and of the whole na-

tion. The sole purpose of this army is to

stand firmly with the Chinese people and

to serve them whole-heartedly.

Ibid., p. 264.*

100

The Chinese Red Army is an armedbody for carrying out the political tasks ofthe revolution. Especially at present, theRed Army should certainly not confine it-self to fighting; besides fighting to destroythe enemy’s military strength, it shouldshoulder such important tasks as doingpropaganda among the masses, organizingthe masses, arming them, helping them toestablish revolutionary political power andsetting up Party organizations. The RedArmy fights not merely for the sake offighting but in order to conduct propagan-da among the masses, organize them, armthem, and help them to establish revolu-tionary political power. Without theseobjectives, fighting loses its meaning andthe Red Army loses the reason for its exist-ence.

“On Correcting Mistaken Ideasin the Party” (December 1929),Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 106.*

The People’s Liberation Army is alwaysa fighting force. Even after country-wide

101

victory, our army will remain a fightingforce during the historical period in whichclasses have not been abolished in ourcountry and the imperialist system stillexists in the world. On this point thereshould be no misunderstanding or waver-ing.

“Report to the Second Plenary

Session of the Seventh Central

Committee of the Communist

Party of China” (March 5 , 1949),

Selected Works , Vol. IV, p. 362.

We have an army for fighting as well asan army for labour. For fighting we havethe Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies;but even they do a dual job, warfare andproduction. With these two kinds of ar-mies, and with a fighting army skilled inthese two tasks and in mass work, we canovercome our difficulties and defeat Jap-anese imperialism.

“Get Organized!” (November 29,

1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,

p. 153 .

102

Our national defence will be consolidated

and no imperialist will be allowed to

invade our territory again. Our people’s

armed forces must be maintained and

developed with the brave and steeled Peo-

ple’s Liberation Army as their foundation.

We will have not only a powerful army but

also a powerful air force and a powerful

navy.

Opening address at the FirstPlenary Session of the ChinesePeople’s Political ConsultativeConference (September 21, 1949).

Our principle is that the Party com-mands the gun, and the gun must never beallowed to command the Party.

“Problems of War and Strategy”(November 6 , 1938), SelectedWorks, Vol. II, p. 224.

All our officers and fighters must alwaysbear in mind that we are the great People’sLiberation Army, we are the troops led bythe great Communist Party of China. Pro-

103

vided we constantly observe the directives

of the Party, we are sure to win.

“Manifesto of the Chinese Peo-ple’s Liberation Army” (October1947), Selected Works , Vol. IV,p. 152.

104

X. LEADERSHIP OF

PARTY COMMITTEES

The Party committee system is an im-portant Party institution for ensuring col-lective leadership and preventing any in-dividual from monopolizing the conduct ofaffairs. It has recently been found that insome (of course not all) leading bodies itis the habitual practice for one individualto monopolize the conduct of affairs anddecide important problems. Solutions toimportant problems are decided not byParty committee meetings but by one in-dividual, and membership in the Partycommittee has become nominal. Differ-ences of opinion among committee memberscannot be resolved and are left unresolvedfor a long time. Members of the Partycommittee maintain only formal, not real,

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unity among themselves. This situationmust be changed. From now on, a soundsystem of Party committee meetings mustbe instituted in all leading bodies, from theregional bureaus of the Central Committeeto the prefectural Party committees; fromthe Party committees of the fronts to theParty committees of brigades and militaryareas (sub-commissions of the RevolutionaryMilitary Commission or leading groups); andthe leading Party members’ groups in gov-ernment bodies, people’s organizations, thenews agency and the newspaper offices. Allimportant problems (of course, not the un-important, trivial problems, or problemswhose solutions have already been decidedafter discussion at meetings and need onlybe carried out) must be submitted to thecommittee for discussion, and the commit-tee members present should express theirviews fully and reach definite decisionswhich should then be carried out by themembers concerned. . . . Party committeemeetings must be divided into two catego-ries, standing committee meetings and ple-nary sessions, and the two should not be

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confused. Furthermore, we must take carethat neither collective leadership nor per-sonal responsibility is overemphasized tothe neglect of the other. In the army, theperson in command has the right to makeemergency decisions during battle and whencircumstances require.

“On Strengthening the Party

Committee System” (September

20 , 1948), Selected Wo r k s , Vo l .

IV, pp. 267-68.*

The secretary of a Party committee mustbe good at being a “squad leader”. AParty committee has ten to twenty members;it is like a squad in the army, and the sec-retary is like the “squad leader”. It is in-deed not easy to lead this squad well. Eachregional bureau or sub-regional bureau ofthe Central Committee now leads a vast areaand shoulders very heavy responsibilities. Tolead means not only to decide general andspecific policies but also to devise correctmethods of work. Even with correct gen-eral and specific policies, troubles may still

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arise if methods of work are neglected. Tofulfil its task of exercising leadership, aParty committee must rely on its “squadmembers” and enable them to play theirparts to the full. To be a good “squadleader”, the secretary should study hardand investigate thoroughly. A secretary ordeputy secretary will find it difficult todirect his “squad” well if he does not takecare to do propaganda and organizationalwork among his own “squad members”, isnot good at handling his relations with com-mittee members or does not study how torun meetings successfully. If the “squadmembers” do not march in step, they cannever expect to lead tens of millions ofpeople in fighting and construction. Ofcourse, the relation between the secretaryand the committee members is one in whichthe minority must obey the majority, so itis different from the relation between asquad leader and his men. Here we speakonly by way of analogy.

“Methods of Work of PartyCommittees” (March 13 , 1949),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 377 .*

108

Place problems on the table. This shouldbe done not only by the “squad leader” butby the committee members too. Do nottalk behind people’s backs. Whenever prob-lems arise, call a meeting, place the prob-lems on the table for discussion, take somedecisions and the problems will be solved.If problems exist and are not placed onthe table, they will remain unsolved for along time and even drag on for years. The“squad leader” and the committee membersshould show understanding in their rela-tions with each other. Nothing is more im-portant than mutual understanding, supportand friendship between the secretary andthe committee members, between the Cen-tral Committee and its regional bureaus andbetween the regional bureaus and the areaParty committees.

Ibid., pp. 377-78.*

“Exchange information.” This meansthat members of a Party committee shouldkeep each other informed and exchangeviews on matters that have come to their

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attention. This is of great importance inachieving a common language. Some failto do so and, like the people described byLao Tzu, “do not visit each other all theirlives, though the crowing of their cocks andthe barking of their dogs are within hearingof each other”. The result is that they lacka common language.

Ibid., p. 378.

Ask your subordinates about matters youdon’t understand or don’t know, and donot lightly express your approval or disap-proval. . . . We should never pretend toknow what we don’t know, we should “notfeel ashamed to ask and learn from peoplebelow” and we should listen carefully tothe views of the cadres at the lower levels.Be a pupil before you become a teacher;learn from the cadres at the lower levelsbefore you issue orders. . . . What thecadres at the lower levels say may or maynot be correct; after hearing it, we mustanalyse it. We must heed the correct viewsand act upon them. . . . Listen also to the

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mistaken views from below; it is wrong notto listen to them at all. Such views, however,are not to be acted upon but to be criticized.

Ibid., pp. 378-79 .*

Learn to “play the piano”. In playingthe piano all ten fingers are in motion; itwon’t do to move some fingers only and notothers. But if all ten fingers press down atonce, there is no melody. To produce goodmusic, the ten fingers should move rhyth-mically and in co-ordination. A Party com-mittee should keep a firm grasp on its cen-tral task and at the same time, around thecentral task, it should unfold the work inother fields. At present, we have to takecare of many fields; we must look after thework in all the areas, armed units and de-partments, and not give all our attention toa few problems, to the exclusion of others.Wherever there is a problem, we must putour finger on it, and this is a method wemust master. Some play the piano welland some badly, and there is a great differ-ence in the melodies they produce. Mem-

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bers of Party committees must learn to “playthe piano” well.

Ibid., p. 379.*

“Grasp firmly.” That is to say, the Partycommittee must not merely “grasp”, butmust “grasp firmly”, its main tasks. Onecan get a grip on something only when itis grasped firmly, without the slightest slack-ening. Not to grasp firmly is not to graspat all. Naturally, one cannot get a gripon something with an open hand. Whenthe hand is clenched as if grasping some-thing but is not clenched tightly, there is stillno grip. Some of our comrades do graspthe main tasks, but their grasp is not firmand so they cannot make a success of theirwork. It will not do to have no grasp atall, nor will it do if the grasp is not firm.

Ibid .

“Have a head for figures.” That is tosay, we must attend to the quantitative as-pect of a situation or problem and make abasic quantitative analysis. Every quality

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manifests itself in a certain quantity, and

without quantity there can be no quality.

To this day many of our comrades still

do not understand that they must attend

to the quantitative aspect of things — the

basic statistics, the main percentages and

the quantitative limits that determine the

qualities of things. They have no “figures”

in their heads and as a result cannot help

making mistakes.Ibid., pp. 379-80.

“Notice to Reassure the Public.” Notice

of meetings should be given beforehand;

this is like issuing a “Notice to Reassure

the Public”, so that everybody will know

what is going to be discussed and what prob-

lems are to be solved and can make timely

preparations. In some places, meetings of

cadres are called without first preparing

reports and draft resolutions, and only when

people have arrived for the meeting are

makeshifts improvised; this is just like

the saying, “Troops and horses have ar-

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rived, but food and fodder are not ready”,

and that is no good. Don’t call a meeting

in a hurry if the preparations are not com-

pleted.Ibid., p. 380.

“Fewer and better troops and simpler

administration.” Talks, speeches, articles

and resolutions should all be concise and

to the point. Meetings also should not go

on too long.Ibid .

Pay attention to uniting and working

with comrades who differ with you. This

should be borne in mind both in the local-

ities and in the army. It also applies to

relations with people outside the Party. We

have come together from every corner of

the country and should be good at uniting

in our work not only with comrades who

hold the same views as we but also with

those who hold different views.

Ibid .

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Guard against arrogance. For anyone ina leading position, this is a matter of prin-ciple and an important condition for main-taining unity. Even those who have madeno serious mistakes and have achieved verygreat success in their work should not bearrogant.

Ibid .

Draw two lines of distinction. First, be-tween revolution and counter-revolution,between Yenan and Sian.1 Some do notunderstand that they must draw this lineof distinction. For example, when theycombat bureaucracy, they speak of Yenanas though “nothing is right” there and failto make a comparison and distinguish be-tween the bureaucracy in Yenan and the

1 Yenan was the headquarters of the Central

Committee of the Communist Party of China fromJanuary 1937 to March 1947; Sian was the centreof the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang in north-western China. Comrade Mao Tse-tung cited thetwo cities as symbols of revolution and counter-revolution.

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bureaucracy in Sian. This is fundamentallywrong. Secondly, within the revolutionaryranks, it is necessary to make a clear dis-tinction between right and wrong, betweenachievements and shortcomings and to makeclear which of the two is primary andwhich secondary. For instance, do theachievements amount to 30 per cent or to70 per cent of the whole? It will not doeither to understate or to overstate. Wemust have a fundamental evaluation of aperson’s work and establish whether hisachievements amount to 30 per cent and hismistakes to 70 per cent, or vice versa. Ifhis achievements amount to 70 per cent ofthe whole, then his work should in the mainbe approved. It would be entirely wrongto describe work in which the achievementsare primary as work in which the mistakesare primary. In our approach to problemswe must not forget to draw these two linesof distinction, between revolution and coun-ter-revolution and between achievementsand shortcomings. We shall be able tohandle things well if we bear these twodistinctions in mind; otherwise we shall

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confuse the nature of the problems. To drawthese distinctions well, careful study andanalysis are of course necessary. Our at-titude towards every person and every mat-ter should be one of analysis and study.

Ibid., p. 381.

In the sphere of organization, ensuredemocracy under centralized guidance. Itshould be done on the following lines:

(1) The leading bodies of the Partymust give a correct line of guidance andfind solutions when problems arise, inorder to establish themselves as centresof leadership.

(2) The higher bodies must be famil-iar with the situation in the lower bodiesand with the life of the masses so asto have an objective basis for correctguidance.

(3) No Party organization at any levelshould make casual decisions in solvingproblems. Once a decision is reached, itmust be firmly carried out.

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(4)All decisions of any importancemade by the Party’s higher bodies mustbe promptly transmitted to the lowerbodies and the Party rank and file. . . .

(5) The lower bodies of the Partyand the Party rank and file must discussthe higher bodies’ directives in detail inorder to understand their meaning thor-oughly and decide on the methods ofcarrying them out.

“On Correcting Mistaken Ideasin the Party” (December 1929),Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 109.*

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XI. THE MASS LINE

The people, and the people alone, arethe motive force in the making of worldhistory.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 257 .*

The masses are the real heroes, while weourselves are often childish and ignorant,and without this understanding it is im-possible to acquire even the most rudi-mentary knowledge.

“Preface and Postscript to RuralSurveys” (March and April 1941),

Selected Works , Vol . I I I , p . 12 .*

The masses have boundless creativepower. They can organize themselves andconcentrate on places and branches of work

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where they can give full play to their en-ergy; they can concentrate on production inbreadth and depth and create more andmore welfare undertakings for themselves.

Introductory note to “SurplusLabour Has Found a Way Out”(1955), The Socialist Upsurge inChina’s Countryside, Chinese ed.,Vol. II.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 269.]

The present upsurge of the peasant move-ment is a colossal event. In a very shorttime, in China’s central, southern and north-ern provinces, several hundred millionpeasants will rise like a mighty storm, likea hurricane, a force so swift and violentthat no power, however great, will be ableto hold it back. They will smash all thetrammels that bind them and rush forwardalong the road to liberation. They willsweep all the imperialists, warlords, cor-rupt officials, local tyrants and evil gentryinto their graves. Every revolutionaryparty and every revolutionary comrade willbe put to the test, to be accepted or rejectedas they decide. There are three alterna-

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tives. To march at their head and leadthem? To trail behind them, gesticulatingand criticizing? Or to stand in their wayand oppose them? Every Chinese is free

to choose, but events will force you to

make the choice quickly.

“Report on an Investigation of

the Peasant Movement in Hunan”

(March 1927), Selected Works,

Vol. I, pp. 23-24.*

The high tide of social transformation inthe countryside, the high tide of co-opera-tion, has already reached some places andwill soon sweep over the whole country.It is a vast socialist revolutionary move-ment involving a rural population of morethan 500 million, and it has extremely greatand world-wide significance. We should givethis movement active, enthusiastic andsystematic leadership, and not drag it backby one means or another. Some errors areunavoidable in the process; this is under-standable, and they will not be hard to cor-rect. Shortcomings or mistakes found

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among the cadres and the peasants can beremedied or overcome provided we givethem positive help.

On the Question of AgriculturalCo-operation (July 31 , 1955), 3rded., p. 1.*[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 184.]

The masses have a potentially inexhaust-ible enthusiasm for socialism. Those whocan only follow the old routine in a revolu-tionary period are utterly incapable ofseeing this enthusiasm. They are blind andall is dark ahead of them. At times they goso far as to confound right and wrong andturn things upside down. Haven’t we comeacross enough persons of this type? Thosewho simply follow the old routine inva-riably underestimate the people’s enthu-siasm. Let something new appear and theyalways disapprove and rush to oppose it.Afterwards, they have to admit defeat anddo a little self-criticism. But the next timesomething new appears, they go throughthe same process all over again. This istheir pattern of behaviour in regard to

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anything and everything new. Such peopleare always passive, always fail to moveforward at the critical moment, and alwayshave to be given a shove in the back beforethey move a step.

Introductory note to “ThisTownship Went Co-operative inTwo Years” (1955), The SocialistUpsurge in China’s Countryside ,Chinese ed., Vol. II.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 246.]

For over twenty years our Party hascarried on mass work every day, and forthe past dozen years it has talked aboutthe mass line every day. We have alwaysmaintained that the revolution must relyon the masses of the people, on everybody’staking a hand, and have opposed relyingmerely on a few persons issuing orders.The mass line, however, is still not beingthoroughly carried out in the work of somecomrades; they still rely solely on a hand-ful of people working in solitude. Onereason is that, whatever they do, they arealways reluctant to explain it to thepeople they lead and that they do not

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understand why or how to give playto the initiative and creative energy ofthose they lead. Subjectively, they too wanteveryone to take a hand in the work, butthey do not let other people know whatis to be done or how to do it. That beingthe case, how can everyone be expected toget moving and how can anything be donewell? To solve this problem the basic thingis, of course, to carry out ideological educa-tion on the mass line, but at the same timewe must teach these comrades many con-crete methods of work.

“A Talk to the Editorial Staffof the Shansi-Suiyuan Daily”(April 2 , 1948), Selected Works,Vol. IV, pp. 241-42.*

Twenty-four years of experience tell usthat the right task, policy and style of workinvariably conform with the demands ofthe masses at a given time and place andinvariably strengthen our ties with themasses, and the wrong task, policy andstyle of work invariably disagree with thedemands of the masses at a given time and

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place and invariably alienate us from themasses. The reason why such evils asdogmatism, empiricism, commandism, tail-ism, sectarianism, bureaucracy and an ar-rogant attitude in work are definitelyharmful and intolerable, and why anyonesuffering from these maladies must over-come them, is that they alienate us fromthe masses.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 315.

To link oneself with the masses, onemust act in accordance with the needs andwishes of the masses. All work done forthe masses must start from their needs andnot from the desire of any individual, how-ever well-intentioned. It often happens thatobjectively the masses need a certainchange, but subjectively they are not yetconscious of the need, not yet willing ordetermined to make the change. In suchcases, we should wait patiently. We shouldnot make the change until, through ourwork, most of the masses have become

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conscious of the need and are willing anddetermined to carry it out. Otherwise weshall isolate ourselves from the masses.Unless they are conscious and willing anykind of work that requires their participa-tion will turn out to be a mere formalityand will fail. . . . There are two princi-ples here: one is the actual needs of themasses rather than what we fancy theyneed, and the other is the wishes of themasses, who must make up their own mindsinstead of our making up their minds forthem.

“The United Front in CulturalWork” (October 30, 1944), Se-lected Works, Vol. III, pp. 236-37.*

Our congress should call upon the wholeParty to be vigilant and to see that no com-rade at any post is divorced from themasses. It should teach every comrade tolove the people and listen attentively tothe voice of the masses; to identify himselfwith the masses wherever he goes and, in-stead of standing above them, to immerse

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himself among them; and, according to theirpresent level, to awaken them or raise their

political consciousness and help themgradually to organize themselves volun-tarily and to set going all essential strugglespermitted by the internal and external cir-cumstances of the given time and place.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, pp. 315-16.

If we tried to go on the offensive whenthe masses are not yet awakened, that

would be adventurism. If we insisted onleading the masses to do anything againsttheir will, we would certainly fail. If wedid not advance when the masses demandadvance, that would be Right opportunism.

“A Talk to the Editorial Staff ofthe Shansi-Suiyuan Daily” (April2, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV,p. 243 .

Commandism is wrong in any type of

work, because in overstepping the level of

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political consciousness of the masses and

violating the principle of voluntary mass

action it reflects the disease of impetuosity.

Our comrades must not assume that every-

thing they themselves understand is under-

stood by the masses. Whether the masses

understand it and are ready to take action

can be discovered only by going into their

midst and making investigations. If we do

so, we can avoid commandism. Tailism in

any type of work is also wrong, because

in falling below the level of political con-

sciousness of the masses and violating the

principle of leading the masses forward it

reflects the disease of dilatoriness. Our

comrades must not assume that the masses

have no understanding of what they them-

selves do not yet understand. It often hap-

pens that the masses outstrip us and are

eager to advance a step and that never-

theless our comrades fail to act as leaders

of the masses and tail behind certain back-

ward elements, reflecting their views and,

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moreover, mistaking them for those of the

broad masses.

“On Coalition Government”

(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. III, p. 316 .*

Take the ideas of the masses and con-

centrate them, then go to the masses, per-

severe in the ideas and carry them through,

so as to form correct ideas of leadership

— such is the basic method of leadership.

“Some Questions Concerning

Methods of Leadership” (June 1 ,1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,

p. 120 .

In all the practical work of our Party

all correct leadership is necessarily “from

the masses, to the masses”. This means:

take the ideas of the masses (scattered and

unsystematic ideas) and concentrate them

(through study turn them into concentrated

and systematic ideas), then go to the masses

and propagate and explain these ideas until

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the masses embrace them as their own,

hold fast to them and translate them into

action, and test the correctness of these

ideas in such action. Then once again con-

centrate ideas from the masses and once

again go to the masses so that the ideas are

persevered in and carried through. And so

on, over and over again in an endless spiral,

with the ideas becoming more correct, more

vital and richer each time. Such is the

Marxist theory of knowledge.

Ibid., p. 119.

We should go to the masses and learn

from them, synthesize their experience into

better, articulated principles and methods,

then do propaganda among the masses, and

call upon them to put these principles and

methods into practice so as to solve their

problems and help them achieve liberation

and happiness.

“Get Organized!” (November 29,

1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,

p. 158 .

130

There are people in our leading organsin some places who think that it is enoughfor the leaders alone to know the Party’spolicies and that there is no need to letthe masses know them. This is one of thebasic reasons why some of our work cannotbe done well.

“A Talk to the Editorial Staffof the Shansi-Suiyuan Daily”(April 2 , 1948), Selected Works,Vol. IV, p. 241 .

In all mass movements we must make abasic investigation and analysis of thenumber of active supporters, opponents andneutrals and must not decide problemssubjectively and without basis.

“Methods of Work of Party Com-mittees” (March 13 , 1949), Se-lected Works , Vol. IV. p. 380 .

The masses in any given place aregenerally composed of three parts, the rela-tively active, the intermediate and the rela-tively backward. The leaders must there-

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fore be skilled in uniting the small numberof active elements around the leadershipand must rely on them to raise the level ofthe intermediate elements and to win overthe backward elements.

“Some Questions ConcerningMethods of Leadership” (June 1 ,1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,p. 118 .

To be good at translating the Party’spolicy into action of the masses, to be goodat getting not only the leading cadres butalso the broad masses to understand andmaster every movement and every strugglewe launch — this is an art of Marxist-Leninist leadership. It is also the dividingline that determines whether or not wemake mistakes in our work.

“A Talk to the Editorial Staff ofthe Shansi-Suiyuan Daily” (April2, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV,pp. 242-43.

However active the leading group maybe, its activity will amount to fruitless

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effort by a handful of people unless com-bined with the activity of the masses. On theother hand, if the masses alone are activewithout a strong leading group to organizetheir activity properly, such activity cannotbe sustained for long, or carried forwardin the right direction, or raised to a highlevel.

“Some Questions ConcerningMethods of Leadership” (June 1 ,1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,p. 118.

Production by the masses, the interestsof the masses, the experiences and feelingsof the masses — to these the leading cadresshould pay constant attention.

Inscription for a production exhi-bition sponsored by organizationsdirectly under the Central Com-mittee of the Party and theGeneral Headquarters of theEighth Route Army, LiberationDaily of Yenan, November 24 ,1943 .

We should pay close attention to thewell-being of the masses, from the problems

133

of land and labour to those of fuel, rice,cooking oil and salt. . . . All such prob-lems concerning the well-being of themasses should be placed on our agenda.We should discuss them, adopt and carryout decisions and check up on the results.We should help the masses to realize that werepresent their interests, that our lives areintimately bound up with theirs. We shouldhelp them to proceed from these things toan understanding of the higher tasks whichwe have put forward, the tasks of the rev-olutionary war, so that they will supportthe revolution and spread it throughout thecountry, respond to our political appealsand fight to the end for victory in therevolution.

“Be Concerned with the Well-Being of the Masses, Pay Atten-tion to Methods of Work” (Janu-ary 27, 1934), Selected Works,Vol. I, p. 149 .*

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XII. POLITICAL WORK

The system of Party representatives andof political departments, adopted for thefirst time in China, entirely changed thecomplexion of these armed forces.1 TheRed Army, which was founded in 1927, andthe Eighth Route Army of today have in-herited this system and developed it.

“Interview with the BritishJournalist James Bertram” (Octo-ber 25, 1937), Selected Works,Vol. II, p. 54.

The People’s Liberation Army has de-veloped its vigorous revolutionary political

1 This refers to the revolutionary armed forces

organized jointly by the Chinese Communist Partyand the Kuomintang in the years of their co-operation during the First Revolutionary Civil WarPeriod (1924-27). — Tr.

135

work, which is an important factor inwinning victory over the enemy, on thebasis of a people’s war and of the princi-ples of unity between army and people, ofunity between commanders and fighters andof disintegrating the enemy troops.

“The Present Situation and OurTasks” (December 25 , 1947), Se-lected Military Writings, 2nd ed.,p. 350.[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 162.]

This army has built up a system of polit-ical work which is essential for the peo-ple’s war and is aimed at promoting unity

in its own ranks, unity with the friendlyarmies and unity with the people, and atdisintegrating the enemy forces and ensur-ing victory in battle.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 265.*

Political work is the life-blood of alleconomic work. This is particularly true at

136

a time when the social and economic systemis undergoing fundamental change.

Introductory note to “A SeriousLesson” (1955), The SocialistUpsurge in China’s Countryside ,Chinese ed., Vol. I.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 260.]

“The Party branch is organized on acompany basis”; this is an important reasonwhy the Red Army has been able to carryon such arduous fighting without fallingapart.

“The Struggle in the ChingkangMountains” (November 25, 1928),Selected Works , Vol. I, p. 84 .

The political work of the Eighth RouteArmy is guided by three basic principles.First, the principle of unity between officersand men, which means eradicating feudalpractices in the army, prohibiting beatingand abuse, building up a conscious disci-pline, and sharing weal and woe — as aresult of which the entire army is closelyunited. Second, the principle of unity be-

137

tween the army and the people, whichmeans maintaining a discipline that forbidsthe slightest violation of the people’s in-terests, conducting propaganda among themasses, organizing and arming them, light-ening their economic burdens and suppress-ing the traitors and collaborators who doharm to the army and the people — as aresult of which the army is closely unitedwith the people and welcomed everywhere.Third, the principle of disintegrating theenemy troops and giving lenient treatmentto prisoners of war. Our victory dependsnot only upon our military operations butalso upon the disintegration of the enemytroops.

“Interview with the British Jour-nalist James Bertram” (October25, 1937), Selected Works, Vol.II, p. 53.*

Our troops must observe the correctprinciples that govern relations between thearmy and the people, between the army andthe government, between the army and theParty, between officers and men, and be-

138

tween military work and political work,and relations among the cadres, and must

never commit the errors of warlordism.Officers must cherish their men and mustnot be indifferent to their well-being orresort to corporal punishment; the armymust cherish the people and never encroachupon their interests; the army must respect

the government and the Party and never“assert independence”.

“Get Organized!” (November 29,1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,pp. 158-59.

Our policy towards prisoners capturedfrom the Japanese, puppet or anti-Com-munist troops is to set them all free, ex-cept for those who have incurred the bitterhatred of the masses and must receive cap-

ital punishment and whose death sentencehas been approved by the higher authori-ties. Among the prisoners, those who werecoerced into joining the reactionary forcesbut who are more or less inclined towardsthe revolution should be won over in large

139

numbers to work for our army. The restshould be released and, if they fight us and

are captured again, should again be setfree. We should not insult them, take awaytheir personal effects or try to exact recan-tations from them, but without exceptionshould treat them sincerely and kindly. Thisshould be our policy, however reactionary

they may be. It is a very effective way ofisolating the camp of reaction.

“On Policy” (December 25, 1940),Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 446-47.

Weapons are an important factor in war,but not the decisive factor; it is people, notthings, that are decisive. The contest ofstrength is not only a contest of militaryand economic power, but also a contest of

human power and morale. Military andeconomic power is necessarily wielded bypeople.

“On Protracted War” (May 1938),

Selected Works , Vol. II, pp. 143-44 .

140

The atom bomb is a paper tiger whichthe U.S. reactionaries use to scare people.It looks terrible, but in fact it isn’t. Ofcourse, the atom bomb is a weapon of massslaughter, but the outcome of a war is de-cided by the people, not by one or two newtypes of weapon.

“Talk with the American Cor-respondent Anna Louise Strong”(August 1946), Selected Works,Vol. IV, p. 100 .

Soldiers are the foundation of an army;unless they are imbued with a progressivepolitical spirit, and unless such a spirit isfostered through progressive political work,it will be impossible to achieve genuineunity between officers and men, impossibleto arouse their enthusiasm for the War ofResistance to the full, and impossible toprovide an excellent basis for the mosteffective use of all our technical equipmentand tactics.

“On Protracted War” (May 1938),Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 185.*

141

The purely military viewpoint is very

highly developed among a number of com-

rades in the Red Army. It manifests itself

as follows:

1. These comrades regard military

affairs and politics as opposed to each other

and refuse to recognize that military affairs

are only one means of accomplishing polit-

ical tasks. Some even say, “If you are good

militarily, naturally you are good political-

ly; if you are not good militarily, you can-

not be any good politically” — this is to go

a step further and give military affairs a

leading position over politics.

. . . . . . . . . . .

“On Correcting Mistaken Ideas

in the Party” (December 1929),

Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 105-06.

Ideological education is the key link to

be grasped in uniting the whole Party for

great political struggles. Unless this is done,

142

the Party cannot accomplish any of itspolitical tasks.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 315 .*

Recently there has been a falling off

in ideological and political work among

students and intellectuals, and some un-

healthy tendencies have appeared. Some

people seem to think that there is no longer

any need to concern oneself with politics or

with the future of the motherland and the

ideals of mankind. It seems as if Marxism

was once all the rage but is currently not

so much in fashion. To counter these tend-

encies, we must strengthen our ideological

and political work. Both students and in-

tellectuals should study hard. In addition

to the study of their specialized subjects,

they must make progress both ideologically

and politically, which means that they

should study Marxism-Leninism, current

events and politics. Not to have a

correct political point of view is like

143

having no soul. . . . All departments and

organizations should shoulder their respon-

sibilities in ideological and political work.

This applies to the Communist Party, the

Youth League, government departments in

charge of this work, and especially to heads

of educational institutions and teachers.

On the Correct Handling of Con-

tradictions Among the People

(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,

pp. 43-44.

[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 405.]

After receiving political education, the

Red Army soldiers have all become class-

conscious and learned the essentials of dis-

tributing land, setting up political power,

arming the workers and peasants, etc.,

and they all know they are fighting for them-

selves, for the working class and the peas-

antry. Hence they can endure the hardships

of the bitter struggle without complaint.

Each company, battalion or regiment has its

soldiers’ committee which represents the in-

144

terests of the soldiers and carries on polit-ical and mass work.

“The Struggle in the Chingkang

Mountains” (November 25, 1928),

Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 81.*

The correct unfolding of the movementfor pouring out grievances (the wrongsdone to the labouring people by the oldsociety and by the reactionaries) and thethree check-ups (on class origin, perform-ance of duty and will to fight) greatlyheightened the political consciousness ofcommanders and fighters throughout thearmy in the fight for the emancipation ofthe exploited working masses, for nation-wide land reform and for the destructionof the common enemy of the people, theChiang Kai-shek bandit gang. It also great-ly strengthened the firm unity of all com-manders and fighters under the leadershipof the Communist Party. On this basis, thearmy achieved greater purity in its ranks,strengthened discipline, unfolded a massmovement for training, and further devel-

145

oped its political, economic and militarydemocracy in a completely well-led andorderly way. Thus the army has becomeunited as one man, with everybody contrib-uting his ideas and his strength, an armyfearless of sacrifice and capable of over-coming material difficulties, which displaysmass heroism and daring in destroying theenemy. Such an army will be invincible.

“On the Great Victory in theNorthwest and on the New Typeof Ideological Education Move-ment in the Liberation Army”(March 7 , 1948), Selected Mili-tary Writings, 2nd ed., pp. 358-59.[Selected Works, Vol. IV, pp. 214-15.]

In the last few months almost all thePeople’s Liberation Army has made use ofthe intervals between battles for large-scaletraining and consolidation. This has beencarried out in a fully guided, orderly anddemocratic way. It has therefore arousedthe revolutionary fervour of the greatmasses of commanders and fighters, enabledthem clearly to comprehend the aim ofthe war, eliminated certain incorrect ideo-

146

logical tendencies and undesirable mani-festations in the army, educated the cadresand fighters and greatly enhanced the com-bat effectiveness of the army. From nowon, we must continue to carry on this newtype of ideological education movement inthe army, a movement which has a demo-cratic and mass character.

“Speech at a Conference ofCadres in the Shansi-SuiyuanLiberated Area” (April 1 , 1948),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 234.

The educational policy of the college[the Anti-Japanese Military and PoliticalCollege] is to cultivate a firm and correctpolitical orientation, an industrious andsimple style of work, and flexible strategyand tactics. These are the three essentialsin the making of an anti-Japanese revolu-tionary soldier. It is in accordance withthese essentials that the staff teach and thestudents study.

To Be Attacked by the EnemyIs Not a Bad Thing but a GoodThing (May 26, 1939), 1st pocketed., p. 3.

147

Our nation has always had a traditionalstyle of hard struggle, which we shoulddevelop. . . . What is more, the CommunistParty has always advocated a firm and cor-rect political orientation. . . . This orienta-tion is inseparable from a style of hardstruggle. Without a firm and correct polit-ical orientation, it is impossible to promotea style of hard struggle. Without the styleof hard struggle, it is impossible to maintaina firm and correct political orientation.

“Speech at the Yenan Rally inCelebration of InternationalLabour Day” (May 1, 1939).

Be united, alert, earnest and lively.

Motto for the Anti-JapaneseMilitary and Political College.

What really counts in the world is con-scientiousness, and the Communist Party ismost particular about being conscientious.

Talk at a meeting with Chinesestudents and trainees in Moscow(November 17, 1957).

148

XIII. RELATIONS BETWEEN

OFFICERS AND MEN

Our army has always had two policies.First, we must be ruthless to our enemies,we must overpower and annihilate them.Second, we must be kind to our own, tothe people, to our comrades and to our supe-riors and subordinates, and unite with them.

Speech at the reception given

by the Central Committee of the

Party for model study delegates

from the Rear Army Detachments

(September 18, 1944).

We hail from all corners of the countryand have joined together for a commonrevolutionary objective. . . . Our cadresmust show concern for every soldier, andall people in the revolutionary ranks must

149

care for each other, must love and helpeach other.

“Serve the People” (September8, 1944), Selected Works , Vol.III, pp. 227-28 .

A movement to support the cadres andcherish the soldiers should be launched inevery army unit, calling on the cadres tocherish the soldiers and the soldiers to sup-port the cadres. They should speak up abouteach other’s shortcomings and mistakes andquickly correct them. In this way they willbe able to achieve a very good internalunity.

“The Tasks for 1945” (December15, 1944).

Many people think that it is wrong meth-ods that make for strained relations be-tween officers and men and between thearmy and the people, but I always tell themthat it is a question of basic attitude (orbasic principle), of having respect for thesoldiers and the people. It is from this at-titude that the various policies, methods

150

and forms ensue. If we depart from this at-titude, then the policies, methods and formswill certainly be wrong, and the relationsbetween officers and men and between thearmy and the people are bound to be un-satisfactory. Our three major principles forthe army’s political work are, first, unitybetween officers and men; second, unitybetween the army and the people; andthird, the disintegration of the enemy forces.To apply these principles effectively, wemust start with this basic attitude of respectfor the soldiers and the people, and ofrespect for the human dignity of prisonersof war once they have laid down theirarms. Those who take all this as a technicalmatter and not one of basic attitude areindeed wrong, and they should correct theirview.

“On Protracted War” (May 1938),Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 186-87 .

Communists must use the democraticmethod of persuasion and education whenworking among the labouring people and

151

must on no account resort to commandismor coercion. The Chinese Communist Partyfaithfully adheres to this Marxist-Leninistprinciple.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 15.*[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 391.]

Our comrades must understand that ideo-logical remoulding involves long-term, pa-tient and painstaking work, and they mustnot attempt to change people’s ideology,which has been shaped over decades of life,by giving a few lectures or by holding afew meetings. Persuasion, not compulsion,is the only way to convince them. Compul-sion will never result in convincing them.To try to convince them by force simplywon’t work. This kind of method is per-missible in dealing with the enemy, but ab-solutely impermissible in dealing with com-rades or friends.

Speech at the Chinese Commu-nist Party’s National Conferenceon Propaganda Work (March 12,1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 23.[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 432-33.]

152

We must make a distinction between theenemy and ourselves, and we must notadopt an antagonistic stand towards com-rades and treat them as we would theenemy. In speaking up, one must have anardent desire to protect the cause of thepeople and raise their political conscious-ness, and there must be no ridiculing or at-tacking in one’s approach.

Ibid., p. 20.*[Selected Works , Vol. V, p. 431 .]

153

XIV. RELATIONS

BETWEEN THE ARMY

AND THE PEOPLE

The army must become one with the peo-ple so that they see it as their own army.Such an army will be invincible. . . .

“On Protracted War” (May 1938),Selected Works , Vol. II, p. 186.

Every comrade must be helped to under-stand that as long as we rely on the people,believe firmly in the inexhaustible creativepower of the masses and hence trust andidentify ourselves with them, we can sur-mount any difficulty, and no enemy cancrush us while we can crush any enemy.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 316 .*

154

Wherever our comrades go, they mustbuild good relations with the masses, beconcerned for them and help them over-come their difficulties. We must unite withthe masses; the more of the masses we unitewith, the better.

“On the Chungking Negotiations”(October 17 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. IV, p. 59.

The army in the Liberated Areas mustsupport the government and cherish thepeople, while the democratic governmentsmust lead the people in the work of sup-porting the army and giving preferentialtreatment to the families of soldiers fightingJapan. In this way relations between thearmy and the people will become still better.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 311.*

In the army the task of supporting thegovernment and cherishing the peopleshould be handled through the ideologicaleducation of every commander and fighter,

155

so that they all thoroughly understand itsimportance. As long as the army on its partdoes this job well, the local governmentand the people will also improve their rela-tions with the army.

“Policy for Work in the Liber-ated Areas for 1946” (December15 , 1945), Selected Works, Vol.IV, p. 77 .*

In the course of these campaigns,1 thearmy on its side and the Party and the gov-ernment on theirs should thoroughly ex-amine the shortcomings and mistakes of1943, and should resolutely correct them in1944. From now on, such campaigns shouldbe launched everywhere in the first monthof every lunar year, and in the course ofthem the pledges to “support the govern-

ment and cherish the people” and “support

the army and give preferential treatment

1 Campaigns to “support the government and

cherish the people” and to “support the army andgive preferential treatment to the families ofsoldiers fighting Japan”. — Tr.

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to the families of soldiers fighting Japan”should be read out time and again,and there should be repeated self-criticismbefore the masses of any high-handed be-haviour by the troops in the base areastowards the Party or government per-sonnel or towards civilians, or of any lackof concern for the troops shown by theParty or government personnel or the civil-ians (each side criticizing itself and not theother) in order that these shortcomings andmistakes may be thoroughly corrected.

“Spread the Campaigns to Re-duce Rent, Increase Productionand ‘Support the Government andCherish the People’ in the BaseAreas” (October 1 , 1943), SelectedWorks , Vol. III, p. 135.*

157

XV. DEMOCRACY IN THE

THREE MAIN FIELDS

A proper measure of democracy should

be put into effect in the army, chiefly by

abolishing the feudal practice of bullying

and beating and by having officers and men

share weal and woe. Once this is done,

unity will be achieved between officers and

men, the combat effectiveness of the army

will be greatly increased, and there will be

no doubt of our ability to sustain the long,

cruel war.

“On Protracted War” (May 1938),

Selected Works , Vol. II , p. 186 .

Apart from the role played by the Party,

the reason why the Red Army has been

able to carry on in spite of such poor

158

material conditions and such frequent en-

gagements is its practice of democracy. The

officers do not beat the men; officers and

men receive equal treatment; soldiers are

free to hold meetings and to speak out;

trivial formalities have been done away

with; and the accounts are open for all to

inspect. . . . In China the army needs de-

mocracy as much as the people do. Democ-

racy in our army is an important weapon

for undermining the feudal mercenary army.

“The Struggle in the ChingkangMountains” (November 25, 1928),

Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 83.

The policy for political work in our army

units is fully to arouse the rank and file,

the commanders and all working personnel

in order to achieve three major objectives

through a democratic movement under cen-

tralized leadership, namely, a high degree

of political unity, better living conditions,

and better military technique and tactics.

The Three Check-ups and Three Improve-

159

ments1 now being enthusiastically carried

out in our army units are intended to attain

the first two of these objectives through the

methods of political and economic de-

mocracy.

With regard to economic democracy, the

representatives elected by the soldiers must

be ensured the right to assist (but not to

bypass) the company leadership in man-

aging the company’s supplies and mess.

With regard to military democracy, in

periods of training there must be mutual

instruction as between officers and soldiers

1 The “Three Check-ups” and “Three Improve-ments” constituted an important movement forParty consolidation and for ideological educationin the army which was carried out by our Partyin conjunction with the land reform during thePeople’s War of Liberation. In the localities, the“Three Check-ups” meant checking on class origin,ideology and style of work; in the armed units,the check-ups were on class origin, performance ofduty and will to fight. The “Three Improvements”meant organizational consolidation, ideologicaleducation and rectification of style of work.

160

and among the soldiers themselves; and inperiods of fighting the companies at thefront must hold big and small meetings ofvarious kinds. Under the direction of thecompany leadership, the rank and fileshould be roused to discuss how to attackand capture enemy positions and how tofulfil other combat tasks. When the fight-ing lasts several days, several such meet-ings should be held. This kind of militarydemocracy was practised with great successin the battle of Panlung in northern Shensiand in the battle of Shihchiachuang in theShansi-Chahar-Hopei area. It has beenproved that the practice can only do goodand can do no harm whatsoever.

“The Democratic Movement inthe Army” (January 30 , 1948),Selected Military Writings, 2nded., p. 353 .[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 191.]

In the present great struggle, the ChineseCommunist Party demands that all its lead-ing bodies and all its members and cadresshould give the fullest expression to theirinitiative, which alone can ensure victory.

161

This initiative must be demonstrated con-cretely in the ability of the leading bodies,the cadres and the Party rank and file towork creatively, in their readiness to as-sume responsibility, in the exuberant vigourthey show in their work, in their courageand ability to raise questions, voice opinionsand criticize defects, and in the comradelysupervision that is maintained over theleading bodies and the leading cadres.Otherwise, “initiative” will be an emptything. But the exercise of such initiativedepends on the spread of democracy inParty life. It cannot be brought into playif there is not enough democracy in Partylife. Only in an atmosphere of democracy

can large numbers of able people be

brought forward.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-

munist Party in the National

War” (October 1938), Selected

Works , Vol. II, p. 204.

Anyone should be allowed to speak out,whoever he may be, so long as he is not a

162

hostile element and does not make mali-cious attacks, and it does not matter if hesays something wrong. Leaders at alllevels have the duty to listen to others.Two principles must be observed: (1) Sayall you know and say it without reserve;(2) Don’t blame the speaker but take hiswords as a warning. Unless the principleof “Don’t blame the speaker” is observedgenuinely and not falsely, the result willnot be “Say all you know and say it withoutreserve”.

“The Tasks for 1945” (December15, 1944).

Education in democracy must be carriedon within the Party so that members canunderstand the meaning of democratic life,the meaning of the relationship betweendemocracy and centralism, and the way inwhich democratic centralism should be putinto practice. Only in this way can wereally extend democracy within the Partyand at the same time avoid ultra-democracy

163

and the laissez-faire which destroys dis-cipline.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks , Vol. II, p. 205 .*

Both in the army and in the local organi-zations, inner-Party democracy is meant tostrengthen discipline and increase combateffectiveness, not to weaken them.

Ibid .

In the sphere of theory, destroy the rootsof ultra-democracy. First, it should bepointed out that the danger of ultra-democracy lies in the fact that it damagesor even completely wrecks the Party or-ganization and weakens or even completelyundermines the Party’s fighting capacity,rendering the Party incapable of fulfillingits fighting tasks and thereby causing thedefeat of the revolution. Next, it shouldbe pointed out that the source of ultra-democracy consists in the petty bourgeoisie’sindividualistic aversion to discipline. When

164

this characteristic is brought into the Party,it develops into ultra-democratic ideaspolitically and organizationally. These ideasare utterly incompatible with the fightingtasks of the proletariat.

“On Correcting Mistaken Ideas inthe Party” (December 1929), Se-lected Works , Vol. I, p. 108.

165

XVI. EDUCATION

AND THE TRAINING

OF TROOPS

Our educational policy must enable

everyone who receives an education to

develop morally, intellectually and physical-

ly and become a worker with both socialist

consciousness and culture.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 44.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 405.]

As for education for cadres whether at

work or in schools for cadres, a policy

should be established of focusing such edu-

cation on the study of the practical prob-

lems of the Chinese revolution and using

166

the basic principles of Marxism-Leninismas the guide, and the method of studyingMarxism-Leninism statically and in isola-tion should be discarded.

“Reform Our Study” (May 1941),Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 24.

For a military school, the most importantquestion is the selection of a director andinstructors and the adoption of an educa-tional policy.

“Problems of Strategy in China’sRevolutionary War” (December1936), Selected Works, Vol. I,p. 185.*

A school of a hundred people certainlycannot be run well if it does not have aleading group of several people, or a dozenor more, which is formed in accordancewith the actual circumstances (and notthrown together artificially) and is com-posed of the most active, upright and alert of

167

the teachers, the other staff and the stu-dents.

“Some Questions ConcerningMethods of Leadership” (June 1 ,1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,pp. 118-19 .

All officers and fighters of our army mustimprove their military art, march forwardcourageously towards certain victory in thewar and resolutely, thoroughly, wholly andcompletely wipe out all enemies.

“Manifesto of the Chinese Peo-ple’s Liberation Army” (October1947), Selected Military Writings,2nd ed., p. 340.[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 152.]

Equal importance should be attached tothe military and political aspects of theone-year consolidation and training pro-gramme which has just begun, and the twoaspects should be integrated. At the start,stress should be placed on the politicalaspect, on improving relations betweenofficers and men, enhancing internal unity

168

and arousing a high level of enthusiasmamong the masses of cadres and fighters.Only thus will the military consolidation andtraining proceed smoothly and attain betterresults.

“The Tasks for 1945” (December5, 1944).

As for the method of training, we shouldunfold the mass training movement inwhich officers teach soldiers, soldiers teachofficers and the soldiers teach each other.

“Policy for Work in the Liber-ated Areas for 1946” (Decem-ber 15, 1945), Selected Works, Vol.IV, p. 76.

Our slogan in training troops is, “Officersteach soldiers, soldiers teach officers andsoldiers teach each other”. The fightershave a lot of practical combat experience.The officers should learn from the fighters,and when they have made other people’s

169

experience their own, they will becomemore capable.

“A Talk to the Editorial Staffof the Shansi-Suiyuan Daily”(April 2 , 1948), Selected Works,Vol. IV, pp. 243.

As for the training courses, the main ob-jective should still be to raise the levelof technique in marksmanship, bayoneting,grenade-throwing and the like and the secon-dary objective should be to raise the levelof tactics, while special emphasis should belaid on night operations.

“Policy for Work in the LiberatedAreas for 1946” (December 15 ,1945), Selected Works , Vol. IV,p. 76.*

170

XVII. SERVING THE

PEOPLE

We should be modest and prudent, guard

against arrogance and rashness, and serve

the Chinese people heart and soul. . . .

“China’s Two Possible Destinies”

(April 23 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. III, p. 253 .

Our point of departure is to serve the

people whole-heartedly and never for a

moment divorce ourselves from the masses,

to proceed in all cases from the interests

of the people and not from one’s self-interest

or from the interests of a small group, and

to identify our responsibility to the peo-

171

ple with our responsibility to the leadingorgans of the Party.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 315.*

The organs of state must practise demo-cratic centralism, they must rely on themasses and their personnel must servethe people.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 8.*[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 387.]

Comrade Bethune’s spirit, his utter de-votion to others without any thought ofself, was shown in his boundless sense of re-sponsibility in his work and his boundlesswarm-heartedness towards all comrades andthe people. Every Communist must learnfrom him.

. . . . . . . . . .We must all learn the spirit of abso-

lute selflessness from him. With this spirit

172

everyone can be very useful to the people.A man’s ability may be great or small, butif he has this spirit, he is already noble-minded and pure, a man of moral integrityand above vulgar interests, a man who isof value to the people.

“Memory of Norman Bethune”(December 21, 1939), SelectedWorks , Vol. II, pp. 337-38 .*

Our Communist Party and the EighthRoute and New Fourth Armies led by ourParty are battalions of the revolution.These battalions of ours are wholly ded-icated to the liberation of the people andworld entirely in the people’s interests.

“Serve the People” (September8, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III,p. 227 .

All our cadres, whatever their rank,are servants of the people, and whateverwe do is to serve the people. How then

173

can we be reluctant to discard any of our

bad traits?

“The Tasks for 1945” (December5, 1944).

Our duty is to hold ourselves responsible

to the people. Every word, every act and

every policy must conform to the people’s

interests, and if mistakes occur, they must

be corrected — that is what being respon-

sible to the people means.

“The Situation and Our PolicyAfter the Victory in the Warof Resistance Against Japan”(August 13 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. IV, p. 16 .

Wherever there is struggle there is sacri-

fice, and death is a common occurrence.

But we have the interests of the people and

the sufferings of the great majority at heart,

and when we die for the people it is a

174

worthy death. Nevertheless, we should doour best to avoid unnecessary sacrifices.

“Serve the People” (September 8,1944), Selected Works, Vol. III,p. 228.

All men must die, but death can varyin its significance. The ancient Chinesewriter Szuma Chien said, “Though deathbefalls all men alike, it may be heavierthan Mount Tai or lighter than a feather.”To die for the people is heavier thanMount Tai, but to work for the fascists anddie for the exploiters and oppressors islighter than a feather.

Ibid., p. 227.

175

XVIII. PATRIOTISM AND

INTERNATIONALISM

Can a Communist, who is an internation-alist, at the same time be a patriot? Wehold that he not only can be but must be.The specific content of patriotism is deter-mined by historical conditions. There isthe “patriotism” of the Japanese aggressorsand of Hitler, and there is our patriotism.Communists must resolutely oppose the“patriotism” of the Japanese aggressors andof Hitler. The Communists of Japan andGermany are defeatists with regard to thewars being waged by their countries. Tobring about the defeat of the Japaneseaggressors and of Hitler by every possiblemeans is in the interests of the Japaneseand the German people, and the more com-plete the defeat the better. . . . For the

176

wars launched by the Japanese aggressorsand Hitler are harming the people at home aswell as the people of the world. China’scase, however, is different, because she is thevictim of aggression. Chinese Communistsmust therefore combine patriotism with in-ternationalism. We are at once international-ists and patriots, and our slogan is, “Fight todefend the motherland against the aggres-sors.” For us defeatism is a crime and tostrive for victory in the War of Resistanceis an inescapable duty. For only by fight-ing in defence of the motherland can wedefeat the aggressors and achieve nationalliberation. And only by achieving nationalliberation will it be possible for the prole-tariat and other working people to achievetheir own emancipation. The victory ofChina and the defeat of the invading im-perialists will help the people of othercountries. Thus in wars of national libera-tion patriotism is applied internationalism.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks , Vol. II, p. 196 .*

177

What kind of spirit is this that makes aforeigner selflessly adopt the cause of theChinese people’s liberation as his own? Itis the spirit of internationalism, the spiritof communism, from which every ChineseCommunist must learn. . . . We must unitewith the proletariat of all the capitalistcountries, with the proletariat of Japan,Britain, the United States, Germany, Italyand all other capitalist countries, before itis possible to overthrow imperialism, toliberate our nation and people, and toliberate the other nations and peoples ofthe world. This is our internationalism,the internationalism with which we opposeboth narrow nationalism and narrowpatriotism.

“Memory of Norman Bethune”

(December 21, 1939), Selected

Works, Vol. II, pp. 337.*

In the fight for complete liberation the

oppressed people rely first of all on their

own struggle and then, and only then, on

international assistance. The people who

178

have triumphed in their own revolutionshould help those still struggling for libera-tion. This is our internationalist duty.

Talk with African friends(August 8, 1963).

The socialist countries are states of anentirely new type in which the exploitingclasses have been overthrown and the work-ing people are in power. The principle ofintegrating internationalism with patriotismis practised in the relations betweenthese countries. We are closely bound bycommon interests and common ideals.

“Speech at the Meeting of theSupreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R.in Celebration of the 40th An-niversary of the Great OctoberSocialist Revolution” (November6, 1957).

The people of the countries in the so-cialist camp should unite, the people of thecountries in Asia, Africa and Latin Ameri-ca should unite, the people of all the con-tinents should unite, all peace-loving

179

countries should unite, and all countriessubjected to U.S. aggression, control, inter-vention or bullying should unite, and soform the broadest united front to opposethe U.S. imperialist policies of aggressionand war and to defend world peace.

“Statement Supporting the Pana-

manian People’s Just Patriotic

Struggle Against U.S. Imperial-

ism” (August 8 , 1963), People

of the World, Unite and Defeat

the U.S. Aggressors and All

Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., p. 9.

Things develop ceaselessly. It is onlyforty-five years since the Revolution of1911, but the face of China has com-pletely changed. In another forty-five years,that is, in the year 2001, or the beginningof the 21st century, China will have under-gone an even greater change. She will havebecome a powerful socialist industrialcountry. And that is as it should be.China is a land with an area of 9,600,000square kilometres and a population of 600

180

million people, and she ought to have madea greater contribution to humanity. Hercontribution over a long period has beenfar too small. For this we are regretful.

But we must be modest — not only now,but forty-five years hence as well. Weshould always be modest. In our inter-national relations, we Chinese peopleshould get rid of great-power chauvinismresolutely, thoroughly, wholly and com-pletely.

“In Commemoration of Dr. SunYat-sen” (November 1956).[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 330-31.]

We must never adopt an arrogant attitudeof great-power chauvinism and becomeconceited because of the victory of ourrevolution and certain achievements in ourconstruction. Every nation, big or small,has its strong and weak points.

“Opening Address at the Eighth

National Congress of the Com-

munist Party of China” (Septem-

ber 15, 1956).

181

XIX. REVOLUTIONARY

HEROISM

This army has an indomitable spirit andis determined to vanquish all enemies andnever to yield. No matter what the diffi-culties and hardships, so long as a singleman remains, he will fight on.

“On Coalition Government”

(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. III, p. 264 .*

Give full play to our style of fighting —courage in battle, no fear of sacrifice, nofear of fatigue, and continuous fighting (thatis, fighting successive battles in a short timewithout rest).

“The Present Situation and Our

Tasks” (December 25 , 1947), Se-

lected Works, Vol. IV, p. 161 .

182

Thousands upon thousands of martyrs

have heroically laid down their lives for

the people; let us hold their banner high

and march ahead along the path crimson

with their blood!

“On Coalition Government”

(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. III, p. 318.

Be resolute, fear no sacrifice and sur-

mount every difficulty to win victory.

“The Foolish Old Man Who Re-

moved the Mountains” (June 11,1945), Selected Works , Vol. III,

p. 321.*

At a critical moment in the progress of

the Northern Expedition, . . . the treacherous

and reactionary policies of “party purge”

and massacre adopted by the Kuomintang

authorities wrecked this national united

front — the united front of the Kuomintang,

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the Communist Party and all sections ofthe people, which embodied the Chinesepeople’s cause of liberation — and all itsrevolutionary policies. . . . Thereupon unitywas replaced by civil war, democracy bydictatorship, and a China full of brightnessby a China covered in darkness. But theChinese Communist Party and the Chinesepeople were neither cowed nor conquerednor exterminated. They picked themselvesup, wiped off the blood, buried their fallencomrades and went into battle again. Hold-ing high the great standard of revolution,they rose in armed resistance and over avast territory in China they set up people’sgovernments, carried out land reform, builtup a people’s army — the Chinese RedArmy — and preserved and expanded therevolutionary forces of the Chinese people.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 261 .*

You have many good qualities and haverendered great service, but you must al-

184

ways remember not to become conceited.

You are respected by all, and quite rightly,

but this easily leads to conceit. If you

become conceited, if you are not modest

and cease to exert yourselves, and if you

do not respect others, do not respect the

cadres and the masses, then you will cease

to be heroes and models. There have been

such people in the past, and I hope you

will not follow their example.

“We Must Learn to Do Econom-

ic Work” (January 10, 1945),

Selected Works , Vol. III, p. 239 .

In the fight to wipe out the enemy and

to restore and increase industrial and agri-

cultural production, you have overcome

many difficulties and hardships and dem-

onstrated immense courage, wisdom and

initiative. You are models for the whole

Chinese nation, the backbone of the victo-

rious advance of the people’s cause in all

spheres, pillars of support to the People’s

185

Government and bridges linking the Peo-ple’s Government with the great masses.

Message of greetings on behalfof the Central Committee of theChinese Communist Party to theMeeting of Representatives ofNational Combat Heroes andModel Workers (September 25,1950).

We the Chinese nation have the spirit tofight the enemy to the last drop of our blood,the determination to recover our lost territoryby our own efforts, and the ability to standon our own feet in the family of nations.

“On Tactics Against Japanese Im-perialism” (December 27, 1935),Selected Works , Vol. I, p. 170 .*

186

XX. BUILDING OUR

COUNTRY THROUGH

DILIGENCE AND FRUGALITY

We must see to it that all our cadres andall our people constantly bear in mind thatours is a big socialist country but aneconomically backward and poor one, andthat this is a very great contradiction. Tomake China rich and strong needs severaldecades of intense effort, which willinclude, among other things, the effort topractise strict economy and combat waste,i.e., the policy of building up our countrythrough diligence and frugality.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 71.[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 418-19.]

187

Diligence and frugality should be prac-tised in running factories and shops and allstate-owned, co-operative and other enter-prises. The principle of diligence and fru-gality should be observed in everything.This principle of economy is one of thebasic principles of socialist economics.China is a big country, but she is still verypoor. It will take several decades tomake China prosperous. Even then wewill still have to observe the principle ofdiligence and frugality. But it is in thecoming few decades, during the presentseries of five-year plans, that we mustparticularly advocate diligence and fru-gality, that we must pay special attention toeconomy.

Introductory note to “Runninga Co-operative Diligently andFrugally” (1955), The SocialistUpsurge in China’s Countryside,Chinese ed., Vol. I.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 265.]

Wherever we happen to be, we musttreasure our manpower and material re-sources, and must not take a short view

188

and indulge in wastefulness and extrava-gance. Wherever we are, from the veryfirst year of our work we must bear in mindthe many years to come, the protracted warthat must be maintained, the counter-offen-sive, and the work of reconstruction afterthe enemy’s expulsion. On the one hand,never be wasteful or extravagant; on theother, actively expand production. Pre-viously, in some places people suffered agreat deal because they did not take thelong view and neglected economy in man-power and material resources and the ex-pansion of production. The lesson is thereand attention must be called to it.

“We Must Learn to Do Economic

Work” (January 10, 1945), Selected

Works, Vol. III, p. 244.

In order to speed up this restoration anddevelopment [of agricultural productionand industrial production in small towns],we must do our utmost, in the course ofour struggle for the abolition of the feudalsystem, to preserve all useful means of pro-

189

duction and of livelihood, take resolute

measures against anyone’s destroying or

wasting them, oppose extravagant eating

and drinking and pay attention to thrift and

economy.

“Speech at a Conference of

Cadres in the Shansi-Suiyuan

Liberated Area” (April 1 , 1948),

Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 238.

Thrift should be the guiding principle in

our government expenditure. It should be

made clear to all government workers that

corruption and waste are very great crimes.

Our campaigns against corruption and

waste have already achieved some results,

but further efforts are required. Our system

of accounting must be guided by the prin-

ciple of saving every copper for the war

effort, for the revolutionary cause and for

our economic construction.

“Our Economic Policy” (January

23, 1934), Selected Works, Vol. I,

p. 145.

190

A dangerous tendency has shown itselfof late among many of our personnel — anunwillingness to share the joys and hard-ships of the masses, a concern for personalfame and gain. This is very bad. Oneway of overcoming it is to simplify our or-ganizations in the course of our campaignto increase production and practise econo-my, and to transfer cadres to lower levelsso that a considerable number will returnto productive work.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 71.[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 418-19.]

Production by the army for its own sup-port has not only improved the army’sliving conditions and lightened the burdenon the people, thereby making it possiblefurther to expand the army. In addition,it has had many immediate side-effects. Theyare as follows:

(1) Improved relations between offi-cers and men. Officers and men work

191

together in production and become likebrothers.

(2) Better attitude to labour. . . . sincethe army began to produce for its ownsupport, the attitude to labour has im-proved and loafer ways have been over-come.

(3) Strengthened discipline. Far fromweakening discipline in battle and inarmy life, labour discipline in productionactually strengthens it.

(4) Improved relations between thearmy and the people. Once an armedforce begins to “keep house” for itself,encroachments upon the property of thepeople seldom or never occur. As thearmy and the people exchange labourand help each other in production, thefriendship between them is strengthened.

(5) Less grumbling in the army aboutthe government and improved relationsbetween the two.

(6) An impetus to the great productioncampaign of the people. Once the armyengages in production, the need for gov-ernment and other organizations to do

192

likewise becomes more obvious, and theydo so more energetically; also, the needfor a universal campaign of the wholepeople to increase production naturallybecomes more obvious, and this too iscarried on more energetically.

“On Production by the Army forIts Own Support and on the Im-portance of the Great Move-ments for Rectification and forProduction” (April 27 , 1945), Se-lected Works , Vol. III, pp. 327-28.*

Some people say that if the army unitsgo in for production, they will be unableto train or fight and that if the govern-ment and other organizations do so, theywill be unable to do their own work. Thisis a false argument. In recent years ourarmy units in the Border Region have un-dertaken production on a big scale to pro-vide themselves with ample food andclothing and have simultaneously donetheir training and conducted their politicalstudies and literacy and other courses much

193

more successfully than before, and there isgreater unity than ever within the armyand between the army and the people.While there was a large-scale productioncampaign at the front last year, great suc-cesses were gained in the fighting and inaddition an extensive training campaignwas started. And thanks to production, thepersonnel of the government and otherorganizations live a better life and workwith greater devotion and efficiency; thisis the case both in the Border Region andat the front.

“We Must Learn to Do Econom-ic Work” (January 10, 1945), Se-lected Works, Vol. III, p. 243-44.

194

XXI. SELF-RELIANCE AND

ARDUOUS STRUGGLE

On what basis should our policy rest?It should rest on our own strength, andthat means regeneration through one’s ownefforts. We are not alone; all the countriesand people in the world opposed to im-perialism are our friends. Nevertheless, westress regeneration through our own efforts.Relying on the forces we ourselves organ-ize, we can defeat all Chinese and foreignreactionaries.

“The Situation and Our PolicyAfter the Victory in the Warof Resistance Against Japan”(August 13 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. IV, p. 20.

We stand for self-reliance. We hope forforeign aid but cannot be dependent on it;

195

we depend on our own efforts, on the crea-

tive power of the whole army and the

entire people.

“We Must Learn to Do Econom-ic Work” (January 10, 1945),Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 241 .

To win country-wide victory is only the

first step in a long march of ten thousand

li. . . . The Chinese revolution is great, but

the road after the revolution will be longer,

the work greater and more arduous. This

must be made clear now in the Party. The

comrades must be helped to remain modest,

prudent and free from arrogance and rash-

ness in their style of work. The comrades

must be helped to preserve the style of

plain living and hard struggle.

“Report to the Second Plenary

Session of the Seventh Central

Committee of the Communist

Party of China” (March 5 , 1949),

Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374 .*

196

We must thoroughly clear away all ideasamong our cadres of winning easy victoriesthrough good luck, without hard and bitterstruggle, without sweat and blood.

“Build Stable Base Areas in theNortheast” (December 28 , 1945),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 84.

We should carry on constant propagandaamong the people on the facts of worldprogress and the bright future ahead sothat they will build their confidence in vic-tory. At the same time, we must tell thepeople and tell our comrades that therewill be twists and turns in our road. Thereare still many obstacles and difficultiesalong the road of revolution. The SeventhCongress of our Party assumed that thedifficulties would be many, for we preferredto assume there would be more difficultiesrather than less. Some comrades do notlike to think much about difficulties. Butdifficulties are facts; we must recognize asmany difficulties as there are and shouldnot adopt a “policy of non-recognition”. We

197

must recognize difficulties, analyse themand combat them. There are no straightroads in the world; we must be prepared tofollow a road which twists and turns andnot try to get things on the cheap. It mustnot be imagined that one fine morning allthe reactionaries will go down on theirknees of their own accord. In a word,while the prospects are bright, the road hastwists and turns. There are still manydifficulties ahead which we must not over-look. By uniting with the entire people ina common effort, we can certainly overcomeall difficulties and win victory.

“On the Chungking Negotiations”

(October 17 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. IV, pp. 59-60 .

Anyone who sees only the bright sidebut not the difficulties cannot fight effec-tively for the accomplishment of the Party’stasks.

“On Coalition Government”

(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. III, p. 314 .

198

The wealth of society is created by the

workers, peasants and working intellectuals.

If they take their destiny into their own

hands, follow a Marxist-Leninist line and

take an active attitude in solving problems

instead of evading them, there will be no

difficulty in the world which they cannot

overcome.

Introductory note to “The PartySecretary Takes the Lead andAll the Party Members HelpRun the Co-operatives (1955),The Socialist Upsurge in China’sCountryside, Chinese ed., Vol. I.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 244.]

The comrades throughout the Party must

take all this fully into account and be pre-

pared to overcome all difficulties with an

indomitable will and in a planned way.

The reactionary forces and we both have

difficulties. But the difficulties of the reac-

tionary forces are insurmountable because

they are forces on the verge of death and

have no future. Our difficulties can be

199

overcome because we are new and risingforces and have a bright future.

“Greet the New High Tide ofthe Chinese Revolution” (Febru-ary 1 , 1947), Selected Works, Vol.IV, p. 125 .

In times of difficulty we must not losesight of our achievements, must see thebright future and must pluck up ourcourage.

“Serve the People” (September 8,1944), Selected Works , Vol. III,pp. 227-28 .

New things always have to experiencedifficulties and setbacks as they grow. Itis sheer fantasy to imagine that the cause ofsocialism is all plain sailing and easy suc-cess, without difficulties and setbacks or theexertion of tremendous efforts.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,pp. 32-33 .[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 400.]

200

At certain times in the revolutionary

struggle, the difficulties outweigh the fa-

vourable conditions and so constitute the

principal aspect of the contradiction and

the favourable conditions constitute the

secondary aspect. But through their efforts-

the revolutionaries can overcome the diffi-

culties step by step and open up a favour-

able new situation; thus a difficult situation

yields place to a favourable one.

“On Contradiction” (August 1937),

Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 335 .

What is work? Work is struggle. There

are difficulties and problems in those places

for us to overcome and solve. We go there

to work and struggle to overcome these

difficulties. A good comrade is one who

is more eager to go where the difficulties

are greater.

“On the Chungking Negotiations”

(October 17 , 1945), Selected

Works , Vol. IV, p. 58 .

201

There is an ancient Chinese fable called“The Foolish Old Man Who Removed theMountains”. It tells of an old man wholived in northern China long, long ago andwas known as the Foolish Old Man ofNorth Mountain. His house faced southand beyond his doorway stood the twogreat peaks, Taihang and Wangwu, ob-structing the way. With great determi-nation, he led his sons in digging upthese mountains hoe in hand. Anothergreybeard, known as the Wise Old Man,saw them and said derisively, “How sillyof you to do this! It is quite impossible foryou few to dig up these two huge moun-tains.” The Foolish Old Man replied,“When I die, my sons will carry on; whenthey die, there will be my grandsons, andthen their sons and grandsons, and so onto infinity. High as they are, the moun-tains cannot grow any higher and withevery bit we dig, they will be that muchlower. Why can’t we clear them away?”Having refuted the Wise Old Man’s wrongview, he went on digging every day, un-shaken in his conviction. God was moved

202

by this, and he sent down two angels, whocarried the mountains away on their backs.Today, two big mountains lie like a deadweight on the Chinese people. One is im-perialism, the other is feudalism. TheChinese Communist Party has long madeup its mind to dig them up. We mustpersevere and work unceasingly, and we,too, will touch God’s heart. Our God isnone other than the masses of the Chinesepeople. If they stand up and dig togetherwith us, why can’t these two mountains becleared away?

“The Foolish Old Man Who Re-

moved the Mountains” (June 11,1945), Selected Works , Vol. III,

p. 322.*

203

XXII. METHODS OF

THINKING AND METHODS

OF WORK

The history of mankind is one of con-

tinuous development from the realm of

necessity to the realm of freedom. This

process is never-ending. In any society in

which classes exist class struggle will

never end. In classless society the strug-

gle between the new and the old and

between truth and falsehood will never

end. In the fields of the struggle for pro-

duction and scientific experiment, mankind

makes constant progress and nature un-

dergoes constant change; they never remain

at the same level. Therefore, man has

constantly to sum up experience and go

on discovering, inventing, creating and

204

advancing. Ideas of stagnation, pessimism,

inertia and complacency are all wrong.

They are wrong because they agree neither

with the historical facts of social develop-

ment over the past million years, nor

with the historical facts of nature so far

known to us (i.e., nature as revealed in the

history of celestial bodies, the earth, life,

and other natural phenomena).

Quoted in “Premier Chou En-lai’s Report on the Work of theGovernment to the First Sessionof the Third National People’s Con-gress of the People’s Republicof China” (December 21-22 , 1964).

Natural science is one of man’s weapons

in his fight for freedom. For the purpose

of attaining freedom in society, man must

use social science to understand and change

society and carry out social revolution. For

the purpose of attaining freedom in the

world of nature, man must use natural

science to understand, conquer and change

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nature and thus attain freedom fromnature.

Speech at the inaugural meetingof the Natural Science ResearchSociety of the Border Region(February 5 , 1940).

The Marxist philosophy of dialecticalmaterialism has two outstanding character-istics. One is its class nature: it openlyavows that dialectical materialism is in theservice of the proletariat. The other is itspracticality: it emphasizes the dependenceof theory on practice, emphasizes thattheory is based on practice and in turnserves practice.

“On Practice” (July 1937), Se-lected Works , Vol. I, p. 297 .

Marxist philosophy holds that the mostimportant problem does not lie in under-standing the laws of the objective worldand thus being able to explain it, but inapplying the knowledge of these lawsactively to change the world.

Ibid., p. 304.

206

Where do correct ideas come from? Dothey drop from the skies? No. Are theyinnate in the mind? No. They come fromsocial practice, and from it alone; theycome from three kinds of social practice,the struggle for production, the classstruggle and scientific experiment.

Where Do Correct Ideas Comefrom? (May 1963), 1st pocket ed.,p. 1.

It is man’s social being that determineshis thinking. Once the correct ideas charac-teristic of the advanced class are graspedby the masses, these ideas turn into a ma-terial force which changes society andchanges the world.

Ibid.

In their social practice, men engage invarious kinds of struggle and gain rich ex-perience, both from their successes and fromtheir failures. Countless phenomena of theobjective external world are reflected in a

207

man’s brain through his five sense organs —the organs of sight, hearing, smell, tasteand touch. At first, knowledge is percep-tual. The leap to conceptual knowledge,i.e., to ideas, occurs when sufficient per-ceptual knowledge is accumulated. This isone process in cognition. It is the first stagein the whole process of cognition, the stageleading from objective matter to subjectiveconsciousness, from existence to ideas.Whether or not one’s consciousness or ideas(including theories, policies, plans ormeasures) do correctly reflect the laws ofthe objective external world is not yetproved at this stage, in which it is not yetpossible to ascertain whether they are cor-rect or not. Then comes the second stagein the process of cognition, the stage lead-ing from consciousness back to matter, fromideas back to existence, in which the knowl-edge gained in the first stage is appliedin social practice to ascertain whether thetheories, policies, plans or measures meetwith the anticipated success. Generallyspeaking, those that succeed are correct andthose that fail are incorrect, and this is

208

especially true of man’s struggle with nature.In social struggle, the forces representingthe advanced class sometimes suffer defeatnot because their ideas are incorrect butbecause, in the balance of forces engaged instruggle, they are not as powerful for thetime being as the forces of reaction; theyare therefore temporarily defeated, but theyare bound to triumph sooner or later. Man’sknowledge makes another leap through thetest of practice. This leap is more impor-tant than the previous one. For it is thisleap alone that can prove the correctness orincorrectness of the first leap in cognition,i.e., of the ideas, theories, policies, plans ormeasures formulated in the course of reflect-ing the objective external world. There isno other way of testing truth.

Ibid., pp. 1-3.*

Often, correct knowledge can be arrivedat only after many repetitions of the processleading from matter to consciousness andthen back to matter, that is, leading from

209

practice to knowledge and then back topractice. Such is the Marxist theory ofknowledge, the dialectical materialisttheory of knowledge.

Ibid., p. 3.*

Whoever wants to know a thing has noway of doing so except by coming intocontact with it, that is, by living (practis-ing) in its environment. . . . If you wantknowledge, you must take part in the prac-tice of changing reality. If you want toknow the taste of a pear, you must changethe pear by eating it yourself. . . . If youwant to know the theory and methods ofrevolution, you must take part in revolu-tion. All genuine knowledge originates indirect experience.

“On Practice” (July 1937), Se-

lected Works, Vol. I, pp. 299-300.

Knowledge begins with practice, andtheoretical knowledge which is acquired

210

through practice must then return to practice.

The active function of knowledge manifests

itself not only in the active leap from per-

ceptual to rational knowledge, but — and

this is more important — it must manifest

itself in the leap from rational knowledge to

revolutionary practice.

Ibid., p. 304.*

It is well known that when you do any-

thing, unless you understand its actual cir-

cumstances, its nature and its relations toother things, you will not know the laws

governing it, or know how to do it, or be

able to do it well.

“Problems of Strategy in China’sRevolutionary War” (December1936), Selected Works, Vol. I,p. 179.

If a man wants to succeed in his work,

that is, to achieve the anticipated results, hemust bring his ideas into correspondence

211

with the laws of the objective externalworld; if they do not correspond, he willfail in his practice. After he fails, hedraws his lessons, corrects his ideas to makethem correspond to the laws of the externalworld, and can thus turn failure into suc-cess; this is what is meant by “failure isthe mother of success” and “a fall intothe pit, a gain in your wit”.

“On Practice” (July 1937), Se-lected Works, Vol. I, pp. 296-97.

We are Marxists, and Marxism teachesthat in our approach to a problem weshould start from objective facts, not fromabstract definitions, and that we shouldderive our guiding principles, policies andmeasures from an analysis of these facts.

“Talks at the Yenan Forum onLiterature and Art” (May 1942),Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 74.

The most fundamental method of workwhich all Communists must firmly bear in

212

mind is to determine our working policiesaccording to actual conditions. When westudy the causes of the mistakes we havemade, we find that they all arose becausewe departed from the actual situation at agiven time and place and were subjectivein determining our working policies.

“Speech at a Conference ofCadres in the Shansi-Suiyuan Lib-erated Area” (April 1, 1948), Se-

lected Works , Vol. IV, p. 229-30 .*

Idealism and metaphysics are the easiestthings in the world, because people cantalk as much nonsense as they like withoutbasing it on objective reality or having ittested against reality. Materialism anddialectics, on the other hand, need effort.They must be based on and tested by ob-jective reality. Unless one makes the effort,one is liable to slip into idealism andmetaphysics.

Introductory note to “Material onthe Hu Feng Counter-Revolution-ary Clique” (May 1955).

213

When we look at a thing, we must ex-amine its essence and treat its appearancemerely as an usher at the threshold, andonce we cross the threshold, we must graspthe essence of the thing; this is the onlyreliable and scientific method of analysis.

“A Single Spark Can Start aPrairie Fire” (January 5, 1930),Selected Works , Vol. I, p. 119 .

The fundamental cause of the develop-ment of a thing is not external but internal;it lies in the contradictoriness within thething. This internal contradiction exists inevery single thing, hence its motion anddevelopment. Contradictoriness within athing is the fundamental cause of its de-velopment, while its interrelations and in-teractions with other things are secondarycauses.

“On Contradiction” (August 1937),Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 313.*

It [materialist dialectics] holds that ex-ternal causes are the condition of changeand internal causes are the basis of change,

214

and that external causes become operativethrough internal causes. In a suitable tem-perature an egg changes into a chicken, butno temperature can change a stone into achicken, because each has a different basis.

Ibid., p. 314.

Marxist philosophy holds that the law ofthe unity of opposites is the fundamentallaw of the universe. This law operatesuniversally, whether in the natural world,in human society, or in man’s thinking.Between the opposites in a contradictionthere is at once unity and struggle, and itis this that impels things to move andchange. Contradictions exist everywhere,but they differ in accordance with the dif-ferent nature of different things. In anygiven phenomenon or thing, the unity ofopposites is conditional, temporary andtransitory, and hence relative, whereas thestruggle of opposites is absolute.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 18.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 392.]

215

The analytical method is dialectical. Byanalysis, we mean analysing the contradic-tions in things. And sound analysis is im-possible without intimate knowledge of lifeand without real understanding of thepertinent contradictions.

Speech at the Chinese CommunistParty’s National Conference onPropaganda Work (March 12,1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 20.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 431.]

Concrete analysis of concrete conditions,Lenin said, is “the most essential thing inMarxism, the living soul of Marxism”.Lacking an analytical approach, many ofour comrades do not want to go deeply intocomplex matters, to analyse and study themover and over again, but like to draw sim-ple conclusions which are either absolutelyaffirmative or absolutely negative. . . . Fromnow on we should remedy this state ofaffairs.

“Our Study and the CurrentSituation” (April 12 , 1944), Se-lected Works , Vol. III, p. 165.

216

The way these comrades look at prob-

lems is wrong. They do not look at the

essential or main aspects but emphasize the

non-essential or minor ones. It should be

pointed out that these non-essential or

minor aspects must not be overlooked and

must be dealt with one by one. But they

should not be taken as the essential or main

aspects, or we will lose our bearings.

On the Question of AgriculturalCo-operation (July 31 , 1955), 3rded., pp. 17-18.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 196.]

In this world, things are complicated and

are decided by many factors. We should

look at problems from different aspects, not

from just one.

“On the Chungking Negotiations”(October 17 , 1945), SelectedWorks , Vol. IV, p. 54.

Only those who are subjective, one-sided

and superficial in their approach to prob-

lems will smugly issue orders or directives

217

the moment they arrive on the scene, with-

out considering the circumstances, without

viewing things in their totality (their history

and their present state as a whole) and

without getting to the essence of things

(their nature and the internal relations be-

tween one thing and another). Such people

are bound to trip and fall.

“On Practice” (July 1937), Se-lected Works , Vol. I, p. 302 .

In studying a problem, we must shun sub-

jectivity, one-sidedness and superficiality.

To be subjective means not to look at prob-

lems objectively, that is, not to use the

materialist viewpoint in looking at prob-

lems. I have discussed this in my essay

“On Practice”. To be one-sided means not

to look at problems all-sidedly. . . . Or

it may be called seeing the part but not

the whole, seeing the trees but not the

forest. That way it is impossible to find

the method for resolving a contradiction, it

is impossible to accomplish the tasks of the

218

revolution, to carry out assignments well orto develop inner-Party ideological strugglecorrectly. When Sun Wu Tzu said in dis-cussing military science, “Know the enemyand know yourself, and you can fight ahundred battles with no danger of defeat”,he was referring to the two sides in a battle.Wei Cheng of the Tang Dynasty also un-derstood the error of one-sidedness whenhe said, “Listen to both sides and you willbe enlightened, heed only one side and youwill be benighted.” But our comradesoften look at problems one-sidedly, and sothey often run into snags. . . . Lenin said:

. . . in order really to know an objectwe must embrace, study, all its sides, allconnections and “mediations”. We shallnever achieve this completely, but thedemand for all-sidedness is a safeguardagainst mistakes and rigidity.

We should remember his words. To besuperficial means to consider neither thecharacteristics of a contradiction in its total-ity nor the characteristics of each of its

219

aspects; it means to deny the necessity forprobing deeply into a thing and minutelystudying the characteristics of its contradic-tion, but instead merely to look from afarand, after glimpsing the rough outline, im-mediately to try to resolve the contradiction(to answer a question, settle a dispute,handle work, or direct a military operation).This way of doing things is bound to leadto trouble. . . . To be one-sided and su-perficial is at the same time to be subjec-tive. For all objective things are actuallyinterconnected and are governed by innerlaws, but, instead of undertaking the taskof reflecting things as they really are, somepeople only look at things one-sidedly orsuperficially and know neither their inter-connections nor their inner laws, and sotheir method is subjectivist.

“On Contradiction” (August1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp.323-24.*

One-sidedness means thinking in terms ofabsolutes, that is, a metaphysical approach

220

to problems. In the appraisal of our work,it is one-sided to regard everything either

as all positive or as all negative. . . . Toregard everything as positive is to see onlythe good and not the bad, and to tolerateonly praise and no criticism. To talk asthough our work is good in every respect isat variance with the facts. It is not true

that everything is good; there are still short-comings and mistakes. But neither is ittrue that everything is bad, and that, too,is at variance with the facts. Here anal-ysis is necessary. To negate everythingis to think, without having made any

analysis, that nothing has been done welland that the great work of socialistconstruction, the great struggle in whichhundreds of millions of people are par-ticipating, is a complete mess with nothingin it worth commending. Although there is

a difference between the many people whohold such views and those who are hostileto the socialist system, these views are verymistaken and harmful and can only dis-hearten people. It is wrong to appraise our

221

work either from the viewpoint thateverything is positive, or from the viewpoint

that everything is negative.

Speech at the Chinese CommunistParty’s National Conference onPropaganda Work (March 12,1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 16-17 .*[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 429-30.]

In approaching a problem a Marxistshould see the whole as well as the parts.A frog in a well says, “The sky is no biggerthan the mouth of the well.” That is un-true, for the sky is not just the size of the

mouth of the well. If it said, “A part ofthe sky is the size of the mouth of a well”,that would be true, for it tallies with thefacts.

“On Tactics Against JapaneseImperialism” (December 27, 1935 ,Selected Works , Vol. I, p. 159 .

We must learn to look at problems all-sidedly, seeing the reverse as well as theobverse side of things. In given conditions,

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a bad thing can lead to good results and agood thing to bad results.

On the Correct Handling of Con-tradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,pp. 66-67.*[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 416.]

While we recognize that in the generaldevelopment of history the material deter-mines the mental and social being deter-mines social consciousness, we also — andindeed must — recognize the reaction ofmental on material things, of social con-sciousness on social being and of the super-structure on the economic base. This doesnot go against materialism; on the contrary,it avoids mechanical materialism and firmlyupholds dialectical materialism.

“On Contradiction” (August 1937),Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 336.*

In seeking victory, those who direct a warcannot overstep the limitations imposed bythe objective conditions; within these lim-

223

itations, however, they can and must play

a dynamic role in striving for victory. The

stage of action for commanders in a war

must be built upon objective possibilities,

but on that stage they can direct the per-

formance of many a drama, full of sound

and colour, power and grandeur.

“On Protracted War” (May

1938), Selected Works, Vol. II,

pp. 152.

People must adapt their thinking to the

changed conditions. Of course no one

should go off into wild flights of fancy, or

make plans of action unwarranted by the

objective situation, or stretch for the im-

possible. The problem today, however, is

that Rightist conservative thinking is still

causing mischief in many spheres and pre-

venting the work in these spheres from

keeping pace with the development of the

objective situation. The present problem is

that many people consider it impossible to

224

accomplish things which could be accom-plished if they exerted themselves.

Preface to The Socialist Upsurgein China’s Countryside (December27, 1955), Chinese ed., Vol. I.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 240.]

We should always use our brains andthink everything over carefully. A commonsaying goes, “Knit your brows and you willhit upon a stratagem.” In other words,much thinking yields wisdom. In order toget rid of the blindness which exists toa serious extent in our Party, we mustencourage our comrades to think, to learnthe method of analysis and to cultivate thehabit of analysis.

“Our Study and the CurrentSituation” (April 12 , 1944), Se-lected Works, Vol. III, p. 174-75.*

If in any process there are a number ofcontradictions, one of them must be theprincipal contradiction playing the leadingand decisive role, while the rest occupy a

225

secondary and subordinate position. There-fore, in studying any complex process inwhich there are two or more contradictions,we must devote every effort to finding itsprincipal contradiction. Once this principalcontradiction is grasped, all problems canbe readily solved.

“On Contradiction” (August 1937),Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 332 .*

Of the two contradictory aspects, onemust be principal and the other secondary.The principal aspect is the one playing theleading role in the contradiction. The na-ture of a thing is determined mainly by theprincipal aspect of a contradiction, theaspect which has gained the dominant posi-tion.

But this situation is not static; the prin-cipal and the non-principal aspects of a con-tradiction transform themselves into eachother and the nature of the thing changesaccordingly.

Ibid., p. 333.

226

It is not enough to set tasks, we mustalso solve the problem of the methods forcarrying them out. If our task is to cross ariver, we cannot cross it without a bridge ora boat. Unless the bridge or boat problemis solved, it is idle to speak of crossing theriver. Unless the problem of method issolved, talk about the task is useless.

“Be Concerned with the Well-Being of the Masses, Pay Atten-tion to Methods of Work” (Jan-uary 27, 1934), Selected Works,Vol. I, p. 150 .

In any task, if no general and widespreadcall is issued, the broad masses cannot bemobilized for action. But if persons inleading positions confine themselves to ageneral call — if they do not personally, insome of the organizations, go deeply andconcretely into the work called for, makea break-through at some single point, gainexperience and use this experience for guid-ing other units — then they will have noway of testing the correctness or of enrich-ing the content of their general call, and

227

there is the danger that nothing may comeof it.

“Some Questions ConcerningMethods of Leadership” (June 1 ,1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,p. 117 .

No one in a leading position is compe-tent to give general guidance to all the unitsunless he derives concrete experience fromparticular individuals and events in par-ticular subordinate units. This method mustbe promoted everywhere so that leadingcadres at all levels learn to apply it.

Ibid., p. 118.

In any given place, there cannot be anumber of central tasks at the same time.At any one time there can be only one cen-tral task, supplemented by other tasks ofa second or third order of importance. Con-sequently, the person with over-all respon-sibility in the locality must take into ac-count the history and circumstances of thestruggle there and put the different tasks intheir proper order; he should not act upon

228

each instruction as it comes from the higherorganization without any planning of hisown, and thereby create a multitude of“central tasks” and a state of confusion anddisorder. Nor should a higher organizationsimultaneously assign many tasks to a lowerorganization without indicating their rela-tive importance and urgency or withoutspecifying which is central, for that will leadto confusion in the steps to be taken bythe lower organizations in their work andthus no definite results will be achieved. Itis part of the art of leadership to take thewhole situation into account and plan ac-cordingly in the light of the historical con-ditions and existing circumstances of eachlocality, decide correctly on the centre ofgravity and the sequence of the work foreach period, steadfastly carry through thedecision, and make sure that definite resultsare achieved.

Ibid., p. 121.

It [a regional or sub-regional bureau ofthe Central Committee of the Party] shouldconstantly have a grip on the progress of

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the work, exchange experience and correctmistakes; it should not wait several months,half a year or a year before holding sum-ming-up meetings for a general check-up anda general correction of mistakes. Waitingleads to great loss, while correcting mistakesas soon as they occur reduces loss.

“On the Policy Concerning In-dustry and Commerce” (Febru-ary 27, 1948), Selected Works, Vol.IV, p. 204 .*

Don’t wait until problems pile up andcause a lot of trouble before trying to solvethem. Leaders must march ahead of themovement, not lag behind it.

Introductory note to “Contracton a Seasonal Basis” (1955), TheSocialist Upsurge in China’sCountryside, Chinese ed., Vol. III.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 252.]

What we need is an enthusiastic but calmstate of mind and intense but orderly work.

“Problems of Strategy in China’sRevolutionary War” (December1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, p.211.

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XXIII. INVESTIGATION

AND STUDY

Everyone engaged in practical work mustinvestigate conditions at the lower levels.Such investigation is especially necessary forthose who know theory but do not knowthe actual conditions, for otherwise they willnot be able to link theory with practice.Although my assertion, “No investigation,no right to speak”, has been ridiculed as“narrow empiricism”, to this day I do notregret having made it; far from regrettingit, I still insist that without investigationthere cannot possibly be any right to speak.There are many people who “the momentthey alight from the official carriage” make ahullabaloo, spout opinions, criticize this andcondemn that; but, in fact, ten out of tenof them will meet with failure. For such

231

views or criticisms, which are not based onthorough investigation, are nothing butignorant twaddle. Countless times our Partysuffered at the hands of these “imperialenvoys”, who rushed here, there and every-where. Stalin rightly says that “theory be-comes purposeless if it is not connectedwith revolutionary practice”. And he rightlyadds that “practice gropes in the dark ifits path is not illumined by revolutionarytheory”. Nobody should be labelled a “nar-row empiricist” except the “practical man”who gropes in the dark and lacks perspec-tive and foresight.

“Preface and Postscript to RuralSurveys” (March and April 1941),Selected Works , Vol. III, p. 13 .*

To take such an attitude is to seek truthfrom facts. “Facts” are all the things thatexist objectively, “truth” means their in-ternal relations, that is, the laws governingthem, and “to seek” means to study. Weshould proceed from the actual conditionsinside and outside the country, the province,

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county or district, and derive from them,as our guide to action, laws which areinherent in them and not imaginary, thatis, we should find the internal relations ofthe events occurring around us. And inorder to do that we must rely not on subjec-tive imagination, not on momentary enthu-siasm, not on lifeless books, but on factsthat exist objectively; we must appropriatethe material in detail and, guided by thegeneral principles of Marxism-Leninism,draw correct conclusions from it.

“Reform Our Study” (May 1941),Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 22-23.

To behave like “a blindfolded mancatching sparrows”, or “a blind man grop-ing for fish”, to be crude and careless, toindulge in verbiage, to rest content with asmattering of knowledge — such is the ex-tremely bad style of work that still existsamong many comrades in our Party, a styleutterly opposed to the fundamental spiritof Marxism-Leninism. Marx, Engels, Lenin

233

and Stalin have taught us that it is neces-sary to study conditions conscientiously andto proceed from objective reality and notfrom subjective wishes; but many of ourcomrades act in direct violation of thistruth.

Ibid., p. 18.

You can’t solve a problem? Well, getdown and investigate the present facts andits past history! When you have investigatedthe problem thoroughly, you will know howto solve it. Conclusions invariably come afterinvestigation, and not before. Only a block-head cudgels his brains on his own, or to-gether with a group, to “find a solution”or “evolve an idea” without making anyinvestigation. It must be stressed that thiscannot possibly lead to any effective solu-tion or any good idea.

Oppose Book Worship (May1930), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.

Investigation may be likened to the longmonths of pregnancy, and solving a problem

234

to the day of birth. To investigate a prob-

lem is, indeed, to solve it.

Ibid ., p. 3 .

[With the Marxist-Leninist attitude,]

a person applies the theory and method

of Marxism-Leninism to the systematic and

thorough investigation and study of the en-

vironment. He does not work by enthusiasm

alone but, as Stalin says, combines revolu-

tionary sweep with practicalness.

“Reform Our Study” (May1941), Selected Works, Vol. III,p. 22.*

The only way to know conditions is to

make social investigations, to investigate the

conditions of each social class in real life.

For those charged with directing work the

basic method for knowing conditions is to

concentrate on a few cities and villages ac-

cording to a plan and, using the fundamental

viewpoint of Marxism, i.e., the method of

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class analysis, make a number of thorough

investigations.

“Preface and Postscript to RuralSurveys” (March and April 1941),Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 11 .*

A fact-finding meeting need not be large;

from three to five or seven or eight people

are enough. Ample time must be allowed

and an outline for the investigation must be

prepared; furthermore, one must personally

ask questions, take notes and have discus-

sions with those at the meeting. Thereforeone certainly cannot make an investigation,

or do it well, without zeal, a determination

to direct one’s eyes downward and a thirst

for knowledge, and without shedding the

ugly mantle of pretentiousness and becom-

ing a willing pupil.

Ibid., p. 12.

A commander’s correct dispositions stem

from his correct decisions, his correct deci-

sions stem from his correct judgements, and

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his correct judgements stem from a thoroughand necessary reconnaissance and from pon-dering on and piecing together the data ofvarious kinds gathered through reconnais-sance. He applies all possible and necessarymethods of reconnaissance, and ponders onthe information gathered about the enemy’ssituation, discarding the dross and selectingthe essential, eliminating the false and re-taining the true, proceeding from the oneto the other and from the outside to theinside; then, he takes the conditions on hisown side into account, and makes a studyof both sides and their interrelations, therebyforming his judgements, making up his mindand working out his plans. Such is the com-plete process of knowing a situation whicha military man goes through before he for-mulates a strategic plan, a campaign planor a battle plan.

“Problems of Strategy in China’sRevolutionary War” (December1936), Selected Works, Vol. I,p. 188 .

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XXIV. IDEOLOGICAL

SELF-CULTIVATION

Even if we achieve gigantic successes in

our work, there is no reason whatsoever to

feel conceited and arrogant. Modesty helps

one to go forward, whereas conceit makes

one lag behind. This is a truth we must

always bear in mind.

“Opening Address at the EighthNational Congress of the Com-munist Party of China” (Septem-ber 15, 1956).

With victory, certain moods may grow

within the Party — arrogance, the airs of a

self-styled hero, inertia and unwillingness

to make progress, love of pleasure and dis-

taste for continued hard living. With vic-

tory, the people will be grateful to us and

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the bourgeoisie will come forward to flatterus. It has been proved that the enemycannot conquer us by force of arms. How-ever, the flattery of the bourgeoisie may con-quer the weak-willed in our ranks. Theremay be some Communists, who were notconquered by enemies with guns and wereworthy of the name of heroes for standingup to these enemies, but who cannot with-stand sugar-coated bullets; they will bedefeated by sugar-coated bullets. We mustguard against such a situation.

“Report to the Second PlenarySession of the Seventh CentralCommittee of the CommunistParty of China” (March 5 , 1949),Selected Works , Vol. IV, p. 374 .”

Many things may become baggage, maybecome encumbrances, if we cling to themblindly and uncritically. Let us take someillustrations. Having made mistakes, youmay feel that, come what may, you are sad-dled with them and so become dispirited;if you have not made mistakes, you mayfeel that you are free from error and so

239

become conceited. Lack of achievement inwork may breed pessimism and depression,while achievement may breed pride andarrogance. A comrade with a short recordof struggle may shirk responsibility on thisaccount, while a veteran may becomeopinionated because of his long record ofstruggle. Worker and peasant comrades,because of pride in their class origin, maylook down upon intellectuals, while intel-lectuals, because they have a certain amountof knowledge, may look down upon workerand peasant comrades. Any specialized skillmay be capitalized on and so may lead toarrogance and contempt of others. Evenone’s age may become ground for conceit.The young, because they are bright andcapable, may look down upon the old; andthe old, because they are rich in experience,may look down upon the young. All suchthings become encumbrances or baggage ifthere is no critical awareness.

“Our Study and the Current

Situation” (April 12 , 1944), Se-

lected Works , Vol. III, p. 173 .*

240

Some comrades in the army have become

arrogant and high-handed in their behav-

iour towards the soldiers, the people, the

government and the Party, always blaming

the comrades doing local work but never

themselves, always seeing their own achieve-

ments but never their own shortcomings,

and always welcoming flattery but never

criticism. . . . the army must endeavour to

eradicate these faults.

“Get Organized!” (November 29,1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,p. 159 .*

Hard work is like a load placed before

us, challenging us to shoulder it. Some

loads are light, some heavy. Some people

prefer the light to the heavy; they pick the

light and shove the heavy on to others. That

is not a good attitude. Some comrades are

different; they leave ease and comfort to

others and take the heavy loads them-

selves; they are the first to bear hardships,

the last to enjoy comforts. They are good

241

comrades. We should all learn from their

communist spirit.

“On the Chungking Negotiations”

(October 17 , 1945), Selected

Works , Vol. IV, p. 58.*

There are not a few people who are

irresponsible in their work, preferring the

light to the heavy, shoving the heavy

loads on to others and choosing the

easy ones for themselves. At every turn

they think of themselves before others.

When they make some small contribution,

they swell with pride and brag about it for

fear that others will not know. They feel

no warmth towards comrades and the peo-

ple but are cold, indifferent and apathetic.

In fact such people are not Communists,

or at least cannot be counted as true

Communists.

“Memory of Norman Bethune”

(December 21, 1939), Selected

Works , Vol. II, pp. 337-38 .*

242

Those who assert this kind of “indepen-dence” are usually wedded to the doctrine

of “me first” and are generally wrong onthe question of the relationship between theindividual and the Party. Although in wordsthey profess respect for the Party, in prac-tice they put themselves first and the Partysecond. Comrade Liu Shao-chi once said

of certain people that they have unusuallylong arms and are very clever in lookingafter their own interests, but pay little heedto the interests of others and of the Partyas a whole. “What’s mine is mine, andwhat’s yours is mine too.” (Loud laughter.)

What are these people after? They areafter fame and position and want to be inthe limelight. Whenever they are put incharge of a branch of work, they asserttheir “independence”. With this aim, theydraw some people in, push others out and

resort to boasting, flattery and toutingamong the comrades, thus importing thevulgar style of the bourgeois political par-ties into the Communist Party. It is theirdishonesty that causes them to come to grief.

243

I believe we should do things honestly, forwithout an honest attitude it is absolutely

impossible to accomplish anything in thisworld.

“Rectify the Party’s Style of

Work” (February 1 , 1942), Se-

lected Works, Vol. III, p. 44.

They [Communists] must grasp the prin-ciple of subordinating the needs of the partto the needs of the whole. If a proposalappears feasible for a partial situation butnot for the situation as a whole, then the

part must give way to the whole. Con-versely, if the proposal is not feasible forthe part but is feasible in the light of thesituation as a whole, again the part mustgive way to the whole. This is what ismeant by considering the situation as a

whole.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-

munist Party in the National

War” (October 1938), Selected

Works , Vol. II, p. 201 .

244

Pleasure-seeking. In the Red Armythere are also quite a few people whoseindividualism finds expression in pleasure-seeking. They always hope that their unitwill march into big cities. They want togo there not to work but to enjoy them-selves. The last thing they want is to workin the Red areas where life is hard.

“On Correcting Mistaken Ideasin the Party” (December 1929),Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 113.

We must oppose the tendency towardsselfish departmentalism by which the in-terests of one’s own unit are looked afterto the exclusion of those of others. Who-ever is indifferent to the difficulties of others,refuses to transfer cadres to other units onrequest, or releases only the inferior ones,“using the neighbour’s field as an outlet forhis overflow”, and does not give the slight-est consideration to other departments,localities or people — such a person is aselfish departmentalist who has entirely lostthe spirit of communism. Lack of con-

245

sideration for the whole and complete in-difference to other departments, localitiesand people are characteristics of a selfishdepartmentalist. We must intensify ourefforts to educate such persons and to makethem understand that selfish departmen-talism is a sectarian tendency which will be-come very dangerous, if allowed to develop.

“Rectify the Party’s Style ofWork” (February 1 , 1942), Se-lected Works , Vol. III, p. 46 .

Liberalism manifests itself in variousways.

To let things slide for the sake of peaceand friendship when a person has clearlygone wrong, and refrain from principledargument because he is an old acquaintance,a fellow townsman, a schoolmate, a closefriend, a loved one, an old colleague orold subordinate. Or to touch on the mat-ter lightly instead of going into it thorough-ly, so as to keep on good terms. The re-sult is that both the organization and theindividual are harmed. This is one typeof liberalism.

246

To indulge in irresponsible criticism inprivate instead of actively putting forward

one’s suggestions to the organization. Tosay nothing to people to their faces but togossip behind their backs, or to say nothingat a meeting but to gossip afterwards. Toshow no regard at all for the principles ofcollective life but to follow one’s own in-

clination. This is a second type.To let things drift if they do not affect

one personally; to say as little as possiblewhile knowing perfectly well what is wrong,to be worldly wise and play safe and seekonly to avoid blame. This is a third type.

Not to obey orders but to give pride ofplace to one’s own opinions. To demandspecial consideration from the organizationbut to reject its discipline. This is a fourthtype.

To indulge in personal attacks, pick

quarrels, vent personal spite or seek re-venge instead of entering into an argumentand struggling against incorrect views forthe sake of unity or progress or getting thework done properly. This is a fifth type.

247

To hear incorrect views without rebuttingthem and even to hear counter-revolutionaryremarks without reporting them, but insteadto take them calmly as if nothing had hap-pened. This is a sixth type.

To be among the masses and fail to con-duct propaganda and agitation or speak atmeetings or conduct investigations and in-quiries among them, and instead to be in-different to them and show no concern fortheir well-being, forgetting that one is aCommunist and behaving as if one werean ordinary non-Communist. This is aseventh type.

To see someone harming the interests ofthe masses and yet not feel indignant, ordissuade or stop him or reason with him,but to allow him to continue. This is aneighth type.

To work half-heartedly without a definiteplan or direction; to work perfunctorilyand muddle along — “So long as one re-mains a monk, one goes on tolling the bell.”This is a ninth type.

To regard oneself as having renderedgreat service to the revolution, to pride

248

oneself on being a veteran, to disdain minor

assignments while being quite unequal to

major tasks, to be slipshod in work and

slack in study. This is a tenth type.

To be aware of one’s own mistakes and

yet make no attempt to correct them, taking

a liberal attitude towards oneself. This is

an eleventh type.

“Combat Liberalism” (September

7 , 1937), Selected Works, Vol. II,

pp. 31-32 .

Liberalism is extremely harmful in a

revolutionary collective. It is a corrosive

which eats away unity, undermines cohe-

sion, causes apathy and creates dissension.

It robs the revolutionary ranks of compact

organization and strict discipline, prevents

policies from being carried through and

alienates the Party organizations from the

masses which the Party leads. It is an ex-

tremely bad tendency.

Ibid., p. 32.

249

People who are liberals look upon theprinciples of Marxism as abstract dogma.They approve of Marxism, but are not pre-pared to practise it or to practise it in full;they are not prepared to replace theirliberalism by Marxism. These people havetheir Marxism, but they have their lib-eralism as well — they talk Marxism butpractise liberalism; they apply Marxism toothers but liberalism to themselves. Theykeep both kinds of goods in stock and finda use for each. This is how the minds ofcertain people work.

Ibid., pp. 32-33.

The people’s state protects the people.Only when the people have such a statecan they educate and remould themselvesby democratic methods on a country-widescale, with everyone taking part, andshake off the influence of domestic andforeign reactionaries (which is still verystrong, will survive for a long time andcannot be quickly destroyed), rid them-selves of the bad habits and ideas acquired

250

in the old society, not allow themselves tobe led astray by the reactionaries, and con-tinue to advance — to advance towards asocialist and communist society.

“On the People’s DemocraticDictatorship” (June 30 , 1949),Selected Works , Vol. IV, p. 418.*

It is not hard for one to do a bit ofgood. What is hard is to do good all one’slife and never do anything bad, to actconsistently in the interests of the broadmasses, the young people and the revolu-tion, and to engage in arduous struggle fordecades on end. That is the hardest thingof all!

“Message of Greetings on the60th Birthday of Comrade WuYu-chang” (January 15 , 1940).

251

XXV. UNITY

The unification of our country, the unityof our people and the unity of our variousnationalities — these are the basic guar-antees of the sure triumph of our cause.

On the Correct Handling ofContradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,pp. 1-2.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 384.]

It is only through the unity of the Com-munist Party that the unity of the wholeclass and the whole nation can be achieved,and it is only through the unity of thewhole class and the whole nation that theenemy can be defeated and the nationaland democratic revolution accomplished.

“Win the Masses in Their Mil-lions for the Anti-JapaneseNational United Front” (May 7,1937), Selected Works, Vol. I,p. 292 .*

252

We shall solidly unite all the forces

of our Party on democratic centralist prin-

ciples of organization and discipline. We

shall unite with any comrade if he abides

by the Party’s Programme, Constitution and

decisions.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 317.*

This democratic method of resolving con-

tradictions among the people was epito-

mized in 1942 in the formula “unity, criticism,

unity”. To elaborate, it means starting from

the desire for unity, resolving contradictions

through criticism or struggle and arriving

at a new unity on a new basis. In our

experience this is the correct method of

resolving contradictions among the people.

On the Correct Handling ofContradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 12.[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 389-90.]

253

This [our] army has achieved remarkableunity in its own ranks and with those out-side its ranks. Internally, there is unitybetween officers and men, between thehigher and lower ranks, and between mil-itary work, political work and rear servicework; and externally, there is unity be-tween the army and the people, betweenthe army and government organizations,and between our army and the friendlyarmies. It is imperative to overcome any-thing that impairs this unity.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 264.*

254

XXVI. DISCIPLINE

Within the ranks of the people, democracy

is correlative with centralism and freedom

with discipline. They are the two opposites

of a single entity, contradictory as well as

united, and we should not one-sidedly

emphasize one to the denial of the other.

Within the ranks of the people, we cannot

do without freedom, nor can we do with-

out discipline; we cannot do without de-

mocracy, nor can we do without centralism.

This unity of democracy and centralism, of

freedom and discipline, constitutes our

democratic centralism. Under this system,

the people enjoy extensive democracy and

freedom, but at the same time they have

255

to keep within the bounds of socialist disci-pline.

On the Correct Handling ofContradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,pp. 10-11.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 389.]

We must affirm anew the discipline ofthe Party, namely:

(1) the individual is subordinate tothe organization;

(2) the minority is subordinate to themajority;

(3) the lower level is subordinate tothe higher level; and

(4) the entire membership is subordi-nate to the Central Committee.

Whoever violates these articles of dis-cipline disrupts Party unity.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks , Vol. II, p. 203-04.*

One requirement of Party discipline isthat the minority should submit to the

256

majority. If the view of the minority hasbeen rejected, it must support the decisionpassed by the majority. If necessary, it canbring up the matter for reconsideration atthe next meeting, but apart from that itmust not act against the decision in anyway.

“On Correcting Mistaken Ideasin the Party” (December 1929),Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 110.

The Three Main Rules of Discipline areas follows:

(1) Obey orders in all your actions.(2) Do not take a single needle or

piece of thread from the masses.(3) Turn in everything captured.

The Eight Points for Attention are asfollows:

(1) Speak politely.(2) Pay fairly for what you buy.(3) Return everything you borrow.(4) Pay for anything you damage.(5) Do not hit or swear at people.

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(6) Do not damage crops.(7) Do not take liberties with women.(8) Do not ill-treat captives.

“On the Reissue of the ThreeMain Rules of Discipline andthe Eight Points for Attention —Instruction of the General Head-quarters of the Chinese People’sLiberation Army” (October 10,1947), Selected Military Writings,2nd ed., p. 343.[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 155.]

They [all officers and soldiers of ourarmy] must heighten their sense of disci-pline and resolutely carry out orders, carryout our policy, carry out the Three MainRules of Discipline and the Eight Pointsfor Attention — with army and peopleunited, army and government united,officers and soldiers united, and the wholearmy united — and permit no breach ofdiscipline.

“Manifesto of the Chinese Peo-ple’s Liberation Army” (October1947), Selected Military Writings,2nd ed., p. 340.[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 152.]

258

XXVII. CRITICISM AND

SELF-CRITICISM

The Communist Party does not fear criti-cism because we are Marxists, the truth ison our side, and the basic masses, theworkers and peasants, are on our side.

Speech at the Chinese CommunistParty’s National Conference onPropaganda Work (March 12,1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 14.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 428.]

Thoroughgoing materialists are fearless;we hope that all our fellow fighters willcourageously shoulder their responsibilitiesand overcome all difficulties, fearing nosetbacks or gibes, nor hesitating to criticizeus Communists and give us their sugges-tions. “He who is not afraid of death bya thousand cuts dares to unhorse the

259

emperor” — this is the indomitable spiritneeded in our struggle to build socialismand communism.

Ibid., p. 16.

We have the Marxist-Leninist weapon ofcriticism and self-criticism. We can get ridof a bad style and keep the good.

“Report to the Second PlenarySession of the Seventh CentralCommittee of the CommunistParty of China” (March 5 , 1949),Selected Works , Vol. IV, p. 374 .”

Conscientious practice of self-criticism isstill another hallmark distinguishing ourParty from all other political parties. Aswe say, dust will accumulate if a room isnot cleaned regularly, our faces will getdirty if they are not washed regularly. Ourcomrades’ minds and our Party’s work mayalso collect dust, and also need sweepingand washing. The proverb “Running wateris never stale and a door-hinge is neverworm-eaten” means that constant motion

260

prevents the inroads of germs and otherorganisms. To check up regularly on ourwork and in the process develop a dem-ocratic style of work, to fear neither criti-cism nor self-criticism, and to apply suchgood popular Chinese maxims as “Say allyou know and say it without reserve”,“Blame not the speaker but be warned byhis words” and “Correct mistakes if youhave committed them and guard againstthem if you have not” — this is the onlyeffective way to prevent all kinds of politi-cal dust and germs from contaminating theminds of our comrades and the body of ourParty.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, pp. 316-17 .

Opposition and struggle between ideasof different kinds constantly occur withinthe Party; this is a reflection within theParty of contradictions between classes andbetween the new and the old in society.If there were no contradictions in the Partyand no ideological struggles to resolve

261

them, the Party’s life would come to anend.

“On Contradiction” (August 1937),Selected Works , Vol. I, p. 317.

We stand for active ideological strugglebecause it is the weapon for ensuring unitywithin the Party and the revolutionaryorganizations in the interest of our fight.Every Communist and revolutionary shouldtake up this weapon.

But liberalism rejects ideological struggleand stands for unprincipled peace, thusgiving rise to a decadent, philistine attitudeand bringing about political degenerationin certain units and individuals in the Partyand the revolutionary organizations.

“Combat Liberalism” (September7 , 1937), Selected Works, Vol. II,p. 31.

In opposing subjectivism, sectarianismand stereotyped Party writing we musthave in mind two purposes: first, “learnfrom past mistakes to avoid future ones”,and second, “cure the sickness to save the

262

patient”. The mistakes of the past must beexposed without sparing anyone’s sensibili-ties; it is necessary to analyse and criticizewhat was bad in the past with a scientificattitude so that work in the future will bedone more carefully and done better. Thisis what is meant by “learn from past mis-takes to avoid future ones”. But our aimin exposing errors and criticizing shortcom-ings, like that of a doctor curing a sickness,is solely to save the patient and not todoctor him to death. A person withappendicitis is saved when the surgeonremoves his appendix. So long as a personwho has made mistakes does not hide hissickness for fear of treatment or persist inhis mistakes until he is beyond cure, solong as he honestly and sincerely wishes tobe cured and to mend his ways, we shouldwelcome him and cure his sickness so thathe can become a good comrade. We cannever succeed if we just let ourselves goand lash out at him. In treating an ideolog-ical or a political malady, one must neverbe rough and rash but must adopt the ap-proach of “curing the sickness to save the

263

patient”, which is the only correct andeffective method.

“Rectify the Party’s Style ofWork” (February 1 , 1942), SelectedWorks, Vol. III, pp. 49-50 .*

Another point that should be mentionedin connection with inner-Party criticism isthat some comrades ignore the major issuesand confine their attention to minor pointswhen they make their criticism. They donot understand that the main task of criti-cism is to point out political and organiza-tional mistakes. As to personal shortcom-ings, unless they are related to politicaland organizational mistakes, there is noneed to be overcritical or the comrades con-cerned will be at a loss as to what to do.Moreover, once such criticism develops,there is the great danger that within theParty attention will be concentrated ex-clusively on minor faults, and every-one will become timid and overcautiousand forget the Party’s political tasks.

“On Correcting Mistaken Ideasin the Party” (December 1929),Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 111-12.*

264

In inner-Party criticism, guard against

subjectivism, arbitrariness and the vulgariza-

tion of criticism; statements should be

based on facts and criticism should stress

the political side.

Ibid., p. 112.*

Inner-Party criticism is a weapon for

strengthening the Party organization and

increasing its fighting capacity. In the

Party organization of the Red Army, how-

ever, criticism is not always of this character,

and sometimes turns into personal attack.

As a result, it damages the Party organiza-

tion as well as individuals. This is a mani-

festation of petty-bourgeois individualism.

The method of correction is to help Party

members understand that the purpose of

criticism is to increase the Party’s fighting

capacity in order to achieve victory in the

class struggle and that it should not be

used as a means of personal attack.

Ibid., p. 110.

265

If we have shortcomings, we are notafraid to have them pointed out and criti-cized, because we serve the people. Anyone,no matter who, may point out our short-comings. If he is right, we will correctthem. If what he proposes will benefit thepeople, we will act upon it.

“Serve the People” (September8, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. III,p. 227 .

As we Chinese Communists, who baseall our actions on the highest interests ofthe broadest masses of the Chinese peopleand who are fully convinced of the justiceof our cause, never balk at any personalsacrifice and are ready at all times to giveour lives for the cause, can we be reluc-tant to discard any idea, viewpoint, opinionor method which is not suited to the needsof the people? Can we be willing to allowpolitical dust and germs to dirty our cleanfaces or eat into our healthy organisms?Countless revolutionary martyrs have laiddown their lives in the interests of thepeople, and our hearts are filled with pain

266

as we the living think of them — can therebe any personal interest, then, that wewould not sacrifice or any error that wewould not discard?

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 317 .*

We must not become complacent overany success. We should check our com-placency and constantly criticize our short-comings, just as we should wash our facesor sweep the floor every day to remove thedirt and keep them clean.

“Get Organized!” (November 29,1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,p. 160.*

As for criticism, do it in good time; don’tget into the habit of criticizing only afterthe event.

On the Question of AgriculturalCo-operation (July 31 , 1955), 3rded., p. 25.[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 200-01.]

267

Taught by mistakes and setbacks, wehave become wiser and handle our affairsbetter. It is hard for any political partyor person to avoid mistakes, but we shouldmake as few as possible. Once a mistakeis made, we should correct it, and themore quickly and thoroughly the better.

“On the People’s DemocraticDictatorship” (June 30 , 1949),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 422.

268

XXVIII. COMMUNISTS

A Communist should have largeness ofmind and he should be staunch and active,looking upon the interests of the revolutionas his very life and subordinating his per-sonal interests to those of the revolution;always and everywhere he should adhereto principle and wage a tireless struggleagainst all incorrect ideas and actions, soas to consolidate the collective life of theParty and strengthen the ties between theParty and the masses; he should be moreconcerned about the Party and the massesthan about any individual, and more con-cerned about others than about himself.Only thus can he be considered a Com-munist.

“Combat Liberalism” (September7 , 1937), Selected Works, Vol. II,p. 33 .*

269

Every comrade must be brought to un-

derstand that the supreme test of the words

and deeds of a Communist is whether they

conform with the highest interests and enjoy

the support of the overwhelming majority

of the people.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 316 .*

At no time and in no circumstances

should a Communist place his personal

interests first; he should subordinate them

to the interests of the nation and of the

masses. Hence, selfishness, slacking, corrup-

tion, seeking the limelight, and so on, are

most contemptible, while selflessness, work-

ing with all one’s energy, whole-hearted

devotion to public duty, and quiet hard

work will command respect.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks , Vol. II, p. 198.

270

Communists must be ready at all timesto stand up for the truth, because truth isin the interests of the people; Communistsmust be ready at all times to correct theirmistakes, because mistakes are against theinterests of the people.

“On Coalition Government”(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,Vol. III, p. 315 .

Communists must always go into thewhys and wherefores of anything, use theirown heads and carefully think over whetheror not it corresponds to reality and is reallywell founded; on no account should theyfollow blindly and encourage slavishness.

“Rectify the Party’s Style ofWork” (February 1 , 1942), SelectedWorks , Vol. III, p. 50 .

We should encourage comrades to takethe interests of the whole into account.Every Party member, every branch of work,every statement and every action must pro-ceed from the interests of the whole Party;

271

it is absolutely impermissible to violate thisprinciple.

Ibid., p. 44.

Communists should set an example inbeing practical as well as far-sighted. Foronly by being practical can they fulfil theappointed tasks, and only far-sightednesscan prevent them from losing their bear-ings in the march forward.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks , Vol. II, p. 198.

Communists should be the most far-sighted, the most self-sacrificing, the mostresolute, and the least prejudiced in sizingup situations, and should rely on the major-ity of the masses and win their support.

“The Tasks of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the Period ofResistance to Japan” (May 3,1937), Selected Works, Vol. I,p. 274.*

272

Communists should set an example instudy; at all times they should be pupils ofthe masses as well as their teachers.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks , Vol. II, p. 198 .*

Every Communist working in the massmovements should be a friend of the massesand not a boss over them, an indefatigableteacher and not a bureaucratic politician.

Ibid. *

Communists must never separate them-selves from the majority of the people orneglect them by leading only a few pro-gressive contingents in an isolated and rashadvance, but must take care to forge closelinks between the progressive elements andthe broad masses. This is what is meant bythinking in terms of the majority.

Ibid., p. 201 .*

273

We Communists are like seeds and thepeople are like the soil. Wherever we go,we must unite with the people, take rootand blossom among them.

“On the Chungking Negotia-tions” (October 17, 1945), SelectedWorks , Vol. IV, p. 58 .

We Communists must be able to integrateourselves with the masses in all things. Ifour Party members spend their whole livessitting indoors and never go out to face theworld and brave the storm, what good willthey be to the Chinese people? None atall, and we do not need such people asParty members. We Communists oughtto face the world and brave the storm, thegreat world of mass struggle and the mightystorm of mass struggle.

“Get Organized!” (November 29,1943), Selected Works , Vol. III,p. 158 .

The exemplary vanguard role of theCommunists is of vital importance. Com-

274

munists in the Eighth Route and NewFourth Armies should set an example infighting bravely, carrying out orders, observ-ing discipline, doing political work andfostering internal unity and solidarity.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks, Vol. II, p. 197.*

A Communist must never be opinionatedor domineering, thinking that he is good ineverything while others are good in noth-ing; he must never shut himself up in hislittle room, or brag and boast and lord itover others.

“Speech at the Assembly ofRepresentatives of the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia Border Region”(November 21, 1941), SelectedWorks, Vol. III, p. 33.*

Communists must listen attentively tothe views of people outside the Party andlet them have their say. If what they say

275

is right, we ought to welcome it, and we

should learn from their strong points; if

it is wrong, we should let them finish what

they are saying and then patiently explain

things to them.

Ibid.

The attitude of Communists towards any

person who has made mistakes in his work

should be one of persuasion in order to

help him change and start afresh and not

one of exclusion, unless he is incorrigible.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-

munist Party in the National

War” (October 1938), Selected

Works , Vol. II, p. 198.

As for people who are politically back-

ward, Communists should not slight or

despise them, but should befriend them,

unite with them, convince them and encour-

age them to go forward.

Ibid.

276

XXIX. CADRES

In order to guarantee that our Party andcountry do not change their colour, wemust not only have a correct line andcorrect policies but must train and bringup millions of successors who will carry onthe cause of proletarian revolution.

In the final analysis, the question of train-ing successors for the revolutionary causeof the proletariat is one of whether or notthere will be people who can carry on theMarxist-Leninist revolutionary cause startedby the older generation of proletarian rev-olutionaries, whether or not the leadershipof our Party and state will remain in thehands of proletarian revolutionaries, wheth-er or not our descendants will continue tomarch along the correct road laid downby Marxism-Leninism, or, in other words,whether or not we can successfully prevent

277

the emergence of Khrushchov’s revisionismin China. In short, it is an extremely im-portant question, a matter of life and deathfor our Party and our country. It is aquestion of fundamental importance to theproletarian revolutionary cause for ahundred, a thousand, nay ten thousandyears. Basing themselves on the changesin the Soviet Union, the imperialist prophetsare pinning their hopes of “peaceful evolu-tion” on the third or fourth generation ofthe Chinese Party. We must shatter theseimperialist prophecies. From our highestorganizations down to the grass-roots, wemust everywhere give constant attention tothe training and upbringing of successorsto the revolutionary cause.

What are the requirements for worthysuccessors to the revolutionary cause of theproletariat?

They must be genuine Marxist-Leninistsand not revisionists like Khrushchov wear-ing the cloak of Marxism-Leninism.

They must be revolutionaries who whole-heartedly serve the overwhelming majorityof the people of China and the whole world,

278

and must not be like Khrushchov whoserves both the interests of the handful of

members of the privileged bourgeois stra-tum in his own country and those of foreignimperialism and reaction.

They must be proletarian statesmen ca-pable of uniting and working together withthe overwhelming majority. Not only must

they unite with those who agree with them,they must also be good at uniting withthose who disagree and even with thosewho formerly opposed them and have sincebeen proved wrong in practice. But theymust especially watch out for careerists and

conspirators like Khrushchov and preventsuch bad elements from usurping the lead-ership of the Party and the state at any level.

They must be models in applying theParty’s democratic centralism, must masterthe method of leadership based on the prin-

ciple of “from the masses, to the masses”,and must cultivate a democratic styleand be good at listening to the masses.They must not be despotic like Khrushchovand violate the Party’s democratic central-

279

ism, make surprise attacks on comrades oract arbitrarily and dictatorially.

They must be modest and prudent andguard against arrogance and impetuosity;they must be imbued with the spirit of self-criticism and have the courage to correctmistakes and shortcomings in their work.They must never cover up their errors like

Khrushchov, and claim all the credit forthemselves and shift all the blame onothers.

Successors to the revolutionary cause ofthe proletariat come forward in massstruggles and are tempered in the great

storms of revolution. It is essential to testand judge cadres and choose and train suc-cessors in the long course of mass struggle.

Quoted in On Khrushchov’s Pho-

ney Communism and Its His-

torical Lessons for the World

(July 14, 1964), pp. 72-74.*

Our Party organizations must be extended

all over the country and we must pur-posefully train tens of thousands of cadres

280

and hundreds of first-rate leaders. Theymust be cadres and leaders versed in

Marxism-Leninism, politically far-sighted,competent in work, full of the spirit of self-sacrifice, capable of tackling problems ontheir own, steadfast in the midst of difficul-ties and loyal and devoted in serving thenation, the class and the Party. It is on

these cadres and leaders that the Partyrelies for its links with the membershipand the masses, and it is by relying ontheir firm leadership of the masses that theParty can succeed in defeating the enemy.Such cadres and leaders must be free from

selfishness, from individualistic heroism, os-tentation, sloth, passivity, and arrogant sec-tarianism, and they must be selfless nationaland class heroes; such are the qualities andthe style of work demanded of the mem-bers, cadres and leaders of our Party.

“Win the Masses in Their Mil-

lions for the Anti-Japanese

National United Front” (May 7,

1937), Selected Works, Vol. I,

p. 291 .*

281

Cadres are a decisive factor, once thepolitical line is determined. Therefore, it isour fighting task to train large numbers ofnew cadres in a planned way.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), Se lec tedWorks , Vol. II, p. 202 .

The criterion the Communist Party shouldapply in its cadres policy is whether or nota cadre is resolute in carrying out the Partyline, keeps to Party discipline, has close tieswith the masses, has the ability to find hisbearings independently, and is active, hard-working and unselfish. This is what “ap-pointing people on their merit” means.

Ibid.

It is necessary to maintain the system ofcadre participation in collective productivelabour. The cadres of our Party and stateare ordinary workers and not overlordssitting on the backs of the people. Bytaking part in collective productive labour,

282

the cadres maintain extensive, constant andclose ties with the working people. Thisis a major measure of fundamental impor-tance for a socialist system; it helps toovercome bureaucracy and to prevent re-visionism and dogmatism.

Quoted in On Khrushchov’sPhoney Communism and ItsHistorical Lessons for the World(July 14, 1964), pp. 68-69.*

We must know how to judge cadres. Wemust not confine our judgement to a shortperiod or a single incident in a cadre’s life,but should consider his life and work as awhole. This is the principal method ofjudging cadres.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks , Vol. II, p. 202 .

We must know how to use cadres well.In the final analysis, leadership involvestwo main responsibilities: to work out ideas,

283

and to use cadres well. Such things asdrawing up plans, making decisions, andgiving orders and directives, are all in thecategory of “working out ideas”. To putthe ideas into practice, we must weld thecadres together and encourage them to gointo action; this comes into the category of“using the cadres well”.

Ibid.

We must know how to take good careof cadres. There are several ways of doingso.

First, give them guidance. This meansallowing them a free hand in their workso that they have the courage to assumeresponsibility and, at the same time,giving them timely instructions so that,guided by the Party’s political line, theyare able to make full use of theirinitiative.

Second, raise their level. This meanseducating them by giving them the op-portunity to study so that they can en-hance their theoretical understanding andtheir working ability.

284

Third, check up on their work, andhelp them sum up their experience, carryforward their achievements and correcttheir mistakes. To assign work withoutchecking up and to take notice only whenserious mistakes are made — that is notthe way to take care of cadres.

Fourth, in general, use the method ofpersuasion with cadres who have mademistakes, and help them correct theirmistakes. The method of struggle shouldbe confined to those who make seriousmistakes and nevertheless refuse to acceptguidance. Here patience is essential. Itis wrong lightly to label people “oppor-tunists” or lightly to begin “wagingstruggles” against them.

Fifth, help them with their difficulties.When cadres are in difficulty as a resultof illness, straitened means or domesticor other troubles, we must be sure togive them as much care as possible.

This is how to take good care of cadres.

Ibid., p. 203 .

285

A leading group that is genuinely unitedand is linked with the masses can graduallybe formed only in the process of massstruggle, and not in isolation from it. Inthe process of a great struggle, the composi-tion of the leading group in most casesshould not and cannot remain entirely un-changed throughout the initial, middle andfinal stages; the activists who come forwardin the course of the struggle must constantlybe promoted to replace those original mem-bers of the leading group who are inferiorby comparison or who have degenerated.

“Some Questions ConcerningMethods of Leadership” (June1 , 1943), Selected Works, Vol. III,p. 118 .*

If our Party does not have a great manynew cadres working in unity and co-operation with the old cadres, our causewill come to a stop. All old cadres, there-fore, should welcome the new ones withthe utmost enthusiasm and show them thewarmest solicitude. True, new cadres have

286

their shortcomings. They have not beenlong in the revolution and lack experience,and unavoidably some have brought withthem vestiges of the unwholesome ideologyof the old society, remnants of the ideologyof petty-bourgeois individualism. But suchshortcomings can be gradually eliminatedthrough education and tempering in therevolution. The strong point of the newcadres, as Stalin has said, is that they areacutely sensitive to what is new and aretherefore enthusiastic and active to a highdegree — the very qualities which some ofthe old cadres lack. Cadres, new and old,should respect each other, learn from eachother and overcome their own shortcomingsby learning from each other’s strong points,so as to unite as one in the common causeand guard against sectarian tendencies.

“Rectify the Party’s Style ofWork” (February 1 , 1942), Select-ed Works, Vol. III, pp. 46-47 .

Our concern should extend to non-Partycadres as well as to Party cadres. There

287

are many capable people outside the Partywhom we must not ignore. The duty ofevery Communist is to rid himself ofaloofness and arrogance and to work wellwith non-Party cadres, give them sincerehelp, have a warm, comradely attitudetowards them and enlist their initiative inthe great cause of resisting Japan and re-constructing the nation.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks, Vol. II, p. 202 .

288

XXX. YOUTH

The world is yours, as well as ours, but

in the last analysis, it is yours. You young

people, full of vigour and vitality, are in

the bloom of life, like the sun at eight or

nine in the morning. Our hope is placed

on you.

. . . . . . . . . . . .

The world belongs to you. China’s future

belongs to you.

Talk at a meeting with Chinese

students and trainees in Moscow

(November 17, 1957).

We must help all our young people to

understand that ours is still a very poor

country, that we cannot change this situa-

289

tion radically in a short time, and that onlythrough the united efforts of our youngergeneration and all our people, workingwith their own hands, can China be madestrong and prosperous within a period ofseveral decades. The establishment of oursocialist system has opened the road lead-ing to the ideal society of the future, butto translate this ideal into reality needshard work.

On the Correct Handling ofContradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,pp. 44-45 .[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 405-06.]

Because of their lack of political andsocial experience, quite a number of youngpeople are unable to see the contrast be-tween the old China and the new, and itis not easy for them thoroughly to compre-hend the hardships our people went throughin the struggle to free themselves from theoppression of the imperialists and Kuomin-tang reactionaries, or the long period of

290

arduous work needed before a happy social-ist society can be established. That is whywe must constantly carry on lively andeffective political education among themasses and should always tell them thetruth about the difficulties that crop up anddiscuss with them how to surmount thesedifficulties.

Ibid., p. 63.

The young people are the most activeand vital force in society. They arethe most eager to learn and the leastconservative in their thinking. This isespecially so in the era of socialism. Wehope that the local Party organizations invarious places will help and work with theYouth League organizations and go intothe question of bringing into full play theenergy of our youth in particular. TheParty organizations should not treat themin the same way as everybody else andignore their special characteristics. Ofcourse, the young people should learn from

291

the old and other adults, and should strive

as much as possible to engage in all sorts of

useful activities with their agreement.

Introductory note to “A Youth

Shock Brigade of the No. 9 Agri-

cultural Producers’ Co-operative

in Hsinping Township, Chung-

shan County” (1955), The Socialist

Upsurge in China’s Countryside,

Chinese ed., Vol. III.

[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 263.]

How should we judge whether a youth

is a revolutionary? How can we tell? There

can only be one criterion, namely, whether

or not he is willing to integrate himself

with the broad masses of workers and

peasants and does so in practice. If he is

willing to do so and actually does so, he is

a revolutionary; otherwise he is a non-

revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary. If

today he integrates himself with the masses

of workers and peasants, then today he

is a revolutionary; if tomorrow he ceases

292

to do so or turns round to oppress the

common people, then he becomes a non-

revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary.

“The Orientation of the YouthMovement” (May 4, 1939),Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 246.

The intellectuals often tend to be subjec-

tive and individualistic, impractical in

their thinking and irresolute in action until

they have thrown themselves heart and soul

into mass revolutionary struggles, or made

up their minds to serve the interests of the

masses and become one with them. Hence

although the mass of revolutionary intellec-

tuals in China can play a vanguard role or

serve as a link with the masses, not all

of them will remain revolutionaries to

the end. Some will drop out of the revolu-

tionary ranks at critical moments and be-

come passive, while a few may even become

enemies of the revolution. The intellectuals

293

can overcome their shortcomings only in

mass struggles over a long period.

“The Chinese Revolution and theChinese Communist Party” (De-cember 1939), Selected Works,Vol. II, p. 322 .*

Apart from continuing to act in co-ordina-

tion with the Party in its central task, the

Youth League should do its own work to

suit the special characteristics of youth. New

China must care for her youth and show

concern for the growth of the younger gen-

eration. Young people have to study and

work, but they are at the age of physical

growth. Therefore, full attention must be

paid both to their work and study and to

their recreation, sport and rest.

Talk at the reception for thePresidium of the Second Na-tional Congress of the YouthLeague (June 30, 1953).

294

XXXI. WOMEN

A man in China is usually subjected tothe domination of three systems of au-thority [political authority, clan author-ity and religious authority]. . . . As forwomen, in addition to being dominatedby these three systems of authority,they are also dominated by the men (theauthority of the husband). These fourauthorities — political, clan, religious andmasculine — are the embodiment of thewhole feudal-patriarchal ideology and sys-tem, and are the four thick ropes bindingthe Chinese people, particularly the peas-ants. How the peasants have overthrownthe political authority of the landlords inthe countryside has been described above.The political authority of the landlords isthe backbone of all the other systems ofauthority. With that overturned, the clan

295

authority, the religious authority and theauthority of the husband all begin tototter. . . . As to the authority of the hus-band, this has always been weaker amongthe poor peasants because, out of economicnecessity, their womenfolk have to do moremanual labour than the women of thericher classes and therefore have more sayand greater power of decision in familymatters. With the increasing bankruptcyof the rural economy in recent years, thebasis for men’s domination over women hasalready been undermined. With the rise ofthe peasant movement, the women in manyplaces have now begun to organize ruralwomen’s associations; the opportunity hascome for them to lift up their heads, andthe authority of the husband is gettingshakier every day. In a word, the wholefeudal-patriarchal ideology and system istottering with the growth of the peasants’power.

“Report on an Investigation ofthe Peasant Movement in Hu-nan” (March 1927), SelectedWorks , Vol. I, pp. 44-46.*

296

Unite and take part in production and

political activity to improve the economic

and political status of women.

Inscription for the magazine,

Women of New China, printed

in its first issue, July 20,

1949.

Protect the interests of the youth, women

and children — provide assistance to young

student refugees, help the youth and women

to organize in order to participate on an

equal footing in all work useful to the war

effort and to social progress, ensure freedom

of marriage and equality as between men

and women, and give young people and

children a useful education. . . .

“On Coalition Government”

(April 24 , 1945), Selected Works,

Vol. III, p. 288 .

[In agricultural production] our funda-

mental task is to adjust the use of labour

297

power in an organized way and to en-courage women to do farm work.

“Our Economic Policy” (January23, 1934), Selected Works, Vol. I,p. 142.*

In order to build a great socialist society,it is of the utmost importance to arouse thebroad masses of women to join in produc-tive activity. Men and women must re-ceive equal pay for equal work in produc-tion. Genuine equality between the sexescan only be realized in the process ofthe socialist transformation of society as awhole.

Introductory note to “WomenHave Gone to the Labour Front”(1955), The Socialist Upsurge inChina’s Countryside, Chinese ed.,Vol. I.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 263.]

With the completion of agricultural co-operation, many co-operatives are findingthemselves short of labour. It has becomenecessary to arouse the great mass of

298

women who did not work in thefields before to take their place on thelabour front. . . . China’s women are avast reserve of labour power. This reserveshould be tapped in the struggle to builda great socialist country.

Introductory note to “Solving theLabour Shortage by Arousing theWomen to Join in Production”(1955), The Socialist Upsurge inChina’s Countryside, Chinese ed.,Vol. II.[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 268-69.]

Enable every woman who can work totake her place on the labour front, underthe principle of equal pay for equal work.This should be done as quickly as possible.

Introductory note to “On Widen-ing the Scope of Women’s Workin the Agricultural Co-operativeMovement” (1955), The SocialistUpsurge in China’s Countryside ,Chinese ed., Vol. I.

299

XXXII. CULTURE

AND ART

In the world today all culture, all litera-ture and art belong to definite classes andare geared to definite political lines. Thereis in fact no such thing as art for art’s sake,art that stands above classes, art that isdetached from or independent of politics.Proletarian literature and art are part ofthe whole proletarian revolutionary cause;they are, as Lenin said, cogs and wheels inthe whole revolutionary machine.

“Ta lks a t the Yenan Forum onLi te ra tu re and Ar t” (May 1942 ) ,Se lec ted Works , Vol . I I I , p . 86 . *

Revolutionary culture is a powerfulrevolutionary weapon for the broad massesof the people. It prepares the ground

300

ideologically before the revolution comesand is an important, indeed essential, fight-ing front in the general revolutionary frontduring the revolution.

“On New Democracy” (January1940), Selected Works, Vol. II,p. 382.

All our literature and art are for themasses of the people, and in the first placefor the workers, peasants and soldiers; theyare created for the workers, peasants andsoldiers and are for their use.

“Talks at the Yenan Forum onLiterature and Art” (May 1942),Selected Works, Vol. III, p. 84.*

Our literary and art workers must ac-complish this task and shift their stand;they must gradually move their feet overto the side of the workers, peasants andsoldiers, to the side of the proletariat,through the process of going into their verymidst and into the thick of practicalstruggles and through the process of study-

301

ing Marxism and society. Only in this waycan we have a literature and art that aretruly for the workers, peasants and soldiers,a truly proletarian literature and art.

Ibid., p. 78.

[Our purpose is] to ensure that literatureand art fit well into the whole revolutionarymachine as a component part, that theyoperate as powerful weapons for unitingand educating the people and for attackingand destroying the enemy, and that theyhelp the people fight the enemy with oneheart and one mind.

Ibid ., p. 70.

In literary and art criticism there aretwo criteria, the political and the artistic. . . .

There is the political criterion and thereis the artistic criterion; what is the rela-tionship between the two? Politics cannotbe equated with art, nor can a generalworld outlook be equated with a methodof artistic creation and criticism. We denynot only that there is an abstract and

302

absolutely unchangeable political criterion,but also that there is an abstract and abso-lutely unchangeable artistic criterion; eachclass in every class society has its ownpolitical and artistic criteria. But all classesin all class societies invariably put the polit-ical criterion first and the artistic criterionsecond. . . . What we demand is the unityof politics and art, the unity of content andform, the unity of revolutionary politicalcontent and the highest possible perfectionof artistic form. Works of art which lackartistic quality have no force, howeverprogressive they are politically. Therefore,we oppose both works of art with a wrongpolitical viewpoint and the tendency to-wards the “poster and slogan style” whichis correct in political viewpoint but lackingin artistic power. On questions of litera-ture and art we must carry on a struggle ontwo fronts.

Ibid., pp. 88-90.*

Letting a hundred flowers blossom anda hundred schools of thought contend is

303

the policy for promoting the progress ofthe arts and the sciences and a flourishingsocialist culture in our land. Differentforms and styles in art should develop freelyand different schools in science shouldcontend freely. We think that it is harmfulto the growth of art and science if ad-ministrative measures are used to imposeone particular style of art or school ofthought and to ban another. Questions ofright and wrong in the arts and sciencesshould be settled through free discussion inartistic and scientific circles and throughpractical work in these fields. They shouldnot be settled in summary fashion.

On the Correct Handling ofContradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,pp. 49-50 .[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 408.]

An army without culture is a dull-wittedarmy, and a dull-witted army cannot defeatthe enemy.

“The United Front in CulturalWork” (October 50, 1944),Selected Works, Vol. III, pp. 235.

304

XXXIII. STUDY

In transforming a backward agricultural

China into an advanced industrialized

country, we are confronted with arduous

tasks and our experience is far from

adequate. So we must be good at

learning.

“Opening Address at the EighthNational Congress of the Com-munist Party of China” (Septem-ber 15, 1956).

Conditions are changing all the time, and

to adapt one’s thinking to the new condi-

tions, one must study. Even those who

have a better grasp of Marxism and are

comparatively firm in their proletarian

305

stand have to go on studying, have to absorbwhat is new and study new problems.

Speech at the Chinese Commu-

nist Party’s National Conference

on Propaganda Work (March 12,

1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 8.*[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 425.]

We can learn what we did not know.We are not only good at destroying theold world, we are also good at building thenew.

“Report to the Second PlenarySession of the Seventh CentralCommittee of the CommunistParty of China” (March 5 , 1949),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374 .

Now, there are two different attitudes

towards learning from others. One is the

dogmatic attitude of transplanting every-

thing, whether or not it is suited to our

conditions. This is no good. The other at-

titude is to use our heads and learn those

things which suit our conditions, that is, to

306

absorb whatever experience is useful to us.

That is the attitude we should adopt.

On the Correct Handling ofContradictions Among the People(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed.,p. 75 .[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 420.]

The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and

Stalin is universally applicable. We should

regard it not as a dogma, but as a guide to

action. Studying it is not merely a matter

of learning terms and phrases but of learn-

ing Marxism-Leninism as the science of

revolution. It is not just a matter of

understanding the general laws derived by

Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin from their

extensive study of real life and revolu-

tionary experience, but of studying their

standpoint and method in examining and

solving problems.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks, Vol. II, pp. 208-09.

307

If we have a correct theory but merelyprate about it, pigeonhole it and do notput it into practice, then that theory, how-ever good, is of no significance.

“On Practice” (July 1937),Selected Works , Vol. I, p. 304.

It is necessary to master Marxist theoryand apply it, master it for the sole purposeof applying it. If you can apply the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint in elucidating one ortwo practical problems, you should be com-mended and credited with some achieve-ment. The more problems you elucidateand the more comprehensively and pro-foundly you do so, the greater will be yourachievement.

“Rectify the Party’s Style ofWork” (February 1 , 1942), Select-ed Works, Vol. III, p. 38 .

How is Marxist-Leninist theory to belinked with the practice of the Chinese rev-olution? To use a common expression, it

308

is by “shooting the arrow at the target”.As the arrow is to the target, so is Marxism-Leninism to the Chinese revolution. Somecomrades, however, are “shooting without atarget”, shooting at random, and such peo-ple are liable to harm the revolution.

Ibid., p. 42.

Those experienced in work must take upthe study of theory and must read seriously;only then will they be able to systematizeand synthesize their experience and raise itto the level of theory, only then will theynot mistake their partial experience foruniversal truth and not commit empiricisterrors.

Ibid.

Reading is learning, but applying is alsolearning and the more important kind oflearning at that. Our chief method is tolearn warfare through warfare. A personwho has had no opportunity to go to schoolcan also learn warfare — he can learnthrough fighting in war. A revolutionary

309

war is a mass undertaking; it is often not

a matter of first learning and then doing,

but of doing and then learning, for doing

is itself learning.

“Problems of Strategy in China’s

Revolutionary War” (December

1936), Selected Works , Vol. I,

pp. 189-90 .

There is a gap between the ordinary

civilian and the soldier, but it is no Great

Wall, and it can be quickly closed, and

the way to close it is to take part in revolu-

tion, in war. By saying that it is not easy

to learn and to apply, we mean that it is

hard to learn thoroughly and to apply skil-

fully. By saying that civilians can very

quickly become soldiers, we mean that it

is not difficult to cross the threshold. To

put the two statements together, we may

cite the Chinese adage, “Nothing in the

world is difficult for one who sets his

mind to it.” To cross the threshold is not

difficult, and mastery, too, is possible pro-

310

vided one sets one’s mind to the task and

is good at learning.

Ibid., p. 190.

We must learn to do economic work

from all who know how, no matter who

they are. We must esteem them as teach-

ers, learning from them respectfully and

conscientiously. We must not pretend to

know when we do not know.

“On the People’s DemocraticDictatorship” (June 30 , 1949),Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 423.

Knowledge is a matter of science, and no

dishonesty or conceit whatsoever is permis-

sible. What is required is definitely the

reverse — honesty and modesty.

“On Practice” (July 1937),Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 300.

Complacency is the enemy of study. We

cannot really learn anything until we rid

ourselves of complacency. Our attitude

311

towards ourselves should be “to be in-satiable in learning” and towards others“to be tireless in teaching”.

“The Role of the Chinese Com-munist Party in the NationalWar” (October 1938), SelectedWorks, Vol. II, p. 210 .

Some people have read a few Marxistbooks and think themselves quite learned,but what they have read has not penetrated,has not struck root in their minds, so thatthey do not know how to use it and theirclass feelings remain as of old. Others arevery conceited and having learned somebook-phrases, think themselves terrific andare very cocky; but whenever a storm blowsup, they take a stand very different fromthat of the workers and the majority of thepeasants. They waver while the latterstand firm, they equivocate while the latterare forthright.

Speech at the Chinese Commu-nist Party’s National Conferenceon Propaganda Work (March 12,1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 7-8.[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 425.]

In order to have a real grasp of Marxism,one must learn it not only from books, butmainly through class struggle, through prac-tical work and close contact with themasses of workers and peasants. When inaddition to reading some Marxist books ourintellectuals have gained some understand-ing through close contact with the massesof workers and peasants and through theirown practical work, we will all be speak-ing the same language, not only the com-mon language of patriotism and the com-mon language of the socialist system, butprobably even the common language of thecommunist world outlook. If that hap-pens, all of us will certainly work muchbetter.

Ibid., p. 12.

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