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7/29/2019 Post Nationalism and Oromo Political Discourse
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Post Nationalism and Oromo Political Discourse
Oromo nationalism is a political force that has emerged in the context of
severe political oppression, cultural subjugation and economic
exploitation, in order to pursue national liberation and social justice for
Oromo people. Despite this fact there are tendencies among some, whocontend that Oromo national struggle for self determination should be
evolved to postnational politics. According to these folks, nationalism in
general and Oromo nationalism in particular are no more a political
vehicle that can be mobilized as force of change due to rampant
globalization, development of communication technology and
supranational integration. I am writing this short commentary in order to
challenge this notion and show that nationalism in general and Oromo
nationalism in particular is still a powerful socio-political force to be
perused.
The notion that, as a result of intensified globalization, nationalism and
national identity have become pass, is not matched by facts on the
ground. Post nationalism theorists such as Jrgen Habermas argued that
there is a shift from nationalism to post nationalism. According to
Habermas and other post national theorist the shift is mainly caused by
the development of new technology and communication. Supranational
integration such as the one being experimented with in the context of the
European Union (EU) is also given as an additional reason for the alleged
shift. For Habermas, European integration was to be more than simply an
administrative affair. It is true that due to development of modern
communication, transportation and economic integration in a post modern
world, people are much more connected to each other than they did in
previous times.
However, the perception held by deniers of identity politics that this new
phenomenon have made nationalism and national identity an archaic fact
is a totally exaggerated inference, if not a wishful thinking. In reality, after
the end of the Cold-War, the focal point of world history shifted from thestruggle between statist communism and capitalism to a new arena of
nationalism. In this regard, there are scholars who have compellingly
argued that nationalism is not only outlived against the odds of
globalization, but also remained as indispensable ingredient for
establishment and sustenance of democratic society. Georgian scholar
Ghia Nodia is worth to be noted in this regard. Nodia asserts that
democracy never exist without nationalism by providing reason to
substantiate his claims. To Nodia, the core of democracy is based on
popular sovereignty which is directly linked to nationalism. Democracy is
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always situated within communities and hence does not arise from asocial
condition. Nodia commented that:
there is no record anywhere of free, unconnected, andcalculating individuals coming together spontaneously
to form a democratic social contract ex nihilo.Whether we like it or not nationalism is a historicalforce that has provided the political unit for democraticgovernment.
Thus, nationalism is and will remain to be a vital force that would play a
pivotal role in contemporary globalized world.
There are different scholars who have provided empirical and theoretical
sets of evidence that attest to the above assertion of continued salience of
nationalism in the contemporary world. In his 2012 award winning essaytitled Much Ado about Nothing : The Case of Nationalism in Globalized
World , Joel Roy has also outlined some empirical and theoretical
arguments that show nationalism has been reinforced by the prevailing
globalization trend than otherwise.
In this essay, it is argued that the perceived threat of uniformization by
global cultural dominance and identity-dilute has actually reinvigorated
nationalism. He argued that the perceived threat to nationalism and the
predicted demise of nations a few decades ago motivated reactive type of
nationalism and intensified consciousness of people about theirattachment and identification. The propensity of people to embark on
protective measures to preserve their national identity, become stronger
when they felt that their core identity and cultural uniqueness appear to
be jeopardized.
Manuel Castells also pointed out that nations without states have in fact
been a lot more militant regarding their desire for independence and/or
increased autonomy in the last few decades. Attendant to this affair,
Ernest Gellner also forwarded a plausible argument that education is oneof the main transmission belt through which nationalist (awakeners)
orientate the national feeling of the whole population. Hence, the
proliferation of new technology and communication, which is given as a
factor to weaken nationalism and national identity, actually helped it,
since education and information can be wide spread through these same
new technology and communication. The expansion of Oromo cultural
costumes and musical clips in the last decade is only an example of how
technology and communication may be deployed to boost nationalism and
to serve its causes.
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In a similar vein, Manuel Castells argued that the threat of cultural
homogenization is actually one of the factors that contributed to minority
culture struggling to find a fitting niche in global net.
Furthermore, evidence presented in the same essay that a supranational
integration such as the EU has in fact reinvigorated nationalism in memberstates lest they would lose their cultural specificity. Despite Habermass
thesis that supranational integration such as EU has shifted to post
nationalism, the extensive resurgence of nationalist parties in the EU
contradict the alleged shift.
Liberal and pro-globalization thinker and renowned journalist Fareed
Zakaria has also argued that nationalism is rising in non-western countries
as result of economic growth. In his book titled Post American World,
Fareed said, as economic fortunes rise, so does nationalism by citingexample from China. He said
Imagine that you lived in a country that had been poorand unstable for centuries. And then, finally things turnand your nation is on the rise. You would be proud andanxious to be seen. This desire for recognition andrespect is surging throughout the world. It may seemparadoxical that globalization and economicmodernization are being breeding political nationalism,but that is so only if we view nationalism as a backward
ideology, certain to be erased by the onward march ofprogress.
In conclusion, in situation like ours (i.e., that of the Oromo) where our
people have been marginalized for century and exposed to severe
oppression, economic exploitation and cultural subjugation, the argument
that globalization would make Oromo nationalism superseded is simply a
self deception. Even if we give the benefit of doubt for those who argue
that globalization would undermine nationalism, this cannot be the case in
our circumstance. The reason is very clear. Those who have theopportunity to benefit from globalized economic activity (this is a
contested notion for developing countries) are those who have control
over their own political and economic infrastructure. This means the
dominant group who has got control over their own and others political
and economic infrastructure are those who benefit from globalized
economy and therefore become powerful and prosperous. As a result, it
will give them an additional leverage to strengthen their repressive power
and provide them with enhanced means to exploit.
Consequently, such phenomenon would further marginalize the alreadymarginalized nations like Oromo. The already enormous and infuriating
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disparity would intensify the competition between dominant and
oppressed nationalisms which in effect entails further repression. Hence,
as long as the structural violence and systemic problem intrinsic to the
Ethiopian hegemonic state endures, national self determination would
remain a legitimate demand for the oppressed peoples in general andOromo nation in particular. Nationalism continues to be a powerful
motivation behind these demands. And from the look of things, it is bound
to stay.