PROGRESS IN

ASIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

(VOLUME 1)

Edited by

Kwok Leung Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong

Uichol Kim Chung-Ang University, South Korea

Susumu Yamaguchi University of Tokyo, Japan

Yoshihisa Kashima La Trobe University, Australia

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Progress in Asian social psychology I edited by Kwok Leung .. let aI.].

p. em. Includes index. ISBN 0-471-24865-7 I. Social psychology--Research-Asia. 2. Asians--Psychology.

3. Social structure--Asia. I. Leung, Kwok, 1958HM251.P747 1997 302' .OT05--dc21 97-15821

CW

Printed in the Republic of Singapore 10987654321

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Chapter 6·

The Concept of Psychological Control in the Asian Context

Weining C. Chang, Wan Loo Chua and Yvonne Toh National University ofSingapore

Abstract

This paper explores the nature and functions of primary and secondary control beliefs found in Asians. A review of relevant Asian cultural factors is presented to argue that the Asian culture presents a background conducive to the development of secondary control, i.e. to change oneself in order to adapt to reality. The secondary part of the paper presents (i) the construction of a primary-secondary control scale; and (ii) two validation studies using the scale. Study I surveyed students' perception of classroom environment and test anxiety. Perceived degree of autonomy in the learning environment was found to be related to both primary and secondary control. Secondary control beliefs were found to help reduce test anxiety. Study II found that secondary control was related to elderly Chinese attitudes toward ageing. Both primary and secondary control beliefs contributed positively to the general health condition of the elderly. Secondary control helped to ameliorate anxiety and somatic symptoms; primary control beliefs contributed to the alleviation of severe depression and social functioning. Results were interpreted to suggest that adaptive outcome depends on the fit between situation appraisal and relevant control beliefs.

Introduction Recently much attention has been focused on the cognitive mediators between stressor and stress responses. Literature in this area suggests the adaptive function of internal locus of control and primary control. This paper will explore an alternative form of control: secondary control and its adaptive function in the Asian context. We will present a survey of relevant cultural factors of Asia and two empirical studies designed on the basis of current understanding of stress and its management, using a primary and secondary scale to test the utility of the concept.

95

96 97 PROGRESS IN ASIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, VOLUME I

Primary and Secondal'y Control

In this context, primary control is defined as a belief that individuals can enhance their welfare by influencing existing realities (e.g. other people, circumstances, symptoms, etc.). Secondary control is defined as the belief that individuals can enhance their welfare by accommodating to existing realities via changing one's ·\f~": cognition, affects and/or behaviors (Weisz et at. 1984a). Psychologists have written , I,,~:'I,';),'F' extensively about psychological control beliefs but generally only defined them in i~' ,I terms of primary control. Many psychologists argue that this emphasis of primary

'.r,l' control reflects a cultural context and value preference in which individual autonomy is heavily emphasized and highly valued. In most Amelican theories and research, a common theme can be identified: that psychological control means that the individual actively seeks to change existing physical, social, or behavioural realities to fit his or her cognition, affect and behaviors. According to this view, individuals who believe that the existing situation cannot be changed or is beyond one's ability or effort to change is pathological in some way, termed learned helplessness (Seligman 1975) or low self-efficacy (Bandura 1977), possibly resulting from low self-esteem.

Rothbaum, Weisz and Snyder (1982) proposed a somewhat broader view. These authors observed that primary control is not the only path to control; there are alternative paths to a sense of control. Individuals sometimes attempt to align themselves with existing realities, leaving the external reality unchanged but exerting control over the psychological impact on the individual. They use the term "secondary control" to refer to a broad range of these alternative paths. Four major types of these alternatives to primary control were suggested by these authors: predictive, vicarious, illusory and interpretive. These four types share a commonality; that is, the individual actively changes some aspects of the self in order to minimize the negative psychological impact and to maximize the potential satisfaction attributable to a stressful event. In this paper we define secondary control as changing one's cognition, affect, or behavior in order to accommodate the existing reality.

Psychologists Azuma (1984) and Kojima (1984) both suggested that primary and secondary control styles do not exhaust the possibilities of styles of control. These Asian scholars felt that the dichotomy of primary and secondary control reflects an American olientation which seems to focus more on the direct assertion ,~",l;:~;f'~~\,: of the individual to change the reality. More importantly, they noted that the

I' J1~~~~/ Japanese, and perhaps other Asians too, often attempt a form of indirect "primary '!,!\'(:'". ~(,Vl"lH,

': lP~~{'!':, :control", that is, changing the world through indirect means. For instance, subtlety :"i\j'.and tact are involved in the Japanese attempt to control the reality. They felt that ,';\~~: there might be a continuum of directness-indirectness in the attempt to control the I)~~',' reality. This rich complexity of control concepts cannot be captured by the plimary ":~:i}\secondary dichotomy. The present authors concur with their opinion that there are ::~~,:y~subtle forms of control that are not easily classified. The definition of secondary ",':.~' ;,'

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ASIAN CONTROL BELIEFS

control used in this report represents only one, and perhaps a more clearer form, of potential subtypes of secondary control.

Some researchers suggest that to relinquish active control over the events indicates leatlled helplessness and therefore is more stress- and anxiety-prone. We propose that a finer differentiation has to be made between those who relinquish active control over events and experience a sense of helplessness, and those who relinquish attempts to change the external reality but maintain an active "control" over the self and are able to change some aspects of the self in order to accommodate the reality. The latter is not "helpless" but represents an alternative path to self-protection. In certain cultural contexts, this form of control is seen both as appropriate and valued. In the present paper we attempt to show that (i) secondaty control is congruent with, and valued by Asian cultures, and (ii) in some situations, for certain outcome indicators it is effective in minimizing the aversive impact of stressful events and can be considered more adaptive.

The Asian World View

Mahler, Greenberg and Hayashi (1981) found that the Japanese were much more likely than Americans to believe that (i) the world is a capricious place where people do not always produce the outcomes they deserve, (ii) individuals can have only limited effectiveness acting alone, and (iii) chance and fate playa major role in shaping the outcomes people experience. In atl eat'lier study, Pat'sons atld Schneider (1974) also found that Japanese, compat'ed with Americans, saw fate and luck as much more influential and perceived themselves as much less able to effect changes in others. Likewise, Laotzu (c., 500 Be) was quoted to have said, "Heaven and Eatth have no mercy and demand myriads of life forms for sacrifice!" (cited in Laotzu 1963). Taoists, Hinduists, Buddhists and the popular belief systems of the Asian countries share a conunon view of the world: one that believes in a natural order of the universe. The individual as an integral patt of the universe has a limited, precharted course in life. It would be healthy for the individual to "flow with" the tide rather than fight it (Murphy & Murphy 1968). Taoists and Buddhists at'e especially against the assertion of the self or the agentic patt of the self in atl attempt to change reality. Taoists and Buddhists, instead, maintain that the way to long-lasting happiness and fulfilment (nirvana) is to have "no self', "no desire" and "no complaints" (Wickramasinghe 1981). This state of perfection and fulfillment can be attained by a change of the self, in terms of the self's cognition, affect and behavior.

This philosophy has profoundly influenced the Asian view of personal loss and gain. It also affects their attitudes towat'd ageing (Jernigan & Jernigan 1992) and other major life events.

98 99 PROGRESS IN ASIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, VOLUME I

Pattern of Daily Life of Asians

Social Structure

Asian societies differ greatly from each other. However, a common pattern can be observed: the emphasis and respect of the collective. Another commonality of the Asian societies is the relatively stable hierarchical stIUcture of the society. Studies of the Chinese (King 1992), the Japanese (Doi 1962), the South and South-East Asians (Geertz 1973; Roland 1988) all point to the highly complex social organization of Asians, where the individual is allocated a specific place within a network of interpersonal relations. Decision-making power, and therefore, the degree of control over external events is unevenly distributed on the basis of the social hierarchy. Different Asian societies may provide different levels of mobility for the individual to negotiate and manoeuvre his or her position in society; but at a given moment of time, the individual's direct, active control over events and otllers is limited by his or her role expectations. The above mentioned situation is definitely not a monopoly of the Asians. However, the tightness of the social organizations and the complexity of the societies make it more salient in Asia. The individuals within the structure are not necessalily completely impotent. But the confines and limits of the control are more obvious to the average Asian. On the other hand, the recognition of such realistic limitation of one's power, a form of secondary control, may be healthy and adaptive.

This general model of social structure is calTied over to the workplace and the school. Studies of Japanese organizations stress the importance of teamwork and interdependence among workers (Vogel 1979). In the work context, individual workers are socialized to derive pride in the team's achievement or to experience satisfaction vicariously from the team or the leader of the team.

Likewise, studies of Chinese industrial organizations also identified an authoritarian culture and interdependence within the organization (Cheng 1992). A recent study conducted in Singapore found that executives of Singaporean companies, compared with their American counterparts, believe less in their employees' capacity for autonomy and more in the necessity of supervision and control over their employees (National Productivity Board/Singapore 1992).

Asian schools and classrooms are more teacher-centered. The higher student-toteacher ratios often make regimentation necessary. Our own survey of perceived classroom environment indicated less perceived autonomy given in the classroom (see Study I in this report).

Position of the Individual

The position of the individual in a Chinese context is paradoxical. For the Chinese, tlle self-other boundary is not blUiTed. The self is perceived as an independent entity but embedded in layers of concentric circles of collectives and is intricately connected with other members in a complex web of relationships (Hsu 1955; Yang 1991).

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In many Asian societies, the self is held responsible for proper behaviors within the collective. In the Confucian, and in MalaylIndonesian societies, the individual self is expected to observe his or her Own place in this complex web of relationships. To fulfil such expectations, the individual has to be keenly aware of the boundary of one's own self, that is, where the self ends and where the others begin.

Therefore, we are not arguing that the individuated self concept does not exist but that the self concept is embedded within ensembles of other individuals (Tu 1985). Within this context, interdependence and reciprocal exchange in affective and matelial support is a central part of the individual's normal everyday life (Doi 1962) and is reflected in the individual's sense of self (Markus and Kitayama 1991).

Pattern of Socialization

Socialization of an Asian often involves learning a complex system of socially prescribed rules and behavioral scripts. To learn to conform to society's normative expectations would, in Benedict's (1946) words, "require subordinating one's will to the ever increasing duties to the neighbours, to family and the country" (p.273) (see also Hsu 1955).

There is sufficient evidence to suggest that the parent-child interaction pattern in Asia is quite different from that observed in the US De Vos (1973) and Vogel and Vogel (1961) have reported that in Japan, parent-child interaction seems to involve "teamwork" between parents, especially the mother and children. Instead of the independent training as emphasized in the West, the Japanese emphasize the development of social sensitivity to the feelings and thoughts of the others in the environment and the ability of "fitting in" to the collective. Summarizing the literature on Japanese childrearing practices relevant to psychological control, Weisz et al. (1984a) also observed that "diverse experiences of satisfaction are achieved via physical and psychological alignment with parents and siblings" (p.958). The Japanese childrearing practice is expected to induce "a capacity in the child to participate vicariously in the experiences and feelings of family members, including their experiences and feelings of control and mastery at school or on the job" (p.958).

Field observations in Java by C. Geertz (1973) and M. Geertz (1974) also highlighted the training of Javanese children to observe the social hierarchy and the affects and behaviors of the others in order to adjust one's own affect and behaviors accordingly.

Studies of the childrealing practices of the Chinese (Ho 1981; Ho & Kan 1984) suggest a pattern of parent-centered, highly stIUctured interaction. As in Japan and in perhaps other Far Eastern countries, this interaction pattern is carried over to the school and to the workplace.

Our recent survey (Tan 1992) of parent-child interaction patterns in Singapore Chinese revealed a mixture of the authoritarian and the authoritative styles

101 100 PROGRESS IN ASIAN SOCIAL PSYCI-IOLOGJ~ VOLUME I

(Baumrind 1971) of parenting. This survey further revealed that the preference for these styles predicts children's locus of control. Authoritative style predicts internal locus of control while the authoritarian styles predicts the attribution to the "powerful" others.

Reviewing the previously mentioned literature, two emphases can be identified to be intrinsic in Asian socialization: (i) heightened awareness of the context; and (ii) active discipline of the self to fit in. Socialization of Asians can then be seen as a process whereby the individual learns about his or her social context and develops a sensitivity toward others' cognition, affects and behaviors. The self in the context is seen as an active agent attempting to adjust his or her perception, behavior and affect in order to be an integral palt of the general environment.

Control Beliefs in the Asian Context

The above mentioned aspects of the Asian society point to values and expectations that will favor a situation-sensitive attribution style. This style of attribution may reflect a realistic recognition of the social environment in which the Asians operate. Within this context, it is logical to deduce that the Asian may develop a combination of both primary and secondary control beliefs depending on what the situation is perceived to be.

It is proposed that both primary and secondary control beliefs are adaptive. However, their effectiveness may depend on the nature of the individual event, e.g. primary control may be more effective in the actual management of events. Secondary control may be more helpful in dealing with the psychological impact of the same event.

Asians refer to a much broader population than Chinese. For the empirical part of the report, the term "Chinese" will be used. Data for the empirical study were collected from Chinese subjects in Singapore.

A Modified n'ansactional Model

It is further hypothesized that the locus of control - or more precisely, control beliefs concerning the origin of control - is not a rigid personality trait in the Chinese. A well-adjusted individual may assess the situation and invoke different control beliefs. We propose that the concept of control, or the control belief in operation at a given moment; represents a control-situation fit. It is suggested that a Chinese subject normally possesses multiple control beliefs, including both primary and secondary control beliefs. A "working" control belief is evoked by the perceived demand of the situation.

Based on these assumptions, it is hypothesized that secondary control beliefs will be more salient when the situation is interpreted to mean that control of external events is impossible or unnecessary. We chose two situations to test these hypotheses: academic failure and ageing. For academic failure, we chose a scenario in which the failure is in the past, the grades cannot be changed in spite of the

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individual's effort. We chose ageing, because, in the light of Taoist, Buddhist beliefs, transitions in life are viewed as "seasons" in nature and as natural processes. Individual's are advised to accept them gracefully. Therefore, we hypothesize that the Chinese elderly may have a more positive attitude toward ageing, viewing it as a natural process (Jernigan & Jernigan 1992) and trying to accommodate themselves to the changing biological and social realities of ageing.

A few studies conducted in the US reported better adjustment by renouncing direct control. These studies typically were conducted in situations where the realistic control over the stressful event or condition is minimum, such as in cancer wards or with tenllinal patients (Burgess Norris & Pettingale 1988; Christensen Turner & Smith 1991). Women seem to fare better with ageing, according to another study (Felton & Kahana 1974; Circirelli 1987), because women in normal circumstances do not expect as much control over their environment as men. These studies, taken together, seem to suggest a control-situation congruence in producing adaptive outcomes. That is, there is no particular control belief that is consistently more adaptive than others. Different situations seem to call for different kinds of control beliefs. Individuals who have multiple control beliefs may be more advantageous in that they can select among a recipe of control beliefs the ones that will be more adaptive in a given situation or a given time (Heckausen & Schulz 1993).

This argument seems to be in line with Lazarus and Folkman (I 984)'s Transactional Model of stress. According to this model, stress response is incun'ed when the individual appraises the situation in terms of self relevance - primary appraisal - and the possibility of control over the situation - secondary appraisal. We suggest that secondary control belief comes into play after secondary appraisal. By resigning to the judgment that the situation is beyond the individual's control, the individual may result in changing himself or herself to minimize the stressful impact and maximize his or her welfare in an aversive situation.

Cross-cultural studies are scanty in this area. Only recently have there been some studies on cultural differences in preference for primary or secondary control beliefs (Essau 1992; Seginer, Trommsdorf & Essau 1993) between Malaysians, Israelies, North Americans and Germans. Collectivism and modernity have been cited as the underlying cultural differences for the differential preferences.

Using the Transactional Model as a framework, we suggest that cultural factors (see Figure 6.1), such as the Asian's conceptualization of self, other-oriented values and holistic world views will influence both the primary and secondary appraisal processes and make them more conducive to secondary control.

This conceptual model, incorporating macrocultural factors, such as world views, belief systems, etc., as well as microindividual variables such as perception and evaluation of potential stressors, the control beliefs of the individual and the potential adaptive outcomes.

To fully test this model would require accumulated evidence from multiple studies. Our literature review provides background information about the existence

103

Figure 6.1 A modified Transactional Model

and efficacy of primary and secondary control beliefs. Direct empirical tests of cultural factors are beyond the scope of the present report. The empirical study presented in the following paragraph represents our first step towards exploring the concept of psychological control beliefs in an Asian context - Singapore. The objectives of this empirical study are:

(i) to explore the construct of primary and secondary control beliefs and to construct a measure for such a construct; and

(ii) to test the validity of the scale by analyzing its function in two studies involving two different samples of junior college students and the Chinese :;'1:1\; elderly, with their respective prevalent stressors: a classroom test and the "'I'J':~.:'!~~J'

',':",l'l'"1,«", •ageing experiences. Appropriate adaptive outcomes, test anxiety and '.;;,~,\' ,"'.,1 I,,,;~f?~ " .~',.f~."." \':general health conditions were used as indicators of the efficacy of control

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~I 104 PROGRESS IN ASIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, VOLUME I ASIAN CONTROL BELIEFS

~. 105j ,.Table 6.1 Ptimary control scale items ; ~/ . Table 6.2a Secondary control scale items ~"';""'", I ':-'.1PRIMARY CONTROL SCALE Alpha if item deleted Secondary control scale Alpha if items delete 3. I try to come up with a plan of action to alter the situation. 0.84 5. I talk to someone who can tell me something concrete about how to deal with it. 0.84 ~, Cognitive subscale 8. I pray to some spirituaIJpowerful being whom I believe can change the situation. 0.84 1. I look for something good in that which has happened. 0.73 9. I think hard about how to change the situation to suit myself. 0.84 ~" 2. I regard the event as an opportunity for me to learn more about life. 0.71

II. I talk to somebody who has the power to change the situation. 0.83 f.~ 4. I interpret the event as a chance to build up my determination. 0.72 15. I find out the cause in order to deal directly with the problem. 0.84 6. I interpret the event as an opening for increasing my ability to overcome greater 17. I seek help from somebody who has the authority to bring about a change to the situation. 0.83 i':·

problems in the future. 0.71 20. I pray to some spiritual/powerful being for power and wisdom to do something to i~; 7. I try to see it in a different light, to make it seem more positive. 0.71

the situation. 0.85 25. I intel1,retthe event as a learning experience because not everyone gets to experience it. 0.7 I 22. I concentrate my efforts on doing something about it. 0.83 ~,~{ 31. r interpretlhe event as an opportunity for me to grow as a person. 0.7123. I take additional action to try to get rid of the problem. 0.83

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PROGRESS IN ASIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, VOLUME 1

Table 6.2b Factor analysis (varimax) of the secondary control scale

Factor loadings Items

31. I interpret the event as an opportunity for me to grow as a person. 0.77

35. 1 interpret the event as part of the process of learning more about myself. 0.75

2. I regard the event as an opportunity for me to learn more about life.

25. 1 interpret the event as a learning experience because not everyone

gets to experience it.

6. I interpret the event as an opening for increasing my ability to

overcome greater problems in the future.

4. I interpret the event as a chance to build up my detel1uination.

7. I try to see it in a different light. to make it seem more positive.

1. I look for something good in that which has happened.

14. I find that what has happened has already happened...no point

brooding over it.

16. I find it best to accept the reality of the fact that it has happened.

10. I accept that it has happened.

12. I accept thaI it cannot be changed.

13. I tell myself that though I cannot control the situation, I can still

control the impact it has on me.

27. I find that wonying about the event can bring me no where...what has

happened has happened.

18. I lind it pointless to try to change the situation.

21. I pray to God to feel comforted.

29. I try to find comfort in my religion.

19. I try to alter my expectations so as to avoid future disappointments.

24. I talk to my friends to feel comforted.

32. I try to change myself to fit in to the situation.

Variance accounted for by each factor: 21.5% 12.0% 9.1% 5.8%

Note: Factor 1 = cognitive; Factor 2Colltrol = affective; Factor 3 = religious; Factor 4 = behavioral

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Instruments •"~1 In addition to the Primary-Secondary Control Scale, the following three scales were ?"~~~).: .. used. ,)~ i

,~~}~r: . 1. Concurrent control measure: Multidimensional-multiattributional Causality ;~~

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internality and externality of control may vary with the type of events at hand. Furthennore, instead of constl1ling internality and externality as the opposing ends ",,\}i

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of one continuum, this scale operationalizes them as parallel concepts and they are, therefore, not incompatible with each other. We found that this conceptualization agrees with our observation of the Chinese in that there might be multiple control beliefs depending on the situation.

This selection was further reinforced by our test of the reliability of the measure. MMCS was piloted with a group of thirty university students in Singapore. Cronbach alphas for the subscales were: Achievement (0.81), Affiliation (0.81), Achievement-internal (0.85), Achievement-external (0.89), Affiliation-internal (0.79) and Affiliation-external (0.81). All of the alphas were quite high and within the acceptable range.

2. Perception of situation: Individual Classroom Environment Questionnaire (ICEQ)

The ICEQ was developed by Fraser as a result of research carried in Australia (Burden & Fraser 1993). Since its initial development, the instl1lment has been used extensively in the academic sphere. Validation of the scale has been carried out in Indonesia, India, Thailand, the Netherlands and the USA (Burden & Hornby 1989). This questionnaire attempts to look into the essential aspects of the learning environments through teacher and pupils' perceptions of the degree allowed for "open-learning". Open-leaming is defined as an environment where students' active participation in an open-ended, independent fashion is encouraged. In other words, an open-learning environment would signal more room for control by the student. Students are known to perceive different degrees of autonomy - open-leaoting in any given classroom. It is hypothesized that the more autonomy one perceives in the classroom, the more likely the student will invoke primary control. On the other hand, the less autonomy one perceives in the classroom, the more likely the individual will invoke secondary control.

3. Adaptive outcome: Test Anxiety Inventory The TAl was first developed by Spielberger in 1980. The version used in the cuo'ent study is an experimental version which consists of seventy-eight items tapping the following constructs: (i) worry, which refers to cognitive concerns about the consequence of failure, and (ii) emotionality, which refers to autonomic nervous system reactions to examinations (Tanzer 1993, per. conun.; Spielberger 1996, per. comm.).

Procedure

Students were instructed to answer the questionnaire while thinking about a past experience of "failing an examination". The instruments were administered during the students' tutorial time. Anonymity and confidentiality were assured to the subjects. The majority of the subjects completed the questionnaires within 25 minutes.

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111 110 PROGRESS IN ASIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, VOLUME I

control. All subscales of the secondary control measures were found to be highly correlated with primary control as shown in Table 6.3.

Means and standard deviations of the different control beliefs indicate that the subjects seem to have a combination of different control beliefs (Table 6.4). They showed a balanced primary-secondary control distribution. They also seem to be higher on internal than external locus of control.

Table 6.4 Means for internal-external, primary and secondary control beliefs for Study I Mean Standard deviation

Internal 2.14 0.30

External 1.73 0.35

Primary 2.67 OAl

Secondary 2.84 0.32

Note: MMCS uses response format 0-4. while Primary-Secondary Control Scale uses 1-4 fonnat.

For comparison purposes, means and standard deviation for MMCS have been converted to 1-4 fonnat,

using the fonnula MMCS X 4/5.

Validation Study II: Coping with Ageing

Subjects

One hundred and thirty-one elderly Chinese Singaporeans between the ages of 55 and 84 (males: N = 81; females: N = 50) responded to the questionnaire. The subjects were approached in places usually frequented by them, for example, at the void-deck of their apartment buildings or in the parks where they usually visit. ., Residents of nursing homes were not included. The subjects' native language was . either English or some form of Chinese. Some of the subjects were illiterate, which is not unconunon among this age group of Singaporeans.

Instruments

In addition to the Primary-Secondary Control Scale, the following three measures were used.

1. Perception of situation: Attitude towards ageing The measurement of attitude towards ageing used in the study was modeled after the method used by Levy and Langer (1994). The following attitude dimensions were used: internality, positivity, activity and capacity. The subjects were asked to generate the description of ageing. Responses were judged by two blind raters and sorted along the dimensions mentioned earlier. The inter-rater reliability was found to be 0.73.

2. Concurrent control measure: Internal-external locus of control by Rotter (1966) The Intemal-External (I-E) Scale used in the present study consists of twenty-three forced-choice items. Each item consists of a pair of statements; one representing

ASIAN CONTROL BELIEFS

external locus of control, the other one representing internal locus of control. In other words the response format is such that internality and externality are operationalized into two poles of an unidimensional variable.

3. Adaptive outcome measure: General Health Questionnaire (GHQ) The GHQ was used to measure general adjustment. It is a twenty-eight item scale measuring four dimensions of general health: somatic symptoms, anxiety and insonUlia, social dysfunction and severe depression (Goldberg & Hillier 1979). Each subscale consists of seven items. A Cronbach alpha of 0.95 was found for the present sample of respondents. Subscale alpha were 0.89 for somatic symptoms, 0.90 for anxiety and insomnia, 0.85 for social dysfunction and 0.91 for severe depression.

Procedure

Potential subjects were approached in their usually frequented places. The experimenter (Y. Toh) explained the purpose of the study and then solicited the subjects' participation. For subjects who were illiterate, the experimenter read the questionnaire to them verbally in the language of the subject's choice.

Table 6.5 Correlation matrix of variables studied in Study II: Adapting to ageing

Primary Secondary Somatic Anxiety and Social SevereVariables control control symptoms insonmia dysfunction depression

Primary control 1.00

Secondary control 0.60** 1.00

Somatic symptoms -0.22* -0.22* 1.00

Anxiety and insomnia -0.30** -0.31 ** 0.84** 1.00 Social dysfunction -0.24* -0.22* 55** 0.56** 1.00 Severe depression -0.27** -0.23* 0.67** 0.76** 0.67** 1.00

Note: N = 131, one-tailed significance, *r significant at p < 0.01, **r significant at p < 0.001.

Results

Adaptive Outcomes Table 6.5 presents a correlation matrix of the variables studied. Stepwise regression analyses were carried out on the data with the subdimensions of the GHQ as outcome measures (see Table 6.6). Stepwise regression assesses the correlation between predictors of the dependent variable to detennine the order in which the predictors are entered into the model. It was found that different controls have differential effects on the different domains of adjustment. Secondary control was found to be the most important factor in reducing somatic symptoms and anxiety and insomnia.

Primary control was found to contribute significantly to ameliorating social dysfunction and severe depression.

112 PROGRESS IN ASIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, VOLUME I ASIAN CONTROL BELIEFS 113

Table 6.6 Summary statistics from stepwise multiple regression with overall general Antecedent Condition Positive attitude toward ageing was found to adjustment as dependent variable significantly predict secondary control (r =0.17; 2.8% of variance). Without further

information, at this moment it is hard for us to hypothesize the causal direction Percentage of Predictors Steps df F Pvariance accounted for between these two variables. They may both represent a cultural phenomena and the

general world view of the Chinese. Positive attitude however is not significantly Primary control I 8.7% 1,129 12.355 p

[[4 PROGRESS IN ASIAN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, VOLUME I

Conclusion and Discussion Results from the two validation studies are consistent with each other. The Chinese subjects of two different age groups used a combination of different control belief systems. They seem to use these different control beliefs under different situations and for different effects. Each type of control belief seems to have an adaptive effect on different outcome measures. For the student group, secondary control belief helps to reduce test anxiety; for senior citizens, secondary control belief was found to moderate insomnia and psychosomatic symptoms. These outcomes seem to belong to the affective domains of life. They are symptoms of stress. This finding is consistent across the two groups of subjects in different stressful situations: ageing and academic failure. Our finding suggests that the adaptive effect of secondary control is mainly in serving as a cognitive moderator between stressful events and stress responses. Consistent with the Transactional Model of stress (Lazarus & Folkman 1984), the individual's reaction to stress depends on the moderating effect of individual cognitive appraisal in the form of control beliefs.

Secondary belief does not seem to be an effective moderator between stressful events and major depression. Nor is it effective in problem-solving and social adaptation. It may be helpful in task achievement in an indirect way, possibly by reducing the negative effect on perforn1ance through reduced test anxiety.

We found that secondary control can be predicted by perceived classroom environment and positive attitudes towards ageing. This finding helps us to delineate the antecedents of secondary control. As mentioned in the introduction, we believe that there are multiple sources contributing to the invocation or selection of different kinds of control beliefs. As suggested (Weisz et al. 1984b), there is a "recipe" of different control beliefs available to a given individual. It is the perceived controllability of the situation that will affect how the individual "activates" one kind of belief or the other. We are thus proposing a situation-specific adaptive response of psychological control. This is eloquently described in the Alcoholic Anonymous (USA) motto, "to accept the things I cannot change; to change the things I can". Or expressed in a Chinese proverb, "Heroes are those who understand [and can accommodate] the situation".

Secondary control was found to be positively con'elated with internal locus of control (Study n. It is also found to be moderately correlated with primary control in both studies, these findings suggest that secondary control and internal-external locus of control, though conceptualized differently, both measure the individual's beliefs in the efficacy of self (Bandura 1977) and have an impact on the individual's well being. As observed by Weisz et al. (1984a), primary and secondary control beliefs represent two alternative paths to coping and adaptation. Underlying secondary control is a belief that the self can be changed. This belief is consistent with Asian values of self-reflection and self-cultivation (Tu 1985).

The subjects were Chinese Singaporeans. The cultural environment of the Chinese is perhaps more conducive to the production of secondary control beliefs.

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ASIAN CONTROL BELIEFS [[5

The perceived externality of locus of control in a highly hierarchical society is perhaps a reflection of more realistic understanding of the demands of the environment. This assumption, however, is not explicitly tested. We propose that cross-cultural studies be conducted to empirically test the cultural hypothesis.

The Chinese, like the Japanese or Javanese, are socialized to "fit-in", to change oneself in order to accommodate the perceived reality. The present study demonstrates that the Chinese Singaporeans do have this propensity to develop secondary control beliefs. Though the hypothesis is yet to be tested cross-culturally, the present authors believe that the same beliefs exist in Western culture as well. But as Weisz suggested, in Asia such beliefs are valued and encouraged, whereas in the modern Western culture, where assertion of the individual is valued as the desired goal, renouncing individual control and to "roll with the punch" is neither valued nor desired.

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