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FIRST DRAFT SUBJECT TO REVISION
Public Policy in Islam: Exploring Synergies
Between SiyÉsah SharÑiyyah and MaqÉÎid al-Shari’ah *
Mohammad Hashim Kamali
Abstract
Siyasah Shar’iyyah is the nearest equivalent of public policy, with one difference perhaps,
which is that the Islamic notion of publicy policy is closely tied to the Shariah, and more
specifically to the goals and purposes, or Maqasid of Shariah. This paper begins with an
introductory note on the contemporary understanding of public policy in its Western context,
and then provides an overview of the two main areas of our concern: siyasah and maqasid.
The rest of this paper engages in identifying the synergies between the two disciplines, and in
this regard looks more specifically at al-Qaradawi’s work on how siyasah shar’iyyah can be
guided by the guidelines of maqasid al-shari’ah.
Introduction
Public policy is the principled guide to action taken by the administrative and executive
branches of the state with regard to a class of issues in a manner consistent with the
constitution, law and institutional customs. Strong public policy should solve problems
efficiently, serve justice, support governmental institutions and policies, and encourage active
citizenship.1
Public policy requires diverse input and feedback from numerous individuals and interest
groups, such as politicians, domain experts and industry representatives. Mass
communications and technological changes have caused the public policy system to become
more complex and interconnected.2 Today public policy making is increasingly goal-oriented,
aiming for measurable results and goals, focussing on decisions that must be taken often
without delay. Traditionally, the academic field of public policy focused on domestic policy,
but the wave of economic globalisation since the closing decades of 20th centuries created
*Keynote address presented at the International Conference on “Maqasid al-Shariah in Public Policy
and Governance,” organised by the International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies (IAIS) Malaysia,
Kuala Lumpur: 15-16 June 2015. 1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_policy (accessed 13 January 2015).
2 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_policy#cite_note-The_Process_and_Effects_of_mass_communication-9
(accessed 24 February 2015).
2
a need for public policy to engage in issues beyond national borders, such as climate
change, terrorism, nuclear proliferation, and economic development.3
The foregoing characterisation of public policy, which is taken from Western sources, comes
close to that of siyÉsah shar’iyyah (henceforth as siyÉsah) in the Islamic context, albeit that
national laws and constitutions are substituted, in the Islamic sources, by references to
shari’ah. Yet it would be reasonable now to add conformity to the constitution and laws of
the state as valid point of reference to our contemporary understanding of siyÉsah.
It also appears that public policy signifies a programme or a platform rather than individual
and unrelated decisions. Government leaders may take a policy initiative to introduce a
certain law, and also the manner in which that law is implemented. Yet policy and law are
primarily two different yet inter-related concepts both of which involve efficient management
of public affairs.
SiyÉsah and maqÉÎid are both shari’ah-oriented subjects and derive their substance from the
shari’ah so much so that there is no siyÉsah nor maqÉÎid independently of the shari’ah itself.
Yet both siyÉsah and maqÉÎid provide different understandings of the shari’ah in their
respective capacities, each seeking to articulate and develop a new dimension of the shari’ah.
Both also represent belated developments that materialised well after the crystallisation of the
major schools of Islamic jurisprudence, even though both derive their substance from the data
of the Qur’an and hadith. One was significantly developed by Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 728/1328)
and the other by al-Shatibi (d. 790/1388), although many other scholars had made
contributions to them even before these scholars came on the scene. The two scholars named
are, however, distinguished for articulating their respective themes into separate and
distinctive chapters of shari’ah through consolidation of the disparate streams of ideas and
contributions other scholars had already made. Yet the progress of ideas remained
intermittent in both fields even after Ibn Taymiyyah and al-Shatibi’s landmark contributions.
It is still doubtful whether either of the two disciplines under review have reached the status
of some of the more mature branches of Islamic scholarship, such as fiqh, uÎËl al-fiqh, tafsÊr
and hadith.
There is a revival of interest in both the maqÉÎid and siyÉsah as of late and both have
witnessed a spate of scholarly contributions especially in the latter part of twentieth century
and ever since. That said, both siyÉsah and maqÉÎid are prone to a degree of arbitrariness,
though for different reasons. SiyÉsah has often fallen prey to the vagaries of power politics
and despotism throughout the longer stretch of Islamic history, and the maqÉÎid is in want of
a stronger methodological grounding that can be used to curb subjectivity and value judgment
in its applications. Unlike the uÎËl al-fiqh which is rich on methodology, the maqÉÎid had for
a long time remained on the fringes of the legal theory of uÎËl al-fiqh and did not enjoy the
same degree of support from the ÑulamÉ’ due to the philosophical underpinnings of maqÉÎid.
A reliable methodology for maqÉÎid can also help provide credible guidelines for siyÉsah. It
may be added that the revival of scholarly interest in the maqÉÎid in recent decades has also
seen progress on its methodological themes.
3 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_policy#cite_note-11 (accessed 24 February 2015).
3
It would burden this presentation to provide full details on siyÉsah and maqÉÎid, as both have
grown into extensive branches of shari’ah. The present writer has also treated both of these
subjects in his previous publications.4 Hence the attempt in the following pages to offer a
coverage of only the basic contours of the two subjects before us. The balance of the article
then focuses on identifying points of convergence between the two themes, and specifying
ways in which the guidelines of maqÉÎid can be gainfully utilised in the applications of
siyÉsah. This article also explores, in its latter part, the question as to how the two themes
before us relate respectively to fiqh and uÎËl al-fiqh, and refers in this connection to some of
the writings of Shaykh Yusuf al-Qaradawi on the subject.
I. Shari’ah-Oriented Policy (SiyÉsah SharÑiyyah)
The ÑulamÉ’ have used siyÉsah for different purposes. Literally, it means shari’ah-oriented
policy, or government in accordance with the shari’ah. This is the widest meaning of siyÉsah
in that it is free of the technicality that has developed around this expression in the works of
Muslim scholars. SiyÉsah sharÑiyyah thus applies to all government policies, be it in areas
where the shari’ah provides explicit guidance or otherwise.
But in its technical applications, siyÉsah sharÑiyyah implies decisions and policy measures
taken by the imam and the ÑulË al amr on matters for which no specific ruling could be found
in the shari’ah. In this sense, siyÉsah sharÑiyyah, as KhallÉf observed, is tantamount to acting
on maÎlaÍah, or public interest, which the Lawgiver has neither upheld nor overruled.5
SiyÉsah in other words, denotes administration of public affairs in an Islamic polity with the
aim of realising the interests of, and preventing harm to, the community in harmony with the
general principles of the shari’ah “even if it disagrees with the particular rulings of the
mujtahidËn” 6
According to the key Hanbali scholar, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah (d.1350 CE), siyÉsah
sharÑiyyah does not necessarily mean conforming to the explicit rules of shari’ah: “any
measure which brings the people closest to beneficence (ÎalÉÍ) and furthest away from
corruption (fasÉd) partakes in just siyÉsah even if it has not been approved by the Prophet,
pbuh, nor regulated by Divine revelation. Anyone who says that there is no siyÉsah
sharÑiyyah where the shari’ah itself is silent is wrong and has misunderstood the
Companions.”7
4 See Mohammad Hashim Kamali, “al SiyÉsah Shar’iyyah or the Policies of Islamic Government,” The
American Journal of Islamic Social Science, vol.6, No.1, 1989, 59-881; idem., maqÉÎid al-Shari’ah, Ijtihad and
Civilisational Renewal, Occasional Paper 20, London: The International Institute of Islamic Thought, and Kuala
Lumpur: the International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies (IAIS) Malaysia, 2012. Idem., Shari’ah law: An
Introduction, Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2008. Chapter 6 (pp. 68-99) of this book bears the title “Goals
and Purposes (maqÉÎid) of Shari’ah: History and Methodology,” and Chapter 11 is entitled “Beyond the
Shari’ah: An Analysis of Shari’ah-Oriented Policy (al SiyÉsah SharÑiyyah), 225-246. 5 ’Abd al Wahab Khallaf, al- SiyÉsah al SharÑiyah, (Cairo: al Maktabah al Salafiyah, 1350/1931, p. 3.
6 Ibid., p. 14.
7 Ibn Qayyim al Jawziyah, al Ùuruq al ×ukmiyah fÊ al- SiyÉsah al- SharÑiyyah, Cairo: al Mu’assaÎah al
‘ArabÊyah li ‘l- ÙibÉ’ah, 1380/1961. p.16.
4
SiyÉsah is characterised by its essential harmony with the higher objectives of shari’ah, at the
risk sometimes of abandoning its letter. An illustration of this is the decision of the second
caliph, ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, concerning the mu’allafat al-qulËb, persons of influence whose
friendship and cooperation were regarded beneficial for Islam. The Qur’an (al-Tawbah 9:60)
had assigned a share for them in zakat revenues, which Caliph ‘Umar discontinued, because,
in ‘Umar’s widely quoted statement, “Allah has exalted Islam and it is no longer in need of
their favour” ‘Umar thus departed from the letter of the Qur’an to an alternative ruling as the
original purpose for which the Qur’anic ruling was made no longer obtained, and “his ruling
is considered to be in harmony with the spirit of the Qur’an.”8 The original ruling was thus
suspended due to the subsequent change of circumstances, but the Qur’anic text remains
intact; it is still a part of Qur’an, and its ruling may also be revived again whenever further
change circumstances may so require.9
SiyÉsah is also used in the sense of implying flexibility (tawsiÑah) and discretion for rulers
and judges in their decisions. When a decision is said to have been taken as part of the
siyÉsah of a ruler or judge, it is tantamount to saying that it was a discretionary decision,
provided, of course, it did not contravene the shari’ah.10
Qur’anic authority for siyÉsah is found in a number verses, especially those enjoining the
believers to the promotion of good and the prevention of evil.11
The good and evil are
nowhere listed in the Qur’an or Sunnah, but they can be known through a general
investigation of these sources. Al-ShÉÏibÊ has also noted that rights and wrongs cannot be
known in detail in advance without referring to particular acts and their surrounding
circumstances. Hence, the government leaders must have discretionary powers to uphold and
protect the higher purposes of shariah.12
The Qur’anic command that requires obedience to
the ÑulË al amr in sura al-Nisa’ (4:58) also provides the necessary authority for siyÉsah. It
thus becomes the duty of every Muslim to comply with the dictates of siyÉsah that promote
the ideals of justice and maÎlaÍah.13
SiyÉsah, in its widest sense, has five purposes: protection of life, religion, mind, lineage, and
property. The ÑulamÉ’ are unanimous that protection of these values constitutes the ultimate
objectives of the shari’ah, and siyÉsah is an instrument by which to achieve them. 14
Ibn Qayyim divides siyÉsah into two types: unjust siyÉsah (siyÉsah ÐÉlimah), which the
shari’ah forbids, and just siyÉsah (siyÉsah ÑÉdilah), which seeks to serve the cause of justice.
Since justice is the principal goal of siyÉsah, it is an integral part of the shari’ah and always
in harmony with it. “We merely call it siyÉsah because of the linguistic usage, but it is
nothing other than the justice ordained by God and His Messenger”15
God Almighty sent
8 ‘Abd al RahmÉn Taj, al SiyÉsah al SharÑiyyah wa al- Fiqh al- IslÉmi, Cairo: MaÏbaÑah Dar at Ta’lÊf,
1373/1953. 9 This has in fact happened in some states in Malaysia where a share in zakat is given to new converts to Islam,
in the name of muallafat al-qulub. 10
Taj, al SiyÉsah, p. 28; Khallaf, al SiyÉsah, p. 3. 11
Note. e.g., the Qur’an (Ól ‘lmrÉn: 104 and 100; al Tawbah: 71 and 124). 12
Abu Ishaq Ibrahim at ShaÏibi, al MuwÉfaqÉt fÊ UÎËl al SharÊ’ah ,Cairo: Maktabah al TijÉrÊyah al Kubra, II,
p.7. See also Ibrahim bin ‘Ali Ibn Farhum, TabÎirah al ×ukkÉm fÊ UÎËl al ÑAqdÊyah (Cairo: al MaÏba’ah al
BahÊyah, 1302) II, p. 106. 13
Cf. Mohammed S. el-Awa, Punishment in Islamic Law, Indianapolis: American Trust Publications, 1982, p.
116. 14
Taj, al SiyÉsah, p. 28. 15
Ibn Qayyim, al Ùuruq, p. 5.
5
messengers and scriptures to mankind in order to establish justice among people. When there
are signs that indicate the path to justice, it is in accord with the Law of God to aim toward
it.16
Hence, “any path that leads to justice and fairness is an integral part of the religion and
never contrary to it.”17
SiyÉsah is changeable in accordance with the change of circumstances. Indeed siyÉsah is an
instrument with which to accommodate the needs of social change with the shari’ah. SiyÉsah
also enables the government to administer its domestic and foreign affairs by enacting laws
and regulations that guarantee security and justice to the citizens, materialise their interests,
and pave the way for their prosperity.18
In the area of taxation, just siyÉsah requires fairness in the levying of taxes and consideration
to the ability of the taxpayer. The non- Muslim citizens must also be fairly treated and must
not be burdened with oppressive taxes that subject them to poverty and degradation.19
No
policy can properly be called siyÉsah sharÑiyah unless it observes the limits of moderation,
which errs neither toward severity nor to laxity, for both lead to injustice and the loss of
rights.20
The requirements of a just siyÉsah, with regard to the selection and appointment of officials,
as Ibn Taymiyyah explains, have been laid down in the Qur’an (al NisÉ’, 4: 58) as follows:
“Surely Allah commands you to make over the trusts (an-tu’addË al-amÉnÉt) to those to
whom they due, and when you judge between people, you judge with justice.” Ibn
Taymiyyah’s widely-acclaimed book, al-SiyÉsah al-SharÑiyah fi IÎlÉÍ al RÉÑÊ wa al-
RaÑiyyah, as he says it on the very first page, is a commentary on this verse. “Selection of
officials’ is the occasion of revelation of this verse. It is a trust fulfilled only when selection is
based on ability and competence. Ibn Taymiyyah adds that tu’addË al amÉnÉt in this verse
has been interpreted by the following hadith: “When a person is entrusted with authority over
the affairs of the believers, and he, in turn, delegates this authority to another while he could
find a more competent person for the task, he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger.”21
Then
he quotes ÑUmar b al Khattab also to have said: “Whoever delegates a public office to
another for the sake of friendship or personal favour indeed betrays Allah and His Messenger
and the believers”
The fact that the Qur’an refers to amÉnÉt in the plural indicates that all forms of trust - be it
the responsibility of public office, abiding by one’s promises and contracts, responsibility to
give a sincere counsel, and one’s duties towards others - all fall within the purview of
amÉnÉt.22
Elsewhere, the Quran singles out two qualities, namely, strength and loyalty, to be the most
desirable qualities in the selection of employees: “Surely the best of those you can employ is
the one who is strong and loyal (amÊn)” (al-QaÎaÎ: 26). Strength in every wilÉyah (delegation
of power) is to be sought in the best of its relevant qualities. The strength of an army
16
Ibid., p. 17. 17
Ibid., p. 16. 18
Cf., Khallaf, al SiyÉsah, p. 19; Taj, al SiyÉsah, p. 30. 19
Taj, al SiyÉsah, p. 40-41. 20
Ibid., p. 34. 21
Ibn Taymiyyah, al SiyÉsah, p. 6. 22
Muhammad Al Bahi, al DÊn wa al Dawlah min TawjÊhÉt al Qur’Én al KarÊm, (Beirut: Dar al Fikr,
1391/1971). p. 356.
6
commander, for instance, refers to his knowledge of military affairs, and that of a judge to his
knowledge of shari’ah. Loyalty, in turn, refers to three qualities: fear of Allah, refusal to
neglect His commands for a small price, and lack of fear of men. This is the purport of the
verse: “So fear not people and fear Me and take not a small price for My messages.” (al-
MÉ’idah, 5:44).23
Another important aspect of amÉnÉt Ibn Taymiyyah has expounded at length is concerned
with the just distribution of wealth in the community. The citizens must not expect from the
government more than what they deserve, nor must they withhold any payment to which the
government may be entitled. The ruling authorities must, in turn, deliver the wealth of the
community to those of its deserving members, not according to their whims, nor in the
manner of owners and proprietors, but in their capacity as trustees and delegates (umanÉ’ wa
nuwwÉb).24
Furthermore, in matters of fatwa and judgment, siyÉsah must aim at “opening the doors of
mercy and beneficence to the people, and select from the diversity of schools and
interpretations advanced by the ÑulamÉ’ that which is beneficial to relieve people from
severity and hardship.25
To conclude this section, the availability of some discretionary powers to the rulers is
accepted in principle in all theories of government. Yet the rule of law and constitutionalism
in modern states give rise to questions over developing adequate checks and balances over
the exercise of discretionary power. The need for such controls is particularly emphasised in
the field of criminal law where the citizen is exposed to the coercive power of the state.
With the unprecedented advance of education and learning in modern times, it is also obvious
that specialisation and technical know-how have become essential to good management. The
development of a judicious siyÉsah must, therefore, to a large extent, depend on the
availability of better and more refined methods. In a similar vein, as a result of the
introduction of formal constitutions and codes of laws by most of the present day Islamic
countries, and their attempts to define and regulate the powers of the various organs of state,
the scope of siyÉsah has been regulated to a large extent. However, siyÉsah can still play a
useful role, which is to encourage initiative in the direction of maÎlaÍah, to prevent rigidity in
the application of the law, as well as enable the government to formulate responses to
unprecedented situations. The need for such flexibility is often felt when the legal text does
not cover a particular case or situation, or when it does so cover it, siyÉsah can still play a
role in moderating an overly strict and literal application of the legal text that fails to serve
the ideals of justice and public interest.
II. Higher Purposes of Shari’ah (MaqÉÎid al-Shari’ah): Definition, Conditions and
Classifications
Al-Shatibi who developed the maqÉÎid it in the fourth volume of his magnum opus, al-
MuwÉfaqÉt, quite surprisingly, did not provide a definition for it, and it was not until the
Tunisian scholar Ibn ‘Ashur (d.1973) provided it and defined the general objectives (maqÉÎid
‘Émmah) of shari’ah as “the deeper meanings and inner wisdom (maÑÉnÊ wa Íikam) that the
23
Cf. Ibn Taymiyyah, al- SiyÉsah, pp. 12-13.See also “Muhammad Asad. The Principles of State and
Government in Islam, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 1961, p. 47. 24
Ibn Taymiyyah, al SiyÉsah, p. 29. 25
Khallaf, al SiyÉsah, p. 14.
7
Lawgiver has contemplated in respect of all or most of the shari’ah ordinances.” On a broader
note, Ibn ‘Ashur also wrote that the general purpose of shari’ah (maqÎad al-tashrÊ’ al-ÑÉm) is
“preservation of the order and prosperity of the ummah through educating and reforming the
mental and behavioural self of the individual and taking care of the world around him and
what has been placed under his custody and control.”26
I shall not engage into the details of Ibn ‘Ashur’s definition here but briefly to say that he
also specified four conditions a general maqÎad must qualify for it to be valid. These are: to
be firm, evident, general, and exclusive (thÉbit, ÐÉhir, ‘Émm, and Ïard respectively).27
Al-
ShÉÏibÊ’s own contribution to the methodology of maqÉÎid included inductive reasoning (al-
istiqrÉ’) as a method by which the maqÉÎid can be identified through a general reading of the
Qur’an and hadith.28
Briefly, maqÉÎid are identified in the clear text (naÎÎ) or by general consensus (ijmÉ’), failing
which they may be identified by recourse to ijtihad. Al-Shatibi suggested that istiqrÉ’, being a
form of ijtihad, is a reliable method by which to identify the maqÉÎid, whereas Ibn ‘Ashur
also added, in line with the writings of ‘Izz al-DÊn ‘Abd al-Salam al-Sulami (d.1262/660)
and others, that human intellect(‘aql) and unrestricted reasoning (istidlÉl) could also identify
the maqÉÎid. Most of these methods can actually be subsumed under ijtihad.29
MaqÉÎid strike a close note with the rationale, ratio legis, and effective causes (‘ilal) of the
ahkam. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah who has explored this subject in considerable detail has
noted that the number of such references in the Qur’an alone reaches, not just one or two
hundred instances as others had earlier estimated, but that in over one thousand places the
Qur’an either directly or indirectly and in diverse manners of expression and language
identifies the rationale, purpose, benefits and consequences of its rulings. All of these are
then used as indicators toward the identification of maqÉÎid.30
Other names that stand out, next to al-ShÉÏibÊ and ÙÉhir ibn ‘AshËr, in the development of
maqÉÎid are those of Imam al-Haramayn al-Juwayni (d. 1058CE), and his disciple al-Ghazali.
Al-Juwayni was the first to classify the maqÉÎid into the three classes of essential,
complimentary, and embellishments (ÌarËriyyÉt, ÍÉjiyyÉt and taÍsÊniyÉt respectively), a
classification which has gained general acceptance ever since. Abu Hamid al-Ghazali
(d.1111CE) was the first to classify the ÌarËriyyÉt into the five headings of faith, life,
intellect, lineage and property.31
Taqi al-Din Ibn Taymiyyah (d.1328) was probably the first
to depart from the notion of confining the maqÉÎid to a specific number and added to the
existing list of five maqÉÎid such other themes as fulfillment of contracts and trusts,
26
Muhammad Tahir ibn ‘Ashur, MaqÉÎid al-Shari’ah al-Islamiyyah, ed. Muhammad Tahir el-Messawi, al-
BaÎÉ’ir li’l-IntÉj al-‘IlmÊ, 1998, p. 63. 27
Ibid., p.63. See also on the definition and conditions of maqÉÎid, Mohammad Hashim Kamali, MaqÉÎid al-
Shari’ah, Ijtihad and Civilisational Renewal,Occasional Paper 20, London: The International Institutte of
Islamic Thought, and Kuala Lumpur: the International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies (IAIS) Malaysia,
2012, p.6-7. 28
Al-Shatibi’s contribution is also noted in two other areas of the methodology of maqÉÎid: the relationship of
maqÉÎid to ijtihad, and how the maqÉÎid addressed the relationship between the individual (mukallaf) and the
Lawgiver (al-ShÉri’). See for details on al-istiqrÉ’ and al-Shatibi’s work on maqÉÎid, Mohammad Hashim
Kamali, Shari’ah law: An Introduction, Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2008, p.132f. 29
See for details on Istiqra’ in my Maqsid al-Shari’ah at fn. 3 above, at p.20f. 30
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, I’lÉm al-Muwaqqi’Ên, vol. 1, p. 169; see also Ahmad al-Raysuni, “al-Bahth fi
maqÉÎid al-shariÑah: Nash’atuh, TaÏawwuruh wa Mustaqbaluh,” in ed. El-Awa, MaqÉÎid al-Shariah, 185. 31
ShihÉb al-DÊn al-QarÉfÊ (d. 1285) added a sixth, namely the protection of honour (al-‘ird) to al-Ghazali’s five.
8
honouring the rights of one’s parents and neighbours, and moral purity etc., themes which he
said also featured prominently in the Qur’an and Sunnah. In his renowned MaqÉÎid al-
Shar’iah al-Islamiyyah, Ibn ‘Ashur provided a definition, as already noted, for the maqÉÎid
and added further to its exiting classifications.32
In line with Ibn Taymiyyah’s views, Yusuf
al-Qaradawi (b.1926/1345) has further extended the scope of maqÉÎid to include social
welfare support (al-takÉful al-ijtimÉ’i), human dignity and freedom, whereas the present
writer has also added economic development, R & D in technology and science, as well as
peaceful co-existence among nations to the maqÉÎid as they too are crucially important and
can find support in the Qur’an and Sunnah.33
It hardly needs elaboration to say that politics and constitution in the Arab world bore the
imprints of Western colonial legacy as well as the legacy of historical neglect of the Islamic
past, due to the prevalence of despotism, and neglect of Islam’s guidelines on consultation,
justice and maÎlaÍah. This was strongly resonated in the Islamic revivalist movement of the
latter part of twentieth century and the call hence that law and politics in the Muslim world
must reconnect with Islam’s own normative guidelines and heritage- and the Islamic state
ideas. The effort now to develop politics from the viewpoint of Islamic norms, or siyÉsah in
light of the maqÉÎid, is in many ways original and still in its early stages of development.
There is little merit in the view some commentators have advanced over the need for a
separate discipline in the name of political maqÎad (‘ilm maqÉÎid siyÉsÊ). The proponents of
this view have held that the existing knowledge of maqÉÎid and its five main varieties that
were identified so long ago no longer corresponded to the exigencies of contemporary
politics. That the maqÉÎid theory developed by al-Shatibi and others is legalistic and not
comprehensive enough to encapsulate the wider ranges of objectives that find support in - the
revealed sources. This is a rash conclusion perhaps, as the classification of maqÉÎid into
various types as well as contributions by Ibn Taymiyyah, al-Qaradawi and others go a long
way to accommodate such a suggestion. Besides, the idea to segmentise the maqÉÎid in the
name of separate disciplines would stand at odds with the unitarian spirit of the maqÉÎid, and
may extend the claim to other areas – and not perhaps advisable.34
There should be no
objection, on the other hand, to the elaboration of maqÉÎid with reference to particular subject
areas such as crimes and penalties, muÑÉmalat and contracts and so forth.
Certain new developments, such as Islamic banking and finance that emerged in the latter
part of twentieth century and grew at an exponential pace, were market driven more than
knowledge driven. A groundswell of criticism has developed as of late over the authenticity
and shari’ah compliancy of some of the IBF products. The critique has generally been that the
industry has followed the fiqh rules but not the purpose and spirit of those rules – hence a
renewed focus on the maqÉÎid to provide the desired sense of direction and assurance over
the credibility of IBF.
32
Whereas the maqÉÎid were hitherto classified into the general maqÉÎid (al- maqÉÎid al-‘Émmah), and partial
maqÉÎid (maqÉÎid juz’iyyah), Ibn ‘Ashur added the intervening category of specific objectives (maqÉÎid
khÉÎÎah) and placed under this category the maqÉÎid pertaining to family, maqÉÎid in financial transations,
maqÉÎid also of adjudication and testimony, and maqÎid of punishments (maqÉÎid al-‘uqËbÉt). 33
Cf., Kamali, Shariah Law, 126-27. 34
Cf., Sayfuddin ‘Abd al-Fattah, “Nahw Taf’il al- NamËzaj al-Maqasidi fi’l-MajÉl al-SiyÉsÊ,” in ed. Mohamed
Saleem El-Awa, MaqÉÎid al-SharÊÑah al-IslÉmiyyah: DirÉsÉt fÊ QadÉyÉ al-Manhaj wa majalÉt al-TaÏbÊq,
London: Al-Furqan Islamic Heritage Foundation, 2006, pp. 357-59. ‘Abd al-Fattah also disagrees with the
suggested division.
9
When Malaysia’s incumbent Prime Minister, Najib Razak, announced in January 2015 the
introduction in Malaysia of the maqÉÎid shari’ah index of governance, it was giving the
maqÉÎid a new profile as guide to government policy. This was yet another new projection of
the maqÉÎid, from IBF to the wider arena of governance.35
This may well be marking a new
phase in the development of the Islamic state idea, which has been around for some decades,
but ran in different directions, and has yet to generate consensus, partly due to politicisation
of Islam, radical fundamentalism and violence that ran parallel courses, and evolution of
ideas on the theory and practice of Islamic state was met with disruptions.
MaqÉÎid have been classified into several types, depending on the viewpoint and purpose of
classification. An overview of the classification of maqÉÎid into the following five categories
will help advancing a better understanding of the subject:
a) From the viewpoint of their relative importance, the maqÉÎid have been classified into the
three categories of essential maqÉÎid (Ìarūriyyāt), complementary maqÉÎid (ÍÉjiyyāt)
and desirabilities (taÍsÊniyyāt) as already mentioned. Only the first of these have been
specified into the five headings of the protection of religion, life, intellect, family and
property. Briefly the ÌarËriyyÉt are essential to the survival and spiritual well-being of
the individual and society, so much so that their destruction and collapse would
precipitate chaos and demise of normal order in society. The ÍÉjiyyÉt are defined as
maqÉÎid or maÎÉliÍ that seek to remove severity and hardship which are, however, not
essential to normal life and order. TaÍsÊniyyÉt are in the nature of desirabilities that seek
to attain refinement and perfection in customs and conduct of the people at all levels, and
they often complement the previous two classes of maqÉÎid.36
b) From the viewpoint of their scope, maqÉÎid have been further classified into the three
categories of general purposes (al- maqÉÎid al-‘Émmah), particular purposes (al- maqÉÎid
al-khÉÎÎah), and partial purposes (al- maqÉÎid al-juz’iyyah).37
The general purposes are those that extend to the whole of shariah in all its parts and they
are altogether broad and comprehensive. Realisation of benefit (maÎlaÍah), prevention of
harm and corruption (Ìarar, mafsadah), building the earth (i’mÉr al-arÌ), administration
of justice, and removal of hardship (raf’ al-Íaraj) are examples of the general purposes of
shari’ah. They differ from particular purposes in that the latter contemplate specific areas
and subjects of the shari’ah, such as commercial transactions, crimes and punishments,
matrimonial law, worship matters, acts of charity and so forth. The two are not totally
separate in that the particular maqÉÎid should observe and comply with the broader
objectives of shari’ah and should not go against the general maqÉÎid.38
35
Ili Liyanah Mokhtar, “Islamic principles key in govt policies,” Kuala Lumpur, New Straits Times, January 3,
2015, p.2: Work on “the MaqÉÎid Syariah Index was mooted by Najib in August last year,” and it was
spearheaded by the Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (JAKIM). The initial announcement of the
maqÉÎid index was made on the occasion of the national Maulidur Rasul celebration 2014. 36
See for details and illustrations Mohammad Hashim Kamali, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, Revised
and enhanced edn., Kuala Lumpur: Ilmiyyah Publishers, 1998, 397-99. 37
This third class (i.e juz’iyyah) has also its correlative, namely al-maqÉÎid al-kulliyyah, or totalitarian
purposes. However the last category is almost identical with ‘general purposes’- hence we combine the two
classifications into one that consist of three varieties. 38
Cf., Muhammad Ibrahim Naqashi, ‘AmaliyyÉt al-TaÎkÊk wa DawruhÉ fi TaÍqÊq MaqÉÎid al-SharÊ’ah al-
IslÉmiyyah,” in IIUM Conference Proceedings, Vol. 2, Maqsid al-Shariah, 62.
10
Partial purposes may be defined as those which signify the Lawgiver’s intention and
purpose regarding particular rulings of shari’ah in any area or topic. This is similar to
what is known as the effective cause (‘illah, Íikmah ) of a ruling, which the jurist needs to
identify in the construction, for example, of analogy (qiyÉs).39
One of the reasons why the
uÎËl al-fiqh jurists have not expatiated on the maqÉÎid is that in their view ‘illah is about
the same as the maqÎad of a ruling.40
That said, it is submitted that the ‘illah of a ruling
may or may not be the same as its purpose. For the ‘illah of a ruling tends to be grounded
in the status quo or existing order, whereas its end-goal and purpose may also be looking
to the future and beyond status quo.
c) MaqÉÎid have also been classified into the Lawgiver’s purposes (maqÉÎid al-shÉriÑ) and
the human purposes (maqÉÎid al-mukallaf). To say that human welfare and benefit, or
knowledge of religion, are God’s illustrious purposes in ordaining the laws of shari’ah
illustrate the former, whereas seeking employment, or university qualifications may
represent the human purpose of seeking knowledge. It is generally recommended that all
competent persons should bring, as far as possible, their own purposes into conformity
with the maqÉÎid of the Lawgiver.41
d) Another classification of maqÉÎid is its division into primary purposes (al-maqÉÎid al-
aÎliyyah) which the Lawgiver, or a human agent, have originally intended, whereas
subsidiary purposes (al-maqÉÎid al-tabÑiyyah or far’iyyah) are those which support and
complement the primary maqÉÎid. For instance, the primary shari’ah purpose of marriage
is procreation of the human species, which may or may not materialise in a marriage
among elderly persons contracted with the purpose mainly of companionship - which is a
secondary purpose.42
e) Lastly, the maqÉÎid may be either definitive (qaÏÑÊ) or speculative (ÐannÊ). The former
signify purposes which are based in a clear text of the Qur’ān, hadith, or general
consensus (ijmÉÑ), and even induction (istiqrÉ’) according to al-Shatibi and Ibn ‘Ashur,
whereas the latter may be based on a speculative text, rationality and ijtihad.43
In the
event of a conflict between them, the definitive purposes of shari’ah take priority over the
speculative ones.
SiyÉsah and maqÉÎid may both be described as dynamic and flexible against the background
of a rich heritage of the juristic thought of uÎËl al-fiqh that was, however, textualist in
orientation and also bore the influences of syllogism and intricacies of Greek logic. The
maqÉÎid discourse is goal-oriented that can bring efficiency to decision making on
contemporary issues, beyond the technicalities of the uÎËl al-fiqh doctrines. Valuable as these
are, they are exceedingly elaborate and burdened at times minutiae at the expense some
times of the broader sense of purpose the shari’ah is meant to convey.
39
Cf., Gamal Eldin Attia, Towards Realisation of the Higher Intents of Islamic Law: Maqasid al-Shari’ah – A
Functional Approach, Eng. Tr. by Nancy Roberts, London and Washington: the International Institute of
Islamic Thought, 2007, 112. 40
Yet the present writer has argued that this could also mean an attempt to subsume the maqÉÎid under the uÎËl
methodology and thus deny them independent recognition. See for further detail, Mohammad Hashim Kamali,
“MaqÉÎid al-Shari’ah and Ijtihad as Instruments of Civilisational Renewal,” Islam and Civilisational Renewal,
Vol.2, no.2 (January 2011), 251 f. 41
Al-Shatibi, al-MuwÉfaqÉt, Vol. II, p. 400. See also Attia, Towards Realisation, 113. 42
See for details on the classification of maqÉÎid, Kamali, Shariah Law, 134-137. 43
See for details ibid, p. 134.
11
The precedent of Companions and leading imams is associated with flexibility and dynamism
often exhibited in their responses to issues, fatwa and ijtihad. The onset of indiscriminate
imitation (taqlÊd) after the crystallisation of madhÉhib, however, brought restrictions that
constrained the free spirit of enquiry and interpretation. Then also the rift between the
ÑulamÉ’ and political leaders (umarÉ’) that began with the Umayyad ruler Mu’awiyah
persisted such that politics and jurisprudence parted company and followed different courses,
one dominated by the ÑulamÉ’ and the other by the umarÉ’, with little understanding and
interaction between them. The ÑulamÉ’ were isolated from politics and they in turn hardly
assigned a role to the umarÉ’ in their formulations of ijtihad, ijmÉ’, and uÎËl al-fiqh doctrines.
The rift continued and the question such as we now pose on how siyÉsah can be guided by
the guidelines of maqÉÎid was basically not entertained.
III. A MaqÉÎid -Based Approach to SiyÉsah Shar’iyyah
To ascertain healthy interaction and exchange between siyÉsah and maqÉÎid would naturally
mean that siyÉsah should be guided by the guidelines of the maqÉÎid. To facilitate this, one
would need to identify the major themes of maqÉÎid, the order of priorities between them,
and how they can guide decision making in siyÉsah. How is one to juxtapose the wider bulk
also of fiqh , its value pointers, such as in the scale of five values (al-aÍkÉm al-khamsah),
and fiqh rules that relate to a great variety of other themes and subjects with the guidelines
of the maqÉÎid?
The maqÉÎid are purposive and provide general guidelines which can help consolidate the
extensive data of other disciplines, especially of Islamic law and jurisprudence (fiqh, uÎËl al-
fiqh), tafsÊr, siyÉsah etc., and read them from different angles that convey a sharper sense of
direction and purpose. MaqÉÎid consist primarily of epistemological guidelines rather than
thematic and substantive details, metrics and yardsticks on particular subjects. In the sphere
of Islamic banking and finance, for instance, the maqÉÎid are more useful for policy makers
and strategists at leadership levels rather than product designers and project operators. The
maqÉÎid resemble the uÎËl al-fiqh in that both consist of value categories and methodological
guidelines applied to certain subjects in order to extract certain results. This would be the fiqh
rules, in the case of uÎËl al-fiqh, and prioritisation of the higher goals and purposes of
shari’ah in public policy, in the case of siyÉsah.
It would be hard to imagine the maqÉÎid operating in a vacuum, or operating on their own,
without their being a subject matter to which they can apply. For instance, when it is said that
justice, trustworthiness (amÉnah), or protection of life and family are the maqÉÎid of shari’ah,
these are not self-evident in respect of detail. A great deal of details on each of these are
available in the fiqh manuals. These would most likely need to be consulted, side by side with
the substantive rules of justice, amÉnah, family laws etc., in the Qur’an and hadith. One may
find that the fiqh rules have not always been constructed in line with the higher purposes of
shari’ah as are expounded in the Qur’an and hadith, and so one sets out to provide a fresh
purpose-oriented reading of justice, observance of trusts (amÉnÉt), and of the detailed rules
that protect and promote life and family. One would still be concerned, in other words, with
the detailed rules of shari’ah and fiqh for one to develop a new reading.
One may have a similar case for siyÉsah, as we have before us in the present article, that
politics and government have not been on the whole observant of the priorities and value
points of the maqÉÎid, and there are many supportive arguments to justify that this is indeed
the case. Then one sets out to identify which aspects of siyÉsah, if any, is wanting of
12
adjustment in the light of maqÉÎid, and finally come up with a different reading of that aspect
of siyÉsah.
This has been the point I believe behind al-Qaradawi’s attempt, developed in his book
entitled al-SiyÉsah al-Shar’iyyah fi Öaw’ NuÎËÎ al-Shari’ah wa MaqÉÎiduhÉ (siyÉsah
shar’iyyah in light of the injunctions of shariah and its higher purposes) to put the data of
shari’ah/fiqh in a certain order and categories, as I elaborate below, such as the
jurisprudence of priorities (fiqh of awlawiyyÉt), jurisprudence of measurement and balance
(fiqh of muwÉzanÉt), and the jurisprudence of change (fiqh of taghyÊr), and in this way
provide a holistic reading of the purposes and themes of maqÉÎid, siyÉsah and fiqh together -
a maqÉÎid–oriented reading, in other words, of siyÉsah and fiqh. This would entail an
attempt, in turn, to put the fiqh details in a certain order of priority, balance and moderating
it in parts, and change it, if need be, in other parts in line with the maqÉÎid, so that the data
of fiqh can be utilised for policy making in light of the guidelines of maqÉÎid.
IV. MaqÉÎid, SiyÉsah and Fiqh
Al-Qaradawi’s attempt to provide an interactive reading of the three subjects, fiqh, siyÉsah
and maqÉÎid is prompted, to some extent, by the differences of perspective and approach
between them. The rules of fiqh, and those of the applied state law (qÉnËn), are not primarily
concerned with what initiative should one take, or what law or policy should one introduce –
this will be of interest to siyÉsah and maqÉÎid, of course, but not necessarily to fiqh. Fiqh is
primarily concerned with the practical rules of conduct addressed to the competent person
(mukallaf), rules in other words, that already exist and should be implemented. In certain
areas of fiqh, such as in criminal law and family law, the fiqh rules come into play mainly
when an act is committed or a contract is concluded. This is characteristic of all positive law,
which is also largely shared by the fiqh rules, and is on the whole in line with the
requirements of the principle of legality that no act is a crime unless there is an existing law
to say so in advance. This is where fiqh differs with siyÉsah and maqÉÎid, neither of which
would be constrained by such prerequisites. SiyÉsah and maqÉÎid determine what laws and
policies should there be to achieve certain purposes. The maqÉÎid set and articulate those
purposes and siyÉsah designs laws and policies to implement them in the best ways possible.
MaqÉÎid is where theology, philosophy and legal theory meet and interact; it sets vision and
determines the course fiqh and siyÉsah should take.44
There is a natural interface between siyÉsah shar’iyyah and maqÉÎid in regards to a set of
fundamental objectives that the Qur’an has identified. One of these is the principle of the
vicegerency of man in the earth (istikhlÉf fi’l arÌ, al-A’raf, 7:129), which is focused in turn,
on building the earth and its resources (Hud, 11:61) and establishing a just socio-political
order therein. That interface also obtains in regards to human dignity, ‘adl, amÉnah, and
maÎlaÍah, which feature prominently in the Qur’an and are of concern to both to siyÉsah and
maqÉÎid. These are all typically broad and comprehensive and receive detailed coverage in
other Islamic disciplines, including tafsÊr, ÍadÊth and fiqh. The maqÉÎid can help identify the
priorities of relevance to siyÉsah. One who is knowledgeable of the maqÉÎid would be able
to identify, in tafsÊr and hadith, for instance, reports and interpretations that may be weak and
erroneous, and in regards to ijtihad also the strength and weakness of the evidence on which
it may be founded - or indeed the need, as the case may be, to depart from that ijtihad due to
44
Cf., David Johnston, “Yusuf al-Qaradawi’s Purposive Fiqh: promoting or Demoting the Future Role of the
Ulama,” in ed. Adis Duderija, Maqasid al Shari’a and Contemporary Reformist Muslim Thought: An
Examination, New York, N.Y: Palgrave Macmilllan, 2014, p. 44f.
13
subsequent change of conditions and new developments in knowledge.45
Al-Qaradawi’s more
detailed responses to these questions and the role of the maqÉÎid in regards to them is given
in his exposition of fiqh al-awlawiyyÉt, or jurisprudence of priorities. This is another way of
saying, for instance, that the maqÉÎid should naturally prioritise and pay closer attention to
the wÉjib, and the ÍarÉm, before attending to that which may be mandËb or makrËh and
so forth.
Both the maqÉÎid and siyÉsah are concerned, as already noted, with the maÎÉliÍ and mafÉsid.
The policy maker must be careful neither to exaggerate nor underestimate the scope and size
of the maÎlaÍah and mafsadah in real situations, but to take correct positioning in regards
to them and the various combinations in which they occur again in light of the maqÉÎid.
This is the subject of fiqh of muwÉzanÉt, or jurisprudence of measurements and balance. I
begin with an exposition of the fiqh of priorities.
V. Jurisprudence of Priorities (Fiqh al-AwlawiyyÉt)
A maqÉÎid-oriented siyÉsah is bound to be concerned with priorities in the sense of placing
every situation and its relevant guidelines in their due order of priority on the wider scales
of shariah values. What is of greater importance and command priority must naturally come
first, which may, in turn, relegate to a lower order of priority some of the subsidiary rules
and guidelines of shariah. This would be as per normal expectation. Yet the persistent legacy
of imitation (taqlÊd) and hardline fundamentalism have brought about distortions whereby
Muslims began to give priority to minor matters and relegate and neglect matters of greater
importance. One is readily reminded in this connection of the prominence that radical and
hardline conservatives attached to what people wore and ate, the length of one’s beard and
the detailed expressions of concern over women’s clothing and appearance. These became
the focus of attention at the expense often of larger issues of much greater importance, such
as good governance, social justice, economic development, combating poverty and corruption
in the Muslim lands. Such attention to minutiae did not fail to convey the wrong impression
as if all Islam cared about was clothes and food, matters that had little to do with the
priorities of Islam, of our time and age, and the higher objectives of shari’ah.
The jurisprudence of priorities is closely associated in turn with fiqh of muwÉzanÉt
(explained below) as careful measurement and comparative assessment also lead to
ascertaining priorities for purposes of decision making. Al-Qaradawi mentions in this
connection that when he first used the expression fiqh al-awlawiyyÉt, some people
disapprovingly commented that all of the decisive rules of shari’ah are awlawiyyÉt, and that a
holistic approach was what the shari’ah demanded. Are we going to accept some of the
shari’ah as priority and relegate the rest to lower ranks? Qaradawi acceded in principle to say
that we do not have the choice to pick and choose between the decisive injunctions of
shari’ah in the sphere, for instance, of ÍalÉl and ÍarÉm, but to accept the whole of shari’ah,
adding however, that this was not what fiqh al-awlawiyyÉt had meant. As for ascertaining and
prioritising certain aspects of the shariah, this is what the shari’ah itself has done with regard
to its own rulings and aÍkÉm: the obligatory (wÉjib, farÌ) is not of the same rank as the
recommendable (mandËb), nor is the prohibited (ÍarÉm) the same as that which is
reprehensible (makrËh). 46
45
Cf., Abdullah b. Yusuf al-Juday’, “MaqÉÎid al-Shari’ah,” (unpublished) doctoral dissertation, University of
Oslo, 2014/ 1435, pp. 25-26. 46
Yusuf al-Qaradawi, al SiyÉsah al-Shar’iyyah fi Öaw’ NuÎËÎ al-SharÊÑah wa MaqÉÎiduhÉ, 2nd
edn., Cairo:
Maktabah Wahbah, 1426/2005, p. 307.
14
Furthermore, it is established by the testimony of the Qur’an that belief (‘aqÊdah) takes
priority over action (‘amal) , but since the belief itself necessitates prior knowledge of the
subject matter of that belief, then knowledge precedes belief/ÑaqÊdah, and becomes a
priority of the first order. There is an inherent interdependence between knowledge and faith
in Islam, which is clearly upheld in the Qur’an, including for instance, in the following
verse: “Those who are endowed with knowledge may know that the (Qur’an) is the Truth
from thy Lord and may believe it so, hence their hearts surrender and become open to it.”
(al-Hajj, 22:54)
The ÑulamÉ’ have further maintained that the intellect (‘aql) is the foundation of received
knowledge (naql), so much so that without the instrumentality of ‘aql, the articles of faith
could not have a reliable base or audience. This also explains why the faith of a total imitator
(muqallid) who does not comprehend what he imitates is doubtful and unreliable.47
A certain
order of priorities would also flow from this: priority of understanding over memorisation,
priority of ijtihad over taqlÊd, and priority of the definitive over the speculative rulings of
shari’ah. A certain order of priority is also ascertained at almost every level of the maqÉÎid
themselves. The essential (ÌarËriyyÉt) thus take priority over the complementary (ÍÉjjiyyÉt)
and the embellishments (taÍsÊniyyÉt). This is also the case with regard to the five essentials
themselves wherein priority is given to the protection of religion, then of life, then ‘aql, then
lineage and finally property.48
The definitive maqÉÎid (qaÏ’iyyah) also take priority over those which are based on
interpretation and probability (i.e Ðanniyyah), and the primary maqÉÎid (maqÉÎid aÎliyyah)
take priority over those which are subsidiary (far’iyyah), just as the Lawgiver’s maqÉÎid
(maqÉÎid al-shÉri’) take priority over those of the individual (maqÉÎid al-mukallaf) and so
forth. This order of priorities, as also many others, may not be absolute and not always
clear-cut as the value points therein may overlap and become, at least partially, an extension
of one another, especially in real life situations. Yet constructing a certain order of priorities
is useful for purposes of resolving possible conflicts arising between them, and the allocation
also of available resources for their implementation by the state authorities and policy
makers.
It is not advisable, for instance, for the state officials in charge of trade and commerce, to
invest in, or even allow, the production and import of embellishments, such jewellery and
cosmetics, while there is a persistent shortfall of the ÌarËriyyÉt, such as essential foodstuffs
and medicine in the market. It is similarly not allowed to allocate resources to production of
luxury food varieties and fruits, while the people cannot find enough staples such as wheat
and rice in the marketplace.49
Shari’ah’s order of priority is also well-known with regard to the priority of farÌ ‘ayn
(personal obligation) over fard kifÉyah (collective obligation), and that of the obligatory over
the supererogatory (farÉ’iÌover nawÉfil) - and in the negative order, of the prevention of
47
Ibid., 310. 48
This is the conventional order of ÌarËriyyÉt, although a minority of scholars, including the present writer are
of the view that protection of life may be put the first in this order, simply because without life all other
maqÉÎid would collapse. The conventional argument that religion comes first because life is sacrificed for the
sake of protecting religion is weak – as life is also scarified for protection of other values, such as property,
and in fact for most of the other daruriyyat. 49
Cf., Qaradawi, al- SiyÉsah, 313.
15
harm over the procurement of benefit.50
In a similar vein, prevention of infidelity (kufr) takes
priority over prevention of major sins (al-kabÉ’ir), and prevention of minor transgressions
(al-saghÉ’ir) takes priority over prevention of doubtful matters (al-shubuhÉt) and so forth.51
All of these priorities provide indicators for understanding of what the shari’ah values most
and what it does not - and indicators also for siyÉsah decision makers and those in charge of
allocation of resources to take them into account for purposes of implementation.
To illustrate the priority of farÌ ‘ayn over fard kifÉyah, it is reported that when a man came
to the Prophet, pbuh, and informed him of his intention to join the jihad, he was asked a
question: “is either of your parents alive?” to which the man replied that both of them were.
The Prophet then told him: “go back and serve them - that is your jihad.”52
This is because
jihad is a collective obligation, which is, in principle, fulfilled if only some members of the
community performed it, whereas being good to one’s parents (birr al-wÉlidayn) is farÌ ‘ayn
addressed to everyone without exception, and takes priority over jihad.
VI. Jurisprudence of Measurement and Balance (Fiqh al-MuwÉzanÉt)
It is important for siyÉsah to focus on the prospects of benefit and harm (maÎlaÍah &
mafsadah) that affect people’s lives. Benefits and harms are relative and circumstantial for
the most part and often mixed, such that a pure benefit or harm become a rarity in real life
situations. The actual conditions surrounding benefits and harms may thus need to be
carefully weighed against the odds that may be pulling in different directions. On occasions
when government leaders find themselves confronted with a mixture of harms and benefits
and need to make decisions, they naturally face questions as to which to be given preference,
which criteria should they be judged by and whether there are guidelines that can be
employed to resolve conflicts.
The subject before us is addressed in uÎËl al-fiqh under the rubric of conflict and preference
(al-ta’ÉruÌ wa’l-tarjÊÍ- or al-ta’Édul wa’l-tarjÊÍ). Al-Qaradawi has used the expression
instead of fiqh al-muwÉzanÉt, which he says has found general acceptance. Several scenarios
are envisaged as follows:
1- Comparison and measurement of the relative weight and scope of various benefits
with a view to ascertaining which should be given preference and which may be
ignored.
2- Comparison and measurement of harms in relationship to one another, especially
when all cannot be avoided and a decision has to be made as to which to be tolerated.
3- Comparison and measurement in situations of conflicting benefits and harms, and
ascertaining when prevention of a certain harm is to be given priority over
procurement of a benefit, or when a harm is to be tolerated in order to realise a
benefit.
50
This is the purport of the legal maxim that “prevention of harms take priority over the procurement of
benefits” (dar’ al-mafÉsid awlÉ min jalb al-manÉfi’). 51
Al-shubÍÉt or mashbËhÉt refer mainly to grey areas on which clear evidence is not available one way or
another. For instance, when a person avoids consumption of imported chicken from a Muslim country on
suspicion that it may not have been slaughtered properly. Another example, a person avoids giving testimony
over what he knows but merely doubts himself in case he says something that might cause harm. 52
This and a similar other hadith are both cited in Qaradawi, al SiyÉsah, 314. In this latter hadith a man came to
the Prophet and said “I came to join the jihad while both my parents were weeping.” He was ordered to “return
and try to make them smile just as you made them weep.”
16
The general guidelines of shari’ah maintain that the benefits of the this world may be
sacrificed if it means securing that of the Hereafter, and a private benefit should give way to
public benefit in the event of a direct conflict between them - in which case the individual or
private party concerned is entitled to fair compensation for the loss or harm inflicted as a
result. In a similar vein, benefits that are permanent or long- term take preference over ones
that may be temporary and passing. Then also a certain (yaqÊnÊ) benefit takes priority over
that which may be probable or doubtful (ÐannÊ); and a genuine (ÍaqÊqÊ) benefit is also
preferred when it falls into conflict with a specious (wahmÊ) one.53
To illustrate a genuine, as opposed to a specious, benefit, a reference is made to the peace
pact of Hudaybiyyah, which the Prophet, pbuh, signed with the Quraysh of Makkah in the
year 5 A.H. The latter proposed conditions which were one-sided and aroused criticism
among the leading Companions,54
who complained about them to the Prophet, yet the
Prophet went ahead to accept the proposed conditions as he saw Hudaybiyyah opening the
door to many long-term advantages for Muslims, and history actually proved him right.55
The
message of this illustration is that when in doubt, leaders and decision makers should not
make superficial decisions, but ascertain and distinguish the genuine maÎlaÍah from that
which may be pleasing yet specious and superficial. While the Prophet had access to Divine
revelation, Muslim political leaders are advised to consult the experts and community leaders
to ascertain the situation. Our discussion of the classification of maqÉÎid above would also
help provide relevant pointers to the question of prioritisation of maqÉÎid in conflicting
situations.
There are a number of legal maxims of fiqh (qawÉ’id kulliyyah fiqhiyyah) that provide useful
guidelines on benefits and harms. Some of these are derived from the clear text and evidence
of the Qur’an or hadith, in which case they command higher authority. A much larger number
of legal maxims have also been added in course of time by Muslim jurists and thought leaders
through induction and general observation of scattered evidence in the sources - the total
number thus reaching about 1,200 legal maxims. Legal maxims are usually epithetic and
brief, devoid of detail as they seek to deliver a general message succinctly often in a few
words. But since some of them are based on inductive reasoning, they may not be equally
authoritative as the ones based on clear scripture.
The hadith-cum-legal maxim that “Harm may neither be inflicted nor reciprocated in Islam”56
is the most prominent on the subject and has also become the matrix of a number of other
maxims on maÎlaÍah, mafsadah and Ìarar. The obvious meaning of the maxim before us is
that no one may harm another person, animal, property etc., but when harm is inflicted,
whether by accident or design, on another, the party/parties so harmed may not take the law
unto his own hands and inflict an equivalent harm, as it were, but to seek relief through due
53
See for details al-Qaradawi, al SiyÉsah al SharÑiyyah, 301-302. 54
The Hudaybiyyah pact thus stipulated: if anyone migrated from Makkah to the Muslim side in Madinah, he or
she must be returned, but they refused to accept a reciprocal condition in favour of the Muslim side. The
Quraysh also objected the reference ‘Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah’ in the text of the treaty and insisted
that it should be changed to ‘Muhammad b. ‘Abd Allah,’ to which the Prophet also agreed. 55
Qaradawi, al SiyÉsah, 302. 56
Hadith-cum-legal maxim is featured in 100 most salient legal maxims that constitute the introductory chapter
to the Ottoma Mejelle (Art. 19. See for details of the fiqhi treatment of this maxim Kamali, Shari’ah Law 148f).
Most of the examples found in the fiqh sources of the application of this maxim tend to relate, however, to
instances of harm among individuals. Corporate bodies and states are not in focus. I have tried to move forward
and look into the implications of some of these maxims into the public domain as the subject before us would
indicate.
17
process. The maxim under review is broadly worded in an unqualified language so as to
include all manner of harms that fall within its purview. Harm inflicted on another may thus
include the personal safety, rights, properties, honour, social and professional standing of
persons, corporate bodies, communities and states. It is a broad guideline of considerable
import on peaceful living and co-existence in a law-abiding society. The hadith-cum-maxim
is also broad enough to include all aspects of harm, regardless of the specifics of the
perpetrator, the victim, circumstances and factors.
The objectivity of the maxim before us is further endorsed in another legal maxim which
simply provides: “Harm must be eliminated – al-Ìararu yuzÉl,” – again without any further
details or qualifications. Harm must not be inflicted in the first place, but when it is inflicted,
then all measures should be taken to eliminate it, and in doing so there is to be no
discrimination between poor, rich, man woman, powerful and weak. All are equal in their
entitlement to due process, remedy and compensation.
According to another maxim on Ìarar, “A greater harm is eliminated by tolerating a lesser
one” (al-Ìarar al-ashadd yuzÉlu bi’l-Ìarar al-akhaff); and a parallel other maxim which has
it that “harm to an individual is tolerated in order to prevent harm to the general public”
(yutaÍammalu al-Ìarar al-khaÎÎ li-daf’ al-Ìarar al-‘Émm).57
Both of these are supplementary
to the above-quoted hadith-cum-maxim of lÉ-Ìarar. For example, a factory that releases
harmful substances into air or water may be stopped, or the harm it causes may be suppressed
to the extent necessary, even if doing so may involve harm to the factory owner. To give
another example, Islamic law permits compelling the debtor, or one who is responsible to
support his family and close relatives, to fulfil their obligations, even if this would involve
inflicting some harm or hardship on them.58
But when harm is inflicted, it must be ascertained, quantified and measured accurately to
provide a valid basis of legal action. The remedial measures that follow must also be realistic
and proportionate. This is the import of a subsidiary maxim which declares that “Harm is
eliminated to the extent possible” and within reasonable bounds (al-Ìararu yuzÉl bi-qadr al-
imkÉn).59
For example if the harm emanating from a plant that releases poisonous substances
can be stopped by closing a certain section of the factory, or by making other adjustments
that would stop the harm in question, that would be the right course to take, rather than
shutting the whole factory altogether. That said, a siyÉsah-based decision may well take a
different course, depending on the circumstances of the case: the authorities may decide to
teach a lesson to others and to that extent exceed perhaps the limits of proportionality so as to
stem a spreading mischief from recurring. According to yet another legal maxim, “Harm may
not be eliminated by its equivalent: al-Ìararu lÉ-yuzÉlu bi-mithlihi”, which is self-evident in
what it says.60
Most of the legal maxims cited above are rational statements and guidelines that receive
shari’ah’s stamp of approval. Rationality alone is not always enough, however, to provide the
basis of court judgment - hence the need for authoritative guidelines to judicial relief and
suitable action by other law enforcement agencies.
57
The Mejelle (Art. 26).See also al-Barekati, QawÉ’id al-Fiqh, 88 and 139. 58
Cf., Kamali, Shari’ah law, 147. 59
Cf., al-Qaradawi, al SiyÉsah, 302. 60
The Mejelle (art. 25.
18
Legal maxims are broadly designed to facilitate a better understanding of shari’ah; they are
useful aids to decision making and ijtihad. They also relate closely to the maqÉÎid of shari’ah,
so much so that they were, for a long time, regarded as an extension of the maqÉÎid and
treated as part thereof, until they were separated at a later stage. But even so, legal maxims
are generally not binding on the courts unless the maxim in question is derived from the
Qur’an and hadith, or supported by general consensus.61
This is in contrast, however, with the
Maliki jurist, al-Qarafi’s (d.1283/684) opinion who held that a judicial decision is reversible
if it violates a generally accepted maxim.62
The following questions will help illustrate the nexus between siyÉsah and maqÉÎid and the
relevance of legal maxims in that regard. They tend to arise in the context both of domestic
and foreign relations:
Is it acceptable for Muslims to enter an alliance with non-Muslim powers?
Is it acceptable to participate, take employment, or play a role in a non-Islamic
government, or one whose constitution is not in harmony with Islamic principles?
Should a Muslim join a totally secular political party in order to topple a deviant
and oppressive government?
Is it acceptable to establish Islamic economic and financial institutions in a
predominantly usurious (ribawÊ) economy?
Is it permissible for Muslims to take employment with conventional banks and
media organisations that contravene Islamic norms and are hostile to Islam?
Considered responses to these questions would demand looking into the relative merits and
demerits of each in the context of a particular country, institution or locality, as the case may
be, fuller details on which would fall beyond the scope of this presentation. Yet while
discussing some of these questions, al-Qaradawi makes references to Ibn Taymiyyah’s views
regarding the permissibility of taking employment, even leadership positions (al-wilÉyÉt), in
an oppressive government if this would help reduce the scope of oppression or the extent of
the corruption and harm that would otherwise be expected to continue. A reference is also
made to Abu’l A’la Mawdudi’s views on women’s leadership when questions arose in the
context of an election contest in Pakistan: who should be elected to leadership: Fatimah Jinah
or Ayub Khan? While those who opposed voting for a woman cited the hadith: “a people
whose affairs are led by a woman shall not attain success” (lan yufliÍ qawmun wallË
amrahum imra’atun), al-Qaradawi poses a parallel question that begs an answer: “would a
people attain prosperity and success if they were to be led by an oppressive tyrant!” -
obviously implying that Islam’s opposition to tyranny is far more potent than its opposition
to women’s leadership, for the hadith so cited was not only contextual but also less than
61
Cf., Subhi Mahmassani, Philosophy of Jurisprudence in Islam - Falsafat al-TashrÊ’ fi’l-IslÉm, Eng tr. Farhad
Ziadeh, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1961, p. 152; Mustafa Ahmad al-Zarqa, Sharh al-Qawa’id al-Fiqhiyyah, 2nd
Edition,
Damascus: Dar al-Qalam, 1989, 34. 62
Shihab al-Din al-Qarafi, Kitab al-Uruq, vol. 4, p. 40. See also Jamal al-Din ‘Atiyyah, al-TanÐÊr al-FiqhÊ, 208.
19
definitive.63
Relevant information to some of these questions can also be found in al-
Qaradawi’s other book Min Fiqh al-Dawlah fi’l-IslÉm.64
VII. Jurisprudence of Change (Fiqh al-TaghyÊr)
The main question addressed in this section is this: what needs to be kept and protected, and
where and how one may need to attempt a change so as to realise a maÎlaÍah or protect the
people against harm? This is the subject of the jurisprudence of change (fiqh al-taghyÊr), and
Islam’s characteristic approach to change is that of gradualness (al-tadarruj) as opposed to
sweeping departures and revolutions.
Change for a good purpose, and changing that which is undesirable for something better
that would help bringing the people closer to salÉÍ, prosperity and success is of crucial
importance for public policy and siyÉsah, just as it is for the maqÉÎid, and indeed a great deal
of the substantive guidelines of shari’ah. Change for the better thus lies at the centre of the
shari’ah concepts both of maÎlaÍah, and juristic preference (istiÍsÉn), both of which are in
many ways characteristic of the shari’ah itself. For they both imply a persistent engagement
and quest for finding better solutions to issues, and in pursuit of building a more humane
civilisation in conformity with the Qur’anic assignment of i’mar al-arÌ.65
Certain changes
may be necessary and not just preferable by way of improving an existing status quo. The
political systems and constitutions, for instance, that many Muslim countries inherited from
colonial times may be necessary to change if certain aspects of that system or constitution
prove to be unacceptable to shari’ah. Change for the better is an integral principle also of
ijtihÉd, and constitutes the central message, of course, of the fiqh legal maxim that “Change
of the aÍkÉm is undeniable with the change of times,”(lÉ yunkaru taghyÊr al-aÍkÉm bi-taghyÊr
al-azmÉn).66
Those of the fiqh rules that are based on ijtihad and prevailing maÎlaÍah of the time of their
origin are changeable with the change of time when they no longer secure the maÎlaÍah they
had contemplated in the first place. This is also the case with the rules of fiqh based on
custom, which become liable to change with the change of that custom. The scholastic works
of the madhÉhib are generally cognisant of these positions, as in the following illustration. In
a report from ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab or ‘Umar Abd al-‘Aziz (reporter is not certain), it is said
that a ruling was made for the dhimmis to wear a distinctive colour of clothing so as to
distinguish them from Muslims. This was necessary in situations, for instance, of sudden
death when they were treated like Muslims regarding funeral rites and burial places - which
were later found unacceptable by their relatives. This was considered maÎlaÍah at the time,
but the situation has changed in modern times such that people of different faiths live in
pluralistic societies in many Muslim countries, often in very large numbers, and the
distinction between them is now facilitated by the identity card that shows the personal
63
Qaradawi, al-Siyasah al-Shar’iyyah, 3004-305. The hadith on women’s leadership was uttered in a context:
this was when the Prophet was informed that a woman had become the Chosroe of Persia, and he uttered this
hadith in response. The hadith is, moreover, not conveyed in the language of prohibition but more likely of
preference. 64
Yusuf al-Qaradawi, Min Fiqh al-Dawlah fi’l-IslÉm: makÉnatuhÉ, ma’ÉlimuhÉ, tabÊ’atuhÉ, mawqifuhÉ min al-
dimuqraÏiyyah wa’l-ta’addudiyyah wa’l-mar’ah wa ghayr al-muslimÊn, Cairo: Dar al-Shuruq, 1997/1417,
especially pp. 147, and 177f. 65
See for details on istiÍsÉn, Mohammad Hashim Kamali, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, Cambridge:
Islamic Texts Society, Ch. 8 (pp. 323-351); see also idem., “Istihsan or the Renewal of Islamic Law,” Islamic
Studies 43 (2004), 561-581. 66
Mujallat al-Ahkam al-Adliyyah (Art. 39).
20
details of its bearer, and which applies equally to Muslims and non-Muslims alike.67
This is
the maÎlaÍah –cum-maqÎad now and it is more in line with the spirit of equality and social
harmony that the shari’ah advocate.
Change of rules in line with the change of custom and conditions of time and place may be
illustrated as follows: when ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (d. 101/720) was governor of Madinah,
he adjudicated some cases brought to him based on the testimony of one witness and a
solemn oath by the plaintiff, and did not insist on having two witnesses, which is the
standard proof. But when he became caliph and moved to Damascus, he changed that
position and demanded two upright witnesses for proof of claims in every case. When he was
asked a question on this, his reply was that he found the people of Syria different to those of
Madinah.68
To what extent is it true to say, however, that we need to change the modern political system
and status quo in order to make them Islamic? This is the question al-Qaradawi raises toward
the end of his book on siyÉsah and maqÉÎid. His begins his response with a note of caution ,
however, regarding unrealistic expectations some Muslims may have - that as soon as a
country adopts an Islamic system of rule, or siyÉsah shar’iyyah, all will be well and the
institutions of state will be renewed and replaced with Islamic alternatives. This is unrealistic,
just as it is also an exaggeration to say that all of the political status quo need to be changed
in order to become Islamic. In reality only some basic changes may be necessary, whereas
other changes may be piecemeal and need-based. Take the modern judiciary for instance. In
answer to a question as to what needs to be changed in order to make a modern judiciary
Islamic - it is said that the existing judiciary in many Muslim countries will most likely
continue and remain as an independent organ of state, and if possible, its independence
should be strengthened further. All the courts and their various divisions into civil, criminal,
commercial, administrative etc., would also most likely remain as they are, and so would be
the case with a three-tiered judiciary, which will also be left intact. All that may need to
change would probably involve aspects of the existing laws that should be carefully
examined to ensure their harmony with the maqÉÎid of shari’ah, and may be also to bring
corresponding changes in the training of judges and lawyers.69
In determining the scope and manner of change in the existing rules of shari’ah, the leader
and those in charge of community affairs should clearly distinguish between that which is
changeable and that which is immutable and permanent and (i.e, thawÉbit wa mutaghayyirÉt)
in the value order of Islam. Certain aspects Islam, especially in the sphere of ‘aqÊdah,
‘ibÉdah, mandatory injunctions (wÉjibÉt) and prohibitions (muÍarramÉt), are unchangeable.
The scope of change is also limited with regard to qat’iyyÉt and muqaddarÉt, although
possibilities may exist for fresh interpretation and ijtihad to incorporate changes for
improvement in their administration in light, for example, of modern scientific methods and
inventions that may involve adjustments without affecting their substance. The scope of
change is fairly wide, on the other hand, with regard to civil transactions, fiscal policy,
siyÉsah-based decisions, and that which is based on ‘urf, maÎlaÍah and ijtihad, criminal law
and procedure, international affairs and the like. Change in all cases should aim at promoting
the maqÉÎid of shari’ah, especially the prevention of harm and realisation of benefit and
67
Yusuf al-Qaradawi, al SiyÉsah al-Shar’iyyah fi Öaw’ NuÎËÎ al-SharÊÑah wa MaqÉÎiduhÉ, 2nd
, Cairo:
Maktabah Wahbah, 1426/2005, p.288. 68
Shaykh ‘Ali Hasbullah, UÎËl al-TashrÊ’ al-IslÉmÊ, Egypt: Dar al-Ma’arif, 1976, 84-85; Qaradawi, SiyÉsah,
288. 69
Cf., Qaradawi, al SiyÉsah, 324-325.
21
maÎlaÍah to the people.70
On the principles of government such as consultation (shËrÉ),
equality, basic rights and liberties, the Qur’an and hadith are characteristically brief and
devoid of specific details. General principles are laid down and it is for the community and its
leaders, the ÑulË’l-amr, to elaborate them in light of the people’s needs and prevailing
conditions of the time.71
An issue has arisen with regard to the Hanbali scholar, Najmuddin al-Tufi’s (d. 1316/716)
views on maÎlaÍah. He wrote in a treatise entitled, al-MaÎÉliÍ al-Mursalah, which is in fact
a commentary on the hadith “lÉ Ìarar wa lÉ-ÌirÉr,” and has allegedly held, based on this
hadith, that maÎlaÍah can override the clear naÎÎ. That this hadith is a clear text on maÎlaÍah
and should there arise a conflict between this text and another, it would be a question of
conflict between two texts.72
Al-Qaradawi takes up this issue and writes with a degree of
emphasis that commentators have sometimes misunderstood al-Tufi and drawn exaggerated
conclusions from his writings, adding that al-Tufi has not stated that maÎlaÍah overrides
definitive injunctions (nuÎËÎ). What al-Tufi has held is that maÎlaÍah qualifies and specifies
nuÎËÎ which are open to interpretation. The general (‘Éam) and absolute (muÏlaq) of the
Qur’an, which are in principle open to specification and qualification, may indeed be
specified or qualified by maÎlaÍah. Furthermore, al-Tufi has excluded the ‘ibÉdat and
muqaddarÉt from the scope of his discussion on maÎÉliÍ. ‘IbÉdat are well-known, whereas
muqaddarÉt (lit. quantified, measured) refer to injunctions that involve quantities and
numbers, such as the Qur’anic specifications on allotted shares of inheritance to close
relatives, the prescribed penalties of ÍudËd, numbers of repudiation (talÉq), and number of
days in a probation period (‘iddah) the wife may observe following a divorce or death of her
husband and so forth.73
In a chapter entitled ‘taghyÊr al-fatwÉ’ (change of fatwa), Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah (d.
1350/751) expressed concern over a certain misunderstanding of the shari’ah “by those who
have held views, out of ignorance, which inflict hardship and rigidity through laying down
conditions that are unjustified and unsustainable.” The shari’ah is “founded, in roots and
branch, on wisdom and realisation of maÎlaÍah for the people both in this world and the next.
It is justice, mercy and benefit in every part.” Ibn Qayyim continued: “Any ruling that
abandons justice in favour of tyranny, mercy for its opposite, maÎlaÍah for corruption
(mafsadah), and wisdom for futility – would have nothing to do with the shariah, even if it is
shown, by some remote interpretation, to be a part of it.”74
Ibn Qayyim’s teacher, Ibn
Taymiyyah (d.1328/728) also held the view, which is representative of the vast majority of
ÑulamÉ’, that “the shari’ah always contemplates realisation of benefits (al-maÎÉliÍ) for the
people, and aims at minimising corruption and harm (al-mafÉsid), which is why the shari’ah
is fit to be applied to all times and places.”75
70
See for details, Kamali, Shari’ah law, 49-54. 71
Cf., ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Sabuni et al, al- Madkhal al-FiqhÊ wa TÉrÊkh al-TashrÊ’ al-IslÉmÊ, Cairo: Maktabah
Wahbah, 1982/1402, 73. 72
Qaradawi, al SiyÉsah, 256.-257. 73
Ibid., 257. See also for detail on al-Tufi’s views, Kamali, Jurisprudence, 360-361 74
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, I’lÉm al-Muwaqqi’Ên ‘an Rabb al-‘ÓlamÊn, ed. Muhammad Munir al-Dimashqi,
Cairo: Idarah al-Tiba’ah al-Muniriyyah, n.d., vol. 3, p. 1. 75
Taqi al-Din Ahmad ibn Taymiyyah, MinhÉj al-Sunnah al-Nabawiyyah, Egypt: Bulaq: al-Matba’ah al-
Amiriyyah, 1940/1321, vol. 1, p. 147.
22
Conclusion
In tracing the historical developments of siyÉsah and maqÉÎid, this article began with a note
that both of these represented belated developments in the history of Islamic scholarship. This
laps of time naturally meant that a gap had already developed between these and certain other
fields of Islamic learning. Since siyÉsah and maqÉÎid emerged well after the formulation of
the madhÉhib, and the development also of uÎËl al-fiqh, tafsÊr, hadith and fiqh, the linkages
with these other disciplines were not clearly identified in the existing discussions of siyÉsah
and maqÉÎid. The present article has attempted to ascertain those in the sense not only of
explaining the interface between the siyÉsah and maqÉÎid themselves, but also how they
relate to certain other and more mature shed fields of Islamic learning.
The close relationship this article has ascertained between the various disciplines it has
looked at is a testimony also to the unitarian pull of the principle of Divine Oneness (tawhÊd)
which runs deep in shaping Islamic scholarship in almost all of its important manifestations,
and in particular, that they all take from the same sources, namely the Qur’an and Sunnah,
which is the mainstay also of the connectivities that this article has explored.
Leadership is also characteristically monolithic in many ways, a melting pot, as it were, of the
various influences, both objective and subjective, that give leadership its effectiveness. In the
case of siyÉsah, the unitarian influence of tawhÊd and its ramifications on other Islamic
disciplines tend to endorse that and enrich siyÉsah with the input and advice it can take from
both the revealed and rational sources of Islam. This article has asserted that siyÉsah takes its
substance in justice, amÉnah, maÎlaÍah and ijtihad, and then focuses on the protection and
development of a set of essential values that are vital for human survival, prosperity and
success. This represents the sum total of the advice and message of the revealed and rational
evidence we have examined in relationship to siyÉsah and public policy in Islam.