November 1917

Price Ten Cent:

Com/%icCeMaking Socialism a Power

—a Symposium

EDITORIALS PageBy Job Harriman 3

DEMOCRACY AND EFFICIENCYBy Alec Watkins 9

THE PROBATION SYSTEMBy H. A. Sessions 10

REVOLUTION IN NORTH DAKOTABy H. G. Teigan 12

Llano InvadingLouisiana

WAS SCHMIDT GUILTY?By Job Harriman 18

THE STORY OF A NIGHT (Fiction)

By Mary Allen 20

THE PEOPLE'S COUNCILBy Scott Nearing 22

THE PRINCIPLES OF MONEYBy Clinton Bancroft 23

CURRENT PROBLEMSBy Walter Tbomas Mills 24

Your Gateway to FreedomLlano's 16,000 Acre Plantation in the Highlands of We^ern Louisiana

THE Llano del Rio Co-operative Colony was established al Llano,

Los Angeles County, California, in May, 1914. It attracted

attention throughout the country because of the calibre of the

men who were conducting it. Hundreds joined the colony and during

the three years hundreds of acres of orchards and alfalfa were planted,

a community garden was grown, and many industries were established,

among them being the print shop, shoe shop, laundry, cannery, ware-

house, machine shop, blacksmith shops, rug works, planing mill, lime

kiln, saw mill, dairy, cabinet shop, nursery, rabbitry, hog raising,

lumbering, publishing, transportation, doctors' offices, wood yard,

vinegar works, bakery, fish hatchery, barber shop, baths, swimming

pool, studio, commissary, hotel, drafting room, post office, Montes-

sori school, commercial classes, library, and others as well as social

features such as the band, weekly dances, instrumental quartets, musical

societies, etc.

Not all were operating all of the time, but nearly all were success-

ful. The social features of the Llano Colony at Llano were an un-

qualified success.

From the first, the intention was lo form other colonies, extending

the work as rapidly as possible. The first extension has been organized.

16,000 FERTILE ACRES

After a nation-wide search, it was finally decided to purchase 16,-

000 acres in the healthful highlands of Vernon Parish in Western Lou-

isiana, at Stables, one mile from Leesville. the parish seat of Vernon

Parish, This is about 15 miles from the Sabine river, about 40 miles

from the Red river, (both navigable) . forty miles from Alexandria,

100 miles from Shreveport. and about 200 miles from New Orleans.

The highlands of this district are fertile, high, well-drained, health-

ful. There are no swamps, no malaria, no mosquitoes, no fevers more

than are found in other states. Health reports show that this portion

of Louisiana can compare favorably with any other section of the

United States. There is an abundance of drinking water of excellent

quality.

A most careful Investigation was made regarding health conditions.

Reports compiled by the Health Department of Louisiana were studied.

Inhabitants of this district were interviewed. All agreed on the health-

fulness of this portion of the State, and those who have heard dis-

couraging reports from Louisiana are invited to make further and more

careful investigation before arriving at conclusion.

The huge tract lies southwest of Leesville and has had most of

the timber cut off. Remaining along the creeks.however. are scat-

tered pines of the long leaf variety to supply the Colony with build-

ing material for many years to come. About 1200 acres of hard-

wood timber worth many thousands of dollars are also on the land

and offer opportunities for the establishing of many Industries. The

timber is, beech, magnolia, white oak. cypress, walnut, post oak,

red oak, sweet gum. and hickory. The trees are splendid ones,

and this body of timber is not to be surpassed in quality.

The purchase of this body of land was not made without care-

ful investigation. The colonists at Llano appointed a committee of

three who went lo the land and carefully inspected it asking In-

numberable questions concerning it. Comrade Job Harrlman had al-

ready looked at tracts offered for sale in various parts of the United

States. None equalled the one purchased in Louisiana.

A TOWN CAME WITH IT

When the purchase was first contemplated, and It was finally

decided lo buy the 16,000 acres near Leesville, it was found that the

lumber hamlet of Stables stood on the property. This was ac-

quired v/lth the land. A hotel of 18 rooms, 27 habitable houses,

100 other small houses, one shed 130x300 feet, one shed 130x200

feet, one shed 80x100 feet, one store 30x90, one office 40x50, eight

other sheds and structures. The lumber In these buildings, together

with other lumber on the place, amounts to about 2 million feet.

Ties for a railroad extend across the land. A concrete power house

and 5 concrete drying kilns (cost to erect them, $12,000) each kiln

about 20x70 by 20 feet high are also included. Stables is on the

main line of the Kansas City Southern Railroad. This town will beoccupied for a while, but later a more systematically laid out town will

be built.

WHAT CAN BE PRODUCED ?

This Is the first question. A careful investigation from many sources

shows a good variety. These reports did not agree In detail, and in

cases of doubt, the product named has not been included in the

list given here. Cotton, sugar cane, and corn will probably be the

principal crops, though sweet potatoes, Irish potatoes, and melons do

particularly well and pay good returns. Pecans are native to this

region. Oats are profitably grown. Peaches, plums, prunes, cherries

and most berries do exceedingly well. This higher region is being

developed for figs lo quite a large extent. Vegetables of all kinds

thrive and produce proliflcally. There is no better peanut land.

It is not likely that citrus fruits can be produced here.

The first task will be to prepare the land for crops, and it is the

intention to do this at once. Cattle, sheep, and hogs can be grownhere and it is quite likely that the livestock Industry \vlll be given

special attention.

PLAN OF DEVELOPMENT

Definite plans for the development of the new colony are now being

worked out. Efficiency of workers will be insisted on. The eight-

hour system, with the equal wage will be features. Industries

will be established as rapidly as possible. The colony will undoubtedly

be made to support a population of several thousand persons through

the agricultural development and the industries.

The general plan contemplated is to make heads of departments

responsible for the work they are in charge of, with a general

superintendent in charge of the whole. Experience has shown that

the Interests of efficiency are best served in this manner.

Tlie land will be put imder cultivation as rapidly as this can be

done. The housmg will be the best that it is possible to provide,

and no definite statements can be made except that wooden houses

will be built al first.

TRANSPORTATION FACILITIES

Being on the main line of the Kansas City Southern railroad with

a switch on Llano property, the matter of transportation will be a

simple one. Two navigable rivers are not far distant. The port of

New Oilcans has steamers to the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of both

North and South America.

WHAT ABOUT LLANO, CALIFORNIA ?

The California Llano Colony will be left in charge of a com-

paratively few men to develop according to a definite plan to which

they will work. Orchards will be planted and cared for and the

property at Llano made very valuable.

The work of transferring most of the population as well as

the industries and the personal effects of the residents is a big task.

The sawmill, blacksmith shop, farm Implements, some horses, cattle,

rabbits, and hogs will be left.

Residents and industries will be transferred in the order in which

they are must required. The publishing department will be amongthe first moved.

FOR MORE INFORMATION

More detailed information is given in the "Gateway to Freedom"

which outlines the idea of co-operative colonization, the reasons for

it, and what is hoped may be achieved, together with the methods

to be used. The folder "Llano's Plantation in the Highlands of

Louisiana" goes into more detail concerning the new 16,000 acre

tract.

The new colony m Louisiana can support a population of perhaps

several thousand person?. It offers wonderful opportunities to all

who join. You are invited to write to the Membership Department

for full information about an> point not made clear, and answers lo

questions you ask. Address

Membership Department

LLANO DEL RIO COLONY, STABLES, LOUISIANA

Action Co-operatP o 1 i t i c a

"The Most Constructive Magazine For Socialism in America." "»^^»

'

Devoted to the Cause of the Workers

Entered as second-class mailer November 4th, 1916, at the post office at Uano, California, under Act of March 3, 1879.

The Western Comrade

JOB HARRIMANPUBLISHED EACH MONTH AT LLANO, CALIFORNIA.

Managing Editor ALANSON SESSIONS . . Associate Editor ERNEST S. WOOSTER . Business Manager

Subscription Rate—75c a year; Canada $1. Single Copies lOc; clubs of 4 or mora (in U. S.) 50c. Combination with LLANO COLONIST $1.

Publishers and others are invited to copy at will from the WESTERN COMRADE, but are asked to give credit. Nothing copyrighted unless so stated.

In making change of address always give your former one so that the mailing department may be certain that the right name is being changed.Please do not send subscriptions, changes of address, complaints, etc.. to individuals. Address ALL communications to the Llano Publica-

tions, Llano, Calif. This paper will not assume responsibility unless this rule is followed.

The Western Comrade neither approves nor disapproves the sentiments expressed m contributions not signed by one of its editorial staff.

VOL. V. LLANO, CALIFORNIA. NOVEMBER, 1917. No. 7

Editorials "^ '"' "- r r 1 m a n

ARSENE is the last message from hell. It is a gas with

an arsenic base. Science knows nothing that will coun-

teract its deadly effect on the human body. Nothing is

known that will neutralize it in the air. A breath of it is certain

death. It is odorless and invisible. It is heavy and requires al-

most a storm to carry it away. It hovers about its victim and

makes the burial of the dead impossible. Certain death awaits

those who come to bury their dead! The materials of which

it is made are abundant and cheap. One air ship can carry

enough, when compressed into a bomb, to kill every man,

woman and child in a village of four hundred.

It was first thrown by the Germans into the ranks of the

Allies. The bombs burst \sith such slight violence that the

soldiers of the Allies thought that the Germans had exhausted

their explosives. But in a few hours they suffered from blind-

ness, spasms and finally death.

One American magazine suggests that the combined air

fleets of the Allies be equipped and that this terrible gas be

dropped on all the cities and towns of the Central Powers.

The Central Powers have made the discovery and are prob-

ably already prepared for a raid.

This deadly gas is fraught with the most appalling and far-

reaching consequences of any war weapon ever conceived.

Woe unto the people of the world when chemistry assumes

entire control of this war!

LLANO is now extending its operations into Louisiana.

Llano, California, is located in one of the finest orchard

districts in the world. It is high grade orchard and alfalfa

land. But the land purchased in Louisiana far excels it for

general farming. No irrigation and no drainage will be neces-

sary there.

Those who have not visited all parts of Louisiana and are

not familiar with its varied climate, have an erroneous idea of

the agricultural possibilities of that state.

The highlands, where the Colony will be located, is one of

the most picturesque countries on the continent. The land is

rolling and threaded with beautiful woods and creeks, with ex-

cellent range grass for live stock extending miles in every direc-

tion.

The bottom lands are extremely rich and the rolling lands

produce large and abundant crops. Our tables can be bount-

ifully supplied from our own range, fields and gardens the first

year.

There is an abundance of hardwood timber to supply every

want of the colony for furniture, finishing and building lumberand all domestic purp>oses.

The materials for a veritable empire are there. Knowingwhat we know of co-operation in Llano, we can say to the

world that the future of Llano in Louisiana is a guaranteedsuccess.

A force will be kept at Llano, California, where the orchards

will be developed and the Llano property brought into bearing

and great value. A full description of the new Colony property

and its possibilities will be found in several numbers of the

Western Comrade.-

We commend a careful perusal to all who are interested in

this wonderful undertaking.

THE END of the war is not in sight. Even the beginning

of the end is not yet.

Before this war ends, the public mind must turn its back uponthe accumulation of' fortunes and move firmly for the uplift

of humanity.

Ambition to make money has led to this world disaster.

Economic power in the hands of the few makes military

power inevitable.

It matters not whether this power is in the hands of an aris-

tocracy or a dynasty, the results must finally be the same.

When militarism rises, it of necessity takes the same form

in every land. The most efficient military power becomes

the standard and the pattern for all other countries. Superior

efficiency compels all others to act likewise or be crushed.

There is no choice. The world is patterning after the German

Page Fo Th. Western Comrade

methods. These and other superior methods will remain as

long as capitalism lasts.

Men may cry peace, peace, but as long as there are conflic-

. ting interests there will be hostile forces struggling to dominate.

Already we are being told that the war will last yet ten

years and that men now living may not see the end.

If this is true, may the people not well ask if the present

forms of government have not utterly failed? But all present

forms of government are capitalistic in their nature. The

surplus power arising out of all industries and commercial

transactions is held by the few and used to determine govern-

mental policies. And the governmental policies of the world

have led to a world cataclysm. The abolition of conflicting

interests in domestic, national and international affairs, and the

establishment in their stead of a community of interest, is the

only salvation for the race.

War after war, cataclysm after cataclysm, will follow in

the wake of capitalism.

BRAZIL, Japan, and China have just entered the war.

As a source of food supplies, Brazil will be important

to the Allies.

But the entrance of Japan and China is fraught with many

misgivings.

These countries can land their troops through the Persian

Gulf on Eastern Turkish soil more cheaply than Occidental

civilization can land troops in Eastern Turkey. But Turkey

lies adjacent to the Dardanelles and the Suez Canal. There

are the highways of commerce for Asia, Africa and Europe.

What if the ambitions of Japan should lead her to seek their

control? Would England surrender them?

What if she were to join Russia in her demand that the

Dardanelles, the Suez Canal, the Straight of Gibraltar, the

English Channel, the Panama Canal—that all these should be

free to the world? Would England and the United States

surrender them?

These highways are matters of world interest and will be in-

volved in peace negotiations.

When one thinks of a conflict between Oriental and Oc-

cidental civilization, with the Eastern resources untouched,

the armies and navies of these countries fresh while the West

is worn and weary and more than half spent, it shrouds one's

soul with gloom and despondency.

NOT ONLY the throne of Germany, but the governments

of every country ,stand perilously near a precipitate prec-

ipice over which they may any day be thrust, following the

Czar of Russia.

Whoever has observed the operations of Germany must

know that the crown will be cast down by internal dissen-

sions rather than by external forces.

Von Hollweg was forced out of office by the Reichstag.

Dr. Michaelis is fast following for the same reasons.

Every succeeding ministry will follow more and more fre-

quently until either the crown falls or a radical cabinet is

formed.

The same condition exists in France.

A similar condition exists in England, though it is a little

less pronounced.

Italy is similarly afflicted and the late German victories will

aggravate conditions there.

Even our own country, according to the New Nation and

Current Opinion, is unsettled. These journals are impressed

by the fact that "the old war motivation has not been in evi-

dence during this war." John Dewey, of Columbia University,

advises political leaders to note "that it is rather a cool, dis-

passionate, even grudging recognition of a great job to be

done"; while the late vote of the New York City mayoral

campaign emphasizes the fact that he has not only told the

truth, but that even more than he has stated may be true.

There is great danger of a popular reaction in all countries.

Nor can one be surprised when death-dealing messages like

Arsene ring throughout the world with the groans of the dying.

One thing is' daily becoming more and more evident, and

that is that we are rapidly evolving into a new order of things.

Our government has already assumed partial control of the

flour mills and granaries ,the coal mines, the food prices, and

yet finds itself surrounded by a craven desire on the part of

business men to reap enormous fortunes in this unfortunate

hour of national distress.

The very business men who are crying loudest for patriotic

sentiment are looting the country's resourc«s by the com-

mercial transactions, and by so doing, are committing acts of

real treason to this country.

Every fortune so reaped impels others of similar greed to

deal likewise, while each such act forces the government to

place greater limits upon profits. The process is inevitable

and if the war continues long, which it will, the government

will frankly be forced to conscript not only all profits but all

wealth.

This governmental act will be the ushering in of the new

order. Let us hope that the government will not hesitate

firmly to take this step. It seems to be the only step that will

enlist the support of the masses who are now sorely feeling

the effects of high prices, low wages, and heavy taxes.

By government conscription of wealth, profits and incomes,

the war could be far more equitably financed, the interests

of the people unified and public unrest to some degree, allayed.

THE New York campaign is the most illuminating fact in

the political firmament of the hour, and Hillquit is the

central star.

Hillquit! Who is Hillquit? He is a lawyer of the first

magnitude. He has largely determined the present attitude

and p)olicy of the Socialist party.

He has had much to do w4th the general urge that demands

of the government that it state its terms of peace.

He has always been opposed to the war and the vote he re-

ceived not only astonished the government and this country,

but it astonished the world. We were all amazed at the voice

crying in the wilderness, "Make ye your paths straight!"

Well may we all put our ears to the ground and listen to

tile rumbling of the underworld!

Th. Western Page Five

THE SOCIALISTS of the world have for a quarter of a

century foreseen this world war coming like a tidal wave,

and have relentlessly struggled, in every way within their

power, to avert it. Their power was not sufficient, but their

propaganda has developed a world-wide movement that points

to the solution of this wodd war problem.

it is true that Socialists thought that the conflict would come

between the working class and the governments of the world.

If the struggle would have survived, democracy would have

died, and plutocracy would have reigned supreme.

But the logical evolution of commercial and industrial

events developed ambition for empire along with commercial

and industrial dominion. This brought on the clash of arms

between governments and not between the people and their

governments.

Having foreseen the coming of the war for so long, and

having believed that the struggle would begin between the peo-

ple and their governments, the Socialists, for the most part,

fail to recognize this war as the social revolution which they,

for so long, have foreseen.

The complex situation puts the Socialists of the world in a

most embarrassing position. They all belong to an interna-

tional movement. They have met in international congresses

for years. Their economic principles and philosophy are the

same the world over. Their interests and aims are identical.

The thought of shooting those with whom they have so long

worked to avert this war, is unbearable.

Yet each and every one desires to be faithful to his own

country. Between these two extremes they vacillate and find

themselves in worlds of trouble. Many Socialists do not un-

derstand that this is the Social Revolution, while most people

do not understand the difficult position in which the Socialists

are placed.

If it were possible for all governments to conscript all So-

cialists to work in the domestic industries so that they would

not be compelled to shoot the members of their organizations

with whom they have worked so long, the vast majority of

the civic discord would disappear and social evolution toward

the new era would be promoted with greater harmony.

This being improbable, it remains for us to lend what aid we

can to a public understanding of the situation and to bring

about the greatest degree of possible harmony.

STATE SOCIALISM is rapidly and irresistibly marching

upon the world.

The capitalists are opposed to it.

The Social Democrats are opposed to it.

But the logic of events favors it and so it comes.

Everybody, capitalist and Socialist alike, should work for

it. It is the next step in civilization and is the only solution

to our social problems.

If civilization survives, it must take this step. Failing to

take it, civilization will relapse into barbarism.

State Socialism does not mean tyranny.

Universal suffrage and direct legislation are the antidote^

for political tyranny. These movements are the forerunners

the world over, of government, industrial and commercial

control.

Popular sentiment is forcing the former while the war is

forcing the latter; and self-preservation will compel each

nation to continue them both.

Thus it is that we are now at the birth of a new order.

M ILITARISM is the child of special privilege. It springs

as naturally from privilege as ambition springs from

power.

They both lead to tyranny and oppression, then to revolu-

tion. Whosoever possesses a special privilege must shape the

laws to protect him in the enjoyment of that privilege.

Every privilege protected by law results in increased bur-

dens upon all save the beneficiaries.

As the beneficiary loves the advantages, so the burdened

hates the disadvantage. Finally, the law becomes an object

of derision and contempt.

Disloyalty, resistance, and riot follow close uf>on the heels

of contempt for law. Then comes the cry for law and order.

.Mready having law to protect privilege, a military force is

organized to preserve order.

Thus militarism is born of special privilege.

The hatred and contempt that sprang from the burdens re-

sulting from legalized privilege are carried over to the military

force that preserves order while the burden is still imposed.

Neither law nor order nor military power can induce or

compel human beings to love a crushing burden. They

struggle against a burden as naturally and persistently as

water runs down hill. It may be held in check for a while,

but the lime must come when the pressure must be greater

than the strength of the dam.

Then the revolution is on.

THE "LONDON POST" says: "The Allies are determined

upon one peace only—the peace not of compromise, but

of victory." Lloyd George, supporting this position, says:

"A peace which does not give France Alsace-Lorraine, Italy

the Trention and Istria, which leaves Austria with Bosnia and

Turkey with Armenia and Mesopotamia, a peace which re-

stores the German colonies—would be disaster for the Allies

and victory for the Central powers."

Peace with victory? Indeed! We entered the war for

"peace without victory." We entered to "save the world"

from Prussian autocracy and "for democracy." But England

seems to think that we are slaying in it for territorial con-

quest and aggrandizement, the conquest of her allied powers.

Peace without victory is right. But peace with victory

would destroy democracy and make the world safe for autoc-

racy.

THE NET INCOME of 29 steel, munitions, and machinery

concerns was $69,365,568 in 1914 and in 1915 it was

$596,236,644.

"War—what for?"

Simple enough.

Page Six The Western Comrade

Llano Invading Louisiana

"WHEN are you going to Louisiana?"

This is the question asked and repeated. It is

heard in the woods where the boys are getting out

the logs to be sawed up into packing cases. It is heard at

the tables in the hotel at every meal. It is heard in the

machine shop, and wherever two colonists meet. This is

the one absorbing subject of conversation.

The work at Llano is largely done. Fields have been

cleared of brush. The sawmill is installed. Roads have

been built. Houses are here a plenty to house the in-

habitants for a long time. Industrial buildings and ware-

houses are built and in use. Remains only the planting

and the caring for. orchards, the little gardening, and the

irrigating and harvesting of alfalfa. A few men can do

the work and do it well. The rest of the residents will

now go on to Louisiana, to develop the new lands, to bring

them into bearing, to erect houses, to establish industries,

to organize socially. Definite plans for the work at Llano

are being worked out and a quite complete general plan

is already adopted.

But how to get to Louisiana—that is the problem.

It is 2000 miles, probably 2500 miles from Llano, Cali-

fornia, to Stables, Louisiana. To move several hundred

people there, to pack up their household goods, to move

to repair cars in case of breakdowns. Some of the boys

are ambitious to hold meetings en route. At the time this

is written nothing definite regarding automobile journeys

to Louisiana has been decided on.

The automobile route adopted lies well to the south, andthe towns visited are not large, most of them. The rea-

son for keeping so far to the south is to keep away fromsnow as much as possible. It is estimated that the average

time to make the Llano-to-Leesville trip will be in the

neighborhood of 18 days, possibly more. The townsthrough which the Llano caravans will go are: Victorville,

Barstow, and Cadiz, California; Parker, Wenden, PaloVerde, Buckeye, Phoenix, Chandler, Globe, Rice, Saf-

ford, Duncan, Heyden, Winkleman, Ray, Arizona; Lords-

burg, Deming, Los Cruces, New Mexico; El Paso, VanHome, Pecos, Midland, Colorado, Sweetwater, Abilene,

Cisco, Ranger, Mineral Springs, Weatherford, Fort Worth,Dallas, Terrell, Tyler, Longview, Mansfield, Texas; Shreve-port, Mansfield, Chadwick, Leesville, Louisiana.

The third departure was the publishing department,

which included the WESTERN COMRADE and the LLANOCOLONIST. Thousands of pieces of literature wereprinted in the six weeks just prior to departure. Extra

help had been employed and frequently night shifts worked

While Moving—To the New Home in Louisiana, the WESTERN COMRADE will p>ossibIy be delayed in the issue for

December. Every effort will be made to set up the machinery as soon as possible.

All communications should be addressed, after November 15th, to

THE LLANO PUBLICATIONS,

STABLES, LOUISIANA.

them to the trains, to get them under way, to house them

again in their new home—this is all a titanic task. But

the people of Llano are buckling to their work. They knowwhat they want to do. They have met and conquered

bigger tasks than this one.

The first contingent left Llano for the South, Sunday,

October 28, when George Deutsch, commissary man, and

C. M. Cason, chief accountant accompanied Job Harriman.

Comrade Cason will take charge of the books there and

will have complete charge of the accounting, just as he

has had at Llano. Comrade Deutsch, who has been in

the commissary for several months, will organize and

systematize that department at Llano. He will have bet-

ter quarters at Stables than he had at Llano, and he expects

to install a system that will be superior in many ways and

which will be a source of pride and satisfaction from the

very first.

Other contingents will leave as soon as they can be madeready. A number of the comrades plan to go by automo-

bile, some in privately owned cars, others in Colony cars.

Not many women will make this automobile trip, but for

men who have been accustomed to "roughing it" there is the

spice of variety to attract. Road maps have been diligently

studied and efforts made to secure the most accurate, de-

tailed, and uptodate information regarding the state of the

roads. Expert mechanics will accompany the auto caravans

in order to get the work out with as little delay as possible.

The big press ran every day and all day long. The little

press put in good time. The linotype was kept busy; the

stitcher and folder were scarcely ever idle during the day-

light hours. Extra copies of the publications have beenprinted and special descriptive literature has been madeready for mailing.

With the going of the publishing department went the

machinery of other industries, loaded with them and sent

on ahead. Wood-working machinery and repair machinerywent. Following them will comt the other industries as

rapidly as they can be made ready for the trip.

WHAT WILL BE DONE AT STABLES?

Stables is the little Colony town one mile south of Lees-

ville. It is the new colony headquarters. Here the Llano

Colonists and the new members will live and work out the

solution of their ideals. Here they will live until they build

their own new city. That is scheduled for some time in

the future. There are many things to be done first, so the

colonists will occupy the buildings they bought, except such

others as are immediately necessary, and will make their

way as is deemed best.

There will be a number of departures from the methodsused in Llano, California. Some of them will be because

of changed conditions. Others will be the result of lessons

The Western Comrade Page Seveo

learned. Others will be those which it was always intended

should be employed, but which conditions never made

possible before.

There will be changes in management that will result

in increased efficiency. This is not a mere guess hazarded

at random, but a fact. The departments will be better

organized than ever before and their duties will be more

definitely decided. There will be a better general plan.

The men in charge are men who are experienced in the

work under colony conditions.

Standardization of labor is to be a Colony ideal, modeled

after standardized labor plans elsewhere. Many a letter

has brought the question: What will you do with the

man who does not do his share? With standardization of

labor it will be possible to deal with this individual and to

compel each to do his part toward the success of the whole.

Out of it will grow an efficiency of production that will

redound to the credit and benefit of the entire colony.

Other improvements in methods and management are

planned, but it is still too early to speak definitely on them

or even to say what is contemplated, for there are many

contingencies, and the possibilities of their not being in-

stituted at once are many. Therefore they will not be

mentioned until they are accomplished facts.

The same general plan that has been followed at Llano,

California, is to be followed in Louisiana. That is the col-

lective ownership, of course, and the eight hour day and

the equal wage, the commissary, the social features and

social service, the use-possession of houses. The style of

city has not been determined. No attempt will be made to

remodel Stables or to make it into anything but an ordinary

railroad town. When any effort is made to work out a

city plan, it will be in a new spot, where no previously

built buildings will interfere or inject new problems.

But all energies will be bent at first on the clearing and

planting. Of course it is not necessary to clear the land

in order to get crops, and the clearing will be deferred

as much as possible so that the greatest possible acreage

may be put in. There is plowing to be done, the pur-

chasing of seed, the laying out of the land, the organiza-

tion of farming groups and departments, and a thousand

and one things to make the new colony a producer from

the very start. No time is being wasted, and the small

group of colonists now on the land is doing all it can, with-

out altogether considering the eight-hour day, which is

the way with enthusiasts everywhere who are intent on

achievement.

The chief crops to be grown this year, aside from the

vegetables, will be corn, cotton, forage crops, sugar cane,

melons, sweet potatoes, Irish potatoes, peanuts and oats.

There will be others, of course, but those will be the chief

ones. Unless the unforeseen intervenes, they will go far

to sustain the colony, and there should be a surplus for sale.

There will undoubtedly be a community garden, but in

addition to this, it is quite probable that many residents

will also raise garden.

Reports regarding the healthfulness of this district con-

tinue to come in from many different sources. It has been

called the ozone belt. The piney Highlands of Western

Louisiana are quite different from the lands bordering

watercourses—along the Gulf Coast or along the Missis-

sippi. Because the land is high and rolling, consequently

well drained, there are no mosquitoes. Being no mos-

quitoes, there is no malaria. This region has been known

as one of the most healthful of the South, and the health

reports from the ozone belt are of the best. The most

authentic reports only have been considered, and all agree

on the healthfulness of this region. A prominent physician

of the ozone belt, of which the colony lands are a part,

is quoted as saying, "There is tonic in the very air webreathe here, a natural tonic. That is why it is known as

the ozone belt. The water is good and pure in wells of

45 feet and deeper. . . .... There is another

reason why we have so little sickness. The country is

new and free from those influences of a thickly settled

country where civilization has grown old and congested

and careless, and besides, we have some very good prac-

tical laws on sanitation in Louisiana that help to keep our

citizens clean and well and strong." Another prominent

physician of the Highland district is credited with the

following: "There are rarely any cases of throat troubles

not preventable by reasonable care in dress and ventilation.

The reason is that there are no violent and sudden changesof weather, such as are common in northern states.

Persons affected with such ailment'

and even with asthma and the primary stages of pulmonarytrouble are materially benefited by coming to this country."

It is necessary to stress the healthfulness of the Highlanddistrict forcefully, because there is so much misinformatio:i

existing concerning Louisiana. That her swamps are

large and unhealthful is not to be gainsaid. But the as-

sertion might safely be made that every state in the Unionhas spots that are far from ideal as regards health con-

ditions. Unfortunately for Louisiana her swamps havebeen far better advertised than her more healthful regions,

and this dates back to ante-bellum days.

The Highland District of Louisiana is quite different

Irom any other portion of it, and from the fact that it has

been covered with heavy timber, and therefore was not

visited by tourists, and not inhabited by a very large

population, there is little information to be secured fromthose who have been to Louisiana, usually. It is also true

that little printed matter exists regarding this district, foi

where there are few people there is little reason for putting

much information into print, and without the necessity it is

not done. This explains the difficulty of learning muchabout the Highlands from any books to be found in the

ordinary library.

The land is well drained, is rolling, and the elevation of

the colony lands is about 240 feet. The growing season

lasts from seven to nine months. Some authorities give

a longer growing season than this, but the time here is

conservative and long enough to satisfy most persons.

Corn is likely to be one of the chief crops, if not the

most important of all, for many years to come. Yields

are good from the start, and a government farm adviser

who has worked and studied Highland soil, makes the

statement that the lands will produce up to 70 bushels.

This is not on new land, however, but on land that has

been well filled and well enriched and carefully farmed.

He claims, however, that with one legume crop for fer-

tilization, and using only ordinary care and methods, the

land will produce 40 to 55 bushels to the acre. This is

accepted as being authorative, as the man who makes the

assertion is in the government service.

Crops are quite certain in the Highlands, for the grow-

ing season is long. Late cold springs or early falls donot shorten the season enough, in the years when they docome, to endanger crops. Rainfall is sure; drouths are

unknown. It is possible to take off a crop of corn andthe same year to plant a restorative forage crop that will

put back in the soil the plant food taken out by the corn.

Page Eight The Western C <

LIVESTOCK OPPORTUNITIES

The West has always been associated with the cattle

and stock industry; Texas, too, is usually considered in

connection with stock raising, but few persons ever think

of Louisiana as a State where cattle and horses, hogs and

sheep have a very high place in the list of products.

Yet government reports of the opportunities presented

for raising cattle and sheep and hogs indicate that this

industry can be made a very profitable one. There was

a time when the tick made this an extremely hazardous

bnsmess, but science has found ways to prevent the spread

of this disease and to eradicate it entirely. Government

reports are now produced showing that the cattle industry

can be carried on with the moderate guarantee of generous

profits.

The number of forage plants grown in Louisiana or

native to this State is not equalled anywhere else in North

America, it is claimed. Among them are Bermuda Grass

and Lespedeza, (a plant native to the South). Most of

the clovers thrive there and produce heavily. Alfalfa

does well. Cow peas, velvet beans, and soy beans are

tried and proved crops. Sudan grass and timothy do

particularly well. Sorghum can be grown as stock feed

with great success.

Some of the forage crops listed here are well known to

farmers from all parts of the country, but Lespedeza, which

is held in high favor in Louisiana, is not so well known. It

is an annual, greatly resembles alfalfa, has wonderful soil

building properties, and will yield from one to three tons

of hay, said to be equal in food value to alfalfa.

The stock raising end of farming, though offering great

profits, has not been taken up extensively in the South,

although more and more attention is now being devoted to

it. The mild and pleasant climate makes it unnecessary

to invest heavily in shelter for stock. The abundance of

cheaply grown feeds of so many varieties reduces feeding

expense to a minimum. Added to this is the fact that cotton

seed meal can be secured at little cost for fattening, and

corn can be produced plentifully. Peanuts and sweet po-

tatoes are fed liberally to stock, especially to hogs.

Sweet potatoes and peanuts left in the ground when the

crops are harvested will be found by the hogs so that none

will be wasted. Root crops of all kinds are profitable for

feeding.

Beef production is also facilitated by the abundance of

crops and the variety that can be grown. The Colony

should be able to produce beef of prime quality at an ex-

ceedingly low price, and there is no doubt of the ability to

sell it.

Dairying, too, is among the industries that may be started

at once and which promise good returns, even guarantee

them, in fact. Here again the abundance, cheapness, and

variety of feeds reduces dairying problems to a minimum,and markets are both near and good. Good standard bred

cows are being brought into Louisiana, and the dairy in-

dustry is being built up rapidly. It is the intention of the

Colony to enter extensively into the production of milk,

butter, and cheese, and there are no obstacles apparent to

prevent this.

The United States Bureau of Animal Husbandry is cred-

ited with the statement that the production of dairy food is

at less cost in the South than in any other portion of the

country, and it is impossible to conceive of conditions being

more favorable in any portion of the South than they are

in the district wherein lie the new Llano lands.

The poultry business also promises big returns in the

Highland Plantation of the Llano Colony. There is nosevere winter to interfere, and hens can range out of doorsevery day of the year, except during rains. The equipmentrequired is probably the simplest that can be used any-

where. Poultry feed can be produced on Colony lands.

Splendid claims are made for sheep and goats, and the

reasonableness of the claims is quite evident when consider-

ation is given to the bounteous forage crops.

PUTTING LAND UNDER CULTIVATION

Many questions have been asked and many objectioni

raised concerning the cultivation of stump-covered land.

The average number of stumps to the acre is about fifty.

The actual number may range from ten to several hun-

dred. But clearing the land of them is not a difficult

process, according to information that appears to be en-

tirely trustworthy.

There is little undergroyvth left. The trees were removedperhaps ten years ago. There is little except very youngsaplings which interpose no obstacles, and the stumps which

are long since dead and dry. The principal task is to get

the stumps out of the land.

These stumps are of the long leaf yellow pine variety.

They do not rot because they are filled with pitch androsin. Instead of branching roots, there is a main tap root

that goes straight down. This would make their removal

difficult but for the fact that they are so filled with pitch.

A machine is used for quickly boring holes into the

stumps. It consists of a large power-driven auger mountedon wheels. A two-and-one-half-inch hole is bored into

the stump, starting at the surface and boring diagonally

through, emerging about 15 inches below the surface.

By digging down to the hole and starting a fire, the stump

is soon consumed, the hole bored through it acting as a

flue that creates a draft which keeps the fire going. Soonnothing is left but a little pile of ashes. The entire stump

is thus burned, clear down into the roots below the bottom

of the auger hole. It is said to be a very efficient methodand not expensive. The secret of the plan is the hole

that leads the fire to the heart of the stump.

It is not, however, necessary to remove stumps in order

to farm the land. Lacking lateral roots, the stumps do

not present very great obstacles and it is possible to plow

close to them. The land can be farmed before it is cleared,

which is a distinct advantage to the colony, as it will permit

cropping a large acreage at once.

WHAT WILL BE DONE FIRST

The general methods to be pursued will not be greatly

different than have been outlined as colony procedure in the

past. Many improvements in management will of course

be made, as experience has demonstrated many things.

The housing and transportation were the greatest prob-

lems at Llano, California. They were eventually solved.

The new colony at Stables, Louisiana, does not present

these problems. The railroad, with a switch on colony

lands, vAW lay goods down within a few hundred feet of

where most of them will be used. There is already a

hotel, and there are many houses suitable for immediate

use, with abundance of materials on the ground or cheaply

bought to erect residences of a substantial nature without

much delay.

Of course the first task is to make people as comfortable

as possible, and this is already being done.

The second is to arrange for the housing of industries.

Th( Western Comrade Page Nine

There are large sheds and other buildings which can easily

be made to do for this purpose.

The third, and one which must be carried on with the

other two, is to prepare the soil and plant crops. Nothing

must delay this work. It must be undertaken at once, and

be carried on whether other work suffers or not. That is

the law of farming the world over, for the seasons will not

wait on the farmer's convenience.

The Llano industries will be mov-

ed, erected, organized, and started

as soon as possible. It is quite

probable that many of them will be

come immediately profitable, not only

as a colony venture for colony uses

but also for the outside business that

may be secured. While no prophesies

are offered, it is evident that with

a comparatively large population near

by, a share of outside business should

be easily secured. Llano has good

mechanics and workmen, and if it

becomes necessary to go into com-

petition with the outside, there is

little doubt that they will be quite

able to hold their own, when they

have colony backing.

Already the offices are established

at Stables, and the visitors to the newcolony are being hospitably cared for

and entertained in the hotel there,

which is quite adeauate for present

uses, but which undoutedlv soon will

be outgrown.

The publishing department will

be installed wth as little loss of time

as fiossible. Special efforts will be

made to put this industry on a work-

ing basis at once. The publications

will hereafter be issued from the newcolony, the postoffice of which is at

present Stables.

Farming in the South will be in

the hands of those who know most

about it, and every effort to secure

knowledge of more efficient methods

and more profitable crops will be

made. While it is an accepted fact

that the man who has farmed suc-

cessfully in any district knows howit should be done and is the manwhose methods should be followed, it

does not follow that his methodsare the best possible, and a constant

search v^alj be made for better ones.

There is little doubt but what the

cannery will be established at Stables,

but there is quite a lot of work to

be done at Llano in the meantime.The Llano cannery is just finishing

its greatest season. Canned fruit andvegetables, and the machinery andboxes and whatever is used must be packed for shipment.Plans are already being made to can vegetables in large

quantities for the coming year. There will probably be less

fruit and more vegetables put into cans next season as

it will be several years before the Colony fruit industrycan be put on a producing basis in the South.

The peaceful and constructive invasion of Louisiana bythe Llano colonists is one that should be welcomed by the

people of the South. The colonists have always been able

to get on amicably with their neighbors, and there is every

reason to believe that the people of Vernon Parish will

have nothing to regret when they find the Llano people

living amongst them. The Socialists of the South are

much interested in this peaceful in-

vasion and promise a most cordial

reception. Socialism was never

more an issue than now, and never

was more interest shown. Addingthe efforts of the Llano community to

the propaganda of the fighting Soc-

ialists of Texas, Arkansas and Okla-

homa should go far toward cementing

the South together for more liberal

laws, and should strengthen the

movement greatly, making it a Solid

South for Socialism.

The Llano Community invites

friends and skeptics alike to visit it,

to learn what is being attempted, to

join in making the ideals of construct-

tive Socialism a reality.

Letters have already begun to

come in asking for more information

about the plans of the colonists.

The question most frequently asked

is, "What are you going to do with

the Colony in California?" This is

the question which the colonists at

Llano asked themselves and the ans-

wer has been found.

The present plan, as has already

been stated, is to bend most of the

energies toward bringing the Lous-

iana Colony to the point of produc-

tion as rapidly as possible. To thi^

end the majority of the residents of

Llano, California, are being trans-

ferred to the new property. But even

within the last month, or at any rate

since the Louisiana move was defin-

itely decided on, new members have

come to Llano who expect to stay

here. They will remain. They will

help in the planting of trees, the

building of flumes, and the other

work that must be carried on. Others

will want to come to California, and

they will be permitted to do so to the

extent that there is work for them.

As this is being written a comrade

in Los Angeles writes to know about

our plans for Llano. He wants to

know if we intend to build a model

city at Llano. It is impossible to give

a direct answer to this question or

to others of a similar nature. This

is something which will be left to the

discretion of those who live- at Llano. Certainly, if they

wish to do so and it is deemed practicable. It is not just

nor feasible for those who go to Louisiana to dictate what

those who live at Llano should do. The only thing that

may be said definitely and safely is that the Llano colony in

California is to be retained and its development continued.

Democracy andEfficiencyByAIec Watkins

(Written Specially for Western Comrade)

THE opinion is quite general That

Democracy and Efficiency are incompat-

ible. In conducting our organizations

we socialists help to confirm this belief.

We are not inclined to trust those in

authority very far. A critical examination

of history has developed in us a rather

large capacity for suspicion. And frequent-

ly, when the necessity for suspicion has

largely gone, the instinct still persists. In

our organizations we are often afraid to

delegate any real power to the officials

we ourselves elect ; we insist upon elect-

ing committees when far better results

could be obtained by allowing the presiding

officer to appoint them ; we demand that

all business be brought before the main

body when much of it could well be left

to our officers and committees. It wouldbe difficult to devise a more effectual wayof tying our own hands.

This is done in the name of Democracy:but it is no more necessary to democratic

management than is poor accountancy,

slovenly janitor-work, or anything else that

produces chaos where there should be order.

It has been said that democracy is not

a FORM of government, but a KIND of

government: it is the kind of government

in which the governed are in control of

iheir own affairs, but the form it takes is

a matter of expediency, and may vary ac-

cording to circumstances. Popular control

is the essential feature. Democracy pre-

vents the control of the business of all of

the people by a few of them, but to insist

that all nf the people pass upon all of the

details of all of their business prevents anysort of adequate control whatever, even

by the people themselves. In fact, if the

members of an organization pursue such a

course consistently for any length of time,

they are likely to have no business left to

control.

Efficiency does not require that the mem-bers of an organization relinquish their con-

trol of its affairs, but it does necessitate

the placing of a larger amount of confidence

in executive officers than we in the socialist

movement are in the habit of placing in

ours. Eternal vigilance is the price of lib-

erty, but perpetual suspicion buys us noth-

ing but trouble.

Page Ten T'^c Western

Criminality—The Probation SystemBy H. A. SESSIONS, Probation Officer

Fresno County, California

(Written Specially for The Western Comrade.)

MANY writers have commented on phases on the "Proba-

tion system," as if it were new, untried, of doubtful

value and of questionable efficacy in the protection of

society from criminals, and in the discouragement of crime.

I think it can be shown that in California, outside of San

Francisco, in accordance with the population, there was less

crime amounting to a felony, and excluding the "new-made"

crimes, ending February 1st, than in the preceding year.

Every session of congress and of the legislature adds new

crimes and misdemeanors to the already long list. To these

the supervisors and city council add ordinances innumerable,

until no man is safe from prosecution and persecution. The

best lawyers in the state do not know the laws. Every man

blunders along, liable to be picked up by some enemy, and

publicly pilloried and disgraced, or perhaps summarily pun-

ished, and yet he may have injured, cheated, wronged or

defrauded nobody, knowingly and intentionally.

With the growing multiplicity of

laws, it becomes a matter of necessity

that there be a sifting out of offenders

and a severe restraint of those who

knowingly, intentionally, and persist-

ently commit injurious and anti-so-

cial acts; and on the other hand a

lesser restraint of those who ignoranl-

ly, unintentionally, oi under sudden

strain or passion, commit some serious

crime or misdemeanor.

Since the memory of man judges

have had the power of "suspending

sentence," or in other words withhold-

ing punishment. The offender was

then free to go about as if no charges

had been made against him. The es-

sentially new thing about the probation

system is that before the sentence is

suspended a careful investigation is

made, and that after the suspension

of sentence the guilty party is required to keep in touch

with a certain officer of the court in order to prove (probare)

himself worthy of this lesser form of punishment.

As to the punishment of men placed on probation, let

me say that their average term in jail before suspension of

sentence is about two months. That ought to be ampledeterrent for most people and is as much of that kind of

punishment as will help any one to reform. The man on

probation has temporarily lost his citizenship, he is sub-

ject to arrest without warrant, cannot enter into any busi-

ness, nor move about from place to place without consent

of the court, and if he lives up to his instructions, lives a

more correct life than does the average man.

In Fresno county the utmost care is taken to find whether

or not a man is a repeater of serious crimes, a professional

criminal or has had a long criminal record and almost none

of these have been placed on probation in the last wouryears.

So far as known only seven per cent of the men placed

on probation in the last four years have committed serious

offenses while on probation, and nearly fifty per cent of the

men sent to state's prison commit serious offenses after they

are discharged. The Blue Book of England for 1912 states

SENDING men to prison does

not protect society unless every

sentence shall be for life. Short

terms in prison are absolute folly

so far as the individual is con-

cerned. They do vastly more dam-

age than good. The criminal short-

termer, schooled in all the arts of

vice, is turned loose on society with-

out supervision, and the bad results

to others are much greater than the

good done by "making an example"

of him.

that out of 168,260 convictions for that year 104,171 hadbeen convicted at least once before, and over 12,000 hadbeen convicted more than 20 times each. This proves am-ply that sending men to prison does not protect society un-less every sentence shall be for life. Short terms in prisonare absolute folly so far as the individual is concerned. Theydo vastly more damage than good. The criminal short-

termer, schooled in all the arts of vice, is turned loose withoutsupervision, and the bad results to others are much greaterthan the good done by "making an exampe of him."

Suppose that every automobile driver that broke the least

traffic regulation was put in jail for at least a month—noneescaping. There wouldn't be so many infractions, but therewould finally be a great many more criminals and the ulti-

mate effect of such punishments would be a fearful lower-.ing of social conditions.

Discharged convicts frequently say "The people put me in

a position to learn a trade and they must expect me to workat it." And they do until they are again caught.

So far as the individual delinquent is concerned theprobation system is, at the lowest, eighty per cent efficient.

As an effective deterrent and a factor

in the reduction of crime, time onlywill determine its value. As yet there is

no general increase of crime attribut-

able to it.

In England, when more than a hun-dred offenses were punishable bydeath, there were more crimes of vio-

lence than now. It isn't prisons,

sheriffs, policemen, prosecutors andcourts that prevent crime. It is the

free exercise of human rights, a fair

share of the world's production for ev-

ery one, education—mental, moral

and physical—and the application of

the golden rule.

I am interested in my work because

of its great opportunities for helpful-

ness. The Probation officers recon-

struct broken families, break up hope-

lessly vicious ones, find homes for un-

fortunate children, restrain vicious ones, protect the weakand helpless, secure for many children their educational rights,

restore criminals to good citizenship, find jobs for the jobless

and homes for the homeless.

I am interested in probation work, because I believe its net

results will add richly to the sum' total of human happiness.

The probation system is constantly educating people as to the

meaning of crime, its causes and prevention, and in doing

this, is recording the results of much social experimentation.

In the records of the Fresno county courts are hundreds of

documents which were prepared in the probation office, show-

ing, more or less correctly, the causes of crime, delinquency

and dependency.

I freely predict that the study of the causes of crime will

result in a new system of penology which will deal prin-

cipally with causes. The probation and parole systems are

also showing the possibilities of the control of delinquents

outside of prison walls. The time is not far distant when no

one will be sentenced to prison except those physically

dangerous.

In olden times, the prison was principally a place of de-

tention, pending trial and judgment. In England, at one time,

the death penalty was inflicted for one hundred fifty-six of-

Th. Western Comrade Page Eleven

fenses, one of which was catching rabbits. One by one the

punishments were lopped off, leaving the courts no alterna-

tive than imprisonment. Now that we know that imprison-

prisonment is probably the cause of more crime than it pre-

vents, it becomes our duty either to invent new, rational and

effective punishments, where punishment is desirable, or ascer-

tain the cause of crime and stop it at its source.

We find that much crime is merely the result of weakness

and adverse conditions, rather than a vicious habit of mind,

and therefore such delinquents need help, education and

training more than imprisonment. In cases of crimes against

property, restitution from the earnings of the delinquents is

often a better corrective than the prison, and much more

satisfactory to the injured party. Imprisonment for property

crimes usually results in complete moral bankruptcy. In the

last analysis, I do not hesitate to say that the crimes of society

against individuals are responsible for most of the crimes of

individuals against society.

The greatest hope of our juvenile department in the proba-

tion office is the elimination of a large part of its work by

other agencies, among them, the school, the church, the wel-

fare commissions, domestic relations courts, and by legal

enactments, such as the widow's pension, workman's com-

pensation, health and employment insurance and shorter hours.

Such agencies should assume care

and supervision of the neglected and

defective, leaving only the criminally

inclined or weak-minded in charge of

the probation officer. The probation

officer for juveniles should be more

and more a special investigator and

advisor for the juvenile court judge,

and possibly a referee or assistant

judge, and less and less an executive

officer.

In the future, the probation staff

will include a psychologist, skilled in

mental derangements, both men and

women medical and surgical special-

ists. This means ascertaining the

cause of every delinquency and a pre-

vention of its repetition by correcting

or removing the cause, where possi-

ble; and permanent supervision, whereimpossible.

As the probation officer for Fresno county, I am frequently

asked"What is the cause of the increase of the social evil

and the consequently alarming increase of venereal disease?"

In my opinion there are many contributing factors such

as lack of parental care, more leisure, night life, lack of

wholesome pleasures and entertainment. But by far the mostimportant is the economic factor.

After existence is assured, the strongest impulse we haveleads to the happiness in the love-life. That impulse waits

not on ethics, religion, politics or other inventions of civiliza-

tion. All that can be done is to guide it.

Love is primarily a home and home-making product. Ex-otic passion is the creator of the brothel, the rooming house,

the childless apartment house and the woman who imperson-ates the beloved wife and mother no matter what her nom-inal station may be.

By far the greatest influence in producing laxness of sex

morals in our modern society I believe to be the "code of

honor" of the casual and migratory workers. They despise

one of their class, who, on uncertain work and more uncer-

tain wages, entangles a woman by marriage and drags her

and her children down with him to squalor, misery and prob-

able dishonor and disgrace.

NEARLY fifty per cent of the

men sent to state's prison com-

mit serious offenses after they are

discharged. In England, when more

than a hundred offenses were pun-

ishable by death, there were more

crimes of violence than now. It

isn't prisons, sheriffs, policemen,

prosecutors and courts that prevent

crime. It is the free exercise of

human rights, a fair share of the

world's production, education

—

mental, moral and physical---and

the application of the Golden Rule.

Many a lime have I heard an old man of this class "tongue-

lash" a younger man for defending the marriage relation.

Such men know the futility of the attempt to establish a

home on a laborer's wages. Few have the courage and per-

sistence to save enough money to pay for the home beforemarriage and it becomes well-nigh impossible afterward.

For the purposes of this argument, soldiers and sailors maybe classed with casual laborer. Their excesses and immoral-ities are almost proverbial.

Low wages and unemployment then, are at the basis of

the "free relation" and the demand for the immoral womenamong the common laborers. If society permits, they do not

seek the respectable girl, the woman in the sheltered home,but consort with the public woman. If the latter are not

in evidence, with the advent of an considerable number of

casual workers into a community, the procurer, the messengerboy, the taxicab driver, soon produce them, and the ranksof the public woman are rapidly recruited from the unattachedand homeless. The ordinary farm hand in California teacheshis code to the son of the man he is working for. In idle

times he teaches the town boys. Seeing no hope for better

things, they abandon themselves to illicit relations, defendingthemselves with a certain show of honor.

The remedy is the assurance of steady employment anda fair opportunity for home-building.

Harris Weinstock is on the right road

in his advocacy of rural credits andstate land colonization. Homebuild-ing for the ambitious, steady employ-

ment at fair wages and a square deal

—this is the secret of social reform.

If I could have my way, every boy

would be taught a good trade, andat twenty-one, if his work and conduct

had been good, he would be provided

with a home which could not be taken

away from him and which he could

not dispose of. He might earn a bet-

ter one and leave it to be occupied

by another young couple, but it could

not be sold.

In Serbia every capable farmer

was given twenty-three acres of land

to be his as long as he used it. In

Bulgaria, every man gets seven acres

as a birth-right, but he cannot sell it. For sixty years our

government has tried to give every man a farm, but he

does not build a home upon it.

An attempt to place every man above want and the fear

of starvation may seem like a costly experiment, but I believe

that the productive power of the nation would be so greatly

increased that the additional cost would be as nothing.

I place the cause of our social ills in their relative import-

ance as follows:—unemployment, alcohol and drug habits,

incompetence (heredity and neglected training), disease, com-

mercialized vice. Underlying and intertwined are the political

policies of the land, taxation, finance, transportation, market-

ing and public service. And behind all is the personality of

the individual.

If unemployment, incompetence and disease are overcome,

the other questions will be solved.

» * »

Co-operation wss bom of feeling that unmitigated competition is at

best but social war, and though war has its conquests, its pomps, its

bards, its proud associations and heroic memories, there is murder in its

n-arch. and humanity and genius were things to blush for if progress can-

not be accomplished by some other means. What an enduring truce is

to war, co-operation is to the never-ceasing conflict between capital and

labor. It is the peace of industry.—G. J. Holyoake.

Page Twelve Th( Western Comrade

The Revolution In North Dakota ByH.c.Teigan

Written Specially For the Western Comrade. Those Copying Please Give Credit.

[This is the second of three articles by H. G. Teigan, telling

the story of the Nonpartisan League of North Dakota.]

THE campaign of 1916 was really opened in the fall of

1915. A glance at the files of the "Non-partisan

Leader" will bear testimony to this fact. A cartoon on

the first page of the first issue contained a challenge to the

politicians that their kind were no longer desired to act as

officials for the people of North Dakota.

The Leader had on its editoral staff at the beginning such

able men as Charles Edward Russell, O. M. Thomason and

J. M. Baer, the cartoonist, who now represents the first dis-

trict of North Dakota in the lower house of congress. Under

the inspiration of A. C. Townly, president of the league, the

Leader staff proceeded to lay the foundation for a class-

conscious organization. Not much was said at first about

the program of the League, which had been endorsed by

each member at the time of enrollment, but nearly every

editorial, article and cartoon had for its guiding principle that

of developing class-solidarity and the spirit of organization

in the members. The propaganda consisted mainly in show-

ing up the politicians and the interests that were misleading

and preying upon the farmers. Several important articles

were published on the Nanna administration showing where

the Governor and the Banking board had crushed several

baking institutions that had not acquiesced in the policies

of the crowd in power. The administration was also attacked

on its unfair system in shouldering the greater part of the

taxes on the farmer.

However, it was not long until the program was taken up

and discussed by Mr. Thomason. He wrote a series of articles

dealing with the different planks of the program. But in-

asmuch as no convention had been held to adopt, or more

correctly, to outline a program, it was deemed advisable to

obtain some direct word from the people on this matter. Thus,

in the November 16th issue of the Leader, the members of

the organization were invited to discuss through the columns

of the paper this question

—

"What kind of laws do you want?"

The letters received, and there were a great many of them,

clearly indicated that the program as originally outlined was

right in line with the demands of the farmers. There was

strong demand for such measures as the exemption of farm

improvements from taxation; State ownership of terminal

elevators, flour mills, packing houses, and cold storage plants;

rural credit banks, and State hail insurance.

On December 9th a speaking campaign was inaugurated,

which was continued up to the time of election in November,

1916. The first meeting was held at Pettibone, Kidder county.

President Townly, A. E. Bowen, Mr. Townly's chief associate

in the building of the Non-partisan League, and several other

speakers addressed this meeting. It was, to say the least,

a wonderful success. The hall was packed, and the interest

manifested was remarkable. The reason that Pettibone was

selected as a starter was that one of the local banks had

turned down more than a hundred checks issued by farmers

of the vicinity for membership in the leage. The reason

given was this—

"Bank won't pay on this paper.' The ostensi-

ble reason given by the cashier of the bank, when Mr.

Townly, in company with several local farmers, called on him,

was that the checks were not made out on the regular printed

blanks furnished by the bank. The real reason', however,

was that the bank did not want to see the farmers organized

POLITICALLY. Many other banks were guilty of the same

"skullduggery" and many are still manifesting the same

treacherous attitude toward the farmers and their organiza-

tion. Needless to state, the checks were paid by the Petti-

bone bank after Mr. Townly and the farmers "called" on

the cashier.

By the first of the year, 1916, the spirit of organization

had been developed to a wonderful extent. The meetings

had been largely instrumental in bringing the farmers together,

and of course the Leader had been even more effective in

this respect. The farmers were becoming class-conscious.

They were beginning to realize that bankers, grain speculators

and owners of large industries have interests diametrically

opposed to those of the farmers, in the economic sphere.

Conditions now warranted actual political action on the

part of the farmers. Interest, siilidarity, understanding—all

these had been sufficiently developed in the minds of the

League members to enable them offering battle to the OldGuard.

On January 27th, President Townly issued the call for

precinct meetings. The call read as follows:

NOTICE TO PRECINCT CONVENTIONS"'You are hereby notified that on February 22nd, 1916, at 2 p. m.,

the members of the Farmers' Non-partisan Political league will holda meeting in each voting precinct in North Dakota to elect delegates

to the Legislative and State conventions.

"Urge every member to come. Here is where your work begins.

"Watch the Leader for further notices.

A. C. TOWNLY, President."

The politicians and the kept press were "up a tree," so to

speak. They were hostile and yet, not being able to under-

stand the League's strength, they did not know what to say.

Many of them figured that it would be unwise to launch forth

in too bitter attacks on the Organization as that might prove

the more dangerous to them in the end. Several that hadbeen bitter in attacking the League when being organized,

now "pulled in their horns." It was not until after the

precinct conventions that the real power of the farmers'

movement was learned. The farmers attended these con-

ventions in a spirit of religious fidelity. Newspaper reporters

and politicians were excluded from the convention halls, andthis, probably more than anything else, struck terror into the

hearts of these gentlemen. The precinct conventions werefollowed by district legislative conventions, at which can-

didates were endorsed for the legislative assembly, and the

district conventions were followed by the State Convention

at Fargo, March 29th.

Lynn J. Frazier, an actual farmer, living on his farm near

Hoople, in the northeastern part of the State, was nominated

for Governor. He was 41 years of age, and a graduate of

the State University. He was one of the most popular stu-

dents that the institution had ever had. He was captain of

the football team, and ranked as one of the leaders in his

class. In his home community Mr. Frazier had held several

local offices and was, at the time of his nomination for gov-

ernor, an official of several farmers' organizations. Needless

to say, he was not an office seeker, and if the farmers had

not drafted him into service, he would never have become

a candidate for governor or for any other State or national

office. In this instance the office sought the man.

To show the surprise with which he received the announce-

ment of his nomination, I want to relate his own story of

the matter upon his arrival at Fargo, the day after the con-

vention :

Th( Western Comrade Page Thirteen

"I drove into town Wednesday, and they sent word to me that

I was wanted at the telephone. When I got to the 'p^ion^- '^^^X '°'"^

me that it was League headquarters at Fargo talking and asked me

to come up here right away. I told them I couldn't come that night,

because I had my overalls on and no suitable clothing with me.

"I went back to the farm and packed my grip and came up here

and it was then I learned they wanted me to run for Governor and

that the League delegates in their convention had nominated me.

The politicians and newspapers were panic striken. Fewof them knew anything of Mr. Frazier, and for that reason

did not know how to proceed to attack him. The papers

harped mostly on the leadership of the Non-partisan League

and the way Frazier had been nominated. They charged

that he had been nominated by a convention, which was in

violation of the spirit of the primary election laws. They

also maintained that Mr. Frazier had been forced upon the

farmers by the "Socialist" leaders of the league. Of course

the charge was utterly absurd, as Socialists are not in the

habit of forcing republicans upon the people (Mr. Frazier had

always been affiliated with the republican party.) Yet it

would be expecting too much had the politicians in their

desperation not resorted to such tactics. They had to have

something to rave about.

Little criticism was offered by the opposition, on the can-

didates endorsed by the league. In fact, the newspapers

and politicians could not dig up anything that would in any

way reflect upon the candidates, but, on the other hand,

these tools of Big Business continued to assail the leaders

and officers of the league. They were labeled "carpet bag-

gers," "Socialists," "L W. W.'s," "atheists," "free lovers,"

and given every designation that the exploiting class has ever

given to the leaders of a working class revolt.

Mr. Frazier's chief opponent for the republican nomination

was a brilliant young lawyer and politician. Usher L. Burdick

of Williston. Mr. Burdick was a very popular man and

would have had a walk-a-way for the governorship had it

not been for the existence of the Non-partisan league. Hehad been a candidate for the governorship in 1914, but was

defeated by the machine—politician incumbent of the office.

L. B. Hanna. At that time, practically all the newspapers

in the State supported Mr. Hanna. Burdick was thought bythem to to be too much of a radical. He had held office as

Speaker of the House of Representatives and Lieutenant

Governor and was known to be decidedly independent in

his political views. These facts, however, made Mr. Burdick

all the more formidable as an opponent of Mr. Frazier. Hewas considered progressive and a good many of the league

members had been favorably inclined toward his candidacy.

He was defeated for the league endorsement mainly because

of the fact that he was a lawyer by profession, and wa^counted a politician. Besides, no one knew exactly where

he stood on the measures demanded by the farmers.

The reactionary elements of the State, which would not

have supported Mr. Burdick, were now, however, compelled

to rally to his support. These reactionaries had fought himtwo years before and had heaped all kinds of abuse uponhim at that time, but now they were compelled to accept

him as the "lesser of two evils." If Burdick should be elected

there was no organization back of him that would insure

stability to his administration. Then, too, it was held bythe Old Guard politicians that if he could be used as aninstrument to defeat the organized farmers' movement, it

would be only a short time until they would be back in the

saddle. On the other hand, if the league candidates should

be victorious, there was no telling when, if ever, they wouldbe turned out of office. Nearly all the self-styled progressives

supported Mr. Burdick. There were only a few scattered

radicals like Professors Worst and Ladd of the Agricultural

College and Dr. Gillette of the State University who cameout in open support of Frazier and the league ticket.

In North Dakota the real test is in the primary. Therehas been little chance for a Democrat or Socialist to be elected

to any office of importance in the State, and any candidate

who might be nominated by the republicans for office could

feel reasonably certain that his fight was over after hereceived the nomination. The primary is held on the last

Wednesday of June preceding a general election. In 1916,

this came on June 28th. H«nce it was that all efforts wereput forth to defeat the league candidates in the primary. It

was generally felt, and even admitted by the politicians, ihal

if the league candidates should be successful on June 28th,

there would be no chance to defeat them in the general

election.

During the months of May and June a desperate light waswaged by the reactionary elements. In addition to the at-

tacks on the League leaders, one of the claims made by the

Old Guard was that the league constituted, in the eyes of the

law, a partnership, and that every member was financially

responsible for any indebtedness that might be incurred byihe Organization. This charge was promptly nailed by the

Leader, and the author of the charge. Dr. L. T. Guild, then

editor of the Fargo Daily Courier News, was offered $1000to substantiate his charge in court. Dr. Guild dropped the

proposition like a hot cake. Just before the primary, how-ever, the organized Opposition sent out a circular to every

voter in the State. It was headed—"NORTH DAKOTA IS

FACING A CRISIS." In this circular an attempt was madeto show that the election of the League candidates would meanthe financial ruin of the people of the State. But the farmers

cf North Dakota felt that there was little for them to worry

about, even if such were the case. Ruin already stared

them in the face if conditions were to continue as they were,

any length of time. Besides, the majority of the farmers

felt that their own representatives would be less likely to

cause their ruin than those representing the interests that

had always preyed upon them.

Just before the primary, Mr. Frazier and several state

candidates made a tour of the State in a special train. Every-

where they were greeted with large audiences and this despite

the fact that it rained almost continuously from the time the

train left Fargo until it returned. Eveyrthing pointed to

victory. On Tuesday evening, June 27, the last meeting

was held at Fargo, and the next day the election took place.

Rains throughout the State cut down the vote somewhat and

undoubtedly operated to the disadvantage of the League

ticket. In spite of this, however, Mr. Frazier received ap-

proximately 3000 majority over all his opponents combined.

The vote for each candidate was as follows. Usher L.

Burdick, 23,362; J. H. Fraine (candidate for the ultra-

reactionaries), 9,780; Lynn J. Frazier, 39,246; George J.

Smith (candidate of a few country newspapers owned by

Smith), 2,981.

After the primary, the League carried on a regular educa-

tional campaign. There was no question as to the outcome in

the general election. The State being normally republican

by a two to one majority, the tremendous victory of the

League in the primary made the election of its candidates

a' cinch.

The only office for which there was any contest was the

supreme court. There being no party designation permitted

for election to this office, the Old Guard saw a chance of

electing at least one candidate. If one candidate could be

elected, the court would still remain under the control of Big

Biz, as there were two hold-over members. If, however,

(Continued on Page 26)

Page Fourleen The Western Comrade

What Must We Do To Make Socialism a Power?A Symposium of State Secretaries

Written Specially For the Western Comrade. Those Copying Please Give Credit.

A. L. SUGARMAN, State Secretary, Minnesota Socialist Party

WHAT must the Socialist party do to become a power in

American politics? It must get out of politics, in the

ordinary sense of the word. A political campaign, in

my opinion, is merely a scheme by which we take advantage

of the interest the public shows in elections to present the

principles of socialism, under the guise of being as highly ex-

cited over the prospect of sending men into public as are the

old gangs.

Not that we do not wish to put our comrades into power.

Of course this is desirable. ' But, in importance, this does not

begin to compare with the propaganda value of a campaign.

The vital thing is to get socialism before the people.

For the reform will come in proportion to the rise in the

socialist vote. Bismarck hated socialism, and yet gave the

people of Germany all of the palliatives, in order to stem the

rising socialist movement. And so the American capitalist

class will give the people a thousand

remedial measures, just as fast as the

socialist vote justifies them.

Consequently, it would appear to

me that that the most needed advice

to the movement is that it should stick

to fundamentals. By so doing, it will

secure for the people the little benefit

derived from "immediate demands,"

and at the same time will be building

up a great body of revolutionary pro-

letarians, who will ultimately be pre-

pared to take over the world in the

name of labor.

W. H. HENRY, State Secretary

Indiana Socialist Party

THE uncompromising position of

the Socialist party should be the

continued position, but we should try

to reach the farmer in the future more than we have in

the past. It is in my opinion a rather unsettled time to do

other than plow right ahead with our work, as we are doing

at the present time. When the war is over, the position the

party will be in will give us a great advantage over all parties,

and then we should, I think, get together with cool heads

and work out the best there is in our party brains—to the

end that Socialism in America may be able to reach and brmgunder its wings the great mass of humanity that rightly be-

long to us, and in most cases if rightly and properly ap-

proached will be glad to become a part of our great party.

At this time we must plow right straight ahead, and by all

means keep our organization together and build greater its

numbers till the light of reason again is able to enter the

minds of the people. I think it would be most unwise for

any of our comrades to think of any great changes, or at

least to even suggest any changes until sanity gets back on

the job. Our cause is too sacred to the welfare of labor to

allow anything to sway us from the path that leads to greater

unity and comradeship of the Socialist forces of America. Let

us not be severed from our course by the distracting influences

of the war-fever. Let us ignore governmental tyranny, andexploit the possibilities now within our reach.

WHAT must be done to make

the Socialist Party a POWERin American politics? This is the

vital question that a number of the

most prominent State Secretaries of

the American Socialist party at-

tempt to answer for the readers of

the Western Comrade. Why does

the Socialist party stagnate while

the Socialist movement spreads

phenomenally? There must be

something radically faulty with our

organization. This fault must be

corrected. What are YOU doing

to solve this problem?

FRED IRISH, State Secretary, Maine Socialist Party

WHAT the Socialist party should do is to become, not a

greater power in American politics, but a POWER.With our present programs, platforms, proclamations and

propaganda, we are as impotent as a little yellow dog, baying

at the moon. These things represent noise of much the samecharacter as blank cartridges, and while, like the small boy,

we may please ourselves with delusions of childhood, it im-

poses on no one else.

Power! It is a "kingly word," as Jack London once re-

marked, but who, with all the lessons of the past twenty years

of political striving, is fool enough to believe that power will

ever come to the workers in quantity sufficient to overthrow

the capitalist system and establish on its ruins the co-operative

commonwealth, solely through casting a ballot for the Socialist

party? Our naivety is most pitiful.

EMIL HERMAN, Secretary Socialist

Party of Washington

THE Socialist party is organized to

accomplish a certain definite pur-

pose, to achieve the emancipation of

the working-class. To attain this end

it is necessary for the working-class to

become coiiscious of the power it maywield through political and industrial

solidarity.

To become the dominant power in

American politics we must develop

knowledge and efficiency sufficient to

be able to cope with, and over-come

all of the political machinery of the

capitalist class.

The two important essentials, there-

fore, are education and organization.

The latter will follow logically as a re-

sult of the former. We must educate

to develop knowledge; we must organize to make the knowl-

edge effective.

Our lecturers and organizers should all qualify as

teachers of scientific Socialism—no others should be placed

in the field. Even in the heat of political campaigns our main

purpose should be to teach Socialism to the workers and to

organize them to make it a fact.

Locals should be encouraged to organize study-clubs for

the study and discussion of Socialist fundamentals, current

political and industrial events of importance to labor, and the

principals of parliamentary practice.

In nominating candidates for office we should be careful

that no one is nominated except he be qualified for the duties

of the office he is to fill.

Socialist publications should, in alternate issues, devote at

least one column to some phase of the science of Socialism

and the necessity for organized effort on the part of labor

through the Socialist party.

Dues for membership in the Socialist party should be in-

creased by 100 per cent so as to make it possible to put into

effect the program of education and organization as outlined

above.

To sum up then: In order for the Socialist party to be-

Th< Western Comrade Page Fifteen

come a power in American politics we need more knowledge,

greater efficiency, better organization, and more money with

which to prosecute the work of educating and organizing the

working class for its emancipation.

E. F. ATWOOD, State Secretary, South Dakota

WE ARE confronted by three facts: 1st, war; 2nd, in-

vasion of constitutional rights; 3rd, increasing severity

of the struggle to live; with incidentally increasing fortunes

to a horde of greedy and traitorous speculators.

Our aim is to win the world from capitalism to Socialisrn.

War is the topmost fruit on capitalism's tree. Opposition is

useless and even foolish; it is a waste of energy. The longer

it continues, and the more the speculators oppress the peo-

ple, the more they drive them to seek a remedy. We have the

only peaceful remedy offered. This is also a statement of

facts, not of principle!

With every constitutional right safe-guarded, we are still

of the servant class, ruled by the master class, for the ruler-

ship by capitalists is much greater than that by the political

state.

The only real issue before us is the class struggle and the

inculcation of class consciousness.

Take advantage of the situation and of the wrongs that

grow from it to build up the Socialist

party, not as opponents of war, not as

clamorers for rights, but as human

beings who understand and who are

determined to capture and to use the

powers of government for the entire

people, and not for any class.

In South Dakota, on this idea, we

have doubled our membership and

again doubled that, in five months.

And, we will double it several more

times.

Follow the international:

"In the event war should come notwith-

standing the efforts of the Sociahsis to pre-

vent it, then it becomes the duty of the So-

ciaHsts to \vork for its speedy termmation,

and to use all the power at their command,

utilizing, the political and economic crisis pro-

duced by the war, in an effort to arouse the

discontent of the people so as to hasten the

abolition of the rule of the capitalist class."

The weakest thing about the capitalist system is the small

number in the master class. It is absolutely foolish to try to

impose our theories, while we are the insignificant minority,

upon the master class. They will not do as we could do it

through some other organization. Let the Socialist party use

every effort to get members, to educate them, and to end

capitalism by carrying elections, making laws and putting

capitalists out of business, once for all, by inaugurating so-

cialism.

South Dakota dues last year averaged some $50 per month.

i 170.95;

because

ALL OF the State Secretaries

who have contributed in this

symposium unanimously agree that

there is something wrong with the

Socialist party. Most of them dif-

fer with respect to the nature of

this wrong and the method desired

to correct it. Is this wrong a super-

ficial

quires a revolutionary overhauling

of our party tactics? Many say

that the Socialist party does not

represent the working class. Does

it?

In 1917, May, $81.20; June, $143.20; July,

.August, $331.60. Not because of programs, but

of the class struggle becoming better understood.

GEORGE C. PORTER, Ex-State Secretary,

Nebraska Socialist Party

IWAS not in accord with the action of the majority at the St.

Louis convention or the approval of that report later by the

membership. The question appealed to me to be of such

far reaching importance as would not justify compromise on

my part. For two months after the convention I remained

in the party thinking that possibly that course might be justi-

fied in view of my own position being known as it was. Local

differences of a logical development from the majority plan

obliged me to either support the action of the majority or

leave the party. My personal view was then and is nowthat this division makes the central thing of the Socialist

party organization a question as to its attitude on the war,

while the correct attitude, as I view it, would have been to

rally the working force of the nation to the support of the

nation, but to insist that the war should be in reality a warfor democracy and that as means to that end, our organized

energy be extended largely in seeing that the wealth of the

nation should pay the bill on no more favorable basis than that ^given to workers in fighting the nation's battles.

As I view things, the Socialist party's attitude would if suc-

cessful, divide the workers in two hostile camps and allow the

shirkers a free hand to loot the nation. For this reason, I

resigned as state secretary in June, left the party and have

joined the Social Democratic league, and am now working

with others for an alliance of all the real progressive groups

throughout the nation.

C. B. LANE, Ex-Secretary. Socialist Party of Arizona

IFTHE Socialist party is ever to become a power to be used

in the interests of labor, it must maintain a clear and dis-

tinct policy, and not lose its identity in the conglomerationof reform movements that is so at-

tractive. My faith in the efficacy ofappealing to the reason of the work-ing classes to vote themselves out ofbondage has undergone some serious

shakings the last two years. We seemto be getting further along in a yearby the exigencies of militarism thanby a decade of agitation by socialists.

Let us be less enthusiastic aboutour program of immediate demands.The people are at present taking a

lasting lesson in socialism, given themby the experiences encountered in the

world-war. When capitalism has bled

itself white by war, the people will

automatically accept socialism without

the necessity of holding an election to

demand it. The function of the So-cialist party then will be only to point

the way to democratic management.The greatest work before the party today is the encourage-

ment of co-operative enterprises so that the working classes

may secure an education in the management of industry. In

this manner, when the opportunity arises, socialists will be able

to lead the way in the actual work of socialization.

THOMAS W. WILLIAMS, State Secretary,

Socialist Party, California

THE Socialist party must abandon its program of negation,

discard the swaddling clothes of party infancy and enter

the world's conflict with a constructive program and a posi-

tive message.

Political mud^slinging has had its day. A "ferninst the

government" policy in the United States is suicidal. Thepeople are the government.

We should stand squarely on the declaration of rights

enunciated in the Declaration of ledependence and affirma-

tively proclaim the right of free speech, free press and peace- -

able assembly vouchsafed in the United States constitution.

Dissipate prejudice and disarm opposition by contending

for constitutional law. Force the enemy on the defensive.

This extreme anti-war program and anti-draft agitation

(Continued on Page 19)

r IS It one that

liiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii^iiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiiii

Hotel building an the

Colony at Louisiana. It

Is well built and com-

fortable and has eighteen

rooms. Guests can be

comfortably housed.

Another of the ware-

houses purchased with

the Colony's Louisiana

Plantation which can be

used as a warehouse oi

torn down and the lum-

ber used for building.

Smallest warehouse on

the Louisiana Plantation.

Note the railroad and the

switch in front. Tank

and waterworks in rear.

iiii'i f

Office buildmg acquired by the

There are six rooms in it and a gcan be handled in a businessHke |

it

Woodland scene on Colony 1.

general scenery is said to muchsylvania. Many thousands of doll

^nlllillllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllilllllllllllllllllillUlllllllllllillll^ lllllllillilllllll IlllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllJilllillllilllllllllllllllllllllllllllllliy^ liiiilllliiliilllllliiillliiliiilliiiiiiiliiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiliiiii iilllti

fluniiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiitiiiniiiniiiiiiiiH

I

n:m-H

5 liny ^^"lth the Louisiana Plantation.

?afe IS already installed. Business

ler there.

M^

mwm

of the Louisiana Plantation. The

J: :mble that of the woods of Penn-

}.; ^orth of timber are on this properly.

ini'iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii

Colony store, with

postoffice in connection.

This will he operated in

a manner similar to the

one a! Llano, California.

iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii]iiiiiiiiiiiiriiiiiiitiiiiiiiiiiiiii^^

Concrete driers which

came with the Louisiana

Plantation. Photo taken

from interior of large

warehouse. These driers

can be used for fruit and

lumber driers.

One of the big ware-

houses purchased with

Louisiana Plantation. It

will save a vast amount

of labor and contains

much lumber.

iiiiiiiiiiiiiuiiiiiiiii.iiiiiiiyiiiiuiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiw

rage Eighfe The Western

Was Schmidt Guilty?[This is the seventh installment of Comrade Job Harriman's

address in the trial of the Los Angeles dynamiting cases.]

WHETHER the eastern or the western method is correct,

is not for me to say. I was involved in the Los

Angeles movement; I know its character and the

methods pursued; and I know that violence was not indulged

in nor encouraged; but that we had made up our minds to

capture the powers of government by the ballot and to conduct

our fight to the end along such lines. To that end and along

those lines three hundred thousand dollars was spent.

During the four years fight in the East only eighteen thou-

sand dollars was spent in their campaign of violence, if the

evidence of the State is correct. A much cheaper campaign

than was that in Los Angeles.

This eighteen thousand dollars according to the State's

evidence was paid to Ryan, Hockin, J. J. McNamara and

Webb with J. B. McNamara and McManigal in the field. Wehave no way to contradict this evidence. We have no moneyto bring witnesses from the East. The state has had accord-

ing to our best information, over a hundred thousand dol-

lars. This defendant has had only such amounts as his friends

could raise. It has been a poverty trial from the beginning.

The prosecution has had all the money it wanted. The defense

has not had one quarter as much as it absolutely needed. Wetherefore have no means to bring the evidence to contradict

the testimony concerning the character of the eastern move-

ment.

Suppose, however, the eastern campaign was one of vi-

olence. Are each of you sure that you would not have acted

as the McNamaras did, had you been confronted with the

same conditions? Was not that a war in fact? What is it

one will not do for his life? Was the life of the organization

not at stake? Were the wages of the men not dependent

upon the power of the organization? Suppose you were in

such a fight and the comfort of your family and of thousands

of other families were at stake, and a billion dollar companywas making war upon you with the determined purpose of

breaking your organization and forcing your wages down,

would you strike back? If so, how hard would you strike,

and what would you strike with? Whether you endorse their

course or not one should at least be charitable when he meets

with such conditions.

Whatever may be your opinion of the eastern policy there

can be but one opinion as to the policy in the Los Angeles

strike of 1910.

There was one fact that stood out in bold relief and that

fact was this. A four years' campaign in the East cost only

eighteen thousand dollars. A six months' campaign in Los

Angeles cost the vast sum of three hundred thousand dollars.

In the East there were a number of explosions destroying

a vast amount of property. In the West there was no violence

whatever until one of the eastern men came, bringing his

munitions of war with him, and did the work, if the disaster

was caused by that means. The western movement was not

connected with the eastern movement and was not familiar

with its method.

There is not one word of evidence to show that the men

in Los Angeles were connected with the eastern campaign,

but all the facts show that their policies were altogether

different.

The labor movement had practically captured the city of

San Francisco and had made up its mind to capture the city

of Los Angeles. Their political and industrial campaign wasbeing conducted with energy and intelligence. Great num-bers were being gathered to the unions and the political

organizations. The power was appalling and the victory wascertain. You will remember that fifty thousand votes were

cast for the labor movement. The slogan was Los Angeles

first and Sacramento next. Every one knows that the powers

of government were practically in their grasp and that such

movements are not violent but peaceable, not destructive but

constructive in their methods. The hope of the movementwas never stronger than in that day and the despair of the

enemy was never greater. The evidence showed that three

hundred thousand dollars was spent in that strike and in the

development of that great movement. That this money waspaid to those who are locked out and to the strikers in sumsof seven dollars a week. With this small pittance the menbought the food, clothing and shelter for themselves andfamilies and entered into the struggle, with a determination

and enthusiasm to build up their unions and capture the city,

that had never been equalled in any labor struggle in Am-erica.

In the face of this fact the prosecution made a futile effort

to trace a thousand dollars from J. J. McNamara to 0. A.Tveitmoe. It is true that a check for that amount was sent

by McNamara to 0. A. Tveitmoe, but the check was endorsed

by Gilson, Mr. Tveitmoe's secretary, and deposited in the

strike funds and forwarded with other money to Los Angeles

and accounted for in the disbursements to the strikers at

seven dollars a week. This was the only remaining link with

which they endeavored to connect the western strike with the

eastern struggle. There was absolutely no foundation in fact

for such a theory and it was explained so satisfactorily that

the prosecution did not again refer to it.

Not only did the strike committee receive one thousanddollars from McNamara's organization but it received similar

sums and oftimes much more from almost all the other inter-

national unions in the country. This fact forces us to t«ie con-

clusion that if the McNamaras were involved in the Tijnes

disaster they did it on their own responsibility and entirely

without the knowledge or consent of the strike committee whomanage the Los Angeles strike.

You men live in this community and so do I. I know whatthe policy of the struggle was, and I am proud of it. If

tomorrow the same situation were present I would enter the

struggle again. Never in my life have I seen such self sac-

rifice and such profound devotion to a cause as I saw in that

terrible struggle. Those who work only for fees and who will

not work unless the fees are forthcoming, cannot understandthe capable men who go into a movement and devote their

lives to its interests for a meager consideration.

I am not saying that the spirit of our friend fromIndianapolis is vicious; but I do say that he neither knows the

movement nor understands the spirit, the hearts or the mindsof those involved in the struggle. He speaks of the three

hundred thousand dollars as though it were a tremendoussum. He forgets that it fed thousands of men for manymonths and supported a tremendous campaign. He forgets

that he has received five thousand dollars for only three

months work in this case.

Mr. Noel—

"I haven't got it yet.'

Mr. Harriman—

"Well I hope you will never get it for youcertainly have not earned it. You see Mr. Noel, it dependsupon whose ox is being gored. The sum of money spent in

Th< Western Page Nineteen

the Los Angeles strike was three hundred thousand dollars.

Only a few hundred dollars would have been necessary for a

campaign of violence. Is it not evident that the methods

pursued were peaceful and constructive?

It is true the reasons for the strike were the same. The

interests out of which both struggles arose were the same.

They are the same in all strikes. In both cases the unions

were on one side and the Erectors association were on the

other. They locked the men out in the East and they locked

them out here. They were fighting for higher wages there

and they were fighting for higher wages here. Wages and

hours define the battle line in every labor struggle.

Mr. Noel refers to this fact with a sneer and asks what was

gained.

What was gained? A complete victory was gained and it

was worth all it cost in pain and suffering. Before the strike

the union men worked ten hours a day for two dollars and

twenty five cents. Now they work nine hours a day for

four dollars and fifty cents. That is what was gained. One

hundred per cent raise in wages and one hour less work is

the victory that was won. Do you think it was not worth the

fight? Ask the men who fought the fight. Ask their wives

and their children. They will tell you better than I what a

world of difference there is in such a raise in wages. Twelve

dollars a week would scarcely clothe and feed them, but

twenty five dollars brings the comforts of life and with it the

possibilities of education, of culture and of refinement.

I saw the terrible fight and though I was not one of the

strikers, yet I feel that I was one of them, and if it were

necessary I would go through it again to gain as much. You

will remember that the merchants and manufacturers were

on one side with all their social, political, and economic in-

fluence, while the unions, in the beginning stood practically

alone. The merchants and manufacturers were in control of

the city government. They controlled the city government

and knew how to use the city courts to their advantage.

This is no guess nor mere assertion. With these facts I

am more familiar than is our friend from Indianapolis. Let

me read to you an ordinance that was passed during that strike

and you will see the cloven hoof and the fiendish purpose of

those by whom it was enacted.

Before this ordinance was passed it was argued night af-

ter night before the city council. The representatives of the

labor organizations were on the one side and the attorney

for the merchants and manufacturers. Earl Rogers, who also

acted for them before the grand jury, was on the other.

They were losing ground rapidly and the unions were as

rapidly gaining. Every thing had been peaceable up to that

time, and the union men felt that their victory was certain.

The notorious anti-picketing ordinance brought on the crisis.

With it the courts and the police force of the city were con-

verted into an engine in favor of the merchants and the man-

ufacturers.

Night after night the argument proceeded but from the

beginning the entire council sat in the balance on the side of

the merchants and manufacturers. Every night, yes, every

minute spent in argument before them was absolutely wasted.

The ordinance was passed as an emergency ordinance. There

was no emergency except to retrieve the losses of the mer-

chants and manufacturrs. They knew what a failure meant.

They knew well enough what it meant to pay four dollars

and fifty cents a day for nine hours, instead of two dollars

and twenty five cents for ten hours work. They saw the

stream of wealth being diverted from their coffers to the

pockets of the producers. There is no use of closing our eyes

to this fact. This strike like all strikes arose over wages andhours. The conflict of interest was the cause of that class

war, as it is always the cause.

The fight was started by the merchants and manufacturers.

They locked the men out. They refused to confer. Theysaid we have nothing to arbitrate. The fight is on. We of-

fered to put the negotiations in evidence, but the letters andproposed contracts were ruled out. I cannot therefore, state the

terms to you. I am not permitted to tell you how fair the

terms were that the union men proposed. But I am per-

mitted to read an ordinance fraught with the most villainous

consequences of any law that ever stained the pages of ourlegal lore.

Upon the passage of this ordinance the courts becameinstruments in their hands. The police power was at their

command. The state law, the state militia, and standing armywere all ready to enforce this little apparently insignificant

ordinance. With the fxjwers of the city government in their

hands, they confronted the union men, not only with their

own power, but also with the power of the city, the state andthe nation.

Up to the time the ordinance was passed, there had beenno violence whatsoever. The men on the picket line wereurging the non-union men to quit work, or not to take their

places, and to join the union. The success with which they

were meeting is best told by the ordinance which I will nowread to you.

This ordinance was so construed that any conversation be-tween a union and a non-union man, within the city limits, eventhough two miles from the place of employment, was held to

be in the vicinity of the shop and therefore a violation of the

ordinance. I tried many of the cases and I know that this wasthe construction put upon the law.

Immediately upon the passage of the law, over four hun-dred men were arrested. The jails were full to overflowing.

l"Was Schmidt Guilty" began in the May issue. Back numbersten cents a copy.]

Making Socialism a Power(Continued from Page 1 5)

has borne its fruit. It has well-nigh throttled the entire partyactivity. It has brought the party nowhere except in jail,

with a suppressed press, raided headquarters and outlawedpropaganda. The party is exactly where some of us pre-

dicted it would be when it adopted the St. Louis program.Most of the energy of the national office at the present time

is taken up in disavowing the intent of the resolution on warand militarism.

Cease to feed on misfortune or rejoice in unequal con-

flict with capitalistic intrigue. Become leaders in the worldactivities, not barking Nice dog.

The ascendency of class is not the goal of Socialism.

"Abolition of class' must be its watchword. "Struggle for

place and power" must give way before the slogan "abolition

of privilege."

Cease to deal with effects and institute cause. Build the

new order and the old will pass away.

Given capitalism and the selective draft law is legitimate.

Granted the profit system and war is justifiable.

The remedy for war is not anti-war, anti-government agi-

tation but the enactment of laws which will abolish the cause

of war. The cure for the compulsory draft is not individual

resistance but the abolition of capitalism.

Here in California we are trying to outline a propaganda

along these lines. Cameron H. King of San Francisco has

drafted a proportional representation election law which

is now in the hands, of the printer. It will be in cir-

culation shortly to place same on the ballot next year.

Under this measure groups will have representation in the

(Continued on Page 28)

Page Twenty The Western Comrade

The Story of A Night ^y ""-^ ^'-°

Written Specially For the Western Comrade. Those Copying Please Give Credit.

T-IIS IS the Story of a memorable night, lived by Joan and

Peter and faithfully recorded next day in the diary of

Joan.

The feeling came over me a little while before we reached

our first camp. For weeks and weeks I had been dreaming

of this trip with Peter, and now with my dream come true

the strangest, gauntest, lonesomest, sickest feeling came over

me—I couldn't tell whether it was in my heart or my stomach!

It grew worse and worse. I thought the long, dark shadows

which were creeping up the side of the mountains might have

something to do with it, or the deep silence of the woods.

Not a sound could be heard, except the murmur of the pine

trees as they swayed softly back and forth, and the beat,

beat, of our horses hoofs as they plodded up the trail. All

day we had been winding up, up, from the valley into the

hills and the thick of madrone and live oak trees, then on

until the trail was almost invisible on the carpet of pine needles.

Peter had arranged the whole journey, our departure from

San Francisco the day before, our night at Duos Rios ranch

with Peter's old friends, our marriage in the early morning

at the ranch house which now lay so far below us, and this

our horseback trip into the heart of the San Hedrin moun-

tains. How happy I had been! How lightly, how gladly I

had left all behind to go with Peter ! And now as we wound

upward Peter said,

"It's almost time to make camp." And the shadows tremen-

dously long and the murmur of the pines more audible, and

the air took on the chilliness of a mountain evening, and

then something went wrong inside of me. My gladness

fluttered out like a candle.

The trail made a sharp turn and we were wrapped by the

darkening shadow.

"Here's a bully camping spot," Peter said. "This is far

enough for one day's trip, little partner."

I started to dismount and Peter reached up and pulled

me from the horse and held me a moment before setting me

on my feet. And in that moment my strange sensations took

a perfectly definite turn. I knew exactly what was the mat-

ter with me.

I hated Peter.

I hated Peter

!

Yes, it was as bad as that. Not only did I no longer

love him—I HATED him!

And here I was—trapped! Married! Alone!

Right then I began planning a divorce. And my people

are Episcopalians, too. So that shows to what a pass I had

come. But I could not be divorced here. And in the mean-

time

Oh, why, why, had I ever married? And what was I to

do? How could a girl's nature so change in a few hours? To

love a man in the morning and hate him in the evening!

There was only one answer. I was a poor, base, fickle ex-

cuse of a woman!All this flashed through my mind in the short space it

took for Peter to lift me from the horse. Then he stooped

t'^ kiss me. I squirmed from his grasp. Peter looked at mein astonishment.

"Right, 0," he said slowly, and started to turn away. I

could not look up. My lips were beginning to quiver.

Peter hesitated and I could feel him looking me through

and through. Finally he spoke in a cheerful, matter-of-fact

voice.

"I'll get supper tonight." He turned to the pack-horse and

began to unload our camp supplies. "You can begin learn-

ing to cook in the morning." I had told him that I wantedto commence that part right away, as I am very in-

experienced.

There was something so comforting and practical aboutPeter as he busied himself unsaddling the horses, whistling in

the meantime, that I almost stopped hating him. The horses

attended to, he began gathering together a pile of logs. It

was the first night I had ever spent in the open and I felt

very awkward as I tried to be useful, but Peter said I wouldlearn in a night or so.

When he began to get supper the load came back andrested still more heavily on my heart. It was quite darknow save for the glow of the logs in the great fire. Whilehe was busy at one end of the fire placing the coffee pot in

a bed of coals, I crept softly away.

When I came back in my load was heavier still.

For now it rested upon my conscience as well as my heart.

What would Peter say when he found out?"Dinner is served, Madame," Peter announced flourishing

a long spoon.

I sat down cross-legged in the firelight, on one side of

the box which served as our table. I don't know what wehad to eat. It did not impress itself upon my mind.

"Aren't you going to brag on the cook?" Peter said in anmjured tone.

"Everything's fine," I managed to say feebly. I saw his

sharp eyes upon me and I choked down a bite of something.

After that I pretended to eat while all the time I slyly threwwhat food I could behind me. I suppose I used poor judg-ment, for the next thing Peter said was,

"Are you sure you're masticating your food properly, Joan?I know this air is bracing, but the fourth slice of bread in

three minutes—really now—

"

Did he know? And was he poking fun at me? He looked

very sober, but you can't always tell about Peter. Sometimeshe calls me Miss Slow—no, Mrs. Slow.

He had not tried to kiss me again, but he was very cheerful.

He washed the dishes and I dried them. Then he started for

the bundle of bedding to arrange it for the night. He waswhistling when he started. The whistle stopped short for

a few minutes. Then it started again, this time higher anda trifle louder. He came back to where I was sitting. I wasas cold as ice. He sat down by me and took my hand.

"Which one is intended for me, Joan?" he asked.

I could not speak, just pointed.

"Well, you've made them all wrong," he said. "Come,I'll show you. You should have put more blankets under-

neath, and in dividing them you have been too generous with

me. I'm used to sleeping out."

He rearranged the blankets. "There. That's better. Nowlet's sit by the campfire awhile."

All my love came welling and surging back. It was mostremarkable! I looked around at the trees, standing like

guard beyond the flickering firelight and at the stars shining

down with their beautiful friendly light and I wondered howI could have thought the forest lonely. For now it seemed as

though it would wrap me in its very arms. Wildly, madlyhappy, and very contrite, I wanted to nestle close, close to

Peter and tell him all about it.

"Peter," it finally came out, "there's something I feel I

ought to tell you."

'"Yes?" he said.

Th< Western Comrade Page Twenly-one

"Something strange and terrible happened to me this

evening.

"Yes?" he said again.

"For awhile I thought I didn't love you!

"

"That was queer."

"I—I—Peter, I thought I hated you!

"

"As bad as that?"

"Yes. I have to tell it all. I made up my mind to get

a divorce!

"

"So soon?"

"Yes. What could have been the matter with me?""An aggravated case of faminine psychology perhaps,

found most often among Anglo-Saxons."

';What?'

"We dont care what was the matter as long as you got

over it. See the picture in the fire, Joan."After that our wedding evening was just as I had dreampt it.

When I had gone to bed, Peter came and tucked me in andsat by me awhile longer. Finally he said good-night andturned to go. There was something very dreary looking abouthis back.

"Peter! "I called after him. He turned quickly.

"Come close, Peter. I haven't hurt your feelings, have I?""Not a bit."

"You must understand, Peter—you must see— it's this

way—

" I was quite breathless, so I swallowed and started

again. "You see, I've never been married before—and it

goes kind of hard with a girl!"

"I see," he answered. "And I've never been married be-

fore—and it goes kind of hard with a fellow! So we'll just

do the best we can, and I'm pretty sure it will all come out

right."

"I'll—do—just—as—you—say, Peter" I whispered. "I love

you that much.""Well, then, just be yourself. And don't worry. Now go

to sleep. You'll find the ground pretty hard first night out,

but you'll get used to it."

So once more we said good-night.

I could barely see Peter lying in

the fire. He was so still I thought

sleep. Suddenly he gave a toss.

"Joan!" he called.

"Yes. Peter!"

"I just wanted to say that of all the unnatural, abnormal,

perverted, creatures on the face of the earth, there's nothing

to equal a dear, sweet, innocent girl ! I just wanted to say

that!"

"Yes, Peter," I said meekly.

"I'm going to bring up my daughters differently!"

"Yes, Peter," I said again.

After that he went right to sleep.

But for a long time I would not go to sleep. I wanted to

live over the day and have waking dreams of the future.

Gradually I grew drowsy. The soft rustling and cracklings

outside the magic circle of our fire, the fall of the embers

from the burning logs, the murmur of the pine trees, the

comfortable munch, munch of the horses, soothed and lulled

me into a state, half sleep, half a strange, waking ecstacy.

The tree tops swaying so gently seemed to be whispering

friendly things, nice little secrets meant just for me. Theyseemed to creep softly down close to me and whisper, whisper,

as if they had something very special that they wanted meto know. But they could not make me understand. Theytried and tried but their language was different from mine

and they could not make me understand. So they went sadly

away, and I woke to find myself whispering "Don't go!

Please don't go!

" before I realized it was only a fantastic

dream.

the flickering light

he had gone right

of

to

At first I could not recall where I was. Then it came backto me that Peter and I were married. Yes, there was Peter,rolled up in his blankets sound asleep! How wonderful, howdeliciously wonderful, to have Peter sleeping so near me!Always it would be like this. I would wake to find Peter!

But I must sleep or I would not be rested for our trip

tomorrow! Five days we were to be on our journey, camp-ing m a different spot every night. I settled down in theblankets and closed my eyes. But there was a rock orlittle lump of dirt, or pine cone under my hip which keptgetting larger and larger. I turned over and was quitecomfortable for about five minutes. Then another lumpsprang up like a mushroom against my shoulder blade. I

moved again only to find another lump. It was strange. Theground with its thick covering of pine needles had looked sosoft the evening before.

"It's an enchanted forest," I thought, drowsily, "and I havemade my bed on some fairy's play-ground. She's gettingrevenge."

Then I became conscious of something else. The cold wascreeping into my blankets. It was not an honest, gentlemanly,cold; it was a sly, sneaking, thief of a chill that came crawlingout of the ground, stealing around my body and into my bones.

I curled myself into a little ball, but it did not help. I

stretched out straight and that was worse. I quickly curledup again.

He didn't know I was uncomfortable. I wished I knew moreabout husbands. What were they like when wakened suddenlyin the middle of the night? Of course, ordinarily Peter is thekindest, best fellow in the world; but, after all that didn't

prove everything! We had a dog once who was very goodnatured, but he would snap like anything if disturbed whensleeping! Not meaning of course that Peter would snap! I

shuddered and felt ashamed of my revolting comparison. Butit showed that I couldn't tell just what Peter might do before

he became thoroughly awake. I loved Peter—anything, any-

thing he might do now would not keep me from loving him.

But I would not waken him and tell him I was cold andmiserable.

Then a happy thought struck me. I would slide my bedcloser to the fire. Perhaps the ground would not be so hardand uneven there and I could get warm.

I crept out of bed very cautiously and moved the blankets

so that my feet would be close to the big red log. Then I

rolled the blankets about me once more.

Yes, it was much more comfortable. It was just like havinga hot water bottle against my feet. I dozed off.

I woke with a start. My feet were down-right hot!

Gracious heaven! My blankets were on fire!

I jumped up and managed to smother the flames by rolling

the top of the blankets over onto the burning edge. I movedvtath the greatest care in spite of my excitement. My blankets

were ruins.

Now what should I do? Peter was selfish to lie there so

comfortably while I was suffering!

Well, maybe I could manage. I'm not very long, andthere was a piece of blanket that seemed to be free fromburns. As I crept in and tried to wrap it around me, I hopedit wasn't smutty. But I had to risk that. There were worse

things than a little smut! I crawled down to make it cover

my shoulders, and my feet stuck out. I crawled up a little

and my shoulders stuck out. It was like the games I used to

play—sometimes my feet were "it," sometimes my head.

Wedding trips were frightful things! I would never take

another!

I was shivering by this time and intensely miserable. Howwarm and comfortable Peter looked! He was selfish. He

(Continued on Page 28)

Page Twenty-two Th. Western Comrade

The People's CouncilWhat It Is and What It Stands For! By Scott Nearing, Chairman.

WHAT IT IS

THE People's Council movement is a local, national and

international federation of the forces that are working

for democracy and peace. It arose out of the crisis that

came with the great w'ar; it has played a leading part in

the establishment of the Russian Republic; it is active in

England and France; it has gained a firm foothold in the

United States notwithstanding the efforts made by the forces

of reaction to destroy it.

The People's Council is growing in spite of the immense

odds arrayed against it. The Council was prevented by the

authorities in three states from holding a full convention

during the first week of September, 191 7; nevertheless it

completed an organization. The Council has been denied the

use of the mails, except for first class matter; nevertheless

its message is being scattered broadcast by zealous men and

women in all parts of the country. Every mouthpiece of

privilege, vested wrong and reaction has reviled and de-

nounced us; nevertheless the choicest spirits of the country

are joining our ranks.

The movement is groviing; grovnng rapidly; groviang be-

cause it is getting the support of the leading liberal and radical

elements of the country; growing because it has a message

to deliver and a work to do for the people of America and of

the world.

WHAT IT STANDS FORIts object—political and industrial democracy. The Peo-

ple's council is one among many organizations that is work-

ing toward "equal opportunity for life, liberty and the pur-

suit of happiness, and therefore toward the extermination

of special privilege by means of the public control of all

public business, economic as well as political.

Its purpose— united action. The People's council differs

from many organizations that are working for the same ob-

jects, in that its purpose is to secure united action amongthe champions of progress by providing a common meeting

ground for all of the liberal and radical forces in American

life, and through our relations v^dth similar movements in

Russia, England, France and other foreign countries, to makecommon cause with the forward-looking people of the world.

The forces of reaction are tied together in a world-wide

organization. If the forces of progress are to win, they too

must have the strength that comes only with united effort.

Liberals and radicals differ in theory and differ in method,

yet there are many things like the maintenance of free speech

and a free press; making wealth pay for the war; freeing

the land for the people; democratizing industry; and main-

taining social and economic justice, upon which all liberals

and radicals agree. It is the purpose of the People's council

to discover these points of agreement, and to unite the forces

behind a program that will realize them in the life of the

community.

Its policy—a minimum progr<im. The People's council

will not be a partisan organization. It will aim to establish

a common meeting-place for the liberal and radical partisans

of the country. The Council expects to have in every com-munity, a local People's council; in each state a state coun-

cil, and for the country, a national council, composed, respec-

tively, of the representations from all of the liberal and radi-

cal forces in the community. The Council proposes that these

delegates shall meet locally and nationally, and work out a

statement of the local or national issues upon which they

can agree. The statement of common issues, when it is made,will provide a minimum working program upon which the

liberals and radicals can unite their forces, stand together

and fight the issues to a successful conclusion.

Each of the organizations sending delegates to the People's

council will, of course, carry on its own work in its ownway, but all will unite in working for the common minimumprogram upon which all have agreed.

Its next move—organization. For the immediate pre-

sent, we propose four lines of activity,

—

(a) We are circulating hundreds of thousands of the

"Referendum Peace Delegates Ballot". Advise the national

office how many of these ballots you can use to advantageand we shall send them to you.

(b) We have opened a Washington office and propose to

assemble there, at the earliest possible moment, a strong work-

ing body from the organizations constituting the People's

council.

(c) We must send a delegation or mission to Russia,

England and France with instructions to establish co-opera-

tive relations with the Workmen's and People's councils in

those countries.

(d) We must push the work of organizing local councils

with the idea of having 1 ,000 local councils established be-

fore the congressional election in November, 1918.

If there is a local council in your town, join it. If there

is no local council, organize one. A letter to the Organizing

Secretary, addressed to the national office will bring you sug-

gestions and literature.

Beginning with first of the year, all local councils in good

standing will pay to the national office a pro rata yearly

assessment for the work of the national office. Until that

democratic plan of finance is operative, the People's council

needs ten thousand men and women who are sufficiently inter-

ested in its work to pay $1 down and pledge a dollar a month

for ten months.

If the fight which the People's council is making for democ-

racy and peace is worth twenty five cents a week, every reader

of the Western Comrade will send his name and his dollar to

the national office, 138 West 13th street, New York City.

The Challenge of the Tillers

Ye say to us, 'tis we who feed the world:

Ye give us loud enjoining of our task;

Ye scruple not the boon of boons to ask

—

Our toil's allegiance to a flag unfurled.

Hear then our cry, in righteous anger hurled

Upon the easeful ones who blink and bask

Within the halls of greed, who wear the mask

Of truth, yet are as waiting adders curled:

How shall we serve if ye possess the land?

How long shall we be herded like the kine

With mete and bound and harsh dividing line ?

Without the soil, what use the walling hand?

If then your words be aught but mouthings vain,

Restore our rightful heritage again!

—Richard Warner Borst.

Th. Western Page Twcniy-three

The Principles of Money i y Clinton Bancroft

Written Specially For the Western Comrade. Those Copying Please Give Credit.

ISSUING mediums of exchange is properly a government

function. But as the full exercise of that function is es-

sential to the industrial welfare of a community, in so far

as the government fails to p)erform it, the individuals of the

community are frequently forced to resort to more or less ef-

fective methods of performing it for themselves; and as the

function is best performed socially, there is always manifested

a tendency among individuals to associate themselves together

for the purpose of performing it. Banking corporations,

stock exchanges, boards of trade, clearing houses, labor ex-

changes, are all evidences of this tendency on the part of

individuals to get together and handle in an associate way,

and place the associate stamp of genuineness upon bills,

notes, stocks, bonds, certificates and other representatives

of value issued by the individual. But the result of such in-

dividual or associated effort at performing a government func-

tion can never equal the results of government effort. That

is, other things being equal, any representative of value which

the government has stampted as genuine and approved must

always exceed so stamped by private

individuals or corporations, when all

purposes are considered. But for very

many purposes that stamped by the

latter may be as commercially useful

and valuable as that stamped by the

government.

These principles are stated for the

purpose of emphasizing the fact that

the banks of the co-operative banking

commonwealth in establishing a newsystem of responsible banking and ex-

change are only conforming to a com-

mercial and industrial necessity that is

being forced upon them as it is upon

other industrial and commercial bodies

by the failure of the government to do

what it ought to do. They will issue

their media of exchange protecting for

the reasons given, that they ought not

o be compelled to exercise such

i function and declaring that their only purpose in doingso is to supplement, so far as they can, the insufficient volumeof government medium; and the methods they will adoptof supplementing the insufficient supply of government moneyis again simply to do what the government ought, but hasfailed to do, namely,, to furnish the people opportunities for

mediumizing the real values they may possess.

To understand why the government should be the only

issuer of money, it is necessary to understand the principles

upon which the money of the future will be based. Theseprinciples are two in number and simple in statement. Thefirst, is that money should be solely and only a representative

of value, not a value itself, and therefore in no true sense

a measure of value. It should represent only. It should standfor, it should reflect, it should represent value, but it shouldpossess none. If it possesses value in itself it is a commodityand the transaction in which it is used is a barter and not asale. If it possesses value it can not be money; it can neverbe aught but a commodity, and its commercial use neveranything but barter. All the conventions and agreementsfrom Adam to the Millenium, and all the government stampsof the world can never make money out of a commodity.It may be called money, and it may be used to facilitate ex-

THE SOLE and only function of

money is to identify the owner-

ship of value. In performing that

function it follows ownership, and

it becomes a medium for exchang-

ing among men the ownership of

values. This last, a result of its

function, has come to be popularly

regarded as the function itself. The

banking system of the co-operative

commonwealth will be based purely

on the natural tendency of money

to represent value.

changes; but its commodity character, its intrinsic value,

forever prevents its becoming money. It is a circulating

barter, a current commodity, but not money. Its circulating,

representative value is forever mingled and confused vnth its

intrinsic value. It thus becomes a measure of value and ameasure that is false and vicious because no one can tell

how far its circulating value and how far its commodity valueis operating its meaurements. Measuring value is no properfunction of money; that which it represents may do so, butmoney may not except in such representative capacity.

Money can only represent value, nothing more and nothingless than that. This principle cuts out of the definition ofmoney everything that possesses value in itself.

The second principle declares that the sole and onlyfunction of money is to identify the ownership of value.

But in performing that function it follows ownership, and in

following ownership it becomes a medium for exchangingamong men the ownership of values. This last, a result ofits function, has come to be popularly regarded as the func-

tion itself. There are critics who up-hold that popular error, and maintainthat the purpose of the function hasbeen mistaken for the function itself;

that the function of money is to serve

as a medium of exchange, and that the

purpose of that function is to identify

ownership. But as this article aimsonly at establishing the principle that

the purpose of money is to identify the

ownership of value, it- matters not

whether they call its doing so the func-

tion or the purpose of the function.

This second principle, that the primary

function of money is to identify the

ownership of values, and therefore be-

comes a medium for exchanging those

values, directly depends upon andflows from the the first principle laid

down—that money is simply and

solely a representative of value; for

if money simply represents value, then its natural purpose

would seem to be to represent that value to some one and

thus identify the ownership of that value. Upon these two

principles the money of the future will be based, and upon

them the banking system of the co-operative commonwealth

will be built so far as circumstances and conditions will per-

mit. To establish the soundness of these principles it is only

necessary to trace the history of the birth and growth of

money. Let us look at that a moment.

The ownership of value can be idenHPed in two ways

only, by its legal, actual possession, or by the legal posses-

sion of that which represents it. In ancient times the for-

mer method was practically the only method. Actual, law-

ful possession was necessary to identify ownership. He whowished to establish his legal ownership to things had to show

actual, legal possession. It was not a very satisfactory

method, for legal possession in those rude times was not al-

ways easy to hold nor easy to prove; but it was the only waythey knew and they had to conform to it. If men wished

to exchange with each other ownership of things of value,

they could only do so by a witnessed exchange of actual

possession. Whether these things were chattels or land made

(Continued on Page 29)

Page Twenty-four The Western Comrade

Current Problems By Walter Thomas Milli

A Game of Chance for the Chance to L ive(Written Specially for Western Comrade.)

ITHAS been seen in the previous articles that only by

the union of the trades-unionists, the co-operators, the

farmers and the Socialists, is there a possibility of deliver-

ance for the workers.

It has also been seen that in this struggle for deliverance

as in the daily task of making a living, the work of organiza-

tion and management is the greatest task of all.

The question this time is: How can effective organization

and management be secured in this struggle for deliverance?

Just recently the State Federation of Labor, the co-

operative societies and the farmers' organizations of the State

of California met in conference. The purpose of the con-

ference was to consider what public measures all of theSe

organizations could unite in supporting and to create a joint

body to undertake the furtherance of the measures agreed

upon.

The conference was representative

of all these interests and the State

Federation of Labor interrupted its

regular annual meeting to provide the

time and place for its proceedings.

A joint committee of twelve from

each of these groups, that from the

trades unions, the coo-perative socie-

ties and the farmers' unions, was ap-

jjointed.

The committee vnW meet at an early

day and adopt such measures as all

can agree to support and it is con-

fidently believed that whatever mea-

sures these three committees can agree

on vAW be instantly adopted and sup-

ported by the Socialists of California.

With this union of interests there

can be but one outcome. The useful

people of California will take over the

management of affairs in their ownbehalf.

At the same time this is going forward, it should be noticed

that the Socialists of the State have ceased to argue that

they are the representatives in politics of the working class andhave created a form of state organization which can benothing else than a part of the workers and which will needno resolutions to make it such.

Now, each of the nine great industrial or occupational

groups in the State elected its own State organizer and these

organizers at once become the only State Committee.

The State Committee just going out of office was madeup of most capable and devoted comrades, but I am told that

none of them were members of any trade union or other

industrial or occupational organization.

The printers, the transport workers, the farmers, the build-

ing trades, the office employees, the miners and the factory

workers are all represented by those who are members of

their own trade organizations and the professional workers

and the house wives are represented by persons of long years

of service in the occupations which they represent.

The new committee of organizers is to meet soon and the

most serious tasks before them are these two,—the party's

activity in connection with the referendum measures to besupported in the next election, and the organization of thenew committee work so that at the earliest possible momentthere may be nine people in the State each with a Ford carand each giving his whole time and his best energies to

the promotion of the particular economic interests of thegroup which has elected him and which group alone will

have the power to instruct or recall.

The party now has two Ford machines, neither one ofwhich is now in the party service.

The party has a membership of 2500. It has has a vote of100,000. There ought to be a party membership of 10.000straight away and of 25,000 before the next election. Theadditional Ford machines and the additional working forcecan at once make this party mean something in the economicbattles of the future.

There must be harmony of action with the newly-organizedjoint committee of the trades unions,

the

!llllllllllllllllliai!ll|ii»i:ni!iii!ii!liilllll

'

I' HE Socialists of California

have ceased to argue that they

are the f)olitical representatives of

the working class and have created

a form of state organization which

can be nothing else than a party of

the workers and which will need no

resolutions to make it such.

co-operative societies and the

farmers' organizations. But the action

must not be simply harmonious. It

must be effective.

What has all this to do with the

"Game of Chance for a Chance in

Life?"

Heretofore in all the great move-ments involving the opportunity to

have and to use the means of life,

these movements have all the time

been more or less games of chance.

The grangers built a great farmers

movement. It was disrupted by poli-

ticians who used their positions in the

state to destroy very largely the ef-

ficiency of that organization in the

work which it undertook at the begin-

ning.

The Knights of Labor, vvith onlya few years' run, while at its height accomplished moreprogressive things in behalf of labor than was ever accom-plished before or since in so brief a period.

But the clash of interests, not at all economic in their char-

acter and having no rational place in a labor organization,

tore that organization into shreds in the hour of its greatest

possibilities.

The Populist party was primarily a farmers' movement.The Knights of labor, which had helped to create this party,

went on the rocks and the Bryan Democrats took over the

farmer cause to serve it wnth a single measure entirely tem-

porary in its benefits had it been victorious. But it went to

defeat and to disaster.

The Socialist Labor party commanded at one time the

respect and the support of a very large and capable follow-

ing, but the struggle between factions—neither one of which

was representative of any great economic interest—made of

the party a lingering group of dogmatic converts serving any-

thing but the definite, immediate interests of any body of

workers.

It may be that all this only fortells the probable outcome of

(Continued on Page 29)

The Western Comradi rage Tweaty-m

Co-operation the World OverNotes About the Chief Co-operatives Gleaned from Many Sources

AssociationThe Socialist ExchangeThe Socialist Exchange was established January 16, 1914 and is now

finishing its third year. Its founders were all members of the Socialist

party. The original idea in starting the organization was to establish

a co-operative through which members could benefit both financially and

in an educational way. Educationally, the institution has been an un-

qualified success.

In order to become a member of the Exchange, one must be a mem-ber of the Socialist party in good standing. A membership in the ex-

change costs $5.00, which amount is all that any one person may invest.

There is no stock, no system of shares, no interest, no dividend and no

wage. We are selling on a basis of ten per cent, all money over and

above expenses going back into the business.

The store is open twice a week, on Wednesdays from seven to nine

p. m., and on Saturdays from one to nme p. m. One manager and

eight assistant-managers are regularly elected. Everybody must clerk.

A schedule hangs in the store at all times which shows when and howlong the respective members must work.

We do all our business by credit cards, no cash beini handled. The

goods come in denominations of $ 1 , $2, $3, $5 and $ 1 0. The cards

are consecutively numbered from one to so many thousands and each

series has a different color. There is always an assistant manger

at the desk who sell cards and who debits the cards as the customers

bring in their bills always in duplicate. The system gives us a sim-

ple record of everything we do. We have but one book for our book-

keeping. The first item is for the credit-cards sold during the day;

the second item is the bills paid; the third item is the sales to the

members. This gives us a complete record of each days work.

When selling credit cards, the name of the purchaser, the number

of the card and the amount purchased go down in the book.

Having to run a store in addition to the occupation of making a living

is a rather strenuous job. Therefore, we had to simplify matters as

much as possible.

We sell groceries, dry goods, furniture, carpets, rugs, and jewelry.

In fact, we sell everything except shoes and hats. We have connections

with large wholesale houses. We also sell coal in carload lots direct

to the consumer. Three to five householders combine, order a car,

gel teams, and unload the car.

We have saved a good sum of money in that way.

We also have a tailor shop in which we make suits and overcoats to

order. All of our clothing has the union label. We sell our clothes to

everybody and especially to those living in the rural districts.

Our advertisement has appeared in the American Socialist

We are making the tailor clothes for the American Co-operative Associ-

ation, which is the business department of the American Society of Equity,

the big farmers' union.

I am now making arrangements with a large house to sell ready-made

boys' and men's suits.

In the fall we buy potatoes in car lots and distribute them. We also

sell apj.lt's and honey in laige quantities, thereby saving ourselves money.

In our by-laws, we have a provision whereby members can deposit

money in the store in any amounts they wish. They cannot, however,

draw out more than $5 a week unless they give the manager thirty days'

notice. We also have a provision that when a member dies, all the

profits that have accumulated through his purchases may be drawn out.

By that I mean that if such purchases amounted to $400, according to

the last inventory which has been taken, that amount in profits can be

taken out. The same holds true If a member becomes sick or is out

of wcfk. Ttie iiianager appoints a committee to Investigate into all these

conditions, and if tlie committee reports favorably, then the membersecures his share of the profits.

In writing this, I do not wish to imply that our enterprise has been

a brilliant success from the very beginning. It has not. People have

not yet been educated to the point where they can appreciate the co-

operative system of doing business. At times we become disheartened.

But our membership at the present writing is staunch and tried and will

stick.

Remember, that only members may buy in our store. In other words,

it is a closed shop.

F. G. HACHENBERGER. Manager.

Machinist Local, No. 478

Pick Your ManagerIt is a peculiar and significant fact that nearly all the co-operative

stores that have failed within the vicinity of New York during the past

three years were organized and managed by experienced business men.One of the most miserable failures was that of a store under the man-agement of a high-priced professional buyer.—Co-operative League of

America.

PowerAssociation is the master word of modem days; it is the key to

efficiency, power and equality.

Corporations are associations of capital for its profit; labor unions

are associations for the profit of its members; co-operative associations

are for the profit of all the people who choose to associate.

Co-operative associations for business economize cost, prevent sharppractice, assure honest goods and weights. There is no private profit

in co-opeartive business—therefore no temptation to be unscrupulous

The people own the bufiness and, strangely enough, refuse to cheat them-selves. The members elect then directors and the latter employ the help

to do the work as the stockholders and directors in a bank do. Thereis this difference, however: The officers in a bank make all the moneythey can and pay it as dividends on the stock; the managers of a co-

operative association sell as cheaply as possible, turn the profit to the

customer, and give the stockholder only the interest.

When co-operation becomes general, there will be no great private

fortunes, no involuntary poverty, no international trade rivalry, and, there-

fore, no war. Co-operation will turn the economic and social intrests of

the world into tht channels of peace and good-will.—The Nelson Co-operative Association, New Orleans, Louisiana.

Results AbroadCo-operation has paid in other countries. The movement began in

England when twenty-eight poor weavers of Rochdale started a store of

their own with a capital of $140. They found that by being their ownmerchants, selling to themselves and distributing profits among themselves,

they could save money which had formerly gone into others' pockets.

Co-operation was proved practical, and its influence extended rapidly.

To day there are more than 4000 co-operative societies in Great Britain

alone, with 2,700.000 members. These with their families represent

8,000.000 persons. In 1912, these societies did a business of morethan half a billion dollars, returning to members profits of $60,000,000or more then ten per cent on their purchases.—New England Co-operative

Society.

The Co-operative League of AmericaThe Techn'cal Advisory Board of the Co-operative League of .America,

Exlucational Building, 70 Fifth Avenue, New York City, is composed of

experts in every department of Consumers' Co-operation, and is repre-

sentative of all parts of the country. A request to the office of the Leaguewill bring to individuals and societies the best obtainable advice in re-

gard to particular problems. In the interest of Co-operation you are

invited to utilize this opportunity.

BUY A SAMPLE AT YOUR NEWSSTAND

ISSUES & EVENTSTHE

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25 WEST BROADWAY, NEW YORK CITY

Page Twenty-six The . Western Comrade

News and Views in Agriculture

Kernels of Seed Corn TruthIf you plant corn from stalks that have suckers, that is what you will

raise. Like begets like. Select your cornseed from the stalk as it stands,

so you will know its parentage.

Short, thick, stormproof stalks with ears that grow low are the right

kind for the Central and Southern States. Get your seed from such stalks

because slender, top-heavy stands are likely to mean losses.

Seed ears from the best-producing stalks in the field produce more than

seed ears apparently as good, but gathered without considering the pro-

ductiveness of the parent stalk. The place to select seed corn is in the

field, not in the crib ; the time to select it is as soon as it is mature,

not at husking time.

Take seed corn from the best-producing stalks as they stand thick

in the field. Such seed is more likely to meet competition successfully

than seed which comes from a stalk which stood alone and did not

suffer from the crowding of its neighbors.—U. S. Dept. Agriculture.

Pink Bollwor Not in TexasThe experts stale that reports that the pink boUworm has established

itself in Texas are erroneous. In the past few weeks there has been

an unusual outbreak of the common bollworm of cotton, an insect which

in one stage assumes a reddish color. It is believed that the reports

are due to the finding of the one which has been common in Texas for

many years.

Save the BeeswaxOwing to the unprecedented demand for beeswax and the high prices

now offered, it will pay even the amateur with only a few colonies of

bees to save and sell all the wax he may accumulate. A year or two ago

wax was selling for about twenty-six cents a pound. Now it is worth from

thirty-six to thirty-eight cents, and large quanties are being exported,

especially to Russia. It will be well for the beekeeper to keep all the

wax obtained when uncapping combs for extracting honey, as this is

wax of the best quality.

Perhaps the easiest way of getting wax out of the old combs is to

put the combs into a meal bag, tie the mouth firmly, and put the bag

into a wash boiler on the stove. The boiler should be filled about three-

fourths full of water, and after boiling starts the sack should be kept

moving by means of a large stick, possibly a clothes stick, considerable

pressure being exerted, which will help to work out the wax.

After several hours the boiler may be set off the stove, and some bricks

used to keep the bag at the bottom of the boiler. Much of the waxwill rise to the top, and can be removed readily after it cools. Some-times it is skimmed off as fast as it rises. Of course much more waxcan be obtained with a wax press. The average amateur is not pro-

vided with such an equipment, but can obtain a very satisfactory press

for about six dollars. Extractors that use the heat of the sun to melt

the combs cost about four dollars and a half.

All the wax that is to be marketed should first be melted up andmolded into a cake in order to facilitate handling. The wax may beeasily shaped by being run into bread pans or any square cans. If care

is taken most of the wax can be dipped out without carrying much dirt.—

•

Country Gentleman.

Efficiency in BreedingTwo hnes of profit are derived by the use of specially selected mares

on farms, viz., in raising colls, and in doing farm work.To secure the maximum gains from this system, all the animals used

for work on the farm should be brood mares.

Mares chosen for work and breeding must be well-bred, sound in-

dividuals of desirable conformation. It does not pay to raise scrub colts.

Mares doing this double duly should receive extra care and manage-ment.

The selection of a stallion is highly important. A low service feeshould not tempt if the stallion is inferior.

There may be less interference with the farm work if the most maresfoal in the fall.

It IS advantageous to produce a uniform lot of foals. Select breedinganimals with this in view.

Careful choice of malings creates greater possibilities for the offspring,but these possibilities are realized only when nourishing feed and regu-lar attention are given the young animals.

The plan suggested is an advance toward producing better horses.Count on the colt crop, but remember that good breeding, proper

teed and careful management are essential.—Bureau of Animal Hus-bandry.

The Function of the Farm Bureau -

A farm bureau is an organization of farmers and ranchers who com-bine to promote agriculture through co-operative study of farm conditions.Many types of farmers' organizations have long been existent. There

have been farmers' clubs, granges, institutes, unions, alliances, and others.Some of these have been more or less successful, but many have passedaway. Their failure has usually been due to one or more of the follow-ing causes: (I) lack of a distmct purpose to fill a definite need; (2)lack of membership to sufficiently represent all classes of farmers and typesof farming; (3) lack of co-operation with other similar farm organizations;(4) lack of continuous and unselfish leadership.

The farm bureau is distinct from all of these. It is not primarily asocial organization; neither is it essentially to unite farmers so as to lowerprices of stuffs bought and to raise prices of products sold. It is

formed to bring together for mutual co-operation those farmers who wantto investigate the fundamental problems that are involved in productionon their farms.—University of California.

The Need of OrganizationLack of organization among farmers spells chaos, immediate loss to

the producer and ultimate loss to the consumer. The organized producersare getting fair prices and the unorganized are losing all the time.—HarrisWeinstock, State Market Director of California.

A Poison for SquirrelsGovernment formula. Barley (clean grain) 16 quarts, strychnine

(powdered alkaloid) one ounce; Bicarbonate of soda (baking soda) oneounce, thin starch paste, % pint; heavy corn syrup, I4 pint; glycarine,tablespoonful, Saccarin, 1/10 ounce.

The Revolution in North Dakota(Continued from Page 13)

the League should capture the three places on the bench, all

hope would be gone.

The Interests knew that the executive department was gone,but they also knew that the Legislative branch could not comeentirely into the possession of the League. They knew thatthere were 24 hold-over senators, 22 of whom could berelied upon to thwart any attempt to legislate for the farmers.Now, then, if the court could be retained, all would not belost. Hence a live campaign was waged by the Old Guardfor the capture of at least one place on the bench. TheLeague, however, paid no special attention to the court, as

the primary had given its candidates a considerable marginover those supported by opposition.

In the election, the League candidates swept the field.

Frazier defeated his democratic opponent by a vote of 87,000to 21,000 and the remainder of the League ticket won bysimilar majorities. The League candidates for the SupremeCourt had majorities ranging from 1 3,000 to 24,000. Eightyfive out of 113 members to the lower house and 18 out of

25 senators chosen at the 1916 election, were captured bythe League. It was the most smashing defeat ever suffered

by the Plunderbund at any time or at any place. So far as

possible the victory of the farmers was complete. But, at

that, it was only a tame affair compared to the victories

that are in store for the farmers and wageworkers through

the instrumentality of the National Non-partisan League in

1918.

[The next and last article in this series will appear in the

December Western Comrade.]

The Western Comrade Page Twenty-seven

Reviews of Recent Readable Books ^y p. bo b sp a

"Why Italy Entered the War"

Caraovale Luigi performs a welcome task in his comprehensive volume,

"Why Italy entered into the Great War." Few countries are so little

understood in all ways by Americans as Italy. Mr. Luigi gives the

back-ground of Italian history from the Roman days to the present,

stressing the events from the middle ages to the present and showmg

how Austria has been the natural enemy of the Italian people through it

all He denies strenuously that Italy carefully studied the two sides of

the situation and sided with the group of warring nations likely to profit

her most. And he makes a strong and convincing case.

The volume consists of 673 pages, the first half being in English and

the second half an Italian version of the text. The author has also

written several other books that have been widely reviewed, notably,

"Journalism of the Italian Emigrants in America.

'

Seven reasons are assigned for Italy's entrance into the arena of war:

(1) Patriotism. "Thus the people, blinded by the astuteness and bru-

talized by the perfidy of such parasitic hydras, could not see the light

diffused by the apostles of truth (Mazzini and Garibaldi). They could

not free themselves from the cancerous error, which is the above-

named false patriotism the fundamental cause of all the calamities, of

all the sorrows, which today more than ever oppress humanity." (2)

Irredentism. "It was a question with Italians \\ow to liberate thousands

of their consanguineous relations who were oppressed in their o\vn

homes (that is, on ground geographically, historically and morally

Italian) by a stranger tyranny that the Italians themselves knew only

loo well." (3) Austrian sympathy with papal hopes for restoration of

temporal authority. (4) National cohesion and military efficiency. There

was a desire to refute the current opinion in foreign countries that Italy

was lacking in both. (5) Fear of isolation by all the other powers, no

matter how the conflict might terminate. (6) The right to travel—

a

reason assigned a big place in the American protests. (7) Human

solidarity. "The Italian people, on account of one of the natural laws

which psychologically distinguish the human races from one another,

have implanted in them two sentiments: a sentiment of sympathy for the

weak, and a sentiment of indignation against the strong who tyrannize

over the weak.", , . r

Luigl's attachments to Italy do not blind him to underlying causes of

the w°ar. He merely realizes what we have practically all been forced

to recognize, that there are more elements than one shaping the com-

plex affairs of human destiny. Says Luigi

:

"The life of a nation, nowadays, not^^ithstandlng its complexities,

depends in great part on essentially industrial bases constructed by the

people, not for their own advantage, but for the advantage of a big

bellied and cruel minority called plutocracy, which has nothing else

b common wth the people except their simple Darwinian origin.

"Such national industrialism, is able to maintain itself and prosper

—

always to the benefit of the big-bellied and cruel minority called plutocracy

must necessarily push itself into commercial competition against the indus-

trialism of another nation, or nations, and vice versa. But commercial

competition, in order to give financial results proportionate to the in-

satiable greed of the nationalist plutocracy, must be incessantly and

strenuously favored and defended by the State.

"And why shouldn't it, if the State government of today, be it covered

by a mask surrounded by a royal crown or by a republican cap, is none

other than a being voluntarily placed at the services of the big-bellied

and cruel minority called plutocracy?....* ..*-*.-*...*.-*.-And the war

which today rages in Europe is one provoked for no other reason than

that of jealousy of the German plutocracy for the English commercial

supremacy of the world. The other causes were all of secondary im-

portance."

There is much more in this strain. But you must not think the book

contains nothing more. It is a comprehensive statement of the subject

of Italy's connection with the Great War.

(Italian-.American Publishing Company, Chicago.)

"Little Stories of the Screen"

The movies present life in sharp outline—quick, snappy and com-

prehensive surveys in the minimum of space. One would not think of

looking to the scenarios themselves for literature. Yet sych a volume

has been printed, and it is as interesting reading as the screen productions

were interesting to look upon.

This is William Addison Lathrop's "Little Stories from the Screen."

Twenty-five of the author's scenarios are here reproduced, exactly as

they were submitted to the studio. They cover a wide range of subjects

and practically all will be familiar to the average movie fan. I can

see where they would be of value as models to scenarios writers. But

the horror of

ctose-up" portraits

their greatest function will be entertainment. J. Stuart Blackton, one

of the elite of the producing world, says "Mr. Lathrop writes the most

alluring synopses of anyone I know."

Pictures from the movies illustrate each story. There is a snap and

swing in each tale—for there is no place for anything but action. The

author disclaims any literary intent, yet his makeup is such that he

cannot restrain from a delightful literary quality in even ^\hat

ordinarily supposed to be as bald as a movie synopsis. Those presented

were accepted by various film companies and produced in oi^e to five

reels. The best known actors and actresses and directors figured in

their making.— (Britton & Company. New York.)

"The Red Badge of Courage"

A beautiful red leather edition of Stephen Crane's masterpiece, "TheRed Badge of Courage," has just been printed. 1 suppose it is the

military spirit of the rulers that prompt a reprinting in such attractive

from of this wonderfully told " Episode of the American Civil War." In

some the story will foster the spirit of patriotism and atavism. But

they are unthinking, indeed, who thus respond to the touch of Mr. Crane's

epic.

For the thinker the story carries another message

war. Stephen Crane gave one of the most vivid

ever painted of a battle field and its surroundings. Not that this picture

drips with blood. Its horror is of a deeper nature. Few stories have

so powerfully presented a psychological study of a human being . Theyouth enlisted in a burst of ambition, only to be disillusioned in the

long, tedious days of camp life. Then came the first battle. Theday just preceding the action found the youth harrowed with fear

that he would be a coward. In his first battle he did run from the

firing line, but in the mixing up of regiments his act never becameknown. How he subsequently learned the deeper meaning of the armyIS told step by step. The searching of the soul is deep and thorough.

This classic of Mr. Crane's imagination is beautifully descriptive,

d\'namic in action and intense in the depicting of the passions of an

ordinary mortal. The new edition contains a portrait of the author andan introduction by Arthur Guy Empey, author of "Over the Top," whoseexperiences in the European war. He says, " 'The Red Badge of Cour-age' is not a story of war. It is War, the real, unvarnished thing."

.And again "To the civilian who has never smelled powder, and whowants to know what it feels like to have the bullets 'cracking' aroundhim and the shells moaning overhead and tearing up the landscape, 'TheRed Badge of Courage' will take him safely through the battle, and whenhe reaches 'The End' he also is a veteran."

He who understands war will hate war. As a masterpiece of literature

and as a classic indictment of the brutality of war, Mr. Crane's bookis worthy of this greater hearing the new edition will give lo it.—(D.Applelon & Company, New York.)

With Our Editor Friends

Frank Harris puts across a great bit of journalism in the OctoberPearson's Magazine, in his "Open Letter to the President." He commendsthe president for many of his acts and points out his opportunity to

lead the world to peace and democracy if he will. "Lay the foundations

of a real lepublic. Sir: turn a sordid capitalistic despotism into a great

industrial democracy and your name will stand in the future above those

even of Washington and Lincoln side by side with the sacred names of

Gutama Buddha and Jesus the Christ."

Harry W. Laidler tells of the co-operative movement of Britain. There

are also " Arizona's Tea Party," by Harold Callender; Bernard Shaw on"The Golden West;" Michael Monahan on "The Great White Way;" H. P.

Richardson on "IngersoU and the Chicago Anarchists:

" Charles Peters

in Devastated Europe," by Maure Martin ; and many other interesting

features, including comment on men, books and current affairs by Frank

Harris. G. B. Shaw says

:

"That sort of thing is always going on in America. What is the

use of writing at the angry ape? If he won't listen to Shakespeare he

won't listen to me. I have no illusions about the Golden West; prob*

ably, however, it only seems the worst place in the world politically and

juridically because there is less hushing up ; that is, less solidarity amongthe governing class than in England or Russia.

I have tried without success to get nominated to the Irish convention.

I am delegated to the Allied Socialist conference in London next week, and

to Stockholm; but 1 cannot see what Socialism has to do with the war.

War is not a Socialist game ; and it is one at which the loser must pay.

(Continued on Page 29)

Page Twenty-eight

Making Socialism a Power(Continued from Page 19)

legislative bodies of the state in proportion to their strength.

With the assistance of J. H. Ryckman of Los Angeles wehave drafted a public ownership measure and a social insur-

ance bill which, if placed on the ballot, will focus the at-

tention of America to California.

The public ownership measure provides that the "state or

political subdivision thereof may engage in any occupation

or business for public purposes, and contract necessary debts

therefor authorized by the people for certain purposes

definitely stated and secured by bonds upon such utility or

enterprise; requires provision be made for levying annual

tax upon value of land irrespective of improvements and not

otherwise, to pay interest semi-annually and principle within

time determined by people, and appropriates proceeds thereof

to such payment until debt is fully paid; declares provisions

thereof not controlled or limited by other constitutional pro-

vision."

The social insurance bill establishes "social insurance

system supported solely by taxing land, irrespective of

improvements, administered by five commissioners each paid

five thousand dollars annually, for health, welfare, support

during illness, disability, old age and disemployment of per-

sons and their dependents, citizens of California, having in-

sufficient incomes to live in reasonable comfort; declares

minimum weekly standard thereof ten dollars plus three dol-

lars for each dependent (non-dependents sixty years old,

or unable to earn same, to receive sufficient from fund to

make their income equal thereto) ; relieves this section of all

constitutional restrictions."

I am sure this program will appeal to the American spirit.

VICTOR J. McCONE,State Secretary Socialist Party of Oregon

THE Socialist party may become a great power in American

politics if it will divorce itself from alien influence, if it

will come out in the open and say: "We are here in America;

let us be Americans and stand by the nation armed in a

just cause." But it is doubtful if it will ever do that. Theparty machinery is under the control of the foreign language

federations, none of which are moved by purely Americanconsiderations. Of them all, the most active and pernicious,

is the German federation which resorted to regular machinepolitics to secure the election of Adolph Germer as national

secretary.

Our war program, namely the so-called "majority report"

is the thing that sticks in the crop of so many Socialists. It

is so unmistakably comforting to the enemy. It repudiates

that necessary loyalty to one's country that must always bean introduction to any critiscism one has to offer. It is a

slap in the face administered by the Socialist party to the

people of the United States, and the people of the UnitedStates are backing the war. Let no one forget that fact!

This is already a popular war, and will be more so as time

goes ori.

When the casuality lists are published, the effect will be to

make the war even more popular, for the fallen heroes will

be the people's own, and woe to those in that hour who shall

raise their voices in opposition to the national will and en-

deavor !

We are informed in the July issue of the National Socialist

party bulletin that article 2, section 6, of the national con-stitution has been repealed by referendum by a vote of al-

Thc Western Comrade

most two to one. This section of the constitution was aimedat the anarchists and syndicalists in the Socialist party wholooked upon the party for a time as a convenient buffer forthe "situations that the I. W. W. would create for it." It

was hoped that this section would drive these Bolshevikis outof the movement, but they were back at the St. Louis con-vention and under the guise of the so-called Socialist Propa-ganada league they repealed the famous "section 6" and intheir "Majority report" committed the Socialist party to theanarchist program.

When one reads paragraph (I) of the program of the"majority report" with its anarchistic phrasing, and thenthinks of the repeal of article 2, section 6, of the nationalconstitution, one doubts whether the Socialist party will ever"become a greater power in American politics." One con-jectures, rather, that the Socialist party will finally become asinsignificant as the Socialist Labor party.The Socialist press is endangering its existence by its un-

deniable and ultimate treason to the American cause. TheSocialist party since the St. Louis convention has beencareering around the political field precisely as if it had nosense.

If the Socialist party desires to become a great power inthe land it must first repudiate the work of the last nationalSocialist convention, and then take the position assumed bythe London convention of the various Socialist parties of theallied nations. It must shake off the incubus of alien control.The foreign language federations must be forced to resumetheir proper subordinate place. Americans should, and must,control the party policy. The party must Americanize itself

and instead of antagonizing America, it must seek to inter-pret the spirit of America in language America can under-stand. It must stand behind the government in this war. It

must free itself from the suspicion of pro-Germanism. If it

will do all these things it has a chance; otherwise, thoughSocialism is in the ascendant, the Socialist party is doomedto extinction.

The Story of a Night(Continued from Page 21)

would be sorry if he knew I was unhappy.Oh, if only I knew something of the customs and habits

of husbands!

The tears were beginning to come. Frozen and distracted,my feet started towards Peter. I did not. It was my feet.

They took me to where he lay. I leaned close and studied his

face in the firelight. I had never seen him asleep before.Now that his brown eyes with their twinkling lights wereclosed, his face looked much older and a little sad. Butperhaps it was the flickering shadow of the fire. I could notbe afraid of Peter when he looked like that.

I touched his face softly. "Peter!"He reached up, not yet half awake, and caught my hand."Joan! Oh Joan! You wanted to come ! You wanted to !

"

I had to tell him the truth. He would find out in themorning anyway.

"My bed burnt up."

"What!""M-m-y bed b-burnt up. I m-moved it and it g-g-got burnt

up."

Peter fully awake now, sat up, and reached for his little

electric search light.

"Burnt up? Are You burned?" He turned the light uponme.

"N-no. Just c-c-old."

Th< Western Comrade Page Twenly-nine

Peter extinguished the light and I heard a suspicious sound.

"It isn't f-funny," I said.

"Her bed got burnt up! Her bed got— No, of course it

isn't funny! Did her bed get burned, poor littie dear, and

are her footsums cold? Well, come! Peter will warm you."

Gently, comfortingly, he pulled me beneath the shelter

of the warm covering. I lay breathlessly still while the tears

dried on my face.

"At last my opportunity has come," Peter said. Oh me!

Once I caught a mouse in the granary and when I took it

in my hands it lay .stark and stiff with fear. I thought of

it now.

He held me close. "There's no wing sprouting on this

shoulder blade—and none on this. Well I'm relieved. I've

always been afraid of it. We don't want any angels in the

family. Now go to sleep, or I'll spank you!"

My arm reached softly round his neck. "Peter," I

whispered, "I—love—you—so. I wish I'd come sooner. Whydidn't you make me?"

"I don't want a slave," he said stubbornly.

We lay without speaking a long time. Finally I began

to drowse.

"Peter! How fast you're heart is beating!"

"Yes, my precious."

"Peter—it was funny—about—the—fire—and—and every-

thing—

"

"You're sure" he asked cautiously.

"Yes. Laugh if you want to."

And he did. He sat up and laughed; and he lay down

and laughed; and he hugged me and laughed.

"Oh! Joan! You darling There's a big daub of smut on

your nose! I saw it by the search light! You blessed little

idiot!"

"I don't care. It's probably on yours by now."

He laughed harder than ever. "What a night! We'll never

forget it!"

He sudsided into soft chuckles.

"All the same, Joan—

"

"H-m-m?""God Bless that fire

!

"

The Principles of Money(Continued from Page 23)

Book Reviews (C°"ri""ed f^m Page 27)

If there be a loser he will have to pawn his shirt. Only a draw can

make the sort of pious peace that the Russians are dreaming of possible. So

we must await the events."

* » *

One doesn't orinarily ^evie^^ a catalogue, but when it is Alfred AKnopfs announcement booklet it is a work of art in itself and worthy

of mention. His fall announcement list should fall into the hands of

all book lovers. Send for it—220 West 42 Street. New York. Mr.

Knopf publishes books for one reason we all work for—to live. But that

ends the financial part of the game. He wants to live—has to and does.

But above all he wants to produce the best there is in literature and

does,

I could fall upon the neck of Mr. Knopf and congratulate his aes-

thetic sense. He says "I love books physically and I want to make

them beautiful." A poor book is better than none if it is impossible

to have lovely books, but the true lover of books wants them to be

beautiful. That is one reason I like Mr. Knopf's publications so well

—

a worthy classic in a worthy cover. And he has experimented until

he can produce beautiful books as cheaply as the less lovely variety. His

fall book list includes a new American novel, "The Three Black Pennys,"by Joseph Hergesheimer ; three Spanish translations—Pio Baroja's "TheCity of the Discreet," V. Blasco Ibanex's "The Cabin" and Alberto Blest-

Gana's "Martin Rivas" ; "God and Mr. Wells." by William Archer; "TheArt Theater." by Sheldon Cheney; "A Book of Prefaces" by H. L.

Mencken ; "A Chaste Man," a novel by Louis Wilkinson ; "The Dead HaveNever Died," by Edward C. Randall ; "Interpreters and Interpretations,"

by Carl Van Vechten ; "Lustra" by Ezra Pound ; and several otherequally noteworthy books. If Mr. Knopfs Russian hound imprint is onany book, you need not worry as to the worth of its contents.

no difference. Convenient or inconvenient, the exchange ofownership had to be made by the actual transfer of the pos-session of the thing itself. If "A" wished to exchange his

land for the land of "B", "A" must in the presence of wit-nesses bring "B" on his land and taking up a handful of earthor breaking some twigs from the trees give them into thehands of "B" and by a formula of words declare the latter

to be the possessor of the land; and "B" must go through thesame ceremony with "A." Chattel likewise had to be trans-ferred by giving actual possession in the open market or be-fore witnesses.

Current Problems(Conrinued from Page 24)

the Socialist party.

Anyway it is agreed that in all these efforts the workershave never had more than a chance and in the end a losingchance at that?

Chances which cannot be avoided must be faced and theconsequences bravely endured. Frost and flood and panicin the elements and among men all bring chances when thebest that one can do is to take his chance and take withfortitude whatever the chance may bring.

But the rational scheme of progress is one which avoidsall needless chance. The opportunity to earn and to havea rational means of living a rational life must cease to bea game of chance and instead become a definite program ofservice and reward.

To accomplish this means that the organizations and man-agement must be so related to the common good that it

cannot serve itself except it serve the common good.

The Socialist has taken the first needful step in the creation

of such an organization and is providing for such a man-agement by directly relating each organizer and committee-

man to some industrial occupation whose interests he mustserve effectively or he cannot remain in his place of service.

The trades unions, co-operators and farmers have taken

a step by creating a joint body for State-v«de action

composed of those who are of their own rank and whose

personal interests cannot come into conflict with the interests

of others committed to their care.

ST.\TEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, CIRCULATION,

ETC.. REQUIRED BY ACT OF CONGRESS OF AUGUST 24, 1912,

OF WESTERN COMRADE PUBLISHED MONTHLY AT LLANO, CALI-

FORNIA, FOR OCTOBER I, 1917.

The names and addresses of the publisher, editor, managing editor

and business manager are:

Publisher, Job Harriman, Llano, California,

Editor, Job Harriman, Llano, California.

Managing Editor, Job Harriman, Llano, California.

Business manager, Ernest S. Wooster, Llano, California.

The owners are. Job Harriman, Llano, California.

The known bondholders, mortgages, and other security holders owningor holding one per cent or more of total amount of bonds, morgages, or

other securities are; None.

(Signed) ERNEST S. WOOSTER

S\^o^n to and subscribed before me this 29th day of September, 1917.

F. H. CHAMBERLAIN

Notary in and for the County of Los Angeles, State of California.

(My Commission expires May 19, 1920.)

Page Thirty

In the Western Comrade for December

"SPIRITISM AND SOCIALISM"Lincoln Phifer, Editor of The New World, contributes a specialarticle to the WESTERN COMRADE in which he discusses thesubject of spirit manifestation and its relation to the liberal

movements of our time.

"CRIME—THE PROBATION SYSTEM"H. A. Sessions, for 10 years Probation Officer of Fresno County,California, contributes his second special article to the

WESTERN COMFIADE on the question of dealing with juvenile

crime. Sessions analyzes the causes of delinquency and pre-scribes a remedy.

"JESUS AND WAR"Robert Whitaker, Socialist divine and veteran in the Socialist

Movement for a decade, entertains and edifies WESTERNCOMl^ADE readers with a specially written article on the

relation existing between Christianity and the current concep-

tions of nationalism and patriotism.

"CO-OPERATIVE EDUCATION"A. A. George, Vice-President of the People's College, Fort

Scott, Kansas, in this specially written article, points out the

necessity of the workers of the world co-operating to educate

themselves,

"REGENERATION"Dr. John Dequer. well-known by all WESTERN COMRADEreaders as a brilliant, forceful writer, has contributed a special

article for the December number. Dr. Dequer discusses the

World War and the social and industrial revolution which

must inevitably follow from it. This contribution is the finest

that has ever been offered by Dr. Dequer,

"THE CO-OPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH"Clinton Bancroft will contribute another of his inimitable and

specially written articles on the forces that make for socialism

and co-operation.

"THE REVOLUTION IN NORTH DAKOTA"H. G. Teigan in the December number completes his series of

three articles, specially written for the WESTERN COMRADE,on the rise of the exploited farmers in the Northwest and of

the triumph of the Non-partisan League.

"MANAGING THE RESOURCES"Walter Thomas Mills, author, teacher and orator of inter-

national fame, tells WESTERN COMRADE readers how the

workers are to get permanent control of their affairs.

••LLANO IN LOUISIANA"The December WESTERN COMRADE will contain another

fascinating description of the inspiring work of the members

of the Llano del Rio Co-operative Colony in developing the

Louisiana extension of Llano. Photographs of the various

activities of the new colony will be liberally sprinkled through-

out the December magazine.

EDITORIALSJob Harriman will contribute three pages of comment and

opinion on the political and sociological issues of the day.

The Western Comrade

This Razor$1.00

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razor. Just send us $1.00 for this high grade razor on 30 day's

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"The Truth AboutThe Medical Profession"By John A. Bevan, M. D.

Columbia University

(Inventor of the CEsophagoscope)

Paper Bound, Postpaid Price Fifty Cents

The result of clinical and pathological researchesat Guy's Hospital, London, and the Bellevue Hos-pital, New York.

BENEDICT LUST, N. D., D. 0., D. C, M. D., writes: "Thebook is splendid and will help to enlighten many skeptics whostill believf in medical superstition."

Prof. DAVID STARR JORDAN, M. D., writes: "I havelooked over the book called "The Truth About the MedicalProfession.' There are a great many things that are forcefuland truthfully said."

GEORGE BERNARD SHAW writes: "There are some quiteinteresting and important things in the book."

LLANO PUBLICATIONS, STABLES, LOUISIANA

Your $1000 Member-ship will put the LouisianaBee Indu^ry on a payingbasis.

^ We want your $1000 Membership speciallyto help finance our MODEL 300 STAND APIARY.

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LLANO DEL RIO COLONY -:- STABLES, LOUISIANA

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renewals, secure subscriptions, and to represent the

LLANO PUBLICATIONS in various ways.

Our proposition to responsible persons will be found

attractive. Write us at once for details.

THE LLANO PUBLICATIONS, STABLES, LOUISIANA

THE INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF SOCIAL ECONOMY.

Three Correspondence Courses of StudyOrganized in 1900. Students in All English Speaking Countries

LESSONS PREPARED AND TAUGHT BY

Walter Thomas MillsAny of these Courses can be taken by a sirigle individual or in classes. Work can begin at any time

and can be completed as quickly as anyone is able, or the time may be extended as may be necessary.

FINELY ENGRAVED CERTIFICATES are given to those who satisfactorily complete the work in any of these courses.

Here areJ Jj^lJ

-TEN LESSONS IN THE STUDY OF SOCIALISM.

, ^ , I..—TEN LESSONS IN THE ART OF PUBLIC SPEAKING.

the Courses f m.—ten lessons in the correct and effective use of the English language.

THE TEN LESSONS IN SOCIALISMLesson 1.—The Evolation of Capitalism.

Lesson n.—The Evolution of Socialism.

Lesson IIl.^—Scientific Socialism.

Lesson IV.—The Failure of Capitalism—The Coming of Socialism.

Lesson V.—Trades Unions and Socialism.

Lesson VI.—The Farmers and Socialism.

Lesson VII.—The Middle Class Workers and Socialism.

Lesson VIII.—Religion, Education and Socialism.

Lesson IX.—Political Parties and Socialism.

Lesson X.—How to Work for Socialism.

Each of the ten lessons which have been especially prepared by Mr.

Mills, the author of "The Struggle for Existence," gives special direc-

tions for the study of some one topic as given in the above schedule.

Each lesson gives a summary of the subject matter to be studied with

special references to all the paragraphs in the text book bearing upon

that topic and designating those to be read only, as well as those to be

carefully studied. Each lesson in the course is followed by a list of

test questions, the answers to which are written up as studied and for-

warded to Mr. Mills for correction, approval or recommendations for

further study, together with answers to any special questions asked.

THE TEN LESSONS IN THE CORRECT ANDEFFECTIVE USE OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

Lesson I.—The Building and the Mastery of Words-.

Lesson II.—The Classes of Words.

Lesson III.—The Relation of Words to Each Other.

Lesson IV.—The Building of an English Sentence.

Lesson V.—The Finishing Work on an English Sentence.

Lesson VI.—The Forms of Speaking and Writing.

Lesson VII.—The Telling of a Story and the Explaining of a Situation

Lesson VIII.—The Building of an Argument.

Lesson IX.—Effective Correspondence.

Lesson X.—Writing for Publication.

These lessons consist of ten pamphlets, each complete in itself andcontaining all the material necessary for a student's work. Each lesson

is followed with test questions and the manner of procedure in doing

the work, the same as above.

TEN LESSONS IN THE ART OF PUBLIC SPEAKINGLesson I.—The Training of the Voice.

Lesson II.—Gathering the Speaker's Materials.

Lesson III.—Constructing the Argument.Lesson IV.—The Delivery of a Speech.

Lesson V.—Adornment and Power in Public Address.

Lesson VI.—The Speech and the Occasion.

Lesson VII.—^Errors in Speech.

Lesson VIII.—Controversial Speech.

Lesson IX.—How to Manage a Crowd.Lesson X.—The Personal Qualities of an Orator.

In these lessons, as in the course of English, each lesson is completein itself and no text book will be required, and the manner of proceed-ure will be the same.

REMEMBER:— If you wish to understand the labor question, to deal with the high cost of living, to understand the rise of nulitarism and the

way of escape, to fight effectively for the young, the disabled and the aged, in short, if you wish to be a good and an effective Socialist, begin at

once the study of these lessons in Socialism. If you wish to have a voice as clear and musical as a bell, so that people will listen to you just for the

music of your voice, to be heard distinctly by the largest crowds, to have a throat of steel that will never fail you. to have a great fund of fresh

and interesting information, to be able to think at your best on your feet and before a crowd, to be an effective salesman in offering goods or in

presenting ideas, to speak without notes and never forget, to address a throng as though you were speaking to a single friend and to become your-

self the incarnation of the message you take to others, then take these ten lessons in the Art of Public Speaking.

If you want to write for the press, not for the waste basket, to be understood, not to be laughed at, to write letters that bring replies, to serve

on committees, write resolutions or party platforms, to gather the greatest fund of information, to write a story that will read when printed as it

sounds when told, to recover from the brogue or the broken forms of foreign speech or of untrained utterance, then take these lessons in the study

of the English language.

q THESE LESSONS WILL BE WORTH YOUR WHILE. The following well-known speakers, writers and organizers were once students of Mr. Mills

:

George R. Kirkpatrick, Anna Maley, Fred. D. Warren, Kate O'Hare, Frank O'Hare, Guy Lockwood, Mrs. Lockwood, Oscar Ameringer, Phil Gallery,

J. W. Slayton, Gertrude Breslau Fuller, O. S. Wilson, Judge Groesbeck, Geo. W. Downing, Agnes Downing, John M. Work, Mrs. A. M. Salyer, Geo.

H. Turner, George D. Brewer, J. E. Snyder, George Scott, Mrs. Bradford, Walter and Rose Walker, Anna Strunsky Walling, T. E. Latimer, Caroline

Lowe, James O'Neal, W. C. Benton, J. L. Fitts, J. L. Engdahl. Dr. Nina E. Wood.

TERMS: The Course of Lessons in Sociahsm, including a paper-

bound copy of "The Struggle for Existence" by Walter Thomas Mills,

free, $5.00 for a single student ; in classes of five or more, $3.00 each

;

in classes of ten or more with text book free to each student in any

case, $2.50 each; or the course free to anyone ordering ten copies of

the cloth-bound edition of "The Struggle for Existence" at $1.50 each

(regular price $2.50) ; or ten copies of "Democracy or Despotism" by

Walter Thomas Mills, regular price $1.25 each, to one address.

The Courses in the study of English and in the Art of Public Speak-

ing are $10.00 each for single students: in classes of five $7.50 each;

in classes of ten or more $6.00 each ; or either Course for a single

student free to anyone ordering fifteen cloth-bound copies of "TheStruggle for Existence" at $1.50 (regular price $2.50); or fifteen copies

of "Democracy or Despotism" at $1.00 each (regular price $1.25) to

one address, purchasers paying the freight.

Q Now is the time to get ready for the winter's work. You can in-

vest in nothing that will pay so large a return as when you invest in

yourself. You can earn these courses getting up clubs for the books.You can greatly reduce the expense and add to the pleasure and profit

of the work by getting up classes in any of these Courses.

ADDRESS ALL COMMUNICATIONS, always mentioning that you saw this ad in THE WESTERN COMRADE, to

The International School of Social EconomyR. R. No. 1. Box 15, BERKELEY. CALIFORNIA.

Illllii

Make Your Family Safe For

The Future

!

WHAT have you done for your family? What provision have you made for your own

old age? What plan have you? No one else will take care of you, no one else will

take care of them. NOW is the time to look forward into the future.

The Llano del Rio CoKjperative Colony, established at Llano, Los Angeles county, California,

May 1 , 1914, has established an extension Colony at Stables, in the healthful Highlands of

Western Louisiana. You are invited to send for special descriptive literature about it.

Have You Faith In

Your Own Ideals ?

1^0 YOU believe in co-operation? Are you a believer in Socialism? If you are, have you

'-^ faith in the application of the principles in which you believe?

The Llano Colonies are the practical attempt to ilive and administer the theories of co-op-

eration. This is a movement to secure the benefits of Socialism right now. Hundreds of colonists

are building soundly and solidly for the future. They ask you to join them if you have the

courage of your convictions. Practical, sane, honest, conscientious, tolerant, determined men and

women are desired. There v^all be pioneering to do and there will undoubtedly be hardships.

None are wanted who come expecting to reap ere they have sown, none who wish to advance

their own selfish interests ahead of their brothers, none who seek immediate advantages for them-

selves rather than for the good of the whole community. But to those who can work and endure

and build for the future a cordial welcome is extended. ARE YOU ONE OF THESE ?

LLANO'S16tOOOACRE

PLANTATIONIN THC

HIOHLANOS

LOUISIANA

The "GATEWAY TO FREEDOM" and "LLANO'S

PLANTATION IN THE HIGHLANDS OF LOUISIANA"

give more detailed information about the Llano Colonies.

Write for them and for supplementary literature. Ask for

application blank. Address:

Membership Department

Llano del Rio Colony,Stables, Louisiana