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Preventing Violent Extremism

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DEVELOPMENT ADVOCATE

PAKISTAN

DEVELOPMENT ADVOCATE

PAKISTAN

Development Advocate Pakistan provides a platformfor the exchange of ideas on key development issuesand challenges in Pakistan. Focusing on a specificdevelopment theme in each edition, this quarterlypublication fosters public discourse and presentsvarying perspectives from civil society, academia,government and development partners. Thepublication makes an explicit effort to include thevoices of women and youth in the ongoing discourse.A combination of analysis and public opinion articlespromote and inform debate on development ideaswhile presenting up-to-date information.

Editorial Board

Mr. Marc-André Franche

UNDP Country Director

Mr. Aadil Mansoor

Assistant Country Director/ChiefCrisis Prevention and Recovery Unit

Mr. Amir Goraya

Assistant Country Director/ChiefDemocratic Governance Unit

Mr. Shakeel Ahmad

Assistant Country Director/ChiefDevelopment Policy Unit

Mr. James Littleton

Chief Technical AdvisorStrengthening Electoral and Legislative Processes

Ms. Fatimah Inayet

Communications Analyst

Disclaimer

The views expressed here by external contributors or the members ofthe editorial board do not necessarily reflect the official views of theorganizations they work for and that of UNDP’s.

Editor

Maheen Hassan

Layout

Torsum Khan

Printed by: Agha Jee printers, Islamabad

United Nations Development Programme Pakistan4th Floor, Serena Business Complex,Khayaban-e-Suharwardy, Sector G-5/1,P. O. Box 1051,Islamabad, Pakistan

For contributions and feedback, please write to us at:communications.pk@undp.org

ISBN: 969-8736-14-9

© UNDP Pakistan

A community meeting to form Men’s Community Organizations in D.I. Khan.

Senator Sherry RehmanVice PresidentPakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians (PPPP)Chair of the Jinnah InstitutePakistan's Ex-Ambassador to the United StatesEx-Federal Minister of Information

Raza Ahmed RumiWriter, International Development Practitioner, Journalist

Scholar in residence, Ithaca College, New York

Visiting faculty, New York University

Consulting Editor, The Friday Times

Laila BokhariState Secretary at the PM's office in Oslo

(currently on maternity leave)

Worked on the Norwegian Government's

Action Plan against radicalization and violent extremism

Justice Ali Nawaz ChowhanChairmanNational Commission for Human Rights (NCHR)

Mustafa ShahbazManagement Consultant – Carnelian

Opinion

CONTENTSMarch 2016

Analysis

Youth Voices

Saleem MandviwallaProvincial nominee for NFC - Sindh

/DevelopmentAdvocatePakistan

www.twitter.com/undp_pakistan

www www.pk.undp.org

/undppakistan

Follo

w u

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Interviews

Preventing Violent Extremism02

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Women Radicalization in PakistanDr. Shahida Aman

Confronting Extremism Through Building anEffective Counter-Narrative: The Role of PoliticalParties and Law Enforcement Agencies in PakistanDr. Hassan Abbas

The Behavioural Determinants of Violent Extremism:The seful essons we earn from Behavioural ScienceU L LEnrique Fatas Umar Taj| |Lina Maria Restrepo Plaza

How Pakistan's Education RadicalizesDr. Pervez Hoodbhoy

Combating Violent ExtremismI. A. Rehman

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23Terrorist Financing and Charity Giving:Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) Initiativesof the Government of PakistanUsman Zafar

Sidra SalfiYouth Activist and FounderThe Youth of FATA project (YoF)

Syed Ali Abbas ZaidiFounder, Pakistan Youth Alliance,Khudi Pakistan and HIVE [karachi]Development professional and CVE expert

Umair JaliawalaDirector and CEOSchool of Leadership (SOL), Karachi

© UNDP Pakistan

A Peace Festival in D. I. Khan.

The world continues to confront significant threats fromextremist groups resorting to violent means to advancetheir agenda–be it ideological, religious or political. The

kidnapping of school girls, the brutal murder of innocent civiliansor the bombing of cultural and religious places are used byextremists to terrorize, expand their grip on territory, controlresources and illegal trade or compel states in adopting some oftheir agendas. As recognized repeatedly by the UN SecurityCouncil, violent extremism poses a significant threat to globalpeace and stability, with tremendous impact on social cohesion,eroding development progress and hindering future gains.According to the Global Terrorism Index 2015, the total numberof deaths from terrorism increased by 80 percent compared tothe previous year. This is the largest annual increase in 15 years.Since the beginning of the century, there has been a nine-foldincrease in the number of deaths from terrorism, rising from3,329 in 2000 to 32,685 in 2014. Pakistan endures one of theheaviest tolls in the world with over 21 thousand civilian fatalitiesbetween 2003 and 2016 according to the South Asia TerrorismPortal. Sustainable human development today requires humansecurity which can only be advanced by preventing andcountering violent extremism.

It is notable that despite extensive studies on the causes anddrivers of violent extremism and the popularity of the subject onthe conference circuit, convincing evidence on what specificallydrives extremism remains thin and contested. More definitiveanswers are complex, intertwined with an ample set of humandeprivations and context specific. For example, in Pakistan, theforms and causes of violent extremism vary widely betweenFATA, Southern Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Karachi, theBaloch insurgency or the sectarian violence against Shiasbelonging to the Hazara Community in Quetta. Overall, violentextremism in Pakistan is a heritage of geopolitical realities as thecountry joined the fight against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan,and then Pakistan's choices in Afghanistan and Kashmir, theweakness of rule of law and governance, as well as a lack ofpreventive actions from the Pakistani state and society. Stateinstitutions and leaders have also at times supported extremistgroups and invested in extremist faith and identity basednarratives ostensibly in pursuit of strategic objectives. Reversingthis trend will require unprecedented action based on a nationalconsensus not only against all forms of violence but also againstall forms of extremist narratives and a greater recognition of thevalues of pluralism, diversity and tolerance as one of the criticalfounding principles of the country, articulated compellingly byQuaid-e-Azam.

Responses to violent extremism in Pakistan have mostly takenthe shape of counter terrorism operations. Since 2001, the armyhas conducted twelve such operations to counter extremistsfrom various areas of the country. As a result, violence has sharplydeclined particularly during 2015 following operation Zarb-e-Azab and the Rangers continuing engagement in Karachi.According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal database again,terrorism casualties in Pakistan decreased 31.5 percent from2013 to 2015. Sectarian violence has also dropped from 558

deaths in 2013, to 276 in 2015. fter the attack on the ArmyAPublic School in Peshawar where more than 150, in 2015,students lost their lives, the government led the adoption of theNational Action Plan to deal with terror. The plan, based on abroad political consensus, included among others, establishingspecial courts headed by army officers, crackdown on hatespeeches, madrassah reforms, control on print and electronicmedia to curtail propagation of extremist ideology, clampdownon financiers of terrorist networks in Pakistan, the revival of theNational Counter Terrorism Authority and other measures toimprove rule of law. Some measures have moved aheadincluding the set-up of military courts, the registration ofmadrassahs and closing of some suspected in spreading violentextremism. This said however, it is widely understood thatoverall implementation remains quite limited.While reduction inviolence is an important achievement, incidences such as theattacks on Bacha Khan University in Charsadda, in a children'spark in Lahore and too many others show the limits of thepresent strategy focused on security approaches.

A long lasting solution to violent extremism requires movingbeyond a short term security dominated approach towardsaddressing multiple root causes: factors that breed extremism inthe first place. Human rights violations, weak rule of law,shrinking political space especially for young people and formarginalized segments of society, and lack of prospects forearning a decent livelihood all play in the hands of violentgroups. Since violent extremism is caused by multiple factors,policies to counter violent extremism must also be diverse andholistic. Pluralism, religious tolerance, protection of minoritiesand freedom of expression and improving governance should beengrained in the national counter terrorism strategies. Militaryoperations can only reduce or contain terrorist incidents; goodgovernance, rule of law and capable civilian institutions areneeded to sustain progress. The media also has a significant roleto play in promoting diversity and tolerance for the public good.Besides education and employment, the state should promoteyouth engagement in civic activities, culture and sportsespecially in geographical areas where they are more vulnerableto the influence of extremist groups. Moreover, there is a needfor a broad consensus recognizing that short term political,security or geopolitical objectives cannot justify support forviolent extremism, particularly given its devastatingconsequences on institutions and society.

The world community has also realized the need for a collectiveand holistic approach to preventing violent extremism byaddressing root causes rather than mere counter terrorismoperations. At the United Nations General Assembly, SecretaryGeneral Ban Ki Moon presented his Plan of Action to PreventViolent Extremism. This included good governance, ensuringrule of law, promoting political participation, providing qualityeducation and decent jobs and respecting human rights. It callsfor building inclusive institutions that are truly accountable topeople, and to address alienation by promoting inclusivenessand participation. In these lie some guidance for Pakistan'sscounter terrorism and violent extremism policies.

Editorial

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Preventing iolent xtremism in Pakistan:V E

From ecurity to uman evelopment pproachesS H D A

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Analysis

Preventing Violent Extremism1

In the last two decades, many parts ofthe world have convulsed at the handso f s e e m i n g l y e v e r - e x p a n d i n g

paroxysms of violence- often couched inrel igious and pol it ical- ideologicalvocabulary. These waves of violence,terrorism and militancy have resulted inlarge-scale mobilization of resources forinter and intra-state wars that have lefthundreds of thousands dead across theworld, and millions more wounded andt r a u m a t i z e d - p h y s i c a l l y a n dpsychologically. Since the turn of thecentury, there has been a nine-fold increasein the number of deaths from violentextremism, rising from 3,329 in the year2000, to 32,685 in 2014. Five countries-Pakistan, Afghanistan, Nigeria, Syria, andIraq-accounted for 78 percent of lives lost in2014 alone.2

The damages and costs of violentextremism continue to spread andgenerate new iterations of crisis for statesand societies. Purveyors and perpetratorsof violence, terrorism and militancy aroundthe world kill and maim indiscriminately:children in Pakistan, girls in Nigeria, andunsuspecting, innocent civilians in Parisand Brussels. From the newly emergentsecurity challenges and vicious barbarityperpetrated by the Islamic State forces inIraq and Syria, to the millions of displacedrefugees from Syria, Africa and Afghanistanseek ing homes and refuge in aneconomically and politically challengedEurope, terrorism and militancy, driven byviolent extremism, are the foremostexistential challenges of our times.

While violent extremism has crippled theability of several states to govern effectivelyand maintain sovereign legitimacy, it hasproven to be an equally complex constructto study and deconstruct. Severalsignificant attempts have been made tocapture and explain the dynamics of violentextremism. Through careful observation,research and experiential knowledge, wecan begin to draw the conceptual featuresof violent extremism, and identify workablesolutions to address this developmentalmenace.

What isViolent Extremism?

While a precise definition has eluded manyexperts, research and evidence fromaround the world, as well as experientialobservations on the nature of violentextremism has contributed to thedevelopment of the following formulation:

Violent extremism refers to advocating,

engaging, preparing or otherwise supporting

ideologically motivated or justified violence

to further social, economic, political and

r e l i g i o u s o b j e c t i v e s t h a t a r e r i g i d,

uncompromising and intolerant.3,4

Peaceful change and reform find no roomfor existence in an extremist belief system.Extremism is diametrically opposed todiversity. It is an essentializing force that isculturally, politically, economically, socially,and spiritually predatory. It seeks toeliminate diverse identities, practices andinstitutions of thought, knowledge andbehaviour in a society. And this goal issought through the imposition of violence.While violence is a pervasive feature ofhuman behaviour and psychology, violentextremist groups perpetrate violencethrough organized terrorism, insurgenciesand militancy, that are legitimized withinthe in-group through carefully engineereddestructive and inhumane ideologicalnarratives.

Violent extremism is operationallyamorphous, and disparate and diverse in itsobjectives. Violent extremist groups pursuea variety of social, political, economic andreligious goals; and as in the case ofubiquitous violent extremism in our times,across countries and regions. Individualsand groups can adopt extreme ideologicalpositions through different interpretivechannels. Some disagree with statestructures and distribution of political oreconomic power, and bui ld theirmovements and challenges to the systemon narrow and impervious ideologicalgrounds. Others find trans-historical,spiritual and religious grounds to challengecultures and societies that are labeled asenemies that must be eliminated.

Contemporary violent extremism has twodistinct features. First, it is an amalgam ofintolerant religious and political beliefs.Violent extremist groups in many countrieshave acquired and adopted perverseinterpretations of religious teachings andfused them with political objectives toimpose indiscriminate violence. Bybranding everyone not part of the in-groupas enemies that must be killed, thesegroups have unleashed terrorism andmilitancy that seeks to realize apocalypticwars and universal violence. Second,violent extremist groups are truly global.From actively exploiting social media andtargeting youth across different countries,to financing and resource transfer, violentextremism operates through transnationalnetworks, and poses challenges thatrequire unprecedented global inter-statepolicy coordination.

Evidence from dealing with violentextremism around the world indicates twonecessary conditions that facilitate thegrowth and spread of terrorism andmilitancy. First, conflict and instabilityincubate the emergence of violentextremism. Conflicts within and acrossstates reverse developmental gains, spreads o c i o - p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i cimpoverishment, and normalize violencethrough the spread and availability of thetools and methods to wage conflicts. Inthese conditions, violent extremist groupsoften find ready-made channels to espouseextremist ideologies, find recruits, andaccess the tools that conversely, furtherfuel, exacerbate and perpetuate rootconflicts.

Second, state failures and weaknessesoften create optimal conditions for violentextremism to erupt. States are tasked withthe responsibility to establish theinstitutional infrastructure for governance,inclusive, collective deliberation, andservice-delivery for all citizens. Whencritical flaws emerge in these structures,equal access to opportunities andresources diminishes, which creates powerimbalances, and thereby, winners andlosers. The losers contending with

1. The analysis has been undertaken by HaraldThorud (Programme Adviser, UNDP Pakistan) and Murad Javed (Research Analyst, UNDP Pakistan).

2. UNDP,“PreventingViolent Extremism through Inclusive Development and Promotion ofTolerance and Respect for Diversity: A development response to addressing radicalization and violent extremism”

3. Ibid

4. USAID Policy,“The Development Response toViolent Extremism and Insurgency.”

governance malfeasance and institutionalfailures then nurse grievances against thestate. Different forms of state malfunctioncan contribute immensely to theemergence of violent extremism insocieties.

In this discussion on the nature anddynamics of violent extremism, it isimportant to accentuate and disentanglethe link between violent extremism andradicalization. Radicalization is animportant precursor to violent extremism.However, radicalization as a process andsocial experience is not always negative.Many positive transformations emergedaround the world through radical ideas andgroups pursuing reforms. For example,women's rights and suffragist movements,civil rights movement in the United States,and non-violent civil disobediencemovements in India and South Africa wereall once considered radical. Thesemovements and groups pushed for andachieved momentous progressive reformsin national laws and institutions.Alternatively, radicalization is necessarybut not sufficient for the emergence ofviolent extremism.

Violent extremism is preceded by a processof radicalization that is immersed ing r i e v a n c e p r o j e c t i o n , n e g a t i v eassociations, and a psychosocial identitytransformation that seeks revenge throughviolence. Violent extremist groupsmanufacture narratives that exacerbatesense of loss, grievance and anger at thestate of affairs. The dissemination of thesenarratives, and their absorption by an

individual is the core component ofradicalization. In the context of violentextremism, radicalization is the antecedentpsychosocial event and process that makesindividuals willing to participate in theactivities of violent extremist groups.

A Brief History ofViolent Extremism

The history of violent extremism is longand unconstrained by spatial, temporal orideological borders. The emergence ofFascist groups in Europe in the interwarperiod was a major instantiation of anextreme ideology that overtook statestructures and imposed genocidal war andviolence. Anarchist groups in the 19thcentury attempted to deploy violence as astrategy to deal with political changes andupheavals of the era. Racist and ethno-nationalist groups waged violence againstminority racial and cultural groups in theUnited States for nearly two centuries.Similarly, rebel religious groups andspiritual cults throughout history havewaged wars and violence to intimidate,spread fear, and force abandonment ofbeliefs and religious conversion.

In our era, various manifestations of violentextremism still thrive across the world.However, religious-inspired violentextremism has emerged as a major threatto peace and stability for many societies.Violent extremist groups operating aroundthe world, from Da'esh, to Boko Haram,Pakistani Taliban and Al-Qaeda have poseda direct threat to international anddomestic security, targeted children andadults, civilians and military personnelindiscriminately and mercilessly, and

undermined peace, stability, diversity, andhuman rights across the world. Similarly,right-wing, ultra-orthodox religiousgroups in Europe and North America havetargeted Muslim citizens through hatespeech and violent attacks.

Violent extremist groups have also becomeadept at maintaining transnationalsupport networks and linkages. Theoperations and structures of these groupshave attained complexity through thespread and penetration of moderncommunicative technologies, such asdecentralized social media platforms.These communication channels allowgroups to evade state scrutiny and securityapparatuses to maintain recruitmentchannels and nodes around the world. Thecomplex operational nature and threatmagnitude of these groups is manifested inthe recent tragic terrorist incidents inPakistan,Turkey, France and Belgium.

For global peace and security, violentextremism has emerged as a majorchallenge. Violent extremist groups areoften fluid and can metastasize rapidly intonew places and with different identities.Recent evidence indicates that the flow offoreign fighters and members to violentextremist groups has expanded to morethan 100 countries and has registered anincrease of 70 percent. This illustrates the5

truly global threat posed by violentextremist groups in our times.

Pakistan has emerged as a frontlinebattleground for global and domesticviolent extremist groups. In particular, over

03

In September last year, the UnitedNations passed a momentous newagenda for global development,called Sustainable DevelopmentGoals (SDGs). Approved by all nationsas the new global developmentpriorities till 2030, the SDGs providean expanded framework for targetingglobal development, and haveestablished measurable benchmarksfor countries to track and assess theirprogress. Recognizing that one of themost important developmental andsecurity challenges facing severalcountries is the rising menace ofviolent extremism, SDG 16-“Promotejust, peaceful and inclusive societies”-was passed as a sustainable solutionto effectively address this challenget h r o u g h i m p r o v i n g s o c i e t a lstructures of governance and socialcohesion.

SDG's and Violent Extremism

5. UN Secretary General's Remarks at Leaders' Summit CounteringViolent Extremism, NewYork, September 29th 2015

Enhancing thefight againstcorruption

Providingeffective socio-

economicalternatives forgroups at risk

Enhancingparticipatory

decisionmaking andcivic space

Promoting arule of law andhuman rights

based approachto PVE

Strengtheninglocal

governmentcapacities to

deliver servicesand security

Promotinggender equality

and women'sempowerment

Supportinginternal

intermediariesto promote

dialogue andre-integration

Engaging youthin building

social cohesion

Working withfaith base

organizationsand religious

leaders

Promotingrespect for

human rights,diversity and global

citizenship inschools

Working withthe media to

promotehuman rightsand tolerance

Addressing drivers of political, economicinequality and perceived injustice

Addressing weakstate capacityand security

Addressing the problem of socialcohesion, failing structures of socialcontrol and disagreement in society

Promoting positivesocialization towards

more inclusivesocieties

Bu

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Promote peaceful, just and inclusive societies

The 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda

Media and advocacywork to counter

extremist narrative

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Preventing

Violent Extremism

Anti-terrorist actionsto stop violence and

security threats

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Building blocks for preventing violent extremism

(Source: UNDP,“Preventing Violent Extremism through Inclusive Development and Promotion of Tolerance and Respect for Diversity: Adevelopment response to addressing radicalization and violent extremism”)

04

the last two decades, the country has beendrawn into a vortex of global and regional,religious-inspired violent extremism thathas brought immense damage to domesticpeace, security and stability in the country.Since the invasion of Afghanistan by NATOforces in 2001, the presence and threatprofiles of violent extremist groups andtheir operations in Pakistan has increasedmanifold.

The state in Pakistan has been under attackby home-grown violent extremist groupse.g. Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), thatmimic religious-inspired violent extremistsoperating around the world. Critically,domestic violent extremist groups inPakistan have rebelled against the stateand seek the complete overthrow of statestructures and laws. In pursuit of theirgoals, and in line with their contemporaryviolent extremist lineage, these groupsh ave t a rg e te d s t a te a n d p r i v a teinfrastructure, security forces, governmentofficials, and innocent civilians alike. Abrutal manifestation of the threat of violentextremism in Pakistan is the barbaric andinhumane killing of more than 130innocent children of a public school inPeshawar in December 2014.6

Numbers tell their own grim story ofviolence and terrorism in Pakistan. Over thelast thirteen years, more than 60,000 havelost their lives in the country, includingterrorists and insurgents. Many more have7

been wounded and traumatized in therelentless cycles of violence and terrorismin the country. Many groups have beentargeted through concerted deploymentof violence. For example, non-Muslimminority groups, and minority sects such asS h i a s h a v e b e e n t a r g e t e d f o rindiscriminate killing by extremist groups.Equally pernicious is the spread andpenetration of extremist narratives andvalues defined by hatred, intolerance anddiscrimination. Violent extremism hasemerged as the primary existentialchallenge for the Pakistani state.

What makes Pakistan's experience withv i o l e n t ex t re m i s m a n d te r ro r i s mparticularly difficult and dangerous is theongoing demographic transition in thecountry. Pakistan is currently experiencinga substantial youth bulge, with nearly 60percent of the population below the age ofthirty. This expanding youth bulge offersboth unique opportunities and challenges.The country can offer its young polity withpathways of constructive citizenship andaccess to development and socio-economic and political mobility. However,and conversely, absence of developmentaland socio-polit ical and economic

participation opportunities is renderingy o u n g P a k i s t a n i s v u l n e r a b l e t oinvolvement in violence, extremism, andongoing conflicts in the country.

Further compounding this challengingscenario is Pakistan's continual strugglewith developing stable, just and effectivestate institutions, and achieving sustainedsocioeconomic and political developmentin the country. Violent extremism intrudesdirectly in this process, and limits thepossibilities of progress, peace andprosperity in the country. Violent extremistgroups operating within and outside thecountry intend to attack state structures,damage institutions, spread fear, andundermine the state's capacity to establishpeace and prosperity. And while the lastfew months have seen the state make aconcerted and serious effort to deal withthis threat through military and securityoperations, much more needs to be doneto effectively deal with the drivers ofviolent extremism in the country.

The Drivers ofViolent Extremism

The root causes of violent extremism aremultifaceted, complex and are derivedfrom structural, as well as micro-levelconditions. Similarly, some drivers areproximate in time and space, and operateat the individual level to spreadr a d i c a l i z a t i o n s . O t h e r s s t i l l a r eintermediate and long-term, and cancreate macro-level conditions and forcesrequired for generating and sustainingviolent extremism. Several internationaland national actors have made the effortsto uncover the factors and conditions thattrigger and facilitate the rise of violentex tremism. Var ious organizat ionso p e r a t i n g i n v i o l e n t e x t r e m i s tenvironments around the world have

gathered evidence, experience andanalysis that contributes to identifying thevarious drivers of violence.

One analytically handy approach tounderstanding the drivers of violence is todisaggregate them into two maincategories.The first of these root categoriescan be termed structural push factors.These set of drivers are complex,multifaceted and intertwined, and are aproduct of 'historic, political, economic andsocial circumstances, including theoperation and impact of regional andglobal power politics'. The following8

drivers of violent extremism belong to thisfamily of root causes:

S t a t e a n d g o v e r n a n c e Fa i l u r e s :

Legitimate states exercise functionalsovereignty in their domestic polity, andestablish the institutional architecturerequired to: provide durable platforms forcollective deliberation and participation inpolitical processes; ensure access to anddistribution of social, economic andpol it ical resources; and establ ishoverarching conditions for peace andstability. However, when states begindefaulting on performing these basicfunctions, inequalities in resourceownership and distribution take root,which then create power disparities. As aresult, when states weaken and fail,effective governance is the first victim. Twoforms of governance fai lures areparticularly conducive to the spread ofviolent extremism: failure to deliver basicpublic services; and a breakdown in law,order and justice. Failure to deliver basicpublic services creates a vacuum that isoccupied by violent extremist groups thatbegin offering and providing public goods,welfare services, and alternatives-

Religous, ethnic and group identities

Cultural Factors, Narratives and Discourse

Governance and Institutional Failures and / or Political

Grievances

Social, economic and political marginalization

Socialization

into violent

extremsim/Cognitive

vulnerability/

ideological training

Micro

Meso

Macro

Theoretical Model of the Drivers of Violent Extremism

6. Zahir Shah Shirazi, Mateen Haider, Hassan Jahangiri, abdul Hakim,“Militant siege of Peshawar school ends, 141 killed,”DAWN 16 December 2014. Available at http://www.dawn.com/news/1151203

7. South AsiaTerrorism Portal: http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/database/casualties.htm

8. UNDP,“PreventingViolent Extremism through Inclusive Development and Promotion ofTolerance and Respect for Diversity: A development response to addressing radicalization and violent extremism”

05

especially for the most marginalizedsegments of a polity. Fai lures orinefficiencies in the justice dispensationmechanisms erodes trust in the state, andallows violent extremist groups to setupalternative options for dispensing justice;often through violence and miscarriages ofjustice principles. Similarly, the inability of astate to provide security and establish lawand order creates the physical space forviolent extremist groups to operate freely,impose their own order, and incentivizeindividuals to join such groups as the mosteffective and powerful actor, with acompeting monopoly over violence.

State failures can also manifest themselvesin the complicit actions and policiesadopted by states that facilitate theembedding of widespread violentextremism. In particular, if states facilitate,condone, or tolerate the existence ofreligious, political and militant actors andgroups that espouse violence to achievepolitical aims, it is highly likely that violentextremism can quick ly become acancerous challenge. Where states usegroups with violent extremism as proxiesagainst domestic and foreign adversaries,security and development challenges fromviolent extremism can quickly becomeuncontrollable.

State Repression and Human Rights

Violations: Direct or indirect violation ofhuman rights and basic human dignity bythe state, or non-state actors mimickingthis behavior, creates victims withlegitimate grievances. This grievance canquickly morph into a desire for revenge,which is provided real and meaningfuloutlets by violent extremist groups.

Endemic Conflict and Insecurity: Conflictsdestabilize states and lead to all symptomsof classic state failures. Moreover prevalentinsecurity and violence allows for easyaccess to violence and the resourcesrequired to inflict damage to life andproperty. In such contexts, violentextremist groups find substantial space toparticipate in, complicate and perpetuateconflicts.

E n t r e n c h e d C o r r u p t i o n a n d E l i t e

Impunit y: Entrenched patterns ofindividual and institutional corruption,coupled with impunity and absentaccountability, can provide violentextremist groups with two opportunities tofind a foothold. First, widespreadcorruption and lack of accountability and

transparency allows violent extremists tospin narratives against the state and itsinstitutions, and frame themselves andtheir objectives as the legitimatealternatives to the“immorality”of the stateand elites. Second, systemic corruptionallows opportunities for violent extremistgroups to build alliances and linkages withcriminal and illegal networks and gangs tofind operational space and resources.

S o c i a l M a r g i n a l i z a t i o n a n d

Fragmentation: Dislocation and exclusionin the form of social marginalization andfragmented identities can becomepowerful structural forces for driving andsustaining violent extremist narratives andgroups. When state and cultura linstitutions fail to build inclusiveopportunities for participation and a senseof belonging to a polity, they renderindividuals susceptible to manipulation,radicalization and recruitment into violentextremist groups.

Cultural Threat Narratives-Local and

Global: This driver of violent extremism isparticularly prominent in the publicposturing, messaging and recruitmentnarratives disseminated by extremistgroups. For example, narratives ofexistential threats of domination cancreate a sense of impending crisis,injustices and oppression. Violentextremist groups utilize this driver at thelocal and global levels. For example, locally,minorities, secular groups, media etc. canbe painted as seeking to dominate,monopolize and transform religiousidentities and freedoms. Globally,international actors and foreign countriescan be presented as oppressive enemiesthat need to be confronted throughviolence and conflict. These narrativescombine to provide violent extremistgroups with legitimacy.

Low Literacy Levels: Can low levels ofeducational attainment lead to theproliferation of violent extremist groups?Current evidence for this hypothesizedfactor is weak. However, when the globalspread of violent extremist groups is takeninto account, countries with low literacylevels are often the main theaters ofrecruitment and operations for suchgroups and networks. Violent extremismthrives on framing and disseminatingfavorable narratives. Without knowledgeand information, and particularly in theabsence of quality education, it is highlylikely that individuals become susceptible

to becoming foot soldiers in these groups.Conversely, the emergence of home-grown terrorism and extremism in Europeshows that operatives often have basic toadvanced levels of educational attainment.This development militates againstidentifying educational deficiency as adriver of violent extremism.

However, and critically, evidence fromPakistan on this hypothesized driver ismixed. Groups like the TTP are often ledand manned by individuals with negligibleto absent educational qualifications and noformal education credentials. Conversely,recent evidence shows that leaders andrecruits into new violent extremist groups,especially in urban Pakistan are oftenuniversity-educated, and are recruited attheir universities and colleges. Expert9,10,11,12

insights on the impact of education onviolent extremism in Pakistan focuses onthe quality and content of curriculum in theeducation system. Educational and socio-psychological theories suggests that wheneducational curriculum becomes narrow,intolerant, and inimical to out-groups(minorities or external actors), a generalconsciousness of aggression, hatred andrejection beds roots. This driver of violentex tremism needs to be careful lydeconstructed to reform the structure andcontent of curriculum taught in Pakistan.

P o v e r t y a n d U n e m p l o y m e n t :

Overarching, cross-country data indicatesthat violent extremist groups thrive,operate and inflict the greatest damage incountries with high levels of poverty, lowi n c o m e s , a n d w i d e s p r e a dunemployment. Evidence from around13

the world on the role of poverty as acontributing factor in the rise of violentextremism is mixed at best. However, and14

critically, evidence from Pakistan seems tomilitate against this hypothesized link.Evidence from the country suggests thatpoor Pakistanis, especially the urban poor,exhibit negative attitudes towards violentmilitant and extremist groups operating inthe country; particularly in comparisonwith middle-class citizens that reportcomparatively lower levels of antipathytowards such groups.15

Poor and economically weak states arevulnerable to violent extremism, terrorismand militancy. Poverty, unemployment andwide income and wealth differentials pointto systemic deficiencies and inequalities ina state's economic structure. These factorscreate and are symptomatic of wider

9. Alizrh Kohari and Laila Hussain (2015),“Revisiting a confessional jigsaw.”Available at http://herald.dawn.com/news/1153213

10. Naziha Syed Ali and Fahim Zaman (2015),“Anatomy of a murder.”Available at http://herald.dawn.com/news/1153209

11. Asma Ghani (2016),“Penetration of extremist elements growing in QAU.”Available at http://nation.com.pk/newspaper-picks/20-Mar-2016/penetration-of-extremist-elements-growing-in-qau

12. Salman Rafi (2016),“Pakistan’s unfinished war on terror.”Available at http://atimes.com/2016/03/pakistans-unfinished-war-on-terror/

13. Corinne Graff,“Poverty, Development, andViolent Extremism inWeak States”,The Brookings Institutions

14. Harriet Allan, Andrew Glazzard, Sasha Jesperson, Sneha Reddy-Tumu, EmilyWinterbotham,“Drivers ofViolent Extremism: Hypotheses and Literature Review”, Royal United Services Institute

15. Christine Fair, Graeme Blair, Neil Malhotra, Jacob Shapiro,“Poverty and Support for Militant Politics: Evidence from Pakistan”, http://www.sas.upenn.edu/~neilmal/poverty.pdf

06

economic disenfranchisement andmarginalization, citizens' inability to beupwardly mobile, and economic inequitiesin resource allocation and distributions.Such economic condit ions createeconomic grievances and sustainedexclusion over the long run, which can thenhypothetically generate the circumstancesrequired for sympathizing with violentextremist groups and their narratives, andsupporting militant groups. Furthermore,poverty and unemployment are economicfailures that create the space for violentextremist groups to step in and offerindividuals and groups promise of stableincome, resources and material wealth. Inan environment of economic deprivation,such alternatives can find rich breedinggrounds.

While structural push factors operate at thesystemic level to generate generalconditions conducive to the spread ofviolent extremism, individual pull factorsare equally important and influential inproviding the fertile channels forrecruitment and participation in violentextremist groups. These drivers operate atthe micro-level in local and individualcontexts, socialization pathways andexperiences, relational networks, andpatterns of behaviour. A combination ofmyriad drivers from within thesecategories, operating together, create thenecessary and sufficient conditionsrequired for fueling violent extremism.

These pull factors operate in conjunctionwith push factors, and provide theindividual-level conditions and incentivesfor individuals to join violent extremistgroups. Much of the literature and currentknowledge on pull factors focuses on socialexclusion, and personal and groupidentit ies that create a favorableenvironment for pulling individuals andgroups towards violent extremism.Radicalization is a social and psychologicale x p e r i e n ce t h a t i s a n i m p o r t a n tcomponent of pull factors. Some of themajor individual pull factors include:

Dislocation and Identity Crisis: Across theworld, in different cultural contexts,ruptures in identities, and weakening of asense of belonging act together to createf e e l i n g s o f d i s c o n n e c t i o n ,disenchantment, and dislocation forindividuals. In such circumstances, socialand cultural institutions fail to provideadequate and healthy socializationexperiences to individuals. This thentranslates into disjuncture betweenindividuals, their communities and thecollective cultural experiences andidentities. Migrants and immigrantcommunities offer particularly vividillustrations of instances where states and

their institutions fail to provide smoothsocialization and integration experiences.When such conditions combine, theyrender alienated individuals highlysusceptible and vulnerable to becomingradicalized, and joining violent extremistgroups.

S e n s e o f B e l o n g i n g, R i s k - t a k i n g,

Adventure, and Personal Empowerment:

A n a s s o c i a t e d o u t c o m e o f t h eaforement ioned socia l exc lus ion ,uprootedness, and identity crisis is thatsuch individuals, and particularly youth,seek out peer networks that allow them tocultivate a sense of belonging, and providea convenient narrative decrying theprevailing social, cultural, economic andpolitical systems. Note also, that politicallyand economically disengaged young menand women are particularly receptive tothe competing alternatives offered byviolent extremist groups. When theseconditions combine, individuals tend tojoin violent extremist groups to integratethemselves into groups and activities thatseemingly allow risk-taking adventures bychallenging and undermining security anddevelopment in a society. In the samemanner, joining militant groups offersmarginalized and alienated individualswith a sense of personal empowerment bytemporarily boosting their self-esteem andgiving them access to tools that appear toorchestrate change in their communities.

Access to Material Resources: In manyinstances, joining militant networks andextremist groups offer direct and readyaccess to material resources that areotherwise absent in the recruit's life. Moneyand material comforts are one facet of thisincentive. Access to weapons, vehicles andfreedom of mobility fulfills the individual'sneed to access material resources that offercultural and social status.

Opportunity to Earn Social Capital,

Personal Glory and Fame: Joining violentextremist groups, especially in societieswhere such groups have freedom ofmobility and operations, providesmembers with social status; and themobility that is otherwise unavailable andinaccessible for them. Moreover, for manyindividuals with severe identity crisis andpsychological distress, joining andparticipating in violent extremist groupsoffers personal glory and fame.

Social Networks: Violent extremist groupssustain their recruitment channels throughpersonalized interactions and individuali n f l u e n c e s . Co n s i d e r i n d i v i d u a l s ,particularly youth with identity crisis,experiences of sustained discriminationand marginalization, and a perceived senseof injustice, are exposed to relatives,friends, and neighbors who are already

sympathizers of members of violentextremist groups. In this frequentlyrecurring and recorded situation,disgruntled and dissatisfied individuals arem a n i p u l a t e d by m e m b e r s ( o f t e ncharismatic leaders or other members whoare a part of the radicalized individual'ssocial network) of violent extremist groups.Readily tailored narratives are offered tonurse perceived grievances and material,spiritual and sociocultural rewards areoffered as incentives to join the group.

Narratives, Literature and Discourse:

Violent extremist groups manufacture andoffer convenient narratives that challengeand identify an existential enemy,manufacture perceived grievances and asense of oppression and injustice, and seekto use violence as a revenge tactic.Conspiracy theories regarding domesticand foreign actors, seen as enemies, softenthe public opinion and sympathy forviolent extremist groups. Complicating thislandscape is the communicative strategyof contemporary violent groups like Daesh.These groups have actively embraced newmedia technologies, and reach out toindividuals with the aforementionedchallenges across cultural and nationalboundaries.

The Impact ofViolent Extremism

Violent extremism and terrorism areincreasingly viewed as combined securityand development challenges by worldleaders, development practitioners, andacademics. This consensus is beginning torecognize that violent extremism createsshort and long-term security andd e v e l o p m e n t c h a l l e n g e s t h a tsimultaneously and negatively affectspeace, stability, social cohesion andsocioeconomic development.

Peace and Security

The most readily identified and immediateimpact of violent extremism around theworld is the grave threat posed tointernational and domestic peace andsecurity. Violent extremist groups, such asDaesh, Al'Qaeda and Boko Haram,mercilessly and indiscriminately target andkill innocent children and adults, therebydirectly undermining universal values ofpeace, justice and human dignity. At this16

point in time, many violent extremistgroups have attained transnationalpresence through networks that spanacross national boundaries, and surviveand operate by mercilessly imposingviolence on target communities, andcreating illegal economies, wealth andsources of income.

State reaction to this challenge is the mostpotent reminder of the negative anddeleterious impact of violent extremism onsecurity, peace and stability. States are

16. UN Secretary General’s Remarks at Leaders’Summit CounteringViolent Extremism, NewYork, 29th September, 2015. Available at http://www.un.org/sg/statements/index.asp?nid=9058

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responding to violent extremist groups bysecuritizing domestic politics and policies,a n d l a u n c h i n g n a t i o n a l a n dinternationally-coordinated military,intelligence and security operations toobliterate violent extremist groups andtheir members. Ongoing mil i tar yoperations against TTP in Pakistan, Da'eshin Syria and Iraq, Boko Haram in Nigeria,and Al-Shabaab in Somalia are illustrationsof the state's military response to thesecurity threats and violence perpetratedby violent and extremist militant groups.Violent extremism thrives in conflict, andperpetuates cycles of violence, warfare,bloodshed and conflict. Hundreds andthousands of innocent civilians have diedat the hands of violent extremist groups,and during military operations respondingto these threats. More than 60,000 civilians,military personnel, and insurgents havedied in the violence unleashed byextremist groups in Pakistan.

Development Reversals

The growth of violent extremism has led todramatic reversals in development gains,and is threatening to stunt and erodeprospects for developments in the nextfew decades for many societies around theworld. In states like Iraq and Syria, violent17

extremism has triggered devastating civilwars, while Nigeria and Pakistan sufferfrom continuing threats to domestic peace,stability, and economic prospects. Whileviolent extremism palpably generatesimmediate security risks, it generatesserious developmental impacts on thesocioeconomic profiles of affectedcommunities and societies.

Developing and low-income countries,w i t h s i g n i f i c a n t p o v e r t y a n dunemployment levels are particularlytargeted by violent extremist groups, andtherefore suffer serious developmentalreversals: since 2000, only seven percent ofall incidents of terrorism have occurred incountries belonging to the OECD. Violent18

extremism's pernicious developmentalimpacts are experienced in the followingways:

Human Security: Human security includesenvironmental, economic, health andfreedom from threats of physical violence.Violent ex tremism threatens andundermines human security by reversingand damaging each of the componentvariables of the construct. As evidenceshows, violent militant groups inflicteconomic damage on countries, therebyeroding incomes and exacerbatingpoverty, inflicting violence and physical

insecurity, and reducing opportunities forgood health and educational outcomes.

H u m a n D e v e l o p m e n t : H u m a ndevelopment entails a capability approachto development that views developmentas having deep, meaningful, andfrequently non-economic, and non-income based dynamics (although thesea r e i m p o r t a n t c o m p o n e n t s o fdevelopment). Extremism-based terrorismand militancy restricts and removesfreedoms, diversity, material and socialresources, and quality of life in thet a rg e te d / a f fe c ted co m m u n i t y. B yimposing indiscriminate violence, violentextremist groups reverse and erode humandevelopment.

Sustainable Collective Development: Byinflicting long-term conditions andperceptions of insecurity, violentextremism compromises the ability ofstates, communities and individuals toachieve sustained economic development.It also renders states unable to pursue andimplement sustainable and inclusiveg r o w t h p o l i c i e s t h a t d i s t r i b u t ed e v e l o p m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s a n dcapabilities equally for all citizens.Experience from Pakistan in the last tenyears or so shows that the prevalence ofviolent extremism can diminish economicinvestments and resources by creating anunfavourable business and growth climate,and thereby stunt the potential foreconomic growth for all citizens.

Furthermore, violent extremist groupsspread insecurities and threats to domesticand international development actors andpartners, thereby restricting the space andresources available for undertakingsustainable development objectives. In theshort-term, this cuts off access tohumanitarian assistance and resources tocommunities caught in the middle ofconflict and violence unleased by terroristand militant groups. In the long run, thecontinued exclusion of development andhumanitarian actors from theatres ofconflict and violence pushes communitiesd e e p e r i n t o v i c i o u s c y c l e s o funderdevelopment and humanitariancrisis. By undermining and reversingdevelopmental capabilities, opportunities,resources and choices today, violentextremist groups also undermine theability of future generations to pursue andachieve inclusive growth.

Poverty, Unemployment and Growth: Anenvironment of violence and insecurity isanathema to economic growth. Data onviolent extremist groups and terrorism

indicates that the major brunt of theimpact (violence) is felt by developing andunder-developed countries. While povertyand unemployment might not triggerviolent extremism per se, they are definiteoutcomes of the vicious cycles unleashedby terrorist and militant groups. Asinvestments and business declines in aneconomy grappling with insecurities, thisresults in higher unemployment, greaterpoverty, and precipitous decline ineconomic growth.

Human Rights and the Rule of Law: Violentextremist groups use violence as anintimidating tactic used to spread fear.However, a critical impact of violentextremist groups is the egregious threatposed by these groups to the availabilityand enjoyment of human rights that rangefrom the right to life, liberty and security ofperson, to freedom of expression, mobility,association, thought, conscience andreligion. Similarly, violent extremist19

groups are motivated by and deployviolence to challenge, violate and eraseexisting domestic and international laws.

Diversity, Civic Space, Culture and Tolerance:

An important feature of stable andpeaceful societies is their appreciation ofdiversity. Violent extremist groups areinherently opposed to diversity in general,and the space allowed for minorities inparticular. These groups espouse violentideologies that are ideologically, culturally,and ritually intolerant, and seek toobliterate minority identities. Tolerance,diversity, peaceful coexistence and socialcohesion are primary victims of the spreadof violent extremist ideologies.

Displacement: Violent extremism shrinkssocial, economic and political space for itsvictims. Consequently, the spread ofinsecurity, instability and violenceexacerbates living conditions acrosscommunities. Millions of people aroundthe world are victims of violent extremismby being displaced from their homes.Da'esh in Iraq and Syria has pushed millionsof migrants towards Turkey and Europe,and has created a severe political, securityand humanitarian crisis in recent globalpolitics. Pakistan itself has been a victim ofdisplacement of citizens in recent years: upto 1.5 million residents of FATA have beendisplaced from their homes as a result ofthe past and ongoing fighting and militaryoperations against violent extremistgroups and their safe havens.20,21

Responding toViolent Extremism

While violent extremism has a long history,the emergence of global violent extremist

17. UNDP, Preventing and Responding toViolent Extremism in Africa, Situation Analysis

18. Eelco Kessels and Christina Nemr,“CounteringViolent Extremism and Development Assistance: Identifying Synergies, Obstacles and Opportunities”

19. Plan of Action to PreventViolent Extremism, Report of the Secretary General

20. http://www.internal-displacement.org/south-and-south-east-asia/pakistan/figures-analysis

21. https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/en/system/files/documents/files/february_2016-idp_fact_sheet_29-02-2016.pdf

groups in recent years has pushed it up theagenda of governments, donor agencies,international organizations, and civil societyorganizations. The diversity of programslaunched to prevent and mitigate the impactof violent extremism illustrates themultifaceted nature of the challenge, as wellas the range of different factors that areunderstood as drivers, or determinants ofviolent extremism.

Much of the current work directed towards

preventing violent extremism is emerging inreal-time, responding to the evolving natureof the threat; as well as reacting toi m p r o v e m e n t s i n k n o w l e d g e a n dunderstanding of the determinants ofviolent extremism. It is critical that states,donors, and non-state stakeholdersunderstand that violent extremism, owingto its complex nature, must be recognizedand dealt with as an amalgam of related andintertwined security and developmentchallenges. Programming and responses to

violent extremism must tackle the drivers ofradicalization and terrorism as stabilizationand development challenges. Crucially, it isimportant to view violent extremism as acollection of micro, meso and macro-levelfactors.

Table 1 depicts the landscape of ongoinginterventions aiming to prevent the spreadof violent extremism.

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Table:1: Responding to Violent Extremism

Cultural

RejuvenationViolent extremism is corrosive to culturaldiversity and tolerance. In response to this,some programs have sought to intervenedirectly in supporting individuals andgroups that continue cultural productionand dialogue, despite the insecurity and fearimposed by violent extremist groups.

This form of programming seeks tobuild and support a critical mass ofcultural capital, and relevantexponents, such that socioculturaldiversity in communities is preservedagainst extremist threats.

PAT-MALI (Program to Support theTransition in Mali) supportedsecondary schools and teachers inMali to establish book clubs after Al-Qaeda destroyed public libraries in2012-13.

Type of Strategy/

InterventionDescription

Example of

intervention/project

Strengths/Weakness

of Strategy

Counter-Narrative

MessagingViolent extremist groups manufacturenarratives that combine grievances withper verse rel igious and ideologicalinterpretations to perpetrate violence.Counter-narrative messaging involvess u p p o r t i n g t h e g e n e r a t i o n a n ddissemination of messages, stories, images,and narratives that can effectively preventand reject violent extremist discourse andstructures.

G i v e n t h e c o m p l e x i t i e s o frecruitment and personalizedmessaging and influencing strategiesused by these groups, this form ofintervention needs to graduate to thenext generation of tools andplatforms. Countering the slew ofcomplex narrative strategies adoptedand deployed by violent extremistswould require the development ofpowerful, effective, and influentialcounter-narratives.

H e d a y a h – a U A E - b a s e dinternational center dedicated tosharing expertise and experience,and enhancing internationalcooperation on preventing violente x t r e m i s m . O n e o f t h eorganization's program facilitatesdiscussions amongst national andlocal actors, civil society, researchersand community leaders involved inPVE.

De-Radicalization

ProgramsIn this format of interventions, individualsare put through intensive re-education(including religious education), re-socialization, exposure trips, and skillsdevelopment experiences. The applicationof a range of these services is believed tocounteract psychologically internalizedradical and extreme tendencies inindividuals and rehabilitate them aspeaceful citizens.

The range and scope of theseprograms is l imited, as theiro p e r a t i o n a l d e p l o y m e n t i sdependent on the identification andavailability of radicalized individualswith violent extremist inclinations.

De-radicalization programs run bythe state in Pakistan e.g. SabaoonCenter for Rehabilitation, whered e t a i n e e s a r e e d u c a t e d i nmainstream educational curricula,corrective religious education,vocational training, and counselingand therapy.

Employment and

Skills TrainingTo counteract and reverse the impact ofeconomic deprivation, grievances and lackof human capital, many programs havebeen implemented to improve the skillsprofile of vulnerable segments of thepopulation. With skills in their repertoire,beneficiaries can then integrate successfullywithin economic structures, or alternatively,begin their own businesses.

Both outcomes are seen as successfuland valuable economic integrationand engagement experiences thatdiminish and erase economicexclusion and material inadequacy-acondition frequently exploited byv i o l e n t e x t r e m i s t g r o u p s t omanipulate and recruit susceptibleindividuals.

USAID's Education, EconomicGrowth and Prosperity Programs inthe Middle East and North Africa.The program provides jobs trainingand skills development for ther e g i o n ' s y o u n g p e o p l e f o renvironment.

Education Violent extremist groups often prioritize thedestruction of educational infrastructureand target educational activists andresources available to a society. To counterthis predatory, anti-education agenda ofviolent extremist groups, multiple actorshave attempted to restore and add to thephysical infrastructure and human resourcea v a i l a b l e t o d e e p e n a n d e x p a n deducational opportunities in a country; aswell as improve the quality and content ofeducation opportunities available e.g.curriculum, teacher training etc.

This long-term programmaticstrategy is seen as a key to providingc o n s t r u c t i v e s o c i a l i z a t i o nexperiences to children and futuregenerations, as well as access toquality education and knowledge ontolerance, peace and diversity.

The Global Counterterrorism Forum(GC TF) that brings togethergovernment representat ives,practitioners and academics todevelop reform agendas and policytools for national educationalprograms.

09

Type of Strategy/

InterventionDescription

Example of

intervention/project

Strengths/Weakness

of Strategy

Inter and intra-faith

DialoguesViolent extremist groups espouse narrowly-focused, intolerant and pernicious religiousinterpretations. To confront this source ofextremism, many actors have attempted tosupport and facilitate intra and inter-faithdialogues within and across culturalboundaries in an effort to build consensusfor peaceful coexistence and religioustolerance across religious and sectariangroups.

Fi n n C h u rc h A i d s p o n s o re dc o m m u n i t y - l e v e l i n t e r - f a i t hdialogues and interactions in theHorn of Africa.

Peacebuilding Violent extremism thrives by perpetuatingconflicts, violence, bloodshed and wars. Thisstate of affairs necessitates the implantationo f r e s o u r c e s a n d n e t w o r k s f o rpeacebuilding in local communities. Theobjective of peacebuilding interventions istwo-fold. First, the overarching objective isto retain stability and peace in societies, andthwart attempts by violent extremist groupsto spread fears, insecurities and instability.Second, such interventions also seek tobuild the capacity of local communities andactivists to maintain peace at the grassrootslevel.

By providing training and resourcesto peacebuilders, these programsestablish networks to function asbulwarks against the maliciousoperations of violent extremist,terrorist and militant groups.

Seeds of Peace Network in Pakistant h a t p r o v i d e s t r a i n i n g a n dknowledge support to youth andwomen activists to work with theirlocal community members to builddurable peace.

� Youth-centric policy and programmatic

focus: With the right support and nationaland local focus and investments, Pakistan'syouth can be the critical variables thatenables the state and society to overcomeviolent extremism. However, to achieve thisobjective, it is important that youth-centricpolicy focus is adopted by the Government,and that youth are actively engaged in thesocial, political and economic arenas tostrengthen and nourish their engagementand participation with state structures andinstitutions.

� R e s e a r c h a n d E v i d e n c e - b a s e d

interventions: Preventing violent extremismin Pakistan requires an overall improvementin the state of knowledge on the subject.What are the local determinants of violentextremism in Pakistan? How do violentextremist groups operate in the country?What individual-level pull factors affectrecruitment into these groups? These arequestions that can only be answered throughincreased and better research on the subjectin the country. Stakeholders including thestate and civil society, need to work inbringing together the resources andexpertise required to collect data andgenerate evidence that can guide the policyon preventing violent extremism in thecountry.

� Effective stakeholder engagement and

management: The landscape of preventingviolent extremism is populated by state andnon-state actors-a reality that is borne out inPakistan. In particular, the state hasresponded via securitization of domesticpolicies and politics. Similarly, civil societyorganizations, local communities, politicalactors, religious leaders, and the media allplay contributing roles in generatinginstitutional structures and social narrativesin the country. Mechanisms and platformsthat can allow state authorities to work inclose coordination with all the relevant actors,need to be developed.

� Encouraging tolerance, pluralism and

diversity: Violent extremist groups in thecountry are heavily focused and invested ineliminating diversity, targeting minorities,and erasing progressive forces, actors andresources in the country. Again, coordinationbetween state and non-state actors inensuring that the values, principles, andinstitutions are preserved and promoted todeter violent extremist agenda and narrativesin the country.

� Building peacebuilding Networks: Pakistanrequires increased efforts in buildinghorizontal and vertical linkages betweendifferent actors and groups in the country.Specifically, and once such networks areestablished, it is critical that resources areinvested in building local capacities for

dispute resolution, conflict mitigation, andincreased social cohesion. The primaryvehicle for achieving these outcomes isthrough imbuing and empowering localactors at the grassroots level with theknowledge and capacity to build andpromote peace in their social circles andnetworks.

� Expanding the National Action Plan:

Pakistan's National Action Plan againstterrorism is currently focused on theimmediate military, intelligence and securityoperations against these forces. However, it iscritical that the Plan is expanded toincorporate the long-term, non-securityprogrammes and policies that are equallyvital in preventing violent extremism in thecountry.

SETTINGThe Policy Framework

Global Framework

United Nations CharterUniversal Declaration of Human Rights

Global Counter-Terrorism StrategyGeneral Assembly ResolutionsSecurity Council Resolutions

National PVE Plans of Action

National Ownership

All-of-Government

All-of-Society

Regional PVE Plans of Action

Coherent UN support

All-of-UN

7 Priority AreasTAKING ACTION

Dialogue & Conflict Prevention

Strengthening GoodGovernance, Human Rights and

the Rule of Law

Engaging Communities

Empowering Youth

Gender Equality andEmpowering Women

Education, Skill Developmentand Employment Facilitation

Strategic Communication, theInternet and Social Media

ADDRESSINGDrivers of Violent Extremism

Conditions Conducive &Structural Context

Lack of Socio-EconomicOpportunities

Marginalization & Discriminaiton

Poor Governance, Violation ofHuman Rights & Rule of Law

Unresolved Conflict

Radicalization in Prisons

Processes of Radicalization

Individual Backgrounds &Motivations

Collective Grievances andVictimization

Distortion & Misuse of Beliefs,Political Ideologies & Ethnic and

Cultural Differences

Leadership & Social Networks

PLAN ACTION PREVENTVIOLENT EXTREMISM

of to

Preventing Violent Extremism: The Way Forward

The UN Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism(Source: https://www.un.org/counterterrorism/ctitf/en/plan-action-prevent-violent-extremism)

Opinion

In Pakistan, women radicalization and itsvarious manifestations remain under-researched, at a time, when women in

conflict zones and outside are shedding thecultural and traditional constraints to movecentre stage in terror ist networkoperations. From Russia to Israel, and Iraq toTurkey and Nigeria, the male suicidebomber stereotype is now fast challengedby a new breed of women suicide attackers,w h o s e a g g r e s s i v e d i s p o s i t i o n i stransforming the conservative thinkingabout women abstention from activecombat roles. Such violent behaviourpatterns are a product of complex andmyriad social, psychological, ideologicaland economic motivations. Women andradicalization is no less manifested in thenon-violent role playing of financing,

lobbying, propagating, spying andsympathizing.

For Pakistan, women involvement interrorist attacks have been sporadic ascompared to their male counterpart; onlyeight out of around 400 suicide attacks inthe post 2001 period are known to havebeen participated in by women bombers.2

Such attacks remained concentrated incities of Peshawar and Dera Ismail Khan andin the tribal agencies of Mohmand andBajaur. Some other such planned women3

suicide attacks have been averted bysecurity forces culminating with the arrestof potential women suicide bombers inSwat and Dir districts in June 2005 andJanuary 2010 respectively. These 2010arrests led to revelations about thepresence of a women suicide cell inside thebanned Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).4

There are media reports of traumatizedwomen suffering personal losses of lovedones to drone attacks and conflicts in FATA,aspiring to become next generationJihadists; however, such reports are farbetween. More recently (2007), femalestudents from Jamia Hafsa madrassahadjacent to Lal Masjid (Red Mosque)Islamabad, were involved in kidnapping ofpolice personnel, massage parlouremployees and forcible occupation of agovernment building (children library),threatening fidai (suicide) attacks forcompelling the government to concede todemands of Shariah enforcement in thecountry. The military action against theseminary and mosque acted as a precursorfor the subsequent exponential rise insuicide attacks inside Pakistan by othermilitant groups.

Such episodes of women radicalismunderlie the importance of understandingacademically, the reasons for womendetachment from traditional roles toembrace non-conventional violentpositions. In Pakistan, systematic studiesinto women involvement in radicalism andits extreme form, terrorism, have beenscantily attempted. This is despite the factthat women constitute over a half ofPakistan's total population (52 percent).

Lately, a further disturbing developmenton Pakistan's militancy scene has been therise of the so called 'educated Jihadists.'Some recent spates of extremist violencehave been attributed to graduates fromPakistan's mainstream educationalinstitutions, especially universities, whobelong to the more affluent middle andupper middle classes. A very conservative5

thought pattern and radical tendencies in amore 'latent' and 'passive' form are said tobe prevalent among graduates of some ofPakistan's elitist institutions.6

The sur vey conduc ted in K hyberPakhtunkhwa (KP) Universities (undertakenby UoP and UNDP) reveal interestinginsights on female student's perception onJihad, banning of Jihadi outfits, female rolein Jihadi organizations, cultural andreligious constraints and popularity ofIslamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)/Daeeshamong them. The analysis of the data onrating scales is presented throughdiverging stacked bar charts followed by abrief discussion.

Women Radicalization in Pakistan1

10

1. This opinion piece is primarily derived from the results of a UNDP Project survey undertaken in 2015/16 in collaboration with Political Science Department, University of Peshawar (UoP).The study explored the

perceptions of female students of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa's ten leading Public and Private Sector Universities on the causes and drivers of radicalization in the country.The sample size for Quantitative survey data

was 1000; around 100 female students from each university. Questions and statements in the survey focused on the role of militant Jihadi groups and gender participation in it, reform of madrassahs and

mainstream educational syllabus, pluralism and status of minorities, gender rights, Pakistan's status as an Islamic state and West's engagement with Islam. This was complemented by data on internet usage,

religiousity, age, schooling, ethnicity and income levels, etc. Qualitative data analysis is derived from primary interviews and secondary published literature.

2. The South Asia Terrorism Portal attributes 6 out of a total of 371 suicide attacks in Pakistan to female suicide bombers in the period May 2002 to August 2013. Our research puts the number at 8. See South Asia

Terrorism Portal, as quoted in Benazir Shah, Nazar-ul Islam and ShehrbanoTaseer, 'Lady Parts,' Newsweek (September 15, 2013), 1, http://newsweekpakistan.com/lady-parts/, accessed November 3, 2015.

3. Only the last known of such incidents happened in June 2013 in Quetta where a burqa (traditional cloak) clad women targeted the bus of Sardar Bahadur KhanWomen University killing 14 female students.

4. Though the details of such cells are very sketchy and not at all clear or identifiable, Mullah Fazlullah, the current chief ofTTP is known in the 2007 Swat uprising to appeal to women for joining/ helping the Jihad.

5. The master mind of Safoora-Goth (Karachi) incident of May 14, 2015, where gunmen killed 43 people inside a bus have been identified as former graduates of some very prestigious universities in Karachi. This

incident was followed by arrests by security forces of students and faculty on charges of support to militant groups in some leading universities of Pakistan. See Malik Siraj Akbar, 'Pakistan's Educated Jihadis,'

TheWorld Post (May 21, 2015), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/malik-siraj-akbar/pakistans-educated-jihadis_b_7348992.html, accessed December 12, 2015.

6. See Ayesha Siddiqa, 'Red Hot Chilli Peppers Islam-Is theYouth in Elite Universities in Pakistan Radical?' (Heinrich Boll Stiftung, 2011).

Assistant ProfessorDepartment of Political Science

University of Peshawar

Dr. Shahida Aman

7. See Dr. Katherine Brown, 'How IS message lures Western women,' BBC Middle East (April 8, 2015), http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-32208217, accessed August 3, 2015; and Dominic Casciani, '43

British women and girls in Syria, say police,' BBC UK (July 14, 2015), http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-33523910, accessed August 4, 2015.

8. Here Purdah is broadly defined as gender segregated roles for men and women.

11

Strongly Agree

Strongly Disagree

Disagree

undecided

Agree

Figure 1- Diverging stacked bar chart (%)

-80 -60 -40 -20 0 20 40 60 80 100

Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP is a terrorisorganization

Government should ban all Jihadioutfits/organizations

Taliban like organization can bring social justice andgood governance in Pakistan

Voilent resistance by militant groups inside a Muslimstate is Jihad

Islamic State of Iraq and Syria/Daeesh is establishinga ture Islamic Caliphate System

Male Youth of Pakistan should join the Islamic Stateof Iraq and Syria/Daeesh

Female youth of Pakistan should join the IslamicState of Iraq and Syria/Daeesh

Women of Pakistan should play an active role inJihadi Organizations

Religion allows men, but disallows women to takeactive part in violent Jihad

Culture / social norms prohibits women formparticipating in violent Jihad

All Muslim Women must actively participate inTableeghi Jammat and Dars activities

The divergent stacked bar chart(Figure 1) presents results of ratingscales. The grey portion in the middleo f t h e b a r c h a r t re p re s e n t sp e r c e n t a g e o f ' u n d e c i d e d 'respondents. The bar's negativevalues indicate percentage ofrespondents disagreeing (peach)and strongly disagreeing (red). Thebar's right side is presenting (+)positive, including agree (blue) andstrongly agree (dark blue). There aretwo types of lines in data. The thinlines represent a percentage of 4each, whereas the thick lines show apercentage of 20 each.

The data analysis (Figure 1) depict that aconsiderable portion of female students(36 percent) do not equate Jihad withviolent resistance by militant groups insidea Muslim state. When read along withFigure 2, whereby 40 percent of thestudents understand Jihad to be 'non-violent efforts against injustice', this impliesthat for a majority of them, Jihad is notprimarily taken as a concept of violentr e s i s t a n c e ( J i h a d f i l - q i t a l ) . T h eunderstanding that violence maynecessarily be associated with Jihad alsostands ground with around a third of thesestudents (Figure 1). The militant group,Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan is perceived as aterror ist group by 50 percent ofrespondents (Figure 1), implying that theirviolent 'Jihad' by using the name of Islamdoes not hold legitimacy with a majority ofstudents. Therefore, around 55 percent ofthe students (Figure 1) are also negativeabout its ability to bring good governanceto Pakistan. This result is fur thersubstantiated by the finding in Figure 3,which shows that around 450 studentsperceive militant and terrorist groups,including the TTP, to be the greatest threatto Pakistan's security. The analysis furtherdemonstrates that not all militant Islamistorganizations are seen in the samenegative light, as 29 percent of respondentsare reluctant to see the state banning allJihadi outfits, although 35 percent consentto it (Figure 1).

The survey also made an attempt to assessthe popularity of the militant organizationISIS, among the educated female youth ofKP. The organization is supposedlyattracting thousands of European Muslimyouth (including female) to its fold, which isseen in scores of Western female youthleaving their countries to join ISIS as'Jihadist brides.' This survey result7

demonstrates that 35 percent ofrespondents contest ISIS's message ofestablishing a true Islamic Caliphate,although around 50 percent are undecided(Figure 1). There is a stronger bias betweenmale and female youth of Pakistan joiningthe ISIS, as for both cases, around 46percent of the respondents were non-affirmative, thereby showing that ISIS is yetto gain popularity with KP's educatedfemale youth (Figure 1).

The survey further attempted tok n o w f e m a l e s t u d e n t ' sperceptions on gender roles inJihadi organizations and theinfluence of religion and culture aseither prohibiting or allowingwomen to participate in Jihadimilitant activities. For a majority at40 percent, women participationin Jihadi activities is not desirable,but around 36 percent may likewomen to participate (Figure 1). Amajority (39 percent) also contestthe belief that women are

prevented by religion to participate inviolent Jihad (Figure 1), meaning therebythat they see a religious sanction to genderparticipation in violent Jihad. Culture,however, is regarded as a greater barrier tosuch participation by 46 percent ofrespondents (Figure 1). Cultural practices,including those related to Purdah which is8

strongly rooted in KP's Pakhtun traditions,is hence recognized by a majority ofrespondents as a bias against femalesjoining violent Jihad. For a substantiallyclear majority of respondents (76 percent),the participation of women in TableeghiJamaat (proselytizing) and Dars (Islamicteaching classes) activities is highlydesirable (Figure 1) . Some Jihadiorganizations in Pakistan are known toconduct Dars classes for women for gaining

Figure 2: What is Jihad?

none of theabove11%

Non-violentefforts against

injustice40%

Violent actionagainst any

Un-Islamic practicein society

35%

War againstnon-

Muslims/non-Muslim

countries.14%

12

9. Lashkar-e-Taiba (now Jamat-ud-Dawa), for example holds regular Dars classes for educating women on their duty to serve the Muslim Ummah by allowing their boys to embrace martyrdom for the cause of

Jihad in Kashmir. See Farhat Haq, 'Mothers of Lashkar-e-Taiba,' Political and EconomicWeekly,Vol XLIV, No. 18 (May 2, 2009), 17.

10. Around 99 percent of students identified Islam to be their religion and 94 percent belonged to the age group of 18-25.

11. Our research shows that a clear majority performs 5 times a day prayer and reads the Quran daily.

strategic purposes of 'extending Jihadiculture to private and intimate spaces.' 9

There is a need for in-depth and systematicresearch on susceptibility and indulgenceof youth, including females in violentradicalization and into areas of challengesto a sustained and positive disengagementof youth from extremist ideologies. There isa need to understand that for aconsiderable majority of female students inKP (82 percent), Islam is the primary identityof Pakistan. This, combined with high10

levels of religiosity among these students,11

reflects that the government needs to bevery cautious in dealing with the sensitiveissue of de-radicalizing the educatedyouth. The role of religious ulema (cleric) isindispensable here as they can counter themilitant's narrative on Jihad by citing thevery sources employed by militantdiscourse, i.e. Quran and Hadith (sacredIslamic text and source). The state, on itspart, needs to create conditions for them todevelop a counter narrative and say whatthey believe in without any fear. Similarly,all cultures have important pro-peaceelements which need to be highlighted.

For disengaging educated youth fromradical ideas, it is significant to note theiroverwhelming access to the internet andtheir dependence on social media as asource of information. According to our

survey results, around 70 percent of femalestudents had access to the internet. And fora majority of these (55 percent), socialmedia and internet constituted the bestsource of information, followed byelectronic media (see Figure 4). The policymakers in Pakistan need to utilize boththese powerful tools for developing anddisseminating a counter-narrative to theextremist ideology and for highlighting thepeaceful elements of religion and culture.The role of media is very crucial, as mediaprojection is highly influential in changingthe perception of people towards sensitive

issues. Using the internet for digging outthe right source of information andknowledge is also critical for students. Here,universities can play a vital role indeveloping critical thinking faculty amongits students that allows them to gaugearguments and determine alternatives.

A perception common in mainstreamliterature is the involvement of madrassahsand religious seminaries in violentextremism in Pakistan. And therefore, thereis an emphasis on re-vamping syllabus andteaching methods in madrassahs to suitmodern education modalities. This isnotwithstanding the fact that very few ofmadrassah students make it to theuniversities. Our research indicates thatover 97 percent of the female students inKP's mainstream universities come fromeither private schools or government ones.The faculty to reason and challengearguments needs to be inculcated in a childfrom their school years. This demands notonly a change in the mainstream schoolsyllabus, but also a transformation in thestyle of teaching. However, there issensitivity attached to the debate onsyllabus modification in mainstreamschools. According to survey results,around 58 percent respondents showeddisagreement over removing Jihad relatedmaterial from the syllabus of schools. Thereis, therefore, a definite caution for thegovernment in handling the issue ofsyllabus change and every effort must bemade to address it in a non-controversialmanner. What the state can do is to ensurethat schools provide enough space forextra-curricular activities especially sports,debates, poetry and drama competitionsfor developing a positive outlook amongstudents.

Figure 3: What is the greatest threat to the security of Pakistan?

(Multiple choice question)

Figure 4: Which of the Following is the Best Source of Information?

Number of Respondents

6% 6%

0%

2%27%

4%

55%

From Television

From Radio

From Internet/social media

From printmedia/newspapers

From events organized bystudent federations

From mosques/Masjid

No Anwer

Don’t know

Any Other

West

Militant and terrorist groupsincluding Tehreek-e-Taliban

India

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 500

Opinion

While Pakistan is using kinetic means topush back terrorist organizations such asAl-Qaeda and Tehrik-i-Taliban in theFederally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA),it is still struggling to find an antidote toreligious extremism and bigotry thatprovides space for extremist thinking andconsequent violence across the country.The ideas of pluralism, religious harmonyand openness to diverse political viewshave slowly given way to narrowmindedness, sectarianism and intolerance.The democratic experience is equippingPakistan to revive its balance in the socio-political domain, but it is a fact that thesocial space in the country today is highlycontested between extremist andprogressive elements of society.

The blame for these trends within themedia and policy circles of Pakistan is oftendirected towards regional conflicts,political grievances, and socio-economic

challenges leading to growing instability.While this is all true, what is oftendisregarded is the reality that extremistgroups in Pakistan have developed andintroduced their narrative across thesociety in a gradual and relativelyimperceptible manner through media,religious education infrastructure, andpenetrat ion in state inst i tut ions.Authoritarianism and poor investment ineducation allowed such narratives to growfaster than usual. Muhammad Feyyaz ofLUMS in his insightful paper focusing on theabsence of a counterterrorism narrative inPakistan, accurately argues that there is av i r t u a l v a c u u m f o r t h e t e r r o r i s torganizations to propagate their narrativeat will. He further maintains that manyyouth embrace radicalism because suchviews are not challenged by an alternativediscourse in the country. An absence of1

investment in ideas to prevent extremismhas allowed the extremist narrative to growalmost unchallenged for quite some time.2

Those who attempt to stand up toextremism are touted as liberals andforeign agents, etc. in an effort to discredittheir discourse. In a nutshell, the core factorat play here is the extremist narrative andhence the need to develop and support astrong and indigenous counter-narrative.

There is an increased realization in Pakistanconcerning the importance of counteringthe narrative of violent extremism, howeverany meaningful effort in this directionrequires three important steps: a) A clearunderstanding of what are the centralfeatures of the extremist narrative in thecountry and its sponsors; b) Developing anoutline of the counter narrative, and finallyand importantly, c) Which institutions canplay a constructive role in challenging thenarrative and how. This essay is primarilyfocused on the third step but the first twoissues will also be discussed to explain whatdynamics are at play and the most criticalchallenge of implementing the counternarrative strategy. The role of political

parties and the law enforcement agencieswill be evaluated and analyzed aspotentially the two most influential andrelevant institutions in this context.

Main Features of an Extremist Narrative

There is a wide variety of extremists inPakistan with fluctuating agendas andobjectives, ranging from spearheading aradical revolution in Pakistan, to convertingit into an Islamic caliphate, to sanctioningJihad against India to win over Kashmir, andsupporting global radical movements. TheZia era (1979-88) played the mostdevastating role in pushing Pakistan in thisdirection. His protégés and products-bothin the military and political arena-groomedand sponsored local extremist and militantgroups that continue to play havoc in thecountry. Some of these extremist groupsbelieve in taking up arms and adoptingviolent measures, whereas others focus onoperating more surreptitiously by bullyingprogressive elements and expanding theirinfluence through educational institutions,charity organizations and media outlets.The word “Islamic” is used here to connotethe interpretation of Islam according tothese extremist groups. Below are the 10primary features of the core narrative ofPakistani Muslim Extremists to provide aglimpse into extremists' thinking patterns.Some of these may sound a bit simplisticand generalized but the purpose is toprovide a context for thinking about thecounter-narrative building challenge.

� Islam is under threat globally andWestern states, especially the UnitedStates, are at war with Islam. The focushere is to create polarization throughinculcating a sense of fear andexistential threat.

� Muslims must aspire to change theglobal status quo and challenge allthose opposed to an Islamic worldviewthrough all means available butpreferably through use of force andviolence.

Confronting Extremism Through Building an

Effective Counter-Narrative: The Role of Political

Parties and Law Enforcement Agencies in Pakistan

13

1. Muhammad Feyyaz, "Why Pakistan Does Not Have a Counterterrorism Narrative," Journal of Strategic Security 8, no. 1 (2015): 63-78, available at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol8/iss1/5

2. For a useful analysis about the extremism challenge, see Hedieh Mirahmadi, Waleed Ziad, Mehreen Farooq and Robert D. Lamb, Empowering Pakistan's Civil Society to Counter Global Violent Extremism,

January 2015, Brookings Institution, available at: http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2015/01/us-islamic-world-forum-publications/empowering-pakistans-civil-society-to-counter-

violent-extremism-english.pdf

Professor and Chair, Department ofRegional and Analytical Studies

National Defense University's Collegeof International Security Affairs

Washington DC, USA,Author, 'The Taliban Revival: Violence

and Extremism on the Pakistan-Afghanistan Frontier' (Yale University

Press, 2015)

Dr. Hassan Abbas

� Pakistan was established as an Islamicstate and it must strictly adhere toIslamic principles as viewed andinterpreted by these groups; Pakistan'sconstitution and laws must be fullyrevised towards this end.

� Democracy is contrary to an Islamicsystem of government.

� Pak istan's rulers and power fulinstitutions including military, are alliesof the global anti-Islamic forces andmust be resisted and targeted.

� Minority Muslim groups and non-Muslims living in Pakistan cannot enjoyfull status as citizens of the country andthey cannot be allowed to practice theirreligious beliefs in public. They cannotbe allowed to project and propagatetheir views openly.

� Pakistan's art and cultural activitiesmust be allowed within the bounds ofIslamic values and the state shouldimpose curbs on any western inspiredor liberal oriented practices.

� It is legitimate to take law and order inone's hands for enforcing Islamic laws.In other words, vigilante action ispermissible for such actions.

� Any challenge to Islamic laws andvalues in any form is deemed asblasphemous to be punished withdeath or severe penalty.

� Women should be restricted to thehome and should follow an Islamicdress code in public.

Outline of an Effective Counter-

Narrative

It is important to emphasize here that thecounter-narrative is not only gearedtowards extremists but also towards thosewho are often dubbed as members of the“silent majority” or more accurately, silentspectators. They either have mixedopinions or lack the courage to take apublic position. These “independents” arepotentially more open to ideas directed atpreventing violent extremism. The ideasa r e m o s t l y c o u c h e d i n r e l i g i o u sterminology, as unfortunately twisted andmisinterpreted religious ideals are asignificant and critical part of the extremistnarrative. This approach is also deducedfrom the research showing that whenextremists feel that their core values oridentity are being threatened, “materialincentives to encourage compromisebackfire,” and hence counter extremist3

narrative has to be framed in the samecontext as the one that extremists draw on.Arguably, that is a potent way todelegitimize extremists' narrative. In someinstances, creating a doubt in the mind ofthe extremists about the authenticity oftheir flawed beliefs can do the trick. Hereare the five central pillars of a counter-narrative for Pakistan:

� Pakistan was established for Muslims topursue their economic, social andpolitical goals as free citizens and forbreaking the chains of marginalizationon religious lines. The sacrifice ofhundreds of thousands of Muslims in1947 will go to waste if Pakistan cannotgive equal rights and respect to itsminorities. Muslims belonging to allmajor traditions and sects of Islam ledPakistan's freedom movement, and nonMuslims living in Pakistan today made aconscious decision to stay in Pakistanand have played a constructive roleduring the formative years of Pakistan.

� Islam was brought to South Asiathrough the message of love, inclusivityand harmony taught by the great Sufisaints. None of Islam's luminaries calledfor imposing Islam on anyone throughforce, subjugation or creating fear. Theteachings and works of these sufis, suchas Bulleh Shah, Data Ganj Bakhsh, BariImam, Rahman Baba and Lal ShahbazQalanadar constitute the mostpowerful elements of a counter-narrative to extremism in Pakistan andbroader South Asia.Their works must beincluded in the school curriculum inPakistan.

� Democracy provides the most efficientand peaceful channel for makingleaders accountable, consulting publicopinion and establishing justice-thethree central principles of governancein Islam. There is no other system thatnourishes the idea of equality the waydemocracy does-another of the criticalthemes of Islamic teachings.

� Taking laws into ones hand has neitherany sanction in Islam nor is it conduciveto the functioning of any state orsociety. Vigilante action leads to chaosand anarchy that can destabilizesocieties quickly and severely withl o n g - t e r m c o n s e q u e n c e s . I ncomparison, rule of law-based societiesare at peace with themselves and theyprosper in economic terms.

� Islam is acknowledged globally as oneof the great religions of the world and itis also the fastest growing religioninternationally. Islam's contributions tosc ient i f ic learning and humancivilization are too strong to be erasedthrough any limited wars of the modernera. Any wars in which Muslims areinvolved cannot be deemed as Islamicwars per se. Muslims should be proud oftheir history and identity and mustaspire to contribute to humanity in aconstructive, peaceful, and educativeway.

The Role of Political Parties and Law

E n f o r c e m e n t i n Co u n t e r i n g t h e

Extremist Narrative

The responsibility of building a counter-narrative does not lie on the shoulders ofstate institutions alone. At a broader level,extremism is a byproduct of societaldevelopments and hence any effectiveresponse has to emerge from a grassrootslevel. Political parties have to think beyondreaching the power corridors; they have totake responsibility for properly impartingcivic education to their members also. Moreso, Pakistan's major political parties havenationwide infrastructure to supportcounter-narratives generated at the localcommunity level. It appears that thepotential contribution of the country'smainstream political parties in influencingthis arena is underestimated. Extremistshave targeted Pakistan's major politicalparties, especially Pakistan Peoples Party(PPP), Awami National Party (ANP) andMuttihada Qaumi Movement (MQM),during election seasons and this clearlyindicates the depth of the extremists'understanding of the challenge posed bypolitical parties to their narrative. Politicalparties can contribute in developing as wellas popularizing counter-narrative toextremist thought by, for instance:

� Being inclusive and opening uprepresentation opportunities for thedisenfranchised and especially youngmembers of society-both men andwomen-who can communicate witht h e yo u n g e r g e n e r a t i o n m o reeffectively. By also recognizing thatpolitical and social alienation combinedw i t h s t a t e r e p r e s s i o n ( m o s t l yh a p p e n i n g u n d e r m i l i t a r ydictatorships) push marginalizedgroups to violence.

� Preparing leaders who have a clearu n d e r s t a n d i n g o f e x t r e m i s t s 'worldview and training them toc h a l l e n g e b i g o t r y i n t h e i rconstituencies through politicaloutreach activities.4

� Training legislators about the nuancesof law-making (for instance on how toinduct FATA into mainstream Pakistan)and on how to discourage extremisttendencies through better andtargeted laws.

� Shunning extremists in their ranks whobuild their political appeal by yieldingto radical ideas.

� Enabling second and third tier politicall e a d e r s to co n t r i b u te towa rd sdemocratic governance which helpsmitigate the risk of violent extremism.

� Nurturing tolerance through theirmanifestos and broader politicaloutreach, emphasizing the importanceof reconciliation, dialogue and peaceful

14

3. Hammad Sheikh, Jeremy Ginges, Alin Coman and Scott Atran, “Religion, group threat and Sacred Values,” Judgment and Decision Making 7 (2), 110-118; available at:

http://journal.sjdm.org/12/12305/jdm12305.pdf

4. See,“Women CounteringViolent Extremism in Pakistan”,The Institute for Inclusive Security, https://www.inclusivesecurity.org/elevating-pakistani-voices/

settlement of disputes both internallyand externally.

� Realizing that legitimacy of thecounter-narrative message is linkedwith the legitimacy of the messengerand hence the charisma and credentialsof political role models can have a greatimpact on society.5

� Empower ing communit ies andstrengthening their resilience againstextremism.6

The role of a criminal justice system ingeneral, and policing in particular, incrafting and implementing the counter-narrative is critical. Given over emphasis onkinetic means-both in Pakistan andglobally-the centrality of police's role in thef i e l d o f c o u n t e r e x t r e m i s m a n dcounterterrorism is often overlooked.Police incompetence and reputation ofcorruption also comes in the way of takingthis institution as a serious contender forany constructive role in society. This willhave to change if Pakistan is to develop as afunctional and progressive state. It is sobecause extremism first introduces itself inthe shape of hate speech, bullying andintimidation. Police forces, if properlyresourced and trained, are the first line ofdefense in such instances. Extremists gainspace and strength as the state fails to stopthem at the outset of their nefariousactions. The state at the most basic level onthe ground is represented by its lawenforcement capacity. Hence, a police rolecan be instrumental in nipping the troublein the bud.

The role of police in developing a counter-narrative is also critical given its access toinvestigation and interrogation reports ofextremists and terrorists. In my research, Ihave come across many instances wherepolice officials are among the very first onesto pin point new extremism trends insociety. They are also among the firstresponders who get a glimpse of thenetwork building of criminals and militants.The early interrogation reports of militantsuspects are a treasure trove for developinga counter-narrative to extremism andmilitancy. Perusing written and electronicmaterials that generate hatred and inciteviolence, as well as pursuing legal measuresagainst such efforts is also a police task thatis rarely undertaken. At present, Pakistanlacks the organizational mobility needed tomake best use of the vast data that the statehas access to. The state authorities are noteven cognizant of this potential it appears.The idea of National CounterterrorismAuthority (NACTA) was an effort in thisdirection but it has taken a very long timefor it to be established, made functional

and properly resourced. NACTA, ifempowered, will also require majorsupport from the military and intelligenceapparatus to emerge as a central resourcethat can provide critical input to Islamabadto devise effective counterterrorismstrategies and develop a powerful counter-narrative to extremism. Pakistan cannotafford to delay investment in its civilian lawenforcement infrastructure for betterpolicing as well as for it to perform thecritical counter extremism role.

15

5. For a detailed discussion, see Qamar –ul Huda,“Using Citizen Messengers to Counteract Radicalism,”in Laurie Fenstermacher, Editor, Countering Violent Extremism: Scientific Methods and Strategies, revised

July 2015, 150, available at https://info.publicintelligence.net/ARL-CounteringViolentExtremism.pdf

6. For details, see“StopViolent Extremism: Madrid + 10,”October 2015, available at http://www.clubmadrid.org/PD2015/PD2015booklet.pdf

How many paths lead to violente x t r e m i s m ? W h a t a r e t h edeterminants of radicalization? Are

cultural factors more important thanorganizational or individual characteristicsto understand the emergence andp e r s i s t e n c e o f v i o l e n t g r o u p s ?Unfortunately, answers to these questionsstill offer us a partial and very fragmentedunderstanding of violent extremism, withlimited policy recommendations.

Different approaches to this multifacetedphenomenon shed partial light on itscauses. Psychology strongly suggests thatno simple individual profile captures wellthe complex combination of emotions(from anger to pride, rage, frustration, anddespair) and social, economic, religious, orethno-nationalistic motives behind violentextremism. Solid psychological evidencegrounds the conclusion that even radicalacts of violence (i.e. suicide missions) arenot signs of psychopathological disorders,but the outcome of a combination ofindividual and environmental factors.While popular perception suggests thatthese individuals are mentally disturbed,poor and undereducated, survey data

analysis shows that the lack of education,and poverty, do not predict well whobecomes a violent extremist. It has been1

shown that at least 18 percent of suicidebombers that participated in attacksbetween 2000 and 2005 had or werepursuing higher education.

If the individual level of analysis is toointricate, organizational constraints mayhelp to explain why some groups succeedin attracting adepts. The sociology oforganizations suggests that an appropriatecombination of social recognition,community services dense networks ofands u p p o r t a n d s e c re c y, m ay b o o s tcommitment with a cause and violentextremism. The empirical analysis ofdifferent groups and societies done bypolitical scientists strongly suggests thatpsychological and organizational driversare context specific. Only a few of those2

e x p o s e d t o t h e m o s t i n t e n s eenvironmental pressures eventually decideto actively participate in violent actions,and while ritual dinners may have beenextremely successful in one particularorgani ation (i.e. Black Tigers in Sri Lanka),zfunding independent social service

organizations may help to understand thesuccess of religious groups attracting non-rel igious radicals ( i .e. Al Qaeda) .Sometimes only the combination of social,factors (social deprivation) and individuald r i ve r s ( a p a r t i c u l a r e d u c a t i o n a lbackground) explains some regularities (i.e.why individuals with an engineeringeducation are three to four times morefrequent among violent Islamists).3

How do we incorporate all these differentelements coming from Psychology,Sociology and Political Science into a,unified approach? How do we extract fromdifferent methodologies useful policy,lessons? Behavioural Science offers aninteresting framework by combiningmethods and lessons from different socialsciences to jointly analyze the role ofenvironmental factors (religion, education,poverty, social exclusion, group identity)and individual characteristics on theemergence of violent ex tremism.Behavioural science uses a variety ofmethods. Case-based studies are useful tounderstand on how violence shifts riskattitudes in the general public, by creatingan atmosphere of vulnerability. By using

Opinion

The Behavioural Determinants of Violent Extremism:

The seful essons we earn from Behavioural ScienceU L L

16

Professor of EconomicsUniversity of East Anglia

United Kingdom

Doctoral ResearcherBehavioural Science GroupWarwick Business School

Enrique Fatas Umar Taj

Associate Lecturer, School of EconomicsUniversidad del Valle, Colombia,

PhD student, School of EconomicsUniversity of East Anglia

United Kingdom

Lina Maria Restrepo Plaza

1. See, for instance, Benmelech, E. and Berrebi, C., 2007. Human capital and the productivity of suicide bombers.The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 21(3), pp.223-238.

2. See the excellent survey of Crenshaw, M. 2007. Explaining SuicideTerrorism: A Review Essay. Security Studies, 16, 1, pp. 133-162.

3. Gambetta, D. and Hertog, S., 2009.Why are there so many Engineers among Islamic Radicals?. European Journal of Sociology, 50(02), pp.201-230

surveys and interviews, it profilesextremists and validates some of theconnections between societal (i .e.inequality) and organizational (i.e. networkstructure) constraints. Finally, behaviouralscientists conduct controlled studies toidentify incentives, emotions, social driversand institutions might lead to violentthatextremism in particular contexts.

Economists have significantly contributedto this interdisciplinary approach byproviding a theoretical structure based inBehavioural Game Theory. Theorists in4

Economics have developed models thatcapture key behavioural elements of thedecisions of violent extremists. They havealso characterized the decisions ofpolicymakers and governments. By testingthese models either in the field or in morecontrolled environments, behaviouralscientists in general and behaviouraleconomists in particular, have largelyhelped to improve our understanding ofviolent extremism.

How does this approach operate?Behavioural scientists design strategicenvironments (we call them 'games') inwhich individuals (we call them 'players')make decisions. Specific institutions set thelimits of the interaction between differentagents (either individuals considering topar ticipate in a violent action orgovernments trying to prevent theemergence of violent actions). Bymodifying the framing, the rules and theincentives of these 'games', we are able tomake predictions not only about players'behaviour, but about the likelihood ofsucceeding in putting forward an act ofv i o l e n c e . Tr u e , t h e s e g a m e s a r eabstractions from the real world that onlyinclude key aspects of a particular situation.By keeping the interaction simple, weisolate all the noise from the environment.For each game that is implemented, wemay easily identify the expected result ifindividuals participating in the decisionwere following a very particular logic basedon a fully selfish, rational way of thinking,and the anticipation of any rationaldecision made by similar agents. Byincorporating other elements present inthe decision making process (i.e. groupidentity, emotions like anger, social norms),we integrate more realistic factors into ouranalytical schemes. By testing thepredictions of these realistic models inbehavioural studies, we are then able toadjust and improve our knowledge andgive governments more realistic advice.

Behavioural experimentation has some

advantages over other methods in theanalysis of violent extremism. One of theadvantages is that, since participants inbehavioural studies are assigned toalternative scenarios or treatments in acompletely random manner, any observeddifferences on behaviour can be linked tothe differences between treatments. Inother words, the direction of causalitybetween treatment and outcome isdetermined by the assignment procedure.Note that this causal relationship is not soeasy to determine in non-experimentaldata, and this is why behavioural studieshave several advantages in studyingviolent extremism, and in informingpolicies aiming to reduce violence.Likewise, their mathematical cousins (the'games'), experiments do not need toprovide participants a realistic simulationof their decision environment. They aredesigned to isolate and examine separatelycritical aspects of particular situations. Bydoing so, we gain superior control over thedata generating process that these studiesafford. Additionally, in a randomizedexperiment, or randomized control or fieldtrial, randomly allocated members of thetarget population make incentivizeddecisions. Being the consequences real, thedecisions they make are consequential forthem, reducing or eliminating some of theproblems associated with studies in otherfields.

The second advantage of randomizedstudies has to do with the data we obtain.The quality of data on violent extremism isespecially difficult to control using othercollection methods, because of theincentives of each side (extremists andgovernments) to misrepresent theirinformation, and the consequences (suchas being arrested, or security failures) tor e v e a l i n g i n f o r m a t i o n . B y u s i n gbehavioural methodologies, we avoidthese problems, and also gain the ability totest the efficacy of different institutions totackle national security issues.

This method can be used to design betterpolicies. Counter-violence policies must bedesigned to affect the behaviour of peoplein the field. A better understanding of howand to what extent their behaviour deviatesfrom the rational actor model is necessaryfor effective policy design. Interestingly,behavioural methods are effective toisolate the effect of psychological forcesand organizational factors in all thedecisions involved. Behavioural Scienced o e s n o t o n l y b r i n g a d e e p e runderstanding of others' behaviour t also-iimproves our decision-making by de-

biasing our own behaviour, when facingtraumatic exposure to extremely violentactions.

Our previous work includes a goodexample of this contribution. In a recentlypublished study, we analyze alternative5

policies fighting back violent extremism,including those which reduce its impact(generating a negative externality to othergovernment bodies) and those investingresources that prevent extremism (creatinga positive externality by reducing theoverall violent threat). We specifically testthe effectiveness of different institutionssharing the cost of prevention policiesa m o n g t h e d i f fe re n t a c to r s ( s ay,governments) involved. Our resultsstrongly suggest that cost sharinggenerates a non-linear effect on the choiceof preventive strategies and its overalleffectiveness. Only when different agenciesmake a strong and binding initialcommitment supporting a high level ofcost sharing we observe a significantdoimprovement in policy coordination.Interestingly, intermediate levels ofsupport do not generate any significantgain, in sharp contrast with the initialtheoretical prediction.

How does this behavioural method help togain a deeper understanding of societalfactors driving violent extremism? In adifferent and recent work, we explore theimplications of a meta-study run bySantifort-Jordan and Sandler. In their6

meta-study, they identify how economicand political inequality trigger violentactions both at the domestic and,transactional level. In our behaviouralstudy, we disentangle the social, economicand political factors behind extremismusing a controlled behavioural study.Interestingly, we find that while economicinequality has limited effect in violence,political inequality massively increases thenumber of violent events, and skilledindividuals tend to radicalize more only inthe presence of political asymmetries. Theeffect of welfare policies on violence in thiscontext is negligible. In line with the UNdefinition of terrorism (“the act ofdestroying or injuring civilian lives … in theattempt to effect some political goal”), andconfirming Santifort-Jordan and Sandler'sresults, we identify how similarly skilledindividuals, with the same individualcharacteristics may decide to participate ornot to participate at all in violent actsdepending on the existence of one specificenvironmental factor: political exclusion.

How do we land all this into Pakistan's

17

4. Behavioral Game Theory analyzes the strategic interaction among individuals from a realistic perspective, incorporating elements from psychology (emotion), philosophy (moral obligation), sociology (peer

effects), or neurology (cognitive limits) to its models.

5. Kass, Malcolm, Enrique Fatas, Catherine Eckel, and Daniel Arce. "The UN in the lab"; Social Choice andWelfare 45, no. 3 (2015): 625-651.

6. Santifort-Jordan C, SandlerT.“An empirical study of suicide terrorism: a global analysis”; Southern Economic Journal. 2014 Apr 1;80(4):981-1001.

18

reality? The existing milieu of societal,political and economic factors, whichentrench the vulnerability of Pakistan'syouth, provides an almost perfect platformfor employing Behavioural Sciencemethods. Efforts to combat violentextremism in Pakistan have been heavilycommunity based, approaching the issuevia educational programmes in schoolsand with 'radicalized' youth, as well asthrough the provision of alternateengagement, such as vocational trainingprogrammes. These approaches, thoughpotentially beneficial to the enhancementof quality of life and to developingtheindividual potential; are not able to fullyengender changes in attitudes andmentalities. In order to combat violentex tremism mental i t ies , a deeperunderstanding of the root cause is morenecessary and effective than the provisionof a temporary solution. Behaviouralscience methodologies have not yet beenintroduced in the Pakistani context andhave the capacity to effect results thathave not yet been achieved.

Youth have been the most targeted groupfor recruitment by violent extremists; theyare thought to be more easily conditionedand more easily recruited. Pakistancurrently has one of the largest youthpopulations globally, making the countrymore susceptible to an upward trend inviolent extremism, with instances of andrecruits to extremist organizations.Popular notions that poverty and lack ofeducation promote youth inclinations tointolerance and violent extremism maynot be the only causative factors, howeverthese issues and circumstances are notwithout consequence. Though povertyitself may not be a motivating factor to alife choice of violent extremism, theamalgamation of high incidences ofpoverty, lack of education, strong religiousor social norms, or inadequate politicalinclusion systems may situate Pakistaniyouth in positions of vulnerability.

Vulnerability seen as lack of opportunitymay be a more apt starting point foranalyzing the psyche of the Pakistaniyouth and their proclivity to violentextremism recruitment. Through aBehavioural Science lens, the impact ofthese factors can be measured with a focuson understanding which deficiencies playmore critical, incremental roles in violentextremism motivation. The view ofvulnerability as lack of opportunity may bemore operative in effecting more relevantresults. Through this approach, alreadymarginalized groups are not furthermarginalized, and a more accurate andcomprehensive understanding of theproblem can be reached.

Behavioural Science can provide amedium for violent extremism preventionin Pakistan, which has been unexplored in

the past. The benefits of using thisframework are broad and far-reaching,bringing a fresh perspective and newsolutions to a continuously mountingproblem in Pakistan.

Opinion

Local newspapers have carried manystories of young religious killers fromaffluent middle-class families and

sound education institutions, who haveplanned and executed murders, and havecarried out gruesome massacres such asthose at Safoora Goth and Parade Lanemosque. Islamic groups such as Daesh andHizb-ut-Tahrir successfully attract theyoung fanatics.

Such examples should by now havecrushed the notion attributing religiousextremism to poverty or lack of education.And yet, like the proverbial ostrich, manykeep insisting the solution to violentextremism is more schools and moreeducation funding. They refuse toacknowledge that in fact, education feedsand fuels terrorism. But more education willenhance, not lessen, terrorism. Here's why.

When education is the carrier of liberalvalues, it is the natural enemy of extremismbecause it enriches and broadens the mind,enables one to entertain a thought withoutnecessarily accepting it, and createswillingness to live in a society that isdemocratic, pluralistic, and diverse.Extremism, by definition, is a mindsetwhere only a single truth is considered to bevalid. It is the antithesis of liberalism.

But Pakistani education explicitly rejectsliberal objectives. Some variation existsacross rich and poor schools, betweenvillages and cities, and across provinces.However the basic road-map is provided bythe school curriculum, textbooks, teachers,and examinations. Stated in officialeducation policies, explicated through thecontent of textbooks and questions posedin examinations, and emphasized byfamous TV personalities, the narrative goesas follows:

� Students must be taught that Pakistanwas created for Muslims in the name ofIslam in accordance with the Two-Nation Theory. So while non-Muslimsmay continue to live within nationalborders, they must not expect equaltreatment. Since all religions exceptIslam are false therefore, every student,whether or not Muslim, must knowabout Islamic principles and practices.But Muslim students need not knowanything that is positive about otherreligions.

� A sense of siege and embattlementmust be created. Hence students mustbe told that the enemies of Pakistan areconstantly plotting and scheming toweaken it. The Federal Ministry ofEducation (1995) curriculum documentfor classes K-V demands that studentsbe required to “acknowledge andidentify forces that may be workingagainst Pakistan”, learn about “India'sevil designs against Pakistan”, andpractice“making speeches on jihad andshahadat”.

� Culture and ethno-lingual heritagemust be downplayed. Admitting toPakistan's diversity is consideredimpermissible since this supposedlyweakens nation building. South Asianidentity is also to be rejected. In March2016, a recently published textbookthat derides the Baloch as “uncivilizedand barbaric” came under criticism by1

Baloch members of the NationalAssembly. The issue was raised in theupper house of parliament and it waspointed out that the sociology bookbeing taught to the 12th class in Punjab

described the Baloch as “uncivilizedpeople engaged in murder and looting”.

� Several officially prescribed PakistanStudies books claim Pakistan was bornnot in 1947 but with the conquest ofSindh in 712 AD by Arab invaderMuhammad bin Qasim.

� Reference to Islam is critical on everymatter. Therefore democracy, personaland political freedoms, culture,lifestyles, the status of women andreligious minorities can have validityonly insofar as Islam permits. The firstchapter of every science book is, by law,about the great achievements ofMuslim scientists.

� When necessary, history can be freelyrewritten. Facts can be changed asneeded. And so Mr. Jinnah wasrepresented as a deeply pious Muslim inZia-era textbooks, the 1965 war asinitiated by India and the secession ofEast Pakistan as a Hindu conspiracy.There is to be no introspection, noadmission of fault, and therefore nolearning from past mistakes.

History of Education

East Pakistan's secession in 1971 convincedZulfikar Ali Bhutto that national integrationrequired a national school curriculum. In1974, parliament passed an act decreeingthat all four provinces must henceforthfollow the national curriculum. Thisremained in force unti l the 18thamendment to the Constitution wasapproved 35 years later.

The usefulness of Bhutto's step was soonrecognized by General Zia-ul-Haq. Soonafter he executed Bhutto in 1979, Zia setabout using education to redefine Pakistan.In 1981, in a directive to the UniversityGrants Commission, he ordered the re-conceptualization of Pakistani educationand a rewriting of the history of Pakistan atall levels of education. This was a landmarkevent.

From then onwards, the struggle forPakistan was no longer depicted as thevictorious struggle for a Muslim homeland,but as the movement for an Islamic state

How Pakistan's Education Radicalizes

19

Professor for Mathematics, Physics andSociology

Forman Christian College, Lahore

Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy

1. ''Iftikhar A. Khan,“Describing Baloch as uncivilised in textbook irks Senators,”DAWN March 12, 2016. Available at http://www.dawn.com/news/1245210

run according to Islamic law. Even if theheroes of the Pakistan movement-Jinnah,Iqbal, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan-were notactually orthodox Muslims, they were to beshown as such.

The Ministry of Education website todayreflects Zia's priorities: “Education andtraining should enable the citizens ofPakistan to lead their lives according to theteachings of Islam as laid down in theQur'an and Sunnah and to educate andtrain them as a true practicing Muslim.”

These objectives ignore the existence ofnon-Muslim Pakistanis. They do notemphasize cultivating civic virtues andproducing socially responsible, thoughtfuland well-informed individuals. Nor do theyask for acceptance of Pakistan's diversity ofl a n g u a g e s a n d c u l t u r e s . C r u c i a lr e q u i r e m e n t s fo r c i t i z e n s h i p a r eunmentioned: knowing and respecting thel a w o f t h e l a n d , p r e s e r v i n g t h eenvironment, basics of hygiene, payingone's fair share of taxes, assurance of socialjustice, etc.

Proponents argue that becoming a truepracticing Muslim will automaticallyendow an individual student with everyimaginable virtue. Hence, sermonizing andstrict regimentation of the schoolenvironment is thought to be the key forproducing moral and patriotic Pakistanis.

The education establishment defends thenecessity of indoctrination throughtextbooks. Privately, those in charge arguethat if children are told the truth, many willquestion the need and very existence ofPakistan. In 2003, a resolution moved in thePakistan Philosophical Congress againstpropaganda and indoctrination intex tbooks, was defeated becauseapparently the “philosophers” alsorecognized that telling the truth isdangerous.

Pakistan's various prime ministers haveeither pandered or agreed with this view.During 2002-2004, the Prime Ministerdeclared that the“ideology of Pakistan”was“the most important thing that studentsneed to learn”. Religious scholars who pleadfor a moderate Islam, have expressed theneed for introducing Islamic Studies afterclass V, as according to them, religiouseducation without formal education froman early age tends to produce religious andsectarian extremists. But then there arealways those who disagree as expressed bya renowned Pakistani Economist and Ex-Prime Minster that, “both religious andformal education are necessary from the

beginning. Religious education... helpscharacter building,” at the concludingceremony of an education conference.

The Consequences

General Musharraf's U-turn after 9/11 putPakistan on the defensive. Its educationsystem came under the spotlight after thediscovery that Pakistanis had been involvedin several terrorist incidents in Europe.Under pressure, the government sought toback-pedal. But street protests by religiousforces successfully prevented a change ofcourse. Minister of Education at the time,n e r v o u s l y d e c l a r e d h e r s e l f afundamental ist on televis ion andannounced that verses on jihad intextbooks would be reinstated.2

By the 1990's the state sponsoredmilitarism in Pakistan's schools, colleges,and universities had profoundly impactedyoung minds. Militant groups roamedfreely on campuses, invited students forjihad in Kashmir and Afghanistan, collectedfunds on Friday prayers, and declared a warwithout borders. After 9/11, they wentunderground. But this was only astratagem.

Let's fast forward to 2016. Piety hasexploded on every Pakistani universitycampus. Discussions on jinns (spirits), blackmagic and supernatural agencies drawhuge crowds. Beards and burqas areeverywhere, proselytizing groups operatefreely, and religious-minded teachers freelypreach their beliefs during class time. Thepious are angry at the West for countlessreasons, and equally angry at the liberalpermissiveness on campuses which allowscelebration of Valentine's Day and male-female couples to sit together. Sufficientlyagitated ones pick up the gun.

Today, Pakistan is in a deep quandary. Thearmy and government have fallen afoul ofthe very forces they helped create. Thearmy has lost more soldiers and officersfighting Muslim terrorists than in all thewars it has fought with India. When over120 school-going children of army officerswere butchered in cold blood by theTaliban, scarcely a few hundred protestersgathered in Pakistani cities. But a sea ofhumanity, estimated at a hundredthousand, assembled at the recent funeralof the murderer of Punjab's ex-Governer.

For fear of backlash, Pakistan's rulers areunlikely to even try to remove the toxiccontent of education any time soon.Turning education over to the provinceshas not helped. In fact, a newly addedchapter in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa textbooks

glorifying Ghazi Ilm Din indicates how3

difficult it will be. Pakistan's securityestablishment has so far contented itself bytossing aerial bombs upon terrorist targetsin Waziristan and becoming slightly morewatchful of madrassas. But unless it realizesthe terrible dangers of an overdose ofreligion in mainstream non-madrassaeducation, Pakistan will become the nextIraq, Syria, or Afghanistan.

20

2. See Pervez Hoodbhoy,“Education Reform In Pakistan – Challenges and Prospects,”(2006). Available at http://www.pc.gov.pk/vision2030/approach%20paper/t3/theme%203-Pervaiz%20Hudbouy-1.pdf

3. Ghazi Ilm-ud-din (4 December 1908 – 31 October 1929) was a Muslim who murdered a book publisher named Mahashe Rajpal for publishing the book Rangila Rasul, which offended religious sentiments of

Muslims.

Opinion

The state of Pakistan is beingchallenged by violent extremists attwo levels. At one level, armed

groups are contesting the state's writ overparts of the tribal areas. With a view toincreasing their pressure on the state, theseelements are also carrying out attacks onsecurity forces and civilian populationsacross the land and causing heavy losses inlife and property. At the other level, thesemilitant extremist groups are trying tosubvert people's allegiance to the state byalleging that it does not conform to theirversion of Islamic injunctions.

The roots of religious extremism in Pakistanlie in its people's political experiences overthe past three centuries. In developingresponses to their subjugation by a colonialpower, they developed two strategies toregain freedom and their right to shapetheir destiny. The traditionalist Muslimscholars called for a return to thefundamental tenets of their faith, unity andsolidarity among the national Muslimentities for the establishment of a caliphateof God (and theocratic states as preparatoryto that goal), and realization of thecommunity's objectives through armedstruggle.

The other strategy devised by what may becalled modernists, sought freedom anddignity by acquiring scientific knowledgeand adopting the legal and constitutional

road to self-determination. This group didnot deny the need to uphold people's faith,but saw no conflict between their beliefand their aspirations for a democratic polityand a social order based on respect forliberal values and scientific scholarship.Indeed Muslim ideologues, such as AllamaIqbal and several others, asserted thatpursuit of these goals amounted to a returnto the pristine principles of Islam.

The struggle for Pakistan was led by themodernists and to them fell the honour ofserving as the new state's founding fathers.But soon after their success in achievingPakistan, they came under pressure fromtheir traditionalist rivals for power whocontended that Pakistan, in terms of itsgenesis, could only be managed inaccordance with religious injunctions. Thehistory of Pakistan is the story of ane x t e n d e d c o n t e s t b e t w e e n t h etraditionalists and modernists.

For a long time, the traditionalists feltc o n t e n t e d w i t h t h e s c h e m e t oaccommodate their point of view in theconstitution. But the state elite made itselfvulnerable to the traditionalists' pressurefor concessions in the constitution, in lawsand in practice because it could not meetthe basic needs and aspirations of thepeople. However, the contest between themodernists and their challengers remainednon-violent till the late 1970s, whenextremist elements in Pakistan werepresented with opportunities for usingviolent means to gain their end.

The traditionalist minority's involvementwith the Afghan jihad and its access to bigmoney and sophisticated weaponsenabled it to start challenging the statewith arms and they found in Pakistan'stribal areas, ideal conditions for the raisingof armed militias.

A peculiar aspect of the extremists'challenge to the state is the absence of anycoherent statement of their objectives. Atfirst, the tribal leaders blamed the state ofPakistan for violating their traditionalautonomy when it asked them not to hostmilitant groups operating in Afghanistanand not to allow their lands to be used forsuch operations. Pakistan could not

possibly accept the militants' demands ast h i s w o u l d h a v e a m o u n t e d t ocompromising the state's sovereign rights.

At a later stage, the militant extremistsstarted saying they were punishingPakistan for siding with their enemies inAfghanistan and for not enforcing the ruleof Shariah in Pakistan. This argument, too,could not be accepted by Pakistan for asmall minority cannot decide whatPakistan's policy should be, nor could it beallowed to forcibly impose its fiat on thevastly larger number of the people whoreject their hegemony.

The militant extremists' rejection ofaccommodation within the constitution ofPakistan and their attacks on defenceinstallations, and finally on the Army PublicSchool in Peshawar in 2014, in which over150 students and staff members weremassacred, left the government of Pakistanwith no choice but to launch a full-scaleoffensive to clear the tribal areas of allviolent groups. This campaign is nownearing completion.

Meanwhile, the extremists have beengiving new interpretations to Islamicinjunctions. One of the most radical shifts inthe religious code introduced by themrelates to jihad (holy war by Muslims). Whileunder the classical Islamic law, a jihad canonly be sanctioned by a state, but theextremists operating in Pakistan, like theircounterparts in the Middle East, claim jihadcan be undertaken by any group of non-state actors and even by individuals.Another new idea introduced by theextremists is that people who claim to beMuslims but do not qualify as Muslims bytheir conduct are liable to be beheaded andthis punishment can be carried out by any'good Muslim', that is, by any member of anextremist group.

The propagation of a most aggressive andutterly intolerant creed by the extremistshas led to gross violations of human rightsin the country. The Shias, the largestminority Muslim sect in Pakistan, have beenbranded infidels and have been killed inlarge numbers, especially in Quetta, wherethe Hazara Shias have been continuallytargetted. In 2015 alone, Balochistan, the

Combating Violent Extremism

21

Secretary GeneralHuman Rights Commission of Pakistan

I. A. Rehman

second largest conflict zone after the tribalarea, faced attacks from three kinds ofmilitant organizations-quasi-religiousmilitants, sectarian target-killers andnationalist militias. The province suffered280 attacks by militants (all categories),more than any other province, in which 355people were killed. Eleven persons werekilled in an attack outside a Shia mosque inBolan district. Ethically motivated violencetook the lives of 51 non-Baloch workers indifferent parts of the province. Moreover,for the first time in the country's history, theIsmailis in the northern areas were recentlythreatened by extremists.

The attacks on religious minorities havealso increased. No less than 80 people werekilled when a congregation in a Peshawarchurch was attacked in 2013 and 15 peoplewere killed in bomb attacks on twochurches in Youhanabad, a Christian colonyin Lahore, last year. The target killing ofAhmedis continues unabated, the Hindusare complaining of a spurt in cases of forcedconversion of their girls, the Sikhs in a tribalagency were subjected to a poll tax by themilitants, and the Kalash people were toldto convert to Islam or face consequences.

The extremists are especially intolerant ofwomen's basic rights. They have targetedgirls' education centers and destroyedhundreds of schools. One of the survivors oftheir murderous attack, Malala Yusafzai,may have won the Nobel Prize, but theextremists' edict against her stands. Theworld-wide condemnation of their attackson women has produced no sign ofremorse of repentance in the extremists'ranks.

The excesses committed by the extremistsin the conflict zones have spilled over into alarger territory and minority communitiesand sects and women have faced increasedthreats in all parts of the country. Besides,the measures taken to meet the terroristthreat have tended to undermine people'sbasic rights. Special laws enacted over thepast few years have curtailed the citizens'legal entitlements, especially their right todue process of the law. The moratorium ondeath penalty was lifted in December 2014and over 350 people have been executed todate, thus further brutalizing an alreadybrutalized society.

The state of Pakistan has had to spendbillions of rupees on the fight againstextremism. After the failure of mediationefforts, the army was obliged to launchZarb-i-Azb, the code word for a militaryoffensive aimed at driving the extremistsout of their dens in the tribal areas.The scaleof the operation can be judged from thefact that during the 18-month longcampaign, no less than 837 extremists'hideouts have been destroyed, and 3,400terrorists and 488 officers and men of thesecurity forces killed.

The diversion of resources to meet thethreat from violent extremists is having adisastrous effect on the state's economy.Despite the offer of handsome incentivesby the government, foreign investors areshy of coming to Pakistan because ofsecurity considerations. The country is alsolosing the benefits of exchanges withforeign states in the areas of culture, arts,literature and sports. Pakistan has beenunable to grow out of the category of LowHuman Development Countries where theonly South Asian country in its company isAfghanistan.

An inevitable side effect of the extremists'threat to the state is the citizens' increasedreliance on violence in day-to-day affairs.The space for negotiated settlement ofd i f fe re n c e s b e t we e n g ro u p s a n dindividuals, even over petty issues, hasshrunk, and resort to violence has becomethe first option with an increasingly largenumber of people. All this cannot butincrease the cost of maintaining law andorder and peace in society.

The fact that a huge majority of thecountry's population rejects the extremists'self-assumed task to destroy Pakistan'sconstitutional framework and rewrite theMuslims' faith according to their partisanwishes, is evident from the overwhelmingpublic support that operation Zarb-i-Azbhas received. One of the fac torscontributing to the people's approval of themilitary offensive is the fact that it waslaunched only after all attempts topersuade the extremists to acceptaccommodation within the constitutionhad been spurned.

However, there is a consensus in thecountry that while the violent extremistsneed to be dealt with by force, the threatfrom them will not disappear until they aredefeated in the battle of minds as well. Thestate's awareness of this fact is evident fromsome of the objectives of the 20-pointNational Action Plan adopted foreradication of terrorism. These includepoints relating to the decision to takee f fe c t i v e s t e p s a g a i n s t r e l i g i o u spersecution; registration and regulation ofmadressas (religious schools); ban onglorification of terrorism through the printand the electronic media; administrativeand development reforms in FATA withfocus on the return of Temporary DisplacedPe r s o n s ( T D Ps ) ; e m p owe r i n g t h eBalochistan government to achievepolitical reconciliation with all alienatedgroups; and a thorough revamping andreforming of the criminal justice system.

Obviously, the ground conceded to thee x t r e m i s t s b y l a c k o f e f f i c i e n tadministrative and justice systems can onlybe regained by raising the performance ofstate institutions in these areas of keyconcern to the people. Besides, religious

scholars must realize the threat to their faithposed by its unwarranted, unauthorizedand reckless interpretation by self-appointed juris consults. The spacegrabbed by extremists in theologicaldebates needs to be retrieved byhighlighting the peaceful and liberal natureof Islam's cardinal precepts.

It may not be easy to persuade the diehardextremists to give up their dangerous, andeventually self-destructive undertaking,but the task of weaning the ordinarypeople, especially the youth, away from thepath of violence should not be impossible.What is needed is a broad basedprogramme to prevent young men fromjoining militant groups and reclaiming themilitants who are amenable to reason.

Apart from radical changes in schooltextbooks, there is need for promoting theliberal values of Islam based on researchacross the world so that the theoreticalpremises of extremism can be challenged.The project to de-radicalize the formermilitants must go beyond the limited, andsomewhat fruitless, experiments carriedout so far. Guidance may be sought fromsimilar programmes in Sri Lanka, China andSaudi Arabia. Finally, space must be createdto absorb fast burgeoning ranks of religiousscholars in the various fields of activity andthus ensure that violent militancy is not theonly option available to them.

22

Opinion

Terrorism and extremism is anextremely complex subject. Even tothis day, states encounter an

incredible degree of difficulty whenattempting to define this menace. Thereasons for this are numerous, ranging fromthe kind of activity which is to be declared aterrorist act, to defining the groupsresponsible, to the specific nature of violentextremism which is faced by any nation.Consequently, the response of the state hascontinuously changed as well, fromdrafting newer and more potent laws, tocarrying out military operations bothwidespread and targeted, to developingpolitical consensus on handling this threat.P a k i s t a n i s n o s t r a n g e r t o t h i sphenomenon, having dealt with violentextremism in one form or another fordecades before 9/11.

Due to the constantly evolving dynamics ofdomestic militancy, policymaking onviolent extremism in Pakistan has been aninherently complicated process, whichrequires inputs from practically every facetof the state machinery, and cannot simplybe resigned to the personal assessments ofa few.

A critical aspect that is the current focus ofthe state is the issue of how terrorist andextremist groups are funded. One of the keyaspects of the National Action Plan was to

clamp down on the issue of terroristfinancing by “choking financing forterrorists and terrorist organizations”. Anumber of steps have been taken in thisregard, but one element that requiresfurther attention is groups' misuse ofcharitable giving and people's generosity.Charitable giving has been identified as acritical source of income for terrorist andextremist activities. Terrorist and extremistgroups prey on the religious sentiments ofpeople and the religious obligation to makecharitable donations. It is important toreiterate here that the public is notintentionally giving money to thesegroups, but rather inadvertently givesmoney to such groups despite goodintentions owing to a lack of awarenessabout any possible links between terroristfinancing and charity giving.

The Ministry of Information, Broadcastingand National Heritage recognized thisthreat, and accordingly embarked on anumber of activities to understand theattitudinal and behavioural aspects ofcharity giving in Pakistan, assess the keyareas of intervention and develop aninitiative that can address this issue to thepublic directly.

Research on Charity Giving

The first step in this activity was toinvestigate the attitudinal and behaviouralaspects of charity giving in Pakistan. Thiswas necessary because at present there hasnever been any comprehensive perceptualstudy that has attempted to assess why orhow people give charity in Pakistan.Outside of a few studies with limited scopeand ambitions, there has been very littleresearch on this. This was particularlyalarming because every year billions of

rupees are generated, both by genuine andsome dubious organizations, throughcharity and donations in Pakistan.

Accordingly, the Federal Ministry ofInformation and Broadcasting undertook anationwide study to investigate thesepatterns. The purpose of this study was notto assess how much money goes to terroristoutfits but in fact, to assess any gaps inknowledge regarding the issue of terroristfinancing, which could then be used by theMinistr y to develop a k nowledgeawareness initiative on this issue.

The research methodology for this studywas designed to represent national leveldata about public knowledge andperceptions towards violent acts ofterrorism and extremism at the nationallevel. The geographical scope of the studywas framed to include major areas of bothurban and rural population in all theprovinces of the country, as well as AzadJammu and Kashmir (AJK), FederallyAdministered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Gilgit-Baltistan (GB). Questionnaire-basedinterviews were conducted under strictsupervision of experts for data collectionpurposes. The field work for the study wasundertaken from May to June 2015.Th ro u g h r a n d o m s a m p l i n g, 5 5 0 0individuals were interviewed for thispurpose.

Practices of Charity Giving: Research

Findings

81 percent of respondents stated that theygive charity in one form or another, withmajority of them giving monetary forms ofdonation (Figure 1 and Figure 2).

Terrorist Financing and Charity Giving:

Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) Initiatives

of the Government of Pakistan

23

Research and Campaigns ManagerPakistan Peace Collective

(A Communications Project of theFederal Ministry of Information,

Broadcasting and National Heritage)

Usman Zafar

In the form of monetary help

In the form of non-monetary help

Monetary and non-monetary both

Figure 2: Donation/charity Form

69%13%

18%

Figure 1: Do you personally give

donation/charity?

Yes No

81%

19%

Given the strong religious character ofPakistanis, it was inevitable that religiousaspects would play a strong role indetermining the motivations behinddonations. Charity through Zakat is one ofthe principle pillars of Islam and carriesstrict codes of fulfillment when obligated.The expression of religion in the form ofcharity was taken as an important indicatorof not only as religious association, but alsoas the magnitude of devotion inperforming the assigned duty.

In studying the indicators of charity givingpractices of the respondent population,results found that nearly 72 percent of thesample gave charity in Ramdhan (holymonth of fasting for Muslims), 47 percenton Eid (Muslim celebratory festival) and 53percent gave it every month (Figure 4).Religious considerations also played animportant role in the type of charity. 75percent of the respondents gave charity inthe form of Sadqa and 54 percent as Zakat(Figure 3).This is indicative of strongreligious sentiments as the prevalent factorfor giving charity. This also extends to thebeneficiaries of charity, where mosques,known social welfare institutions andmadrassas are seen amongst the mostpreferential.

Due to ingrained religious sentiments incharity giving, the frequency of donationand charity giving practices is recurrent andcontinuous. About 53 percent of people intheir multiple responses stated that theygave charity at least once a month asidefrom donating on religious occasions(Figure 4).

Despite such an enormous amountgenerated through personal philanthropy,the level of scrutiny performed by asubstantial number of respondents on theexpenditure of given charity is minimal.Only 48 percent of the respondents statedthat they were fully aware where theircharity is going. 26 percent of respondentssaid their knowledge of where their moneygoes is limited, while another 26 percentsaid they did not possess any idea at all(Figure 5). This is particularly troublesome,as in recent years several instances havebeen noted where dubious charity

organizations are set up by militant groupsto fund terrorist activities in Pakistan.

Further probing revealed that only twopercent of the respondents were aware thatcharity money might be used by terroristgroups to further their causes. Such apattern justifies a need for the governmentto sensitize the public on the issue ofpossible terrorist financing through charity.This is important because there is a verylikely probability that a large amount ofmonetary donations potentially might betaken by extremist groups to fund theiractivities. Though undetermined, this wasstill a serious enough concern for thegovernment to take subsequent action onthe issue.

Haq, Haqdaar Tak (HHT): PVE Initiative

AgainstTerrorist Financing

The research study played an importantrole in identifying that there was a majorknowledge gap on the issue of terroristfinancing with regards to charity.Accordingly, the Ministry of Informationand Broadcasting decided to tackle thisissue and decided that there was a need fora mass awareness media campaign thatcould educate and sensitize the public onhow terrorists can misuse charity, as well aspromote public vigilance against theseactivities.

In this regard, the Ministry of Information

and Broadcasting embarked on anationwide campaign entitled 'Haq,Haqdaar Tak' (Right to the Deserving'). Thecampaign was created with three primaryobjectives:

� Raise public awareness of the risks offunding dubious charity organizationsthat may be financing militant groups.

� Promote public vigilance while givingcharity to ensure that charity does notgo into the wrong hands.

� Encourage donations to respectable,recognized and credible charityorganizations.

The campaign was supported through avariety of media platforms. A whiteboarda n i m a t i o n , f o l l o w e d b y s h o r tdocumentaries, which aired on a number ofpublic and private television channels aspublic service messages.The campaign wasalso supported through social and onlinem e d i a w i t h a d e d i c a te d we b s i te(http://haqdaar.gov.pk) and a Facebookpage (http://facebook.com/haqdaar). Thecampaign was also taken to the grassrootslevel through comprehensive district levelengagements aimed at youth and thebusiness community in a number of citiesacross the country.

Haq, Haqdaar Tak: Post Exposure Impact

Assessment

A quantitative research study was used toassess the impact of the campaign.According to the findings, 31 percent ofPakistanis were exposed to the campaign inone form or another. These participantswere then probed further on their attitudesand perceptions to terrorist financing andcharity giving to assess whether thecampaign had made any difference in theiroutlook on the subject.

T h e s t u d y r e v e a l e d t h a t a m o n gparticipants who were exposed to thecampaign, 33 percent of them becameaware of the possibility of terroristfinancing through charity giving, which is

24

Figure 3: Donation/Charity heads (Multiple responses)

Figure 4: Occasions for donation/charity (Multiple responses)

75%

58%

54%

53%

45%

27%

10%

6%

6%

Sadqa

Kherat

Zakat

Fitrana

Chanda (Funds)

Animal hide

Attia (Donation)

Who work for cause

Ushr

Ramdhan

Every month

Eids

To helplessness

Religious festival

Bad time family

Family celebrations

Ashura days

Natural disasters

Others

72%

53%

47%

36%

22%

22%

18%

16%

15%

1%

far higher than the national average. Thestudy also showed that participants had agreat degree of acceptance for thecampaign and its messages, finding it verylikeable and credible (Figure 6).

The results also showed an overwhelmingincrease in participants' understanding ofthis issue, with increased commitmenttowards vigi lance. 76 percent ofparticipants stated that the campaign hadmade them rethink their views on how togive charity. The vast majority of theexposed par ticipants credited thecampaign for increasing their awarenesslevels (Figure 7).

The overall campaign results have beenextremely positive in terms of audiencereception. As a result, the Ministry is re-launching the campaign this year as well,aiming for the month of Ramadhan in 2016,which is when the majority of Pakistanisdonate money to those in need.This level ofcontinuity is integral for the overallsustainability and impact of the campaign.

Conclusion

Preventing terrorism is not just aboutmilitary action. It is about addressing thevery mindset that breeds hateful ideologiesand infiltrates impressionable minds.Hence, violent extremism needs to be

countered not just by bullets, but by wordsas well. The importance of communicationcannot be underestimated in this field. TheMinistry of Information, Broadcasting andNational Heritage has taken a pioneering

step by carrying out the first major PVECommunications campaign in Pakistan,and the first nationwide effort to tackle themenace of terrorist financing.

Religious inclinations have a critical role toplay in our decision making on charitygiving. It is extremely unfortunate that alarge majority of credible charityorganizations, particularly those ofreligious nature, and their enormouscontributions to social welfare are beingundermined by such effor ts . Thegovernment is taking a series of steps in thisregard and recognizing curbing terroristfinancing as a key facet of the NationalAction Plan. However, it is just as imperativefor the government to educate the publicon the issue of terrorist financing.Campaigns such as 'Haq, Haqdaar Tak' arejust the first step in this enormous task. Thecampaign does validate the need for suchinitiatives as an important bridge betweenthe government and the public on battlingterrorism and extremism.

It is integral that such efforts are not seen orcarried out in isolation. Further researchneeds to be conducted to assess key gapsand vulnerabilities in the public'sunderstanding and response to terrorismand extremism. This research need not bedone by the Government alone, but also byresearch institutes, think tanks and civilsociety organizations. Utilizing thisresearch, the state, and particularly thegovernment of Pakistan, can confidentlystep up its role and gain the trust of thepublic in developing partnerships throughinteractive communication channels toutilize public support that is clearly alignedagainst violent extremism, its orchestratorsand its supporters.

Figure 5: Awareness on how donations are spent by charity organizations

25

I came to know how to investigate theperson/organization that collects donation.

We should investigate person or organization thatcollects donations.

Giving donations unknowingly can be used againstus.

We should give donations to aid those are affectedby terrorism.

Campaign enhanced my understanding towardsdonations.

96%

91%

84%

90%

78%

2% 1%

6% 2%

13% 1%

7% 1%

11% 6%

Agree Indifferent Disagree

Figure 7: Perception of campaign messages (HHT exposed participants only)

Figure 6: Liking and credibility of campaign

message (HHT exposed participants only)

Yes Indifferent No

90% 94%

Likeability Credibility

7%3%

5%1%

Female

Male

Naitional

Don’t know To some extent Know

30%33%

38%

25%24%

52%

26%26%

48%

Interview

What are the key drivers of violent extremism in Pakistan?

Pakistan's creation began with violence during the partitionwhereby history is witness to the several people who lost theirlives and rights in the midst of the transition, and human rightswere violated in heavy doses. Following this, several leaderscame and took the helm of the country in their own hands,further infusing their own ideologies into the system whilstforgetting the ideology of Pakistan that was originally built onQuaid's principles. An example of this distortion was in 1977,when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto took over and tried to bring in thecustomary laws of Saudi Arabia which would never be inharmony with the innate culture in Pakistan. This clash ofinterpretation of ideologies time and again, was what set thestage for violent extremism in the country.

Based on your national/international experience and expertise,what should be done to address the issues of violent extremismin Pakistan? Are there currently any legal practices/policies inplace in Pakistan regarding violent extremism? If yes, are thereany examples/instances of their effectiveness?

Unfortunately, we are stuck in something medieval which ishalting all progression. Human rights here are equated withfascism and vulgarity. This clash of ideologies has to bestraightened: The laws set in the constitution should also bebrought in the main area of constitution to make them justiciableand the implementation of the objective resolution needs to bestructured.

A common curriculum needs to be established for all, includingmadrassas (centers of religious education). The neglect on thepart of the government to harness the potential of the youth,who are currently being led astray into extremism, needs to beaccounted for and corrected. The civil society, along with theinternational community, is doing a wonderful job in developingand sustaining human rights in Pakistan.

What role do you envisage for the National Commission forHuman Rights (NCHR) to play in preventing violent extremism?

Through advocacy and our dispute resolution process, theCommission aims to bring in the concept of 'Ibha' i.e. bring inmodern laws which are not in clash with Islam, and 'Istihsan' i.e.juristic preference in Islamic law over other possibilities. Thoughsection nine of the NCHR Act gives a lot of power to go ahead withthese steps, it will still take some time for the NCHR to streamline

the process and ensure that the ideals for which Pakistan wascreated are re-established.

Are there any good practices/examples from other countries orwithin Pakistan for addressing issues of violent extremism?

The Social Service Law of Germany is very useful. It inculcates inyoung school growing children the etiquettes of treating others.Training from such an elementary level conditions an individualfor life, to act in a manner that does not cause harm. The rootshave to be straightened out if a change is to be intended.

say that again

“...clash of interpretation of ideologiestime and again, was what set the stagefor violent extremism in the country.”

26

ChairmanNational Commission for Human Rights (NCHR)

Justice Ali Nawaz Chowhan

Picture Credits: DAWN Newspaper

Interview

Laila BokhariState Secretary at the PM's office in Oslo (currently on maternity leave)Worked on the Norwegian Government's Action Plan against radicalization and violent extremism

Could you please tell us about the Norwegian Government'scounter-radicalization strategy and how it is beingimplemented?

In the last few years many European countries have beenattempting to devise comprehensive national strategies tocounter radicalization. Several countries have suffered brutalviolent extremist attacks, while many such incidents have beenprevented by law-enforcement and intelligence services. Despitegovernment efforts, we still seem to be experiencing growth inthe numbers of radicalized youth. In Norway, we are keenly awarethat radicalization eschews different religious and culturalidentities, as we have suffered from right-wing extremists, as wellas radical Islamists.

In 2014, Norway renewed and launched its second Action Planagainst Violent Extremism and Radicalization that provides acomprehensive framework for including and engaging with allgroups in our society. We know that radicalization can emergefrom different ideological directions, therefore, it is important forus to strengthen our values and structures where every citizen isfree to express themselves and to participate in nationaldeliberations. When we started the process for creating theAction Plan, the Prime Minister and various Ministries invited andworked with first-line practitioners and civil society actors fromacross the spectrum to make sure that everyone was on boardwith our strategy. The Action Plan outlines thirty differentpolicies, from counter-terrorism, to hate speech and regulatingschool activities etc. The Action Plan integrates hard and softstrategies to prevent and deter the rise of violent extremism.Since its launch, I have, among other things, had a particularinterest in the implementation of these targets at the local level incommunities across Norway. These communities havecontributed and cooperated significantly in making the ActionPlan a living, organic document that represents the voices of thepeople.

Is this a bottom-up approach? And how do you assess the impactof the Action Plan?

In my opinion, the feedback at the local, national andinternational level has been that the creation andimplementation of this Action Plan has been simultaneously, abottom-up and a top-down approach. This implies thatleadership is critical to ensuring the success of preventing violentextremism. This requires leaders across different sectors of thestate, as well as local citizens, like teachers, to understand andintegrate these priorities in their actions and behaviors. This isalso an inclusive and broad approach that involves everyone in

our society. It requires leaders to prioritize and to put this issue onthe policy agenda, and reflected in the budget.

It is challenging to measure the impact of this work, asquantifying the number of people who have not been radicalizedis a nearly impossible task. However, we see the impact throughensuring that the Action Plan directives are properly understoodright down to the average citizen. Similarly, the strategy is alsobeing continuously monitored and evaluated, and severalcomponents have been modified to improve the impact. OurAction Plan goes beyond radical Islamism, and covers right-wingextremism, and stakeholders working towards overcoming thesechallenges.

Given your experience and background, could you maybeindicate some best practices or lessons from the Norwegianexperience that could be relevant to addressing the issue ofviolent extremism in Pakistan?

It is very difficult to compare one country to another to inferconclusions, as each has a different historical, cultural, andpolitical experience and setting. The magnitude and severity ofthe challenge posed by violent extremism in Pakistan issignificantly greater in scope. Having said that, I think the firststep ought to be the development of an effective Action Plan thatincludes the voices and aspirations of everyone, from theordinary citizen at the grassroots level to the Prime Minister.Inclusivity and participation is very important in this process. Wehave worked closely with local governments and communities,which have developed effective indigenous models to deal withextremism that can be replicated elsewhere. We organized aEuropean conference last year, where local mayors shared theirexperience of working closely with the police, local religiousleaders, and youth clubs etc. to identify, counter and preventextremist tendencies.

Generating a positive narrative around the approach to violentextremism is also important. The national narrative and dialogueought to revolve around determining the kind of society citizenswant to build. This is where values such as diversity, tolerance,and multiculturalism can add a positive hue to the effort againstviolent extremism. I think the lesson to be drawn here is two-fold.First, is the effective cross-stakeholder coordination betweenMinisters, civil society groups, practitioners in the educationsector, local religious leaders etc. Second, it is important toremain inclusive when going through the process to ensure thatthe strategy is flexible, effective and sustainable. Once prioritiesare identified, it is important to remain consistent, interact withlocal communities and show fidelity to the policies.

say that again

“...effective leadership across differentsegments of the society, and honesty inall efforts undertaken can help in theendeavours against violent extremism.”

27

Interview

28

Norway has a large, successful and important Pakistani diaspora.How do you see the role of Pakistani Norwegians in the work youare undertaking in Norway, as well as efforts here in Pakistan?

I think there is a role to play for Norwegian Pakistanis, but itcannot be pushed upon these citizens. This diaspora iscontributing to the efforts against extremism by being positiveand successful role models for all Norwegians. This helps incountering negative messaging around Pakistanis, and alsoprovides effective examples for emulation for young people. Andwhile no one can be forced to take on responsibilities back home,I think Norwegian Pakistanis can contribute to socialdevelopment back home by participating in the development ofhealth and education projects, as an example. After all, Pakistan isan important component of their identity (for some, not all) andmany retain linkages with home communities. Rich and positiveengagement is beneficial for the evolution of communities inboth countries.

What would you say are the key drivers of violent extremism inPakistan?

I think that the people of Pakistan understand their society and itsparticular settings perfectly well, and I believe they are fullycapable of defeating the menace of terrorism and violentextremism. The drivers could be anything from economic topolitical grievances, alienation and identity issues. I think factorssuch as hate speech can be critical. The way we talk about eachother, for example minorities, has an impact on our attitudes,sense of responsibility, and social bonds. I would emphasize thateffective leadership across different segments of the society, andhonesty in all efforts undertaken can help in the endeavoursagainst violent extremism. Education and job creation isessential–giving youth a hope for the future. What is taught isalso important, i.e. what kind of society are we working towards,how do we look upon our fellow citizens, our neighbours etc.Transparent, committed and engaged leadership is essential, aswell as an admittance that one has a problem that needs to bedealt with.

You have mentioned that local cities and communities in Norwayhave developed effective organic models to deter extremism.Could you give us an example of what kinds of institutions orpractices have been created and implemented?

Some of these local communities have created platforms foropen, inclusive meetings and dialogues. These platforms canrange from the mayor's office, local authorities offices, youthclubs, local cultural houses etc. The aim in creating these openspaces is that different actors can meet to vent their frustrations,and ensure that their grievances are heard. These interactionsalso allow participants to understand each other'sresponsibilities and rights. For example, police officers regularlymeet and interact with local community members, whichincreases trust, deepens personal relations and strengthensindividual and community bonds. This networking also allows todetect radical and extremist individuals early for authorities toundertake preventive steps. In addition, these open platformsalso allow experts from other countries and cultures to come inand share their experiences with grassroot communities.

say that again

Interview

Raza Ahmed RumiWriter, International Development Practitioner, JournalistScholar in residence, Ithaca College, New YorkVisiting faculty, New York UniversityConsulting Editor, The Friday Times

What are the key drivers of violent extremism in Pakistan?

Pakistan's extremism problem has metamorphosed over theyears. Mainly, it is linked to policies in the past, especially duringthe 1980s and 1990s, and the use of jihad as a tool of foreignpolicy whereby militias were trained for Afghanistan and Indianheld Kashmir. Unfortunately, the international community,especially the West and Saudi Arabia, also contributed to this.However, national interest should have been kept in view andsuch dangerous paths avoided.

Concurrently, the spread of madrassas (religious seminaries),now estimated to be about 40,000, have also contributed increating public discourses that justify violence in the name ofreligion. During the 1980s, the Pakistani government alsomodified schools' curriculum and made it religious, including theaddition of the subject of jihad as a focus of instruction, evidenceof which appeared in circulars and instructions issued by Ministryof Education in the 1980s and 90s. But the issues of poverty andthe lack of public services such as access to school systems, alsoplay a huge role. Poverty enables the recruitment of uneducatedyouth in the extremist business and a lack of education makes themadrassa an attractive facility. It should be noted that the totalenrolment in madrassas remains at a very low number-aroundfive percent-but some of them, not all, absorb and practiceradicalism.

What should be done to address the drivers of violentextremism?

Pakistan's demographic shifts require the need for millions ofjobs every year. Therefore, there is no alternative but to createeconomic opportunities for the large number of youth enteringthe job market. But this is just one aspect. The ideologicalonslaught through curricula, seminaries, mosques and mediadiscourses need to change. We have to move to, a) Registrationand regulation of madrassas, b) Major reform in curricula, c)Certification of mosque Imams and, d) Prosecution of hatespeech against minority groups within Muslims and of course,non-Muslims. This, in summary, means that the National ActionPlan of 2014 needs to be implemented in letter and spirit and notin a selective manner. Another larger and long term issue is thatof citizenship. We continue to administer areas of Balochistan,Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), Azad Jammu and

Kashmir (AJK), Gilgit Baltistan (GB) and some parts of KhyberPakhtunkhwa (KP) through colonial laws which are repressiveand deny basic rights to people. These regions need to beincluded in the mainstream and a sense of justice needs to begiven. Finally, the reform of the criminal justice system is required,especially the judicial system that is clogged with backlog,archaic procedures and expensive legal processes that denyaccess to a vast majority. These conditions have to be addressedsooner than later.

Are there any examples / good practices from other countries orwithin Pakistan for addressing issues of violent extremism?

There is no standard model of good practice here. Examplesrange from Sri Lanka's major battle against extremists, to themore recent efforts in Tunisia where reforms have beenintroduced. In Sri Lanka, there have been many excesses duringthe fight, and from Tunisia, young men are still joining the ISIS.Pakistan has to create its own model. Most Muslim majoritycountries are coping with challenges of violent extremism. Thereis conflict everywhere. In some societies, heavy handed secularistinterventions have backfired, such as in Turkey, Egypt, andIndonesia and to some extent, Bangladesh as well. However, inTunisia, political stability has acted as a pushback againstextremism. Pakistan has its own history and ethos of tolerance.This was a region where different religions co-existed forcenturies in relative peace. We need to focus on that side andsimultaneously ensure that we are agents of peace in the region.This would need normalizing relations with India, improving tieswith Iran and facilitating peace process in Afghanistan. Aworkable model from across the world is that state should act as aneutral arbiter and not have a religious identity. That's a lessonfrom the recent century.

“...poverty enables the recruitment ofuneducated youth in the extremistbusiness and a lack of education makesthe madrassa an attractive facility.”

29

Picture Credits: Ithaca College

Interview

30

Vice President of the Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians (PPPP)Chair of the Jinnah InstitutePakistan's Ex-Ambassador to the United StatesEx-Federal Minister of Information

Senator Sherry Rehman

What are the key drivers of violent extremism in Pakistan?

A strong, religious right, with its outsize footprint in communityand social service, has kept progressive forces on the backfootand in retreat, for a long time in Pakistan. Clearly, we need to havea larger conversation on the entitlement and space that thereligious right has been allowed.

As we see today, this has led to a high degree of intolerance,which is a significant, albeit not the only, driver of violentextremism in Pakistan today. The other significant driver hasbeen a radicalized, exclusionist narrative that has fosteredunchecked for too long. This 'us and them' narrative has had adeeply corrosive effect on our society, dividing us along deepreligious, sectarian, and ethnic lines.

Radicalization itself has multiple drivers, ranging fromunrestrained dissemination of extremist ideologies topsychological disorders and socio-economic deprivation.Historically, extremist groups here engage in violence andintimidation to suppress counter narratives and opposition, andeconomic incentives and welfare assistance to indoctrinatepotential recruits with radical ideologies. Political grievances arealso part of the extremist groups' toolkit.

Is countering violent extremism a priority of Pakistan's overallpolicy framework? What policy, legal or administrative changesare required in this regard?

The National Action Plan (NAP) was one of the breakthroughmoments in Pakistan not just for countering terrorism in Pakistanbut also for bringing coherence to countering violent extremismmeasures. Sadly, progress on the NAP has been less than desired,including on madrassas (Islamic centres of learning) registrationand reform. On one hand, a number of NGOs have come undersharp scrutiny of the Ministry of Interior; on the other, regulatingmadrassas and seminaries remains out of the government'sreach.

There exists an estimated 8,249 unregistered madrassas(registered neither with the ITMP, nor with the government)hosting approximately 300,000 students. Not only is theirreligious affiliation, source of funding and location largelyunknown, but the absence of government checks andmonitoring leaves the students entirely under the control of themadrassa administration. Though the government circles claim

to have arrested around 2000 (figures vary) hate speakers, mostof them were arrested under a 1965 law regulating the use ofloudspeakers–not for hate speech. Curbing hate speech isanother sticking point.

Regulating matters like privacy, means of expression, and whatcan be expressed publicly is a complex matter. In fact, as therather hasty approval of the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Billindicated, the social cost of vigilance may far outweigh thebenefits that the implementation of the bill (in its currentlycontested form) may accrue in identifying and tracking hatespeech. However, Pakistan is not the only country facing thischallenge.

What should be done to address the drivers of violentextremism?

Develop a cohesive strategy for countering violent extremism,under the framework of an invigorated Nat ionalCounterterrorism Authority, in coordination with the ministriesof interior, information, and IT. But for this to happen, the NationalCounter Terrorism Authority (NACTA) has to be empowered.Ironically, at a senate meeting in January, a resolution to increaseNACTA's budget was resisted by the federal government, on thegrounds of requiring more explanation regarding the funds'appropriation. Given NACTA's performance against theobjectives under which it was formed and instructions regardinghow it ought to function, a budgetary increase has been longdue, along with a host of other measures to improve itsinstitutional capacity. It must be reiterated that NACTA wastasked with supervising the implementation of the NAP, a role inwhich its effectiveness has already raised many questions. Itsempowerment was also crucial for bringing counter extremismmeasures within the ambit of ongoing operations. The authority,however, remains largely understaffed, and has been unable toensure action on critical plans, including the combineddeterrence plan and comprehensive response plans envisagedunder the National Internal Security Policy (NISP). Moreover,meetings sanctioned under the NACTA Act have repeatedlyfailed to take place.

Second, it is imperative to build strategic and political deterrenceagainst extremism at a time when there is a national resolve todegrade such forces. Regrettably, as the outrage over thewomen's protection bill has demonstrated, extremist tendenciescontinue to find space and hold hostage the political narrative.

say that again

“...it is imperative to build strategic andpolitical deterrence against extremismat a time when there is a national resolveto degrade such forces.”

Interview

31

There has to be a clear understanding in Pakistan that the battleagainst extremist violence will remain incomplete withoutcredible course correction of the narrative and ideologies thatfuel it. This will require sustaining (and further building)momentum against extremism at both political and strategiclevels, no matter what the perceived exigencies of not doing somay be.

Are there any examples / good practices from other countries orwithin Pakistan for addressing issues of violent extremism?

It is clearly important to fill the social service delivery vacuum.There are models in the education sector, for example. TheCitizens Foundation, with a vast network of schools that providequality education in underprivileged areas, has given manyparents a choice other than sending their kids to local madrassas.

Curricula reform is essential to create a sense of pluralism andtolerance at a very young age. The Sindh government, forexample, has altered the school curriculum and added Jinnah'ssecularism speech as part of the syllabus. The rule of law isanother example. Of course, at all levels, democracy and securitywill also have to be aligned as broad strategic goals to foster, withcivilian capacity and responses not leaving a vacuum at thefederal level.

Youth Voices

32

Mustafa Shahbaz

Management Consultant – Carnelian

What would you say is the state of intolerance and violent

tendencies in Pakistani youth today?

Majority of the youth is not inclined towards violent tendencies.However, the more deeper you travel into the interiors of theprovinces, the more the increase in violent tendencies. Moreover,external influences such as media, social perceptions, culturalpractices and historical narrative of an area, all shape the youth'sperception. The key is to keep the youth engaged throughhealthy community activities so their time and energies areutilized to the best potential.

In your experience, how can our youth play a role in

countering the different types of violent narratives in

Pakistan? What are the opportunities and potential for

peacebuilding and tolerance amongst Pakistani youth?

First and foremost, Pakistan needs an atmosphere of peace. A lackof peace in the region automatically discourages investment andcreates a dearth of employment opportunities. Step two would

be to establish Pakistan as an investor friendly area that wouldprovide productive employment opportunities to the youth. Theyouth has the ability to create ripples, as delineated by the PTIdharna (demonstration) last year, whose driving force were theyouth. The youth possesses the vigour, all it requires are outlets,opportunities and investors.

What role do you think state authorities and civil society

actors can play in encouraging young men and women in

combating different modes of violent extremism and

a d o p t i n g m o r e p e a c e f u l w a y s o f

communication/expression?

State authorities need to start taking more responsibility andavoid being involved in such acts. Like the aphorism goes, 'leadby example'-this is exactly what the state authorities need topractice. Second, supporting platforms need to be set up for theyouth to express themselves, a task that both civil society andyouth can play a part in achieving.

Sidra Salfi

Youth Activist and FounderThe Youth of FATA project (YoF)

What would you say is the state of intolerance and violent

tendencies in Pakistani youth today?

I think it is opportunity based-if you look at Pakistan, we findmore youth with violent tendencies in the up North and FATAregion. This is because they have a lack of employmentopportunities there and hence are automatically attracted to theones that are available i.e. being part of militant groups. Theyounger the youth, the more susceptible they are to beingswayed by militant ideologies.

In your experience, how can our youth play a role in

countering the different types of violent and extremist

narratives in Pakistan? What are the opportunities and

potential for peacebuilding and tolerance amongst

Pakistani youth?

Interaction and communication are key. The more educatedyouth in urban areas and big cities should reach out to the less

educated, poverty-stricken youth in the FATA areas. The youth inthose remote areas need some peers to look up to. After all, one'scompany plays a huge influence in one's thought process.Instead of big movements, the youth need to establish one onone interaction. Give it some time. Nurture the relationships.Volunteer on personal grooming trips to those areas for theyouth. Focus on spending quality time with youth in those areas.

What role do you think state authorities and civil society

actors can play in encouraging young men and women in

combating different modes of violent extremism and

a d o p t i n g m o r e p e a c e f u l w a y s o f

communication/expression?

Financial support is, I think, a big facet. The government shouldrun a drive, at the end of which a group of passionate youthshould be chosen to move to the violent induced areas inPakistan, in order to interact with the youth there. They should bebacked up with financial, emotional and psychological support.

Youth Voices

33

Syed Ali Abbas Zaidi

Founder, Pakistan Youth Alliance, Khudi Pakistan and HIVE [karachi]Development professional and CVE expert

What would you say is the state of intolerance and violent

tendencies in Pakistani youth today?

The struggle against intolerance and violence is a multi-layeredprocess. It is impossible to ascertain a state of such tendencies inany society. After the brutal attack in APS Peshawar in December2014, the Government of Pakistan announced a National ActionPlan (NAP) to crack down on terrorism in the country. Though theefficacy of NAP was mostly propagated in terms of militaryoperations, terrorists killed or hanged and madrassas shut down,the wider domain of challenging the extremist narrative has notseen meaningful progress. Therefore, youth who subscribe to aparticular world-view hold the same tendencies to use violenceand religion for political ends.

War against ideologically motivated terrorism is a war ofnarratives as much as a military operation. While conflicts are notnecessarily resolved in narratives alone, the direction towards aresolution helps creating closure, which helps setting precedentsin group dynamics and directs collective evolution of a societytowards desired goals. Recent survey by PEW revealed that inPakistan, a majority (62 percent) offered no definite opinion ofISIS which may depict that most Pakistanis are still confusedabout extremism and terrorism stemming from it.

There are many push and pull factors that make youth vulnerableto extremism: international politics, ideology of Islamism andJihad, unemployment, lack of spaces for rational dialogue,suppression of distinct cultural expressions, curricula, nationalnarrative and its foundations, role of state in patronizingextremist movements and so forth. Despite popular belief, it isnot only the madrassa students who are susceptible to violentextremism-recent cases have shown youth from financiallystable backgrounds and even those who went through the so-called Western educational model, have joined extremistmovements. We have to understand the acts of violence and theideas of extremism are not only religious but also political, socialand sometimes cultural in nature.

In your experience, how can our youth play a role in

countering the different types of violent and extremist

narratives in Pakistan? What are the opportunities and

potential for peacebuilding and tolerance amongst

Pakistani youth?

Like extremist movements rely on youth support as its fodder,any movement to counter extremism depends on youth as itsmainstay. The civil society of Pakistan has struggled to counterextremism since 9/11. Unfortunately, many civil societyinitiatives made the same mistakes and did not involve youth indecision-making processes. One of factors that propel extremismis this very frustration and grievance that youth have against thestate and society. Extremist ideas are essentially a rebellionagainst such norms. Youth can join diverse established initiativesthat are sensitive to their generational understanding and even

initiate its own. Any effort to reclaim and rebuild the democratic,plural, peaceful and tolerant social fabric of Pakistan is an effort tocounter-violent extremism. First step is to understand theproblem. Next step is to weigh the extremist narratives in termsof fundamental human rights, contemplate on solutions andshed any notion of absolutes. The third step is to assume anactivist role in countering extremism and mitigating its risk-factors.

Pakistan did not end up like Afghanistan, Iraq or Syria because itsyouth, though vulnerable to extremism, did not join theextremist movements' en masse, and there lies the potential andopportunity. With growing access to information technology, anew world has opened up which was previously not known toelder generations. Youth can now debate in an unprecedentedfashion, they can innovate, ideate and create solutions in a waythat was not possible before. I am very positive about the futureof Pakistan and it is because I have experienced, in the last eightyears of working in over 40 districts of the country, the way youthare tackling extremism, patriarchy, systematic and structuraldiscrimination.

What role do you think state authorities and civil society

actors can play in encouraging young men and women in

combating different modes of violent extremism and

a d o p t i n g m o r e p e a c e f u l w a y s o f

communication/expression?

This is something that needs real work. Why did the Governmentnot bother to take youth input when NAP was being drafted?Why are student unions still banned? Why are youth consideredto be followers and not leaders? Why is there this disconnectbetween youth, civi l society and government? Asaforementioned, the crux of the problem is that youth are notbeing given decision making roles in the society. The generationgap has increased. Youth that are disenfranchised will alwayshold radical ideas. Civil society are not the only the corporateNGOs that are in tune with a certain world-view that their donorpropels. Civil society includes youth groups, youth movementsand youth platforms. These platforms need to be made anintegral part of the society-state relationship. Its opinions mustbe respected and paid heed to. Instead of creating new platformsthat are not sustainable, existing initiatives that address theproblems of youth disenfranchisement and extremism should bepromoted. This a message for state authorities and civil societyactors: times have changed, youth will not simply join initiativesthat you think are right. Listen to youth, give them space to makedecisions, do not only encourage youth voices but make them apart of the initiatives in a more substantial manner for they arethe only buffer we have between a peaceful and a war-tornPakistan.

34

Youth Voices

Umair Jaliawala

Director and CEOSchool of Leadership (SOL), Karachi

What would you say is the state of intolerance and violent

tendencies in Pakistani youth today?

It is without a doubt that the state of intolerance and violenttendencies is high amongst the Pakistani youth, perhaps thehighest we have witnessed in history. These tendencies havebeen bred by power struggles of our religious and politicalinstitutions resulting in identity crisis, dogmatism and rigidity. Ibelieve that the primary cause of any society to become violent isthe lack of ‘real education’ i.e. the ability to explore, analyze andevaluate contrasting ideas. The educational system of ourcountry is geared at connecting the youth in finding jobs and notgrooming them into becoming better individuals. Anyadolescent in Pakistan is susceptible to violent extremistnarratives due to a lack of ideological basis in place, which is whythey lack grounding and therefore sway from one point of view toanother. Hence, the youth which lacks opportunities is mostvulnerable, and opportunities refers to better education, meansto earn a decent and ethical lifestyle, and to be engaged inconstructive activities.

In your experience, how can our youth play a role in

countering the different types of violent and extremist

narratives in Pakistan? What are the opportunities and

potential for peacebuilding and tolerance amongst

Pakistani youth?

A large number of Pakistan's youth population are leading

citizenship and peacebuilding movements in their respectivecommunities as role-models, youth groups and through youth-led organizations. This has created several career opportunitiesfor the youth in the social sector. Our youth has already beenleading in many domains and can further be strengthenedthrough raising awareness, grass-root advocacy and communityaction projects circulating around diversity, tolerance and peace-building. The much needed ecosystem is already there withvarious donors providing support and local CSOs/NGOsengaging youth volunteers. More importantly, the youththemselves must serve as change makers of the society anddemonstrate the celebration of diversity, willingness to dialogueand the ability to work together for a prosperous future.

What role do you think state authorities and civil society

actors can play in encouraging young men and women in

combating different modes of violent extremism and

a d o p t i n g m o r e p e a c e f u l w a y s o f

communication/expression?

The youth is extremely willing to learn and contribute. Both civilsociety and the government should try and engage the youth inall such initiatives, leveraging their energy and ideas and makingthem equal partners in peacebuilding activities.The youth can beconnected through technology, thereby leading campaigns towin this war of narratives, indifference and intolerance to create asociety which has a pluralistic ideology-one which cares at adeeper level and celebrates differences.

DEVELOPMENT ADVOCATE

PAKISTAN