Post Nationalism and Oromo Political Discourse

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    Post Nationalism and Oromo Political Discourse

    Oromo nationalism is a political force that has emerged in the context of

    severe political oppression, cultural subjugation and economic

    exploitation, in order to pursue national liberation and social justice for

    Oromo people. Despite this fact there are tendencies among some, whocontend that Oromo national struggle for self determination should be

    evolved to postnational politics. According to these folks, nationalism in

    general and Oromo nationalism in particular are no more a political

    vehicle that can be mobilized as force of change due to rampant

    globalization, development of communication technology and

    supranational integration. I am writing this short commentary in order to

    challenge this notion and show that nationalism in general and Oromo

    nationalism in particular is still a powerful socio-political force to be

    perused.

    The notion that, as a result of intensified globalization, nationalism and

    national identity have become pass, is not matched by facts on the

    ground. Post nationalism theorists such as Jrgen Habermas argued that

    there is a shift from nationalism to post nationalism. According to

    Habermas and other post national theorist the shift is mainly caused by

    the development of new technology and communication. Supranational

    integration such as the one being experimented with in the context of the

    European Union (EU) is also given as an additional reason for the alleged

    shift. For Habermas, European integration was to be more than simply an

    administrative affair. It is true that due to development of modern

    communication, transportation and economic integration in a post modern

    world, people are much more connected to each other than they did in

    previous times.

    However, the perception held by deniers of identity politics that this new

    phenomenon have made nationalism and national identity an archaic fact

    is a totally exaggerated inference, if not a wishful thinking. In reality, after

    the end of the Cold-War, the focal point of world history shifted from thestruggle between statist communism and capitalism to a new arena of

    nationalism. In this regard, there are scholars who have compellingly

    argued that nationalism is not only outlived against the odds of

    globalization, but also remained as indispensable ingredient for

    establishment and sustenance of democratic society. Georgian scholar

    Ghia Nodia is worth to be noted in this regard. Nodia asserts that

    democracy never exist without nationalism by providing reason to

    substantiate his claims. To Nodia, the core of democracy is based on

    popular sovereignty which is directly linked to nationalism. Democracy is

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    always situated within communities and hence does not arise from asocial

    condition. Nodia commented that:

    there is no record anywhere of free, unconnected, andcalculating individuals coming together spontaneously

    to form a democratic social contract ex nihilo.Whether we like it or not nationalism is a historicalforce that has provided the political unit for democraticgovernment.

    Thus, nationalism is and will remain to be a vital force that would play a

    pivotal role in contemporary globalized world.

    There are different scholars who have provided empirical and theoretical

    sets of evidence that attest to the above assertion of continued salience of

    nationalism in the contemporary world. In his 2012 award winning essaytitled Much Ado about Nothing : The Case of Nationalism in Globalized

    World , Joel Roy has also outlined some empirical and theoretical

    arguments that show nationalism has been reinforced by the prevailing

    globalization trend than otherwise.

    In this essay, it is argued that the perceived threat of uniformization by

    global cultural dominance and identity-dilute has actually reinvigorated

    nationalism. He argued that the perceived threat to nationalism and the

    predicted demise of nations a few decades ago motivated reactive type of

    nationalism and intensified consciousness of people about theirattachment and identification. The propensity of people to embark on

    protective measures to preserve their national identity, become stronger

    when they felt that their core identity and cultural uniqueness appear to

    be jeopardized.

    Manuel Castells also pointed out that nations without states have in fact

    been a lot more militant regarding their desire for independence and/or

    increased autonomy in the last few decades. Attendant to this affair,

    Ernest Gellner also forwarded a plausible argument that education is oneof the main transmission belt through which nationalist (awakeners)

    orientate the national feeling of the whole population. Hence, the

    proliferation of new technology and communication, which is given as a

    factor to weaken nationalism and national identity, actually helped it,

    since education and information can be wide spread through these same

    new technology and communication. The expansion of Oromo cultural

    costumes and musical clips in the last decade is only an example of how

    technology and communication may be deployed to boost nationalism and

    to serve its causes.

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    In a similar vein, Manuel Castells argued that the threat of cultural

    homogenization is actually one of the factors that contributed to minority

    culture struggling to find a fitting niche in global net.

    Furthermore, evidence presented in the same essay that a supranational

    integration such as the EU has in fact reinvigorated nationalism in memberstates lest they would lose their cultural specificity. Despite Habermass

    thesis that supranational integration such as EU has shifted to post

    nationalism, the extensive resurgence of nationalist parties in the EU

    contradict the alleged shift.

    Liberal and pro-globalization thinker and renowned journalist Fareed

    Zakaria has also argued that nationalism is rising in non-western countries

    as result of economic growth. In his book titled Post American World,

    Fareed said, as economic fortunes rise, so does nationalism by citingexample from China. He said

    Imagine that you lived in a country that had been poorand unstable for centuries. And then, finally things turnand your nation is on the rise. You would be proud andanxious to be seen. This desire for recognition andrespect is surging throughout the world. It may seemparadoxical that globalization and economicmodernization are being breeding political nationalism,but that is so only if we view nationalism as a backward

    ideology, certain to be erased by the onward march ofprogress.

    In conclusion, in situation like ours (i.e., that of the Oromo) where our

    people have been marginalized for century and exposed to severe

    oppression, economic exploitation and cultural subjugation, the argument

    that globalization would make Oromo nationalism superseded is simply a

    self deception. Even if we give the benefit of doubt for those who argue

    that globalization would undermine nationalism, this cannot be the case in

    our circumstance. The reason is very clear. Those who have theopportunity to benefit from globalized economic activity (this is a

    contested notion for developing countries) are those who have control

    over their own political and economic infrastructure. This means the

    dominant group who has got control over their own and others political

    and economic infrastructure are those who benefit from globalized

    economy and therefore become powerful and prosperous. As a result, it

    will give them an additional leverage to strengthen their repressive power

    and provide them with enhanced means to exploit.

    Consequently, such phenomenon would further marginalize the alreadymarginalized nations like Oromo. The already enormous and infuriating

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    disparity would intensify the competition between dominant and

    oppressed nationalisms which in effect entails further repression. Hence,

    as long as the structural violence and systemic problem intrinsic to the

    Ethiopian hegemonic state endures, national self determination would

    remain a legitimate demand for the oppressed peoples in general andOromo nation in particular. Nationalism continues to be a powerful

    motivation behind these demands. And from the look of things, it is bound

    to stay.